The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those Oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described : in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.
Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652., Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644., Havers, G. (George)
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THE TRAVELS OF Peter Della Valle, Sirnamed The Traveller.

Containing a DESCRIPTION of the EAST-INDIES, &c.

LETTER I.

From Suràt,March 22. Anno 1623.

IN the beginning of this year, at my departure [ I] from Persia, I writ last to you from aboard the Ship call'd the Whale, in which I was newly embarqu'd upon the coasts of that Country, and had not yet begun my Voyage. Since which time having sail'd over a good part of the Ocean, arriv'd at the famous Countries of India, travell'd and view'd no inconsiderable portion thereof; by conveniency of the same Ship which brought me hither, and is ready to set sail speedily towards Muchà in the Arabian Gulph, (and the rather for that a German Gentleman a friend of mine is embarqu'd in her, with an intention to travel from thence, in case he can get passage, to see Aethiopia;) with this Letter (which I recommend to him to get transmitted into Italy, if possible, from those Ports of the Red Sea, or by the way of Cairo, where Page  2 they trade, or by some other conveyance) I come again to give you an Account of my Adventures, and the Curiosities which have hitherto afforded delicious repast to my alwayes hungry Intellect. To begin therefore: Upon Thursday the 19 of January, having dispatch'd and taken order for what was needful, a little before day, after the discharge of some Guns, as 'tis the custome at going off from any Coast, we began leisurely to display our sails, moving but slowly, because we waited for the ship∣boat which was still at shore; upon whose return we unfolded all our Canvase, and though with a small gale, directed our course between the Islands of Ormuz and Kesom, passing on the outer side of Ormuz next Arabia, in regard the shallowness of the Channel towards Persia afforded not water enough for such great Ships as ours. We were in company only two English Ships, namely, the Whale, which was the Captain-ship, (in which I was embarqu'd) commanded by Captain Nicholas Woodcock, and another call'd the Dolphin, which had for Captain, Ma∣ster Matthew Willis. At noon, being near Lareck, and no wind stirring, we cast Anchor without falling our sails, and our Captain sent his long boat a shore to Lareck, with two Grey-hounds which the English of Combrù had given him, to catch what game they could light upon. Towards night we set sail again; but though the wind somewhat increas'd, yet because the boat was not return'd we struck sail a little, and staid for it, discharging also several musket-shots, to the end those that were in it might hear and see where we were: And because 'twas one a clock in the night, and the Boat was not yet come, we doubted some disaster might have befaln it, in regard of the multitude of those Arabian Thieves call'd Nouteks, which rob upon that Sea, and frequently reside in this Island of Lareck: Yet at length it return'd safe and sound, and brought us abun∣dance of Goats; whereupon we again spread our sails freely to the wind, which was pretty stiff, although not much favour∣able to our course. However, we went onwards, plying from the coast of Arabia to that of Persia; and on Saturday morning, as we drew near the Arabian shore, we saw three small Islands, situate near one another, and not far from a certain Cape, the name of which, and the Islands, they could not tell me, so as that I might set it down truly; whereby I perceiv'd how it comes to pass that many names of places in these parts are very corruptly written in Geographical Charts; for in the Countries themselves, where commerce is had for the most part with rude and ignorant people, few of them know how to pronounce the same aright. On Sunday we went from our Ship to recreate our selves in the Dolphin, our companion, where the Captain entertain'd us liberally all day. In the mean time we had a good fresh gale, and sailing directly in the middle of the gulf, we beheld both the coasts of Arabia Felix and Persia; and in the latter discern'd a famous white Rock, which standing in the midst of a Page  3 low sandy shore, looks like a little hill made by hand. We pass'd the Cape, which they call in Persian Com barick, that is, small sand; and the next night we left behind us the point or peak of Giasck. On Monday, the Sea being calm, the Captain and I were standing upon the deck of our ship, discoursing of sundry matters▪ and he took occasion to shew me a piece of a Horn which he told me himself had found in the year 1611. in a Northern Country, whither he then sail'd, which they call Green∣land, lying in the latitude of seventy six degrees. He related how he found this horn in the earth, being probably the horn of some Animal dead there; and that when it was intire it was between five and six feet long, and seven inches in cir∣cumference at the root, where it was thickest. The piece which I saw (for the horn was broken, and sold by pieces in several places) was something more then half a span long, and little less then five inches thick; the colour of it was white, inclining to yellow, like that of Ivory when it is old; it was hollow and smooth within, but wreath'd on the outside. The Captain saw not the Animal, nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea; for according to the place where he found it, it might be as well one as the other: but he believ'd, for certain, that it was of a Unicorn; both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much, and for that the signes at∣tributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this, as he conceiv'd. But herein I dissent from him; inasmuch as, if I remember aright, the horn of the Unicorn, whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros, is by Pliny describ'd black, and not white. The Captain added that it was a report, that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America, not far from that Country of Greenland; and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland, a neighbouring Country, and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island; and that they might some∣times come thither from the contiguous lands of America, in case it be no Island. This Country of Greenland is of late discovery; and the first Christian that discover'd it, or went thither, was this Captain Woodcock, in the year above-mention'd; and he gave it the name of Greenland upon this account, because where∣as the other Northern Countries thereabouts are destitute of grass, (whence the white Bears and Wolves which inhabit them live upon dead Whales and other like things) he found this green and full of Grass, although it be always cover'd over with Snow; so that when the Animals there mind to feed, they hollow the snow with their feet, and easily find the grass which is kept continually fresh under the same. The English now yearly sail thither, where they take abundance of Whales; and some so vast, that when they open the mouth, the wideness is above three Geometrical paces, or fifteen foot over. Of these Whales the English make Oyle, drawing it onely out of the fat of their paunch; and they make such plenty, that out of one single Page  4 Whale, they say, they often get 19, 20, and 21, Tun of Oyl. This Greenland, by what Captain Woodcock saw, who dis∣cover'd it, from the end of seventy six degrees, to seventy eight and a half, (the cold not suffering him to go further) was un-inhabited; he not having found any person there but only wild beasts of many sorts. The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn which he found, because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries, and, besides their salary, must make no other profit of their Voyages; but what ever they gain or find, in case it be known, and they conceal it not, all accrues to the Company that employes them. When the Horn was in∣tire, it was sent to Constantinople to be sold, where two thousand pounds Sterling was offer'd for it: But the English Company hoping to get a greater rate sold it not at Constantinople, but sent it into Muscovy, where much about the same price was bidden for it; which being refus'd, it was carry'd back into Turkey, and fell of its value; a much less sum being now proffer'd then before. Hereupon the Company conceiv'd, that it would sell more easily in pieces, then intire; because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate. Accordingly they broke it, and it was sold by pieces in sundry places; yet for all this, the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hun∣dred pounds Sterling. And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it, and this was it which he shew'd me.

On the 25. of January, sailing in the main Sea with the prow [ II] of the Ship South East and by East; and, as I conceive, at a good distance from the Country of Macran, (which I conjecture to be part either of the ancient Caramania, or else of Gedrosia, and at this day having a Prince of its own, lyes upon the Sea Coast between the States of the Persian and those of the Moghol) we discern'd behind us three or four Ships which seem'd to be Frigots or Galliots, but towards Evening we lost sight of them. The same day, and the other before, began to be seen in the Sea abundance of certain things, which I took to be Snakes, or at least fishes in the form of Snakes, being exactly of the form of large Eeles, long and round, and according to the motion of the water seem'd crooked as they floated along the Sea. Neverthe∣less demanding of intelligent persons what they were, I under∣stood that they were neither those Animals, nor yet living things, but onely a kind of excrement of the Sea in that shape, void of all motion, saving what the agitated water gave it; al∣though by reason of the motion of the ship they seem'd to move contrary to us, whilst we saw them left behind. And they told me, that the nearer we came to India, we should see more of these things. The next Evening, our Captain, who was a little more merry then ordinary, (because, the Captain of the Dolphin dining with us that day, he had drank pretty freely in conver∣sation) discoursing with me, as he was wont, after Supper, spoke very frankly to me concerning their affairs of Ormuz: In conclu∣sion Page  5 he told me, that their Treaty with the Persians stood thus; That if they would deliver to the English the Fortress of Ormuz, with half the revenues of the Custom-house and the City, as they desir'd from the beginning; then the English would people Ormuz, and restore the trade as formerly, keeping the same con∣tinually open with Persia; and that for this purpose, and also for guarding that Sea against the Portugals and other Enemies, they would keep four ships in Ormuz. That when this were agreed upon, the English would transport a good number of people from England, and whole Families with Wives and Children, to dwell in Ormuz, as the Portugals did before: and then they would prosecute the War against the Portugals at Machat, and every where else. But if these things were not agreed to, they would make War no longer against the Portugals; nor car'd they for the Traffick of Persia upon other terms. Now should these Treaties take effect, they would in no wise be advantagious for the Catholick Religion; and were there no more to be fear'd, the Portugals would thereby be for ever excluded from recovering Ormuz; yea, all the rest which they possess in those parts would be in great danger. Imanculi Beig, who was Ge∣neral of the Persians in the late Wars, and with whom the English treated in Combrù concerning this affair, Captain Woodcock said, he inclin'd to the bargain; but it was not known what the Chan of Sciraz, and (which is more important) the King would do. On one side, I know, the Persians insisted much upon having Ormuz wholly to themselves; accounting it a small matter to have gain'd, with so much War, and loss of men, onely the half, or rather less then half, the Fortress being deducted which the English demanded for themselves; so that the Persians would have but the same interest there as the King of Ormuz had with the Portugals, and no more. They conceive also, that they have done little, and perhaps ill, should they make no greater acqui∣sition, in having onely chang'd the Portugals in Ormuz for the English, and Christians for Christians; that upon easier terms it might be hop'd, that perhaps the Portugals, after the loss of Ormuz, would agree with the Persians, now there was no more to lose, and onely give the Persians that which the King of Ormuz, a Mahometan like themselves, injoy'd. Moreover, to the Persian, no doubt, the friendship of the Portugals would be more profitable, in regard of the many States which they possess in India, from whence they may with more facility and certainty maintain the accustomed Commerce with Persia. But, on the other side, to see the Portugals so worsted, and the English more fortunate, at least, and couragious, if not more strong, 'tis a clear case that Ormuz will never be reinhabited, nor Trade set on foot again, unless some Nation of the Franks, which have ships and strength at sea, reside there (things which the Persians wholly want, there being neither Mariners nor Timber in Persia, about that Sea, to build ships) and the loss resulting to Persia by the extinguish∣tinguishing Page  6 of this Traffick, the charge of maintaining the Fortress of Ormuz without any profit, and the continual danger of losing it every hour, unless the English guard the Sea with their ships and help to defend it; these and other like considerations may not im∣probably induce the King of Persia (contented to have demonstra∣ted his power and valor, and chastis'd his Enemies, the Portugals, according to his desire) to grant the English as much as they de∣mand: For he should not yield it to them upon force, but out of his liberality; and for his own profit give them that freely, which to retain to himself, as things now stand, would not onely be of no advantage, but of loss. Peradventure he may also imagine now, in the pride of his victory, that as with help of the English he has driven the Portugals out of Ormuz; so 'twill be easie for him to expel the English too, either by the help of others, or else by his own Forces alone, should they not comply with him. However, because these Treaties with the Persian are manag'd by the Company, of Merchants who also made the War, and not by the King of England; and hitherto 'tis not known, whe∣ther their King approve the fact or no, and will prosecute or let fall the enterprize; therefore, for a total conclusion, besides the consent of the King of Persia, they also wait the determination of the King of England; and the greatest hope I have of the defeat∣ing of these projects so prejudicial to the Catholicks, is this alone, that the English King will not meddle in them, and, per∣haps also, prohibit his Subjects so to do; as a person whom we know to be a Friend to Peace, most averse from all kind of War, especially with the King of Spain, while the Match of his Son with the Daughter of Spain is in agitation.

In the mean time we began to find the Sea sufficiently rough, [ III] being got wholly out of the Persian Gulph, and enter'd into the open Sea, (term'd by the Ancients Mare rubrum, and by us at this day the Southern Ocean) and having pass'd not onely the Cape of Giasck, but also that of Arabia, which the Portugals vulgarly call Rosalgate, as it is also set down in the Maps; but properly ought to be call'd Ras el had, which in the Arabian Tongue sig∣nifies Capo del fine, or the Cape of the Confine, because 'tis the last of that Country, and is further then any other extended in∣to the Sea; like that of Galicia in our Europe, which for the same reason we call Finis Terrae. On Saturday, the 28. of Janu∣ary, having taken the meridional altitude of the Sun, according to daily custom, and made such detraction of degrees as was ne∣cessary, we found our selves twenty three degrees five minutes distant from the Equinoctial towards the North: whence by consequence we had pass'd the Tropick of Cancer twenty six mi∣nutes and a half, according to the opinion of the Moderns, who reckon the Sun's greatest declination where the Tropicks are, twenty three degrees thirty one minutes and a half distant from the Equinoctial. During the succeeding dayes we sail'd with a brisk but favourable wind, and with a Sea not tempestuous Page  7 but something rough. Every day about the hour of noon the Sun's altitude was infallibly observ'd, not onely by the Pilots, as the custom is in all ships, and the Captain, (who was a good Seaman, and perform'd all the exercises of Art very well) but (which pleas'd me most, and which I thought worthy of great praise and imitation) there was no day, but at that hour twenty or thirty mariners, masters, boys, young men, and of all sorts came upon the deck to make the same observation; some with Astrolabes, others with Cross-staffs, and others with several other instruments, particularly with one which they told me was lately invented by one David, and from his name call'd David's-staff. This Instrument consists of two Triangles united together, one longer then the other, both having their base arch'd, and between them in the circle of their bases containing an intire quadrant of ninty degrees. But whereas the shortest Triangle, whose Angles are less acute, contains sixty degrees divided by tens (according to custom) in the circle of its base, which are two thirds of a quadrant; the other longer and of acuter Angles, which extends much backward, and opens in a wider circle at the base, comprehends no more then thirty, which make the remainder of the quadrant; so that the longer Triangle contains fewer degrees by half then the shorter; and he that would have the degrees larger for the better subdividing them into minutes, may make the circle or base of the lesser Triangle take up seventy degrees, and so there will remain to the longer no more then twenty for the complement of the quadrant. Ac∣cording to this distribution, the degrees in the longer Triangle will come to be so large, as to be capable of the smallest division of minutes; a thing very important. Besides, it hath two Fanes or Sights, in each Triangle one, which are to be mov'd back∣ward and forward; and with these, that is, with that of the long Triangle, the level of the Horizon is taken; and with the other of the short Triangle, that of the Sun; with this fur∣ther conveniency, that the Sights being sufficiently large, are therefore very expedient for performing the operation with speed, notwithstanding the dancing of the ship when the Sea is rough; in which case, if the Sights be too small, 'tis hard to make any observation. With this Instrument, and several others, many of the English perform'd their operations every day; such as knew not how to do them well, were instructed; and if any one err'd in computation or otherwise, his error was shew'd him, and the reason told him, that so he might be train'd to work exactly: The opinion of the skilful was heard, and taken notice of; and at length all the observations being compar'd together, the Pilot and the Captain resolv'd, and with mature counsel de∣termin'd of all; by which means their voyages are very well manag'd, and almost always succeed prosperously to them. In the Portugal ships I hear the contrary comes to pass; because the Pilots being extremely jealous of their affairs (an habitual Page  8 humour of that Nation) will be alone to make their observati∣ons, and for the most part perform them in secret, without any Associate to see them: Should any other person in the ship offer to take the altitude of the Sun, or look upon the Map or Com∣pass, or do any thing that relates to the well guiding of the Ves∣sel, and knowing its course, they would quarrel with him, and by no means suffer him to do it; being averse that any other should meddle with what they say is their office and belongs to them alone. From their being so little communicative, and very averse to teach others, it happens that few amongst them un∣derstand any thing of the Art of Navigation, there being none that will teach it experimentally; and they understand little enough, because they have no conference about the practical part, and learn much less of the Theory. This is the reason that their ships frequently miscarry, to the incredible detriment both of particular persons and of the Kingdom: And which is worse, 'tis said that not onely many of them are lost through the ignorance or negligence of those that guide them, but also sometime by malice: For the Portugal Pilots have got a custom when they are to make a Voyage, to take up great sums of mo∣ney at Lisbon upon interest, the most they can get to trade with∣all; and they take the same by way of Venture upon the ships which they guide: Now when by the way any small disaster befalls them, they not onely avoid it not, as many times they might do, but, if they be of evil intention, they cunningly run the ships aground either in these Coasts of Africa or elsewhere; so that though oftentimes the people, and also the arms, goods, especially of the greatest value be sav'd, yet so it is, that some∣times many perish or suffer excessive loss; and this onely to the end, that the shipwrack may be the occasion of their remaining gainers of the monies taken up at interest upon the hazard afore∣said; which monies they carry not with them to trade withall, but leave all at home in Portugal: A practice indeed very per∣nicious, and which ought to be most rigorously punish'd: but the Portugals have now no King in their Country to mind their affairs, and the government depends upon Madrid, where per∣haps they that administer it, being more intent upon their pri∣vate interests then the publick, these and infinite other disor∣ders pass unredress'd. The English, on the contrary, and other Europaeans which sail upon the Ocean, are most diligent and strict observers of all exact discipline, and of what concernes the good conduct of their ships; and because they well under∣stand all the most exquisite points of Navigation, and are ex∣tremely curious, as well in the Practice as in the Theory, they spare no pains, and neglect not the doing of any thing whereby they may render their Navigations in all places more easie and secure: Insomuch that Captain Woodcock, upon occasion of his having staid a year and odd moneths with his ship in the Persian Gulph, shew'd me a Chart or Plat-form of the whole Streight Page  9 of Ormuz, made by himself during that time with the highest exactness; for he had not onely taken the most just measures and distances of all the adjacent places, but also sounded all the Coast with a plummet, to find all the convenient places where great ships, such as theirs, might ride and cast anchor when occasion should require.

On the Third of February, conceiving by our reckoning that [ IIII] we were near India, in the Evening we let down the plummet into the Sea, as we us'd often to do, and found it not above se∣venteen fathom; whereby 'twas concluded, that we were little more then six leagues distant from land, although by reason of the darkness of the Air none could be yet discern'd; because that precise depth of water uses to be found in those Seas at that di∣stance from land. The Captain, who by well observing the Sun and the Winds, had every day diligently noted the ships way in the Map, as the custom is, hop'd that we might be near the City of Daman, which lies within the Gulph of Cambaia, on the right hand as you enter into it, a good way inwards; but I, without having so much minded the Maps, said, that I conceiv'd we were much lower, and more without the Gulph towards Bas∣sain; because although we had always sail'd and kept the ships prow directed to Daman by the shortest line, yet for the two or three last dayes we had had the Wind for that place contrary; which although it hinder'd us not from holding our course, be∣cause we help'd our selves with the rudder, and siding of the sails, yet the violence of the Wind must needs have continually driven the ship something lower then we intended. Two hours after midnight, the current of the Gulph of Cambaia being con∣trary, against which, by reason of its impetuosness, there is no sailing for a while, but the ship must stay either for the turning of it, (which is known when it will happen, because it regularly changes according to the hours and days of the Moon) or for a strong Wind wherewith to master the current; for this reason, and also that the day-light might resolve us in what place we were, we cast anchor, and struk sail, to wait for a more fitting time. The Sea in this place began to be very rough, which happens by reason of the strong current which it hath. The next Morning we discern'd land afar off, and, according to my conjecture, it appear'd that we were lower, that is, more to the South of Daman about twelve leagues, in a place a little distant from Bassain, which the English call Terra di San Giovanni, but in the Sea-Chart is noted in the Portugal Tongue with the name of Ilhas das vaccas, or the Islands of Cows. About one a clock in the Afternoon, the Tide being become less contrary, we set sail again by degrees, approaching still nearer the shore of India. But a little before Night the current turning against us, we were constrain'd to cast anchor once more; nevertheless after mid∣night it became favourable again, and we sail'd onwards by de∣grees till day. This slow course through the Gulph of Cambaia,Page  10 with the plummet always in hand, and sounding every hour, it was requisite for us to hold, because the place is dangerous, in regard of the many shelves or quick-sands which are in it, and especially because the current, which turns every six hours, now setting one way, and anon the other, causes great hindrance. By reason of which shelves, from the time of our entrance into the Gulph, we did not guide the ship directly towards Suràt, which no doubt would have been the shortest way by a strait line, but keeping lower towards Daman, fetch'd a large compass to the South, tacking about afterwards to the North when we were near land, onely to avoid the many shelves and shallows, through which our great ships could not pass. On Sunday, the the fifth of February, being at anchor in the Morning, we dis∣cover'd near the land, which was not very far from us, ten or fifteen Frigots or Galliots sailing Eastwards; which probably were either Portugal or Indian Merchants of some Cafila, (as they call a Fleet or Consort of ships) coming from Cambaia to go to Goa, or some other place thereabouts. The night following, we heard the report of Artillery, which we conceiv'd to come from the City of Daman, being the place nearest us. Wednesday night after, the Wind blew somewhat hard against us, in regard whereof, and the strength of the current which carry'd us in that narrow channel amongst shelves and quick-sands, we sail'd for a good while very circumspectly, and not without some danger. On Thursday we stood right against the mouth of the River of Suràt, which City is not situate upon the shore, but some leagues within land: And because there is no station there for great ships, we continued sailing Northwards to the place where is the Port most frequented by the ships of Europe; which though the best of all that Coast, yet the Vessels of that Country, not knowing so well how to steer, make not much use of it, because the entrance is a little difficult. On Fryday the tenth of Febru∣ary, in the Afternoon, the favour of the current failing us, we cast anchor in sight of the Port of Suràt at a little distance; and our boat going a shore, the President of the English Merchants (who uses to reside in Suràt, and is superintendent of all their Trade in East-India, Persia, with the other places depending on the same, is now one Mr. Thomas Rastel) perceiving our ships near, and being at that time at the Sea-side near the landing place, came in our boat to the ships, together with one of their Ministers, (so they call those who exercise the office of Priests) and two other Merchants; and after a collation and a supper lodg'd with us all night. He spoke Italian very well, and made me many civil offers and complements; shewing himself in all things a a person sufficiently accomplish'd, and of generous deportment, according as his gentile and graceful aspect bespoke him. He inform'd me, that SigrAlberto di Scilling, a German Gentleman, known to me in Persia, having return'd from the Court of the Moghol, and other parts of India, which he had travell'd to Page  11 see, was at that time in Surat, from whence he was gone to see the City of Barocci hard by, and would return speedily: with which intelligence I was much pleas'd, because Sig: Alberto was my great friend, and I extremely desir'd to see him. On Saturday Morning we convers'd together for some time, drinking a little of hot wine boyl'd with Cloves, Cinnamon, and other spices, which the English call burnt wine, and use to drink frequently in the Morning to comfort the stomack, sipping it by little and little for fear of scalding, as they do Cahue, (Coffee) by me else∣where describ'd. And they use it particularly in the Winter to warm themselves; though in India 'tis not necessary for that end, because albeit 'twas still Winter, according to our division of the seasons, yet we had more heat there then cold. After this short refection, the President return'd a shore, and I remain'd in the ship, not expecting to disimbarque till we were got into the Harbour, which was a little before night, and the anchors were cast very near the land: but because 'twas now late, and the City of Surat was a good distance off, none of us car'd to land. Nor did I go out of the ship on Sunday, both because it was a sacred day, and because our Captain was pleas'd to give an Enter∣tainment to us and the Captain of the Dolphin, our companion in the voyage. Monday, the thirteenth of the same moneth, was the day of my Ague, whereof I had had divers fits by the way at sea; nevertheless, after a collation I went on shore, together with the Captain of our ship, where we continu'd under certain tents pitch'd for convenience of the Tonnellers, (so the English term certain of their Mariners imploy'd to fill the Casks with water) in expectation of Coaches to carry us to Surat; there being in those Countries subject to the Moghol, abundance of Coaches made after their fashion, which I formerly describ'd when I saw some of them at Casbin, which the Indian Ambassador gave, amongst his presents, to the King of Persia; nor remains any thing more to be said of them, but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots, describ'd by Strabo, and are generally cover'd with crimson silk,* fring'd with yellow round about the roof and the curtains: And that the Oxen, which also as anciently draw the same, are fair, large, white, with two bunches like those of some Camells, and run and gallop like Horses; they are likewise cover'd with the same stuff, but beset with many tufts or tassels, and abundance of bells at their necks; so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance, and make a very brave show. With these kind of Coaches in India, they not onely go in Cities, but also for the most part travel in the Country. To the Sea side came no Coach, and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off, call'd Sohali, where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks, who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be ship'd: but I could not accompany him, be∣cause Page  12 of my Ague, and therefore staid in a Tent, well cover'd with Clothes upon my bed, which I caus'd to be laid upon the ground, waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach, and Carts from the City for my goods. Whilst I was lying in this place, the violence of my fit was scarce over, when I beheld a Cavalier ap∣pear on the shore on Horse-back, cloth'd and arm'd after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target, who came towards our Tent, and stood still to speak with some person, as if he in∣quir'd for something among us: Upon his nearer approach, and my better considering him, I perceiv'd 'twas my great friend Sig: Alberto di Scilling, who being return'd from Barocci, whi∣ther the President had told me he was gone, and hearing news of us, was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me. Whereupon, raising my self suddenly from the bed, we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends, who come from far, and have not seen one another a long time; after which sitting down together, we recounted our adventures one to the other at length, he much condoling my misfortunes, and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr, with which we went together to the Town Sohali, where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Col∣lation ready prepar'd, which immediately they gave us, enter∣taining us in conversation till night; and certain Indian Women of the Town, publick dancers, gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums, Bells, and other instruments of their fashion, which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise, and not without disturbance of my head. A little within night the Captains took leave of us, and returned to their ships, and we betook our selves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town, because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat, the Gates of the City being shut in the night time, at least that of the Dogana, or Custom-house, through which we were to pass. They told us the way to the City was seven Cos, or Corù, (for 'tis all one) and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna, or league of Persia; so that it answers to little less then two English Miles.

The next Morning very early we put our selves on the way [ V] towards Surat, and being I conceiv'd my abode there would be but short, and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea; therefore to avoid greater trouble, both of convey∣ance and of the Dogana, or Custom-house, which is known to be rigorous in Surat, I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship, and carry'd with me onely such few things as were re∣quisite for daily use. The high-way from the Sea side to the City, (as 'tis also generally in this province of Guzarat, wherein we were) is all very even; the soil green all the year, and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts, Tama∣rinds, and other fruits. Beyond the Town the Trees are not so Page  13 plentiful, unless near certain houses; but the fields are every where either ploughed, or full of living creatures feeding in them. We arriv'd at the City in good time, in the entrance of which there is a River call'd Tapì, or Taptì, which was to be pass'd over by boat: On the other side of which River, something on the right hand as you go into the City, which hath no walls, stands a Castle lately built, but very ill design'd. Moreover, near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana, or Custom-house, and it took us up some time to dispatch there, because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in, (although they be but Clothes for change) to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customes; nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence, as 'tis also practis'd in Venice. In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order, that it being known that I conducted with me the SigraMariuccia, although a girl very young, the Capo, or President of the Dogana, requir'd likewise to be inform'd of her quality, and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder: otherwise, in lawful things, there is no difficulty, either through diversity of Religion, or upon any other account. We were no sooner come to the Dogana, but the news of our arrival was, I think, by Sig: Al∣berto's means, carried to the House of the Dutch, many of which have Wives there which they married in India, purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in Java Major, which they call Batavia Nova; where very great priviledges are granted to such of their Country-men as shall go to live there with Wives and Families: For which end, many of them, for want of Eu∣ropaean, have taken Indian, Armenian, and Syrian Women, and of any other race that falls into their hands, so they be or can be made Christians. Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountred at Sea, and partly sunk, partly taken by the Hollanders; amongst other booty, three Maidens were taken, of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge, with a dowry which the King gives them, to the end they may be married in India, in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts. These three Virgins fal∣ling into the hands of the Hollanders, and being carry'd to Suràt, which is the principal seat of all their traffick, the most eminent Merchants amongst them strove who should marry them, being all passably handsome. Two of them were gone from Suràt, whether to the abovesaid Colony, or elsewhere, I know not. She that remain'd behind was call'd Donna Lucia, a young Woman, fair enough, and Wife to one of the wealthiest and eminentest Hollanders. The President of the Hollanders call'd by them the Commendator, who resides in Suràt, and has the general superintendency of their affairs in all these parts of the East, is at this time Sig: Pietro Vandenbroecke, a Gentleman of good breed∣ing, Page  14 and very courteous; he speaks no Italian, but Spanish very well, as being born at Antwerp: He lives in a goodly Palace, which hath many distinct apartments, with several entrances into a Court, like so many different houses, onely included within the same wall, which is entred into by one great Gate: Here the Commendator holds the best and largest apartment to himself; in the rest lodge some of their gravest Merchants, which are of the Council for management of affairs, in order to their better conveniency and union, besides many others of inferior con∣dition, which live out of this great inclosure, dispers'd elsewhere in the City, and when occasion requires, they all repair to the Pa∣lace of the Commendator. Amongst those whose habitation was in the Palace of the Commendator, Donna Lucia's Husband has one of the principal, where he lives with his family and and Wife, whom, according to the custom of India, he maintains with much splendor and gallantry. Now upon their knowledge of our arrival, Donna Lucia presently sent her coach to bring Sig: Mariuccia to her house, for her better accommodation with her, till we had setled out business, and provided lodgings. I was well pleas'd with the motion, because till I had well accommodated my self with a place of residence, the Sig: Mariuccia could not be better dispos'd of then with this Portugal Gentlewoman, who is a Christian, and withal secretly a Catholick, with the privity and connivance of her Husband, although in publick she makes a virtue of necessity, and in appearance conformes to the unhap∣py mode of that Nation, into whose power the fortune of war and the disaster of her Country-men hath brought her. Sig: Al∣berto Scilling, had, before we came from the Sea-side, importun'd me in the name of the Commendator to lodge at his house; which favour I much thank'd him for, and handsomely declin'd, not thinking fit to accept it, because I had receiv'd and wav'd the like invitation made to me before by the English President, who thought me the more oblig'd to comply with his offer, be∣cause I came in their Ships: But I excus'd my self both to the Commendator and the President; partly, because I was desirous to be at liberty by my self, and partly, for that it was requisite for Sig: Mariuccia to be amongst Women, of which there was none in the English House. Being got quit of the Custom-house, I went to see for a House; and because I was a new comer, and and had no servant that knew the City, I referr'd my self to the direction of Sig: Alberto, who took this care upon himself, and soon after told me he had sent to get one prepar'd and put in good order; But by what I found afterwards, he had contriv'd with the Dutch Commendator onely to delude me; for as he was car∣rying me to the place where he pretended to have taken a House for me, he made me pass by the Palace of the Hollanders, out of the Gate whereof a Gentleman belonging to the Commen∣dator step'd forth, and invited me in his name to alight from my Horse, and at least stay and dine with him that day, the rather Page  15 because SigraMariuccia was there; telling me that it was not conve∣nient for me wait in the streets undecently and tediously, whilst a House was preparing for me elsewhere, which could not be done so speedily. Notwithstanding which reasons, I endeavour'd all that possibly I could to decline this invitation, out of respect to the English President, and with affectionate thanks desir'd the Gentleman to excuse me to the Sigr Commendator, straining my self to correspond to his courtesie with the best Comple∣ments I had: But this avail'd me little; for as I was hastening to break off the discourse and be gone, the Commendator him∣self came forth into the street half undress'd as he was in the house, and taking hold of my Horse's bridle, told me that he would by no means suffer me to go any where else now it was late without certain quarters; at least, I must needs stay and dine with him that day. Beholding him thus on foot before me, I alighted in civility from my Horse, and with the best words I could, endeavour'd to get quit from the courteous violence which he us'd to me: But there was no remedy; he held me pri∣soner, as I may say, and I was fain to stay dinner with him as he desir'd. Moreover, when night came, being I was resolv'd to lodge in another House of mine own, under pretext that none could be got though sought for all day, (wherein I know not whether SigrAlberto deluded me too) I was forc'd to accept of a large House from the Commendator which he had taken for himself, before his late removal to that great Palace wherein he liv'd with the rest of his Country-men; which former House re∣maining empty at his charge and disposal, I was by his great importunity oblig'd to accept: Wherefore I went to lodge there this night, and for the conveniency of SigraMariuccia, they sent thither one of their Wives, a young Christian Woman of Arme∣nian race, though born in India, with some other women-ser∣vants. Now lest the English President should take this ill, I purpos'd to prevent him with terms of courtesie; and the next Morning after a short, and the last fit of my Tertian, I went to give him a visit, and make my excuses to him by representing to him the reasons of what had pass'd with the Hollanders, without any voluntary fault of mine: But upon my enquiry at his House, and sending my message to him, I was answer'd that he was not at home, although we perceiv'd by certain signes that he was, but fairly declin'd to receive my visit. Wherefore understand∣ing afterwards that he was much incens'd not onely against me, but also against the Holland Commendator, conceiving that he had unhandsomely stolne and usurp'd me from him, (as he said) in regard of the interest he had in us, upon the account of our be∣ing brought thither in their ships; and that he had a more par∣ticular displeasure against SigrAlberto, knowing him to have been the principal occasion of all, I thought it expedient to appease him by all means, and upon what ever terms of satisfaction: Ne∣vertheless I did not judge it meet to venture another repulse by Page  16 going to visit him, but sent him a Letter in justification of my self, with all the civil expressions I could devise. At first he was something backward to receive it, doubting perchance that I had written angerly to him, in regard of my preceding visit: yet at length, upon the request of some mediators whom I made use of, he took it, read it, and remain'd very well satisfied with my proceedings, in which there was nothing but gentleness. The Commendator likewise, being one of an excellent nature, us'd all means he could to give the President satisfaction, and to shew him that what he had done with us was to no ill end; he went purposely to visit him, carrying Sig: Alberto with him, to the end he might justifie himself too: both of them intreated, and both of them took the blame upon themselves; in fine, so much was done and said that the President was reconcil'd with all. And because it was insisted on my behalf that he would admit a visit from me, he consented upon this condition, that this first time should not be simply my visit but his invitation, which accordingly he made to us to come all together that night to supper with him, where he treated us very splendidly, and every thing ended in jollity and friendship as at first. And all the while that I stay'd at Suràt, he oblig'd me continually with sundry demonstrations of his affection; particularly, by often sending his own Coach to me, with his Interpreter, who is an Armenian Christian, and a Catholick, call'd Scander, Brother to F. Agostino Bagiezzi of Alingia, a Dominican, my acquaintance in Persia: which Interpreter being skill'd in the Country, and conversing with me in the Persian Tongue, carry'd me frequent∣ly abroad to see sundry things. As for the Hollanders, the ca∣resses and civilities which they have done, and still continue to me, are so numerous, that I shall have them in remembrance as long as I live. But 'tis time now to speak a little of this City, and the curiosities which here and elsewhere I have lately seen.

The City of Suràt is of a handsome greatness, and, for these [ VI] Countries, of sufficiently good building: 'Tis very populous, as all other Cities and places are in India, which every where abounds with people. The Inhabitants are partly Gentiles, and partly Mahometans; and, if I am not deceived, the former are the greater number: However, they live all mixt together and peaceably, because the Gran Moghol, to whom Guzaràt is now subject, (having sometimes had a distinct King) although he be a Mahometan (but not a pure one, as they report) makes no difference in his Dominions between the one sort and the other: and both in his Court and Armies, and even amongst men of the highest degree, they are of equal account and consideration. Yet the Mahometans, as the Masters, especially those of the Mogholian Race, which now is the Imperial in these parts, seems to have some little more of authority. But forasmuch as I have formerly survey'd and observ'd the manners of the Mahometans both in Turkey and Persia, I now turn my mind to those of the Page  17 Gentile-Idolaters in India, which are more new to me; and with such observations in reference to both, as shall seem worthy of notice, I shall not fail to acquaint you. In the first place, I shall give you the relation of a Nuptial Pomp, which I saw one day pass by my house in this manner; A long train of men with Drums and Trumpets before them march'd in the day time first, carrying cover'd baskets full of sundry things, which were either a Present sent from the Bridegroom to the Bride, or rather the attiring of the Bride, which uses to be publickly shewn in the East. Then follow'd on foot likewise some black Women-slaves, well cloth'd, being given to the Bride either by the Father or the Husband. Lastly, to conclude the Pomp, came a Palanchino, a kind of Litter, wherein persons of quality are wont to be carry'd in India. It was not of the ordinary form, which hang downwards upon one pole between the bearers before and be∣hind; but it was to be carry'd on high upon poles by four men, one at each corner, and it was cover'd all over with silk, yet no body was within it; so that I know not what it serv'd for, unless haply it was intended to transport the Bride to her Husband; this different fashion being for greater solemnity made use of, in such an occasion as Marriage. At night the married couples pass'd by, and, according to their mode, went round about the City with a numerous company. They were four, all very small Children, two boys and two girls; (for in India most Marriages are made at that age) and because they were not big enough to ride on Horse-back alone, therefore they were held up by so many well-grown men who sat upon the saddle. Before them went many Torches and Musical instruments, with a great troop of people on foot accompanying them. But the persons of qua∣lity follow'd in Coaches, of which there was a good number, and going one by one they made a very long train; whereby it was known that the married Children were of considerable quality.

Of remarkable things without the City, there is on one side [ VII] a very large Cistern or Artificial Pool, surrounded with stone-work, and contriv'd with many sides and angles, at which there are stairs leading down to the surface of the water. In the midst stands a little Island, which cannot be gone to but by boat or swimming. The Diametre of this Artificial Lake is two good furlongs, which in our parts would seem a competent largeness, but here 'tis not much; and this Fish-pond of Suràt is not ac∣counted among the greatest, but the least in India; where indeed they are numerous, and the most magnificent and goodly structures, or rather, the only structures in this Country which have any thing of magnificence or handsomeness. They are made in divers places by Princes, Governours of Countries, or other wealthy persons, for the publick benefit, and as works of Charity; because the soil, sutable to the Climate, is sufficiently hot, and aboundeth not in water: Rivers are not in all places; and Page  18 other running waters and springs there are scarce any, especially in the more in-land parts remote from the Sea; Rain likewise very seldome through the whole year, saving in that season call'd by them Pausecàl, which signifies, The time of rain, being about three moneths, beginning about the middle of June; and during which time, the Rain is continual and very great: whence some upon this account call these three moneths Winter, although the weather be then hottest, as well in India as in all the rest of the northern Hemisphere. And this, no doubt, proceeds from the Pro∣vidence of God; since, were it not for this great rain, India would be in regard of the great heat and drought at this time, unhabita∣ble; as likewise the whole torrid Zone, in which most of India lies, was believ'd by the Ancients, who had no knowledge of these marvellous rains, which render it not onely habitable, but also fertile and most delitious. Now, for that the Country is in some parts so scarce of water, many Cities and inhabited places have no other but the rain-water gather'd in these great Ci∣sterns; which are so capacious, that one of them suffices a City for a whole year and more: And it not onely affords drink to men and animals, but also they wash clothes and beasts in it when occasion requires, and make use of it to all purposes; whereby it comes to pass that in some places the water they have is not over clear; and the rude Indians care not for such delicacies, but 'tis enough for them if they have what is barely needful. The Cistern, or Lake of Suràt, hath a great Trench adjoyn'd to it on one side, long, large, and deep, over which certain small bridges are built; and it falls into another less Cistern a good way off, which though but small here compara∣tively, would yet be a very large one in our parts; 'tis built with many sides of stone like the former, as also the banks of the Trench are. Between the great Lake and the less, upon the Trench, stands a small Cupola, or arched Structure, made for the sepulture of some principal Mahometans of the Country; and, as they say, of two brethren who kill'd one the other, and of their Wives. 'Tis no long time since this Cistern was made, according to the common report, by a private man of this City, but sufficiently wealthy; whose Daughter, they say, or rather one descended from him, is still living, and I know not by what sinister hap of fortune, very poor, so that she hath scarce bread to eat: Wherein I observ'd a great ingratitude of the Citizens of Suràt, in suffering his heir to want food, who for their pub∣lick benefit had been at so great expence. This Poole of Suràt is call'd Gopì Telau, that is, the Poole of Gopì, which was his name who made it at his own charge. And although the King, who in those dayes rul'd over Guzaràt, did what he could to have it call'd after his own name; yet that of the Builder has been justly retain'd by the vulgar, and remains to this day. 'Tis not im∣probable,* that this Gopì, who made this Piscina of Suràt, is the same whom Giovanni di Barros in his second Decade of AsiaPage  19 frequently mentions with the title of Melìk, and relates to have been in those times, a little above a hundred years ago, a great friend to the Portugals; styling him often Lord of Barocci, and once, in the last book, Lord of Suràt;* but I rather believe that he was onely Governour of either of these Cities under the then Mahometan Kings of Cambaia, (as he speaks) that is, of Guza∣ràt; of which Province Cambaia is a principal, and in a manner the Maritine City, more known then the rest to the Portugals by trade; whence they have given its name to the whole King∣dome, although not Cambaia, but Ahmedabàd, more within land, is properly the Royal Seat. 'Tis therefore possible that Melìk Gopì, mention'd by Barros, made this Cistern when he was Governour of Suràt, it being the work and expence of such a person. Nor do the vulgar mistake in saying that he was a private man, since under the Mahometan Princes, who never allow any hereditary Lord in their Territories, the Governours of their Cities, and all other Ministers, (whom they choose indif∣ferently out of all sorts of people, and not seldome out of the lowest plebeians, and are always removable at pleasure) may with reason be call'd private persons, although advanc'd to what∣ever high dignity.

On an other side of the City, but out of the circuit of the [ VIII] houses, in an open place, is seen a great and fair Tree, of that kind which I saw in the sea coasts of Persia near Ormùz, cal∣led there Lul, but here Ber. The Gentiles of the Country hold it in great veneration for its greatness and age, visiting and honoring it often with their superstitious ceremonies, as dear and dedicated to a Goddess of theirs call'd Parvetì; whom they hold to be the Wife of Mahadeù, one of their greatest Deities. On the trunk of this Tree a little above the ground, they have rudely engraven a round circle, which really hath not any fea∣ture of a humane countenance, but according to their gross ap∣plication represents that of their Idol. This face they keep painted with a bright Flesh-colour, and this by a sacred rite of Religion; as the Romans also dy'd the face of Jupiter with Ver∣million, as Pliny testifies: Round about it are fastned Flowers, and abundance of a plant whose leaves resemble a Heart, call'd here Pan, but in other places of India, Betle. These leaves the Indians use to champ or chaw all day long, either for health's sake, or for entertainment and delight, (as some other Nations for the same reasons, or rather through evil custome, conti∣nually take Tobacco:) And therewith they mix a little ashes of sea-shels, and some small pieces of an Indian Nut sufficiently common, which here they call Foufel, and in other places Areca; a very dry fruit, seeming within like perfect wood; and be∣ing of an astringent nature they hold it good to strengthen the Teeth: Which mixture, besides its comforting the stomack, hath also a certain biting taste wherewith they are delighted; and, as they chaw it, it strangely dyes their lips and mouths red, Page  20 which also they account gallant; but I do not, because it appears not to be natural: They swallow down onely the juice after long mastication, and spit out the rest: In Visits, 'tis the first thing offer'd to the visitants; nor is there any society or pastime with∣out it. He that is curious to know more of it, may consult the Natural Historians who have written of the exotick Simples of India, particularly Garcias ab Horto, Christopher Acosta, Nicolaus Monardes, translated all together into Latin by Carolus Clusius. I shall onely add, that the fame I had heard in Persia of this Indian Masticatory, (especially from an Italian Fryer who had been in India, and told me 'twas a thing not onely of great nutriment, and very good for the stomack, but moreover of an exquisite re∣lish) made me desirous to try it. As for its other qualities I can say nothing; but there is no great matter in the taste, nor should I make much difference of chawing these leaves of Pan, or those of our Cedars. But to return to my Relation; Those flowers and leaves about the Idol's face carv'd in the Tree, are frequently chang'd, and fresh constantly supply'd; and those which at times are taken away, are given as a sacred thing to the people who come from all parts to visit it. In the same rude sculpture of a humane face, they have put certain eyes of Silver and Gold with some jewels, which were given by some persons who fool∣ishly believ'd themselves cur'd of maladies of the eyes, by virtue of the Idol: Before whom, upon a little hillock, stands conti∣nually one of their Gioghi, who among the Indians are a sort of Hermits; and sometimes I have seen a Woman too standing there. On high, there hangs a Bell, which those that come to make their foolish devotions, first of all ring out, as if thereby to call the Idol to hear them; then they fall to their adoration, which is commonly to extend both hands downwards as much as possible, being joyn'd together in a praying posture; which lifting up again by little and little, they bring to their mouths as if to kiss them; And lastly, extend them so joyn'd together, as high as they can, over their heads: Which gesticulation is us'd onely to Idols and sacred things; for to men, even to Kings them∣selves, they make the same Salutation (which in the Persian-Tongue they call Teslìm, and in their Indian, Sumbaia) only with the right hand. This ceremony being perform'd, some make their prayers onely standing, others prostrate themselves with their whole body groveling upon the earth, and then rise again; others onely touch the ground with the head and fore-head, and perform other like acts of Humility. After which, they go about the Tree, some once, others oftner, and then sprinkle before the Idol either Rice, or Oyle, or Milk, or other such things which are their Offerings and Sacrifices without blood; for to shed blood, e∣ven for Sacrifice, is not their custome; but to kill any sort of Ani∣mal is counted a great sin. Such as are of ability, give moreover some Almes to the person attending the service of the Idol; from whom in requital they receive the flowers and leaves which are Page  21 about the Idol, and that with great devotion, kissing them, and in token of reverence laying them upon their heads. A-side of this Tree, stands a very small Cupola, or Chappel, with a very narrow window for entrance; I saw not what was within it, but I was inform'd that Women who have no Children go in there sometimes, and after they have been there become fruitful by the virtue of the place; but as in false Religions every thing is imposture, so 'tis the opinion here, that the attendants of the Idol play fine pranks in this particular, either beguiling simple young Women, or satisfying the more crafty; whom indeed they sometimes cause to become pregnant, but 'tis by natural means without miracle, the Priests within the Chappel supply∣ing the defects of their Husbands. Moreover, on another side of this Tree, stands a square low Post, on which certain figures of Idols are engraven: and at the foot thereof, there is a little kind of trench or hole, where also they pour Milk and Oyle, and make divers other Oblations. They are very solicitous in keeping the Tree with every bough and leaf of it, not suffering it to be injur'd by animals or men, nor in any wise violated and profan'd. They tell a story of an Elephant who one day by chance eat but one single leaf of this Tree, for which being pu∣nish'd by the Idol, he dy'd within three dayes: Which story I understood to be thus far true, namely that the event was in this manner; but 'twas thought that for the reputation of the place, the attendants of the Idol either poyson'd or knock'd the Ele∣phant on the head; in which Arts the Gioghi and Priests of the Gentiles use to be very dextrous.

The Commendator of the Dutch, came one day to give me a [ IX] visit, and after a competent conversation, carried me in his Coach a little out of the City, to see one of the fairest and famous∣est gardens of Suràt. The plot was level, well contriv'd and divided with handsome streight Walks: on either side whereof, were planted rowes of sundry Trees of this Climate, namely, Ambe, or, as others speak, Manghe, before describ'd by me in my last Letters from Persia, in the maritine parts whereof I saw some Trees of this kind; Foufel, whose leaves are like those of the Palm-tree, but of a livelier and fairer green; Narghìl, like the Palm in the leaves also, and is that which we call Nux Indica: and others, different from what are found in our parts. The plots between the several walks was full of herbs and flowers, partly such as we have, and partly not; amongst the rest they shew'd me a Flower, for bigness and form not unlike our Gilly-flower, but of a whitish yellow, having a very sweet and vigor∣ous scent, and they call it Ciampà. In a convenient place there is a square place, rais'd somewhat from the ground, and cover'd with large sheds, to fit there in the shade, after the manner of the East: and here we entertain'd our selves a while, and had a Collation; other things in the garden worthy of remark I saw none. As for the plants and strange simples of India, and the Page  22 whole Torrid Zone, (in these things very different from ours) I shall say briefly once for all, that they are such and so many, that to write fully of them would require express volumes, and make as big as those of Dioscorides and Pliny, all of things unknown to us. Nevertheless, the curiosity of the Portugals, and other Europeans who trade in these parts, hath hitherto been so small that I know not any that have spoken and observ'd any thing in this kind, besides the three Authors above mention'd. And they have written of very few things, although of those few they have written faithfully and well; and I, who have read them all with diligence, have made some not unprofitable Notes upon them, which I keep in Manuscript by me, and you may see one day; when it shall please God to bring us together. As for the Dutch Commendator, and the English President also, who came frequently in this manner to carry me abroad; I must not forbear to say, that both of them live in sufficient splendor, and after the manner of the greatest persons of the Country. They go abroad with a great train, sometimes also of their own men on Horse-back; but especially with a great number of Indi∣an servants on foot, arm'd according to the mode, with Sword, Buckler, Bows, and Arrows. For 'tis the custome of servants in India, whether Mahometans or Gentiles, to go alwayes arm'd not onely upon a journey but also in the City, and to serve in the house all day with the same weapons by their sides, and never to lay them off, saving at night when they go to sleep. Moreover, these Governours of the two Frank or Christian Nations which reside in Suràt, use to have carry'd before their Coach or Horse when they ride, a very high Bannerol or Streamer by a man on foot; (which likewise is the custome of all men of qua∣lity here) and likewise to have a sadled Horse lead by hand be∣fore them: And not onely they who are publick persons, but any private person whatever, of whatever Country or Religion, may in these parts live with as much grandeur and equipage as he pleases: and such is the liberty here, that every one may do, if he will and be able, as much as the King himself. Hence, gene∣rally all live much after a genteel way; and they do it securely, as well because the King doth not persecute his subjects with false accusations, nor deprive them of any thing when he sees them live splendidly, and with the appearances of riches, (as is often done in other Mahometan Countries) as because the Indians are inclin'd to these vanities, and servants cost very little, in regard of the multitude of people, and the small charge where∣with the common sort are maintain'd; for a simple Servant, who is not an Officer, commonly in the best houses, between wages, victuals, and clothing, stands not in more then three Rupià a moneth, amounting to about the value of a Venetian Zecchine, or ten shillings sterling. Of Slaves there is a numerous company, and they live with nothing; their clothing is onely white linnen, which though fine, is bought very cheap; and their dyet for Page  23 the most part is nothing but Rice, (the ancient food of all the Indians, according to Strabo) of which they have infinite plenty;* and a little fish, which is found every where in abundance: So that every body, even of mean fortune, keeps a great family, and is splendidly attended; which is easie enough, considering the very small charge, as I said, and on the other side the very con∣siderable gains of traffick wherein most men are imploy'd, and the incomes of the Land, through its incredible fruitfulness, I dare say, unmeasurable. Upon this occasion I must not forget, that amongst the Indian Men, both Mahometans and Pagans, agreably to what Strabo testifies, they did of old wear onely white linnen,* more or less fine according to the quality of the persons, and the convenience they have of spending: which linnen is altogether of Bumbast or Cotton, (there being no Flax in India) and for the most part very fine in comparison of those of our Countries. The Garment which they put next to the skin, serves both for Coat and Shirt from the girdle upwards, being adorn'd upon the breast, and hanging down in many folds to the middle of the Leg. Under this Cassack from the girdle down∣wards, they wear a pair of long Drawers of the same Cloth, which cover not only their Thighs, but legs also to the Feet; and 'tis a piece of gallantry to have it wrinkled in many folds upon the Legs. The naked Feet are no otherwise confin'd but to a slipper, and that easie to be pull'd off without the help of the Hand; this mode being convenient, in regard of the heat of the Country, and the frequent use of standing and walking upon Tapistry in their Chambers. Lastly, the Head with all the hair, which the Gentiles (as of old they did also, by the report of Strabo) keep long, contrary to the Mahometans who shave it, is bound up in a small and very neat Turbant,* of almost a qua∣drangular form, a little long, and flat on the top: They who go most gallant, use to wear their Turbant only strip'd with silk of several colours upon the white, and sometimes with Gold; and likewise their girdles wrought of Silk and Gold, instead of plain white. I was so taken with this Indian dress, in regard of its cleanness and easiness, and for the goodly shew me-thought it had on hors-back, with the Scemiter girt on, and the buckler hanging at a shoulder belt, besides a broad and short dagger of a very strange shape ty'd with tassell'd strings to the girdle, that I caus'd one to be made for my self, complete in every point, and to carry with me to shew it in Italy. The Mahometan Women, especially of the Mogholians, and Souldiers of other extraneous descents, who yet are here esteem'd, go clad likewise all in white, either plain, or wrought with Gold-flowers; of which work there are some very goodly and fine pieces. Their upper Gar∣ment is short, more beseeming a Man then a Woman, and much of the same shape with those of Men: Sometimes they wear a Turbant too upon their heads, like Men, colour'd and wrought with Gold: Sometimes they wear onely fillets either white or Page  24 red, or wrought with Gold and Silver; for other colours they little use. Likewise their Clothes are oftentimes red, of the same rich and fine linnen; and their Drawers are also either white or red, and oftentimes of sundry sorts of silk-stuff, strip'd with all sorts of colours. When they go along the City, if it be not in close Coaches, but on foot or on horse-back, they put on white veils, wherewith they cover their faces, as 'tis the cu∣stome of all Mahometan Women: Yet the Indian Gentile Wo∣men commonly use no other colour but red, or certain linnen stamp'd with works of sundry colours, (which they call Cit) but all upon red, or wherein red is more conspicuous then the rest; whence their attire seems onely red at a distance. And for the most part they use no garment, but wear onely a close Waste∣coat, the sleeves of which reach not beyond the middle of the Arm; the rest whereof to the Hand is cover'd with bracelets of Gold, or Silver, or Ivory, or such other things according to the ability of the persons. From the waste downwards they wear a long Coat down to the Foot, as I have formerly writ that the Women do in the Province of Moghostan in Persia, near Ormùz. When they go abroad, they cover themselves with a Cloak of the ordinary shape like a sheet, which is also us'd by the Maho∣metan, and generally by all Women in the East; yet it is of a red colour, or else of Cit upon a red ground, that is, of linnen stamp'd with small works of sundry colours upon red. Those that have them, adorn themselves with many gold-works, and jewels; especially their Ears with pendants sufficiently enor∣mous, wearing a circle of Gold or Silver at their Ears, the diametre whereof is oftentimes above half a span; and 'tis made of a plate two fingers broad, and engraven with sundry works, which is a very disproportionate thing. The Pagan Women go with their faces uncover'd, and are freely seen by every one both at home and a broad: Nevertheless they are modest, and honor'd much more then the Mahometans; and amongst them 'tis a certain thing that there is not any publick Courtisan; but amongst the Mahometan Women there are infinite, who go every day publickly to houses, and where they please; to play on Musick, sing, dance, and do what else belongs to their profession. But of these things, enough for this time.

[ X] I came from Persia with a great desire to go to Cambaia, in regard of what I had heard of it; being told that in that City, which is one of the ancientest of India, the Pagans are very nu∣merous, and above measure observers of their Rites; so that I might probably see more remarkable Curiosities there of those Idolaters then elsewhere: Sig: Alberto Scilling had the same de∣sire; so that upon my imparting my mind to him, and his consent∣ing thereunto, both of us desir'd the Dutch Commendator, that when any of his Nation went to Cambaia, as they us'd to do sometimes about their affairs, he would do us the favour to ad∣vertise us thereof, that we might go thither in their company. Page  25 The Commendator promis'd to do us this kindness as soon as possible, nor was it long before we were advertis'd of an oppor∣tunity: The Commendator's Steward, who takes care of the like businesses, came to know of us how many Coaches we should need; Sig: Alberto spoke to him for one for himself, and I for two, intending to carry SigaMariuccia with me, because I thought not fit to leave her in Suràt without me, although she had the company of good Women. I offer'd the Steward money for the Coaches, but he refus'd then to take it, saying that it was not the custome, and that at our return, accounts should be made up; for so they were wont to deal with those Hackney-men, with whom the Nation has always long account for such matters; and I, who understood things no otherwise then by this information, suffer'd my self to be perswaded. Now, on Monday the 23d of February, being the day for our setting forth, besides the three Coaches for Sig: Alberto and me, and two others full of Dutch-men who were to go this journey with us, all in very good order for habits and arms, and also with a Trumpeter with a silver Trumpet to recreate the Travellers, the Commen∣dator himself came to my house with many others of his follow∣ers in their City-Coaches, to conduct me forth and set me in the way. He accompany'd me to a certain place without the City, where, in the shadow of a small Chappel, we convers'd to∣gether for a good while, and were entertain'd with sundry fruits, particularly with Grapes, which here in Suràt we have often eat ripe, sweet, and good in February, yet green of colour, like the Vva-Lugliatica, or early July-grape of Italy; and I believe there is plenty enough to make Wine. Whilst we were in this place, a Post came to the Commendator from Agra and from the Court, with news that Sciàh Selìm, King of the Country, had sent one of his principal Chans, call'd Asàf Chan, to Agra, to remove the Royal Treasure thence before the arrival of Sultan Chorròm, one of the same Kings Sons, lately rebell'd against his Father, and then reported to be upon his march with his Army thither: And from Agra it was signifi'd, that things were in great danger of alterations through this war ras'd between the Father and the Son, with great danger of the whole State of India. This notable Passage happening in my time, will give me oc∣casion to write many things worthy of memory, usually attend∣ing the like Conjunctures; and being present in the country, peradventure I shall hereafter be an eye-witness, or at least have certain intelligence of sundry occurrences. In the mean time, to the end what I shall have occasion to speak of these Revolu∣tions may be better understood, I shall here give such account of the State of the King and his people, as may suffice to give light to all the rest.

Sciàh Selim, (who, as I have formerly writ to you, is King of [ XI] the greater part of India, between Indus and Ganges, and whose Countries are extended Northwards as far as the cliffs of mount Page  26Taurus, or Imaus, where it divides India from Tartaria;) is that great Monarch, whom in Europe you commonly call the Great Moghòl: Which Name is given him, because of his being deriv'd from a Race of Tartars call'd Moghols, who are of the City of Samarcand, and the Province of Giagatà, which is the ancient Sogdiana; as 'tis manifested by the Persian Geography, where to this day that Territory is denoted and distinguish'd by the ancient name of Soghol. Teimùr Lenk, call'd by us Tamerlane, as Mir Aliseir reports, a famous Author of those times, who writ his History in the Persian-Tongue handsomely and with great exactness, descended by a collateral line from the near kindred of Cnighiz Chan, the most puissant King of Chataio, known also in Europe to our Histories, and by S. Antonino, who writes largely concerning him,* nam'd with a little corruption Cingis Cham. This Cnighiz warring with his neighbours, and destroying many other Principalities, became at length Lord of a Vast Dominion, and in a manner of all Tartaria, (which compre∣hends both the one and the other Scythia) and at his death di∣vided the same between his Sons. To Giagatà, the second Son, fell the Country of Samarcand, with all Sogdiana, and sundry other adjacent Territories; and He, from his own Name call'd it Giagataio, and all the Nations who remain'd under his Govern∣ment Giagataians: A very ancient custome of the Scythians to give the Princes Name to Counties and their Subjects, as ap∣pears by Diodorus Siculus.* In process of time, a Descendant of Giagatà reigning still in these parts, Teimùr Lenk, though ex∣tracted from the noblest blood of the Kings, yet remote from the Royal Stock by a long series, liv'd in Samarcand his own Country, a man rather of valour then of great fortune. But it falling out that the King at that time was slain for his evil de∣portments, by the Grandees of the Country; in which con∣juncture Teimùr Lenk was elected and placed in the Sove∣reignty: He, not contented with the sole Kingdom of Giagataio, being increas'd in strength and power, made afterwards those great Expeditions which the World beheld: Of which never∣theless, little sincere fae arrives to us; there being no Europae∣an who hath written truly thereof, saving briefly in the Spanish-Tongue Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo, who was sent thither Embassa∣dor by his King Don Henry the Third of Castile. In like manner Teimùr at his death left that his great acquired Empire, divided amongst many Sons and Nephews, who falling at variance after∣wards, and their Successors continuing the same, ruin'd one ano∣ther with sundry warrs; and God knows whether in Tartary there be left at this day any Prince of that Race. A Cadet, or Younger Brother of them, who had no share among the Tartars, came over the Mountains to seek his fortune in India, within the Court of a Prince then reigning in one part of it: Where being once introduc'd, by great alliances and services he rais'd a great House; and in time, various Revolutions brought it to pass that Page  27 one of his Successors came to be possess'd of that Kingdom, and to found the Royal Family now regnant; of which, with very great augmentations of Dominion Sciàh Selim, now living, is the fourth King, as his own Seals testifie, the impression whereof I keep by me, wherein is engraven all his pedigree as far as Tamerlain, from whom Sciàh Selim reckons himself the eighth descendent. When Sciàh Selim was born, he was at first call'd Sceichù; because the King Ekbàr his Father, having before had no children, conceiv'd he had obtain'd him by the prayers of a certain Sceich, (so they call a Religious Man) to whom he bore great reverence. But after he was come to ripe age, his Father chang'd his Name, as here they sometimes do, into Sciàh Selim, which, in the Arabian Dialect, the learned Language to all Mahometans, signifies Rè Pacific, a Peaceable, or Peace-making King; conceiving this Name to agree to his Nature: The Father dying, Sciàh Selim being advanc'd to the Kingdom, chang'd his Name once again (as 'tis the custom of many Oriental Princes on such an occasion) with more Magnificent Titles, (for their proper Names are no∣thing but Titles and Epithets) and would be call'd Nur eddin, Muhammèd, Gihòn ghir, which partly in Arabick, partly in Persick, signifies, The Light of the Law, Mahomet, Take the World; in regard of the profession which he makes in publick of the Ma∣hometan Sect; though really in secret, by what they report, he little cares for Mahomet and his Law, or any other Religion; accounting, according to the vain opinion of some in these parts, that a man may be sav'd in every Law. Nevertheless, the Name Sciàh Selim, tenaciously inhering in the memory of people, remains still to him, and in common discourse he is more frequently call'd by this then any other Name. He had two Brothers: One, who took a part of the Province Dacan, was call'd by his proper Name Peharì, and by sirname Sciah Muràd: The other, who dy'd in the City Berhampòr, was nam'd Daniel, and sirnam'd Sombòl Sciàh, but both dyed without Heirs; whereupon their Dominion returned back to Sciàh Selim. I know not whether by one or more Women, this King had four Sons; the first, is call'd Sultàn Chosrou; the second, Sultàn Peruìz; the third, Sultàn Chorrom, now in rebellion, (to whom, when he return'd from a war which he had prosperously manag'd in Dacàn, his Father gave the title of Sciahi Gihòn, which is interpreted, King of the World;) and the fourth Sultàn Scehriar, is yet a youth of small age. 'Tis possible, others besides these have been born to him; but being dead, either in Child-hood or long ago, there is no mention made of them at present. He hath one Wife or Queen, whom he esteems and favours above all other Women; and his whole Empire is govern'd at this day by her counsel. She was born in India, but of Persian Race, that is, the Daughter of a Persian, who coming, as many do into India, to the service of the Moghòl, hapned in time to prove a very great man in this Court, and, (if I mistake not) Chan Page  28 or Vice-roy of a Province. She was formerly Wife in India to an other Persian Captain who serv'd the Moghòl too; but after her Husbands death, a fair opportunity being offer'd, as it falls out many times to some handsome young Widows, I know not how Sciàh Selim had notice of her, and became in love with her. He would have carried her into his Haràm, or Gynaeceo, and kept her there like one of his other Concubines, but the very cunning and ambitious Woman, counterfeited great honesty to the King, and refus'd to go into his Palace; and, as I believe, also to comply with his desires, saying, that she had been the Wife of an Honourable Captain, and Daughter of an Honourable Fa∣ther, and should never wrong her own Honour, nor that of her Father and Husband: and that to go to the King's Haram, and live like one of the other Female-slaves there, was as unsuitable to her noble condition. Wherefore, if his Majesty had a fancy to her, he might take her for his lawful Wife, whereby his Honour would be not onely not injur'd, but highly enlarg'd; and on this condition she was at his service. Sciàh Selim, so disdaign'd this haughty motion at first, that he had almost resolv'd in de∣spight to give her in Marriage to one of the Race which they call Halàlchor, as much as to say Eater-at-large, that is, to whom it is lawful to eat every thing; and for this cause they are account∣ed the most despicable people in India. However, the Woman persisting in her first resolution, intending rather to dye then al∣ter it; and Love returning to make impetuous assaults on the King's Heart, with the help too, as some say, of Sorceries pra∣ctis'd by her upon him, if there were any other charms (as I believe there were not) besides the conditions of the Woman which became lovely to the King by sympathy; at length he determin'd to receive her for his lawful Wife and Queen above all the rest. And as such she commands and governs at this day in the King's Haram with supream authority; having cunningly remov'd out of the Haram, either by Marriage or other hand∣some wayes, all the other Women, who might give her any jealousie; and having also in the Court made many alterations by deposing and displacing almost all the old Captains and Officers, and by advancing to dignities other new ones of her own creatures, and particularly those of her blood and alliance. This Queen is call'd at this day Nurmahàl, which signifies, Light of the Palace; A Name, I believe, conferr'd on her by the King, when he made her Queen. She hath a Brother, who is still in great favour with the King, and of great power, and is the Asàf Chan, whom I mention'd above, and one of whose Daughters is one of the Wives of Sultan Chorròm now in rebellion; whence some, not without ground, suspect that the present rebellion of Sultan Chorròm, is with some participation of Asàf Chan, and of Numrahàl her self; perhaps upon design that the Kingdom may fall to him after the death of the Father. Sultan Scehriàr hath also to Wife a Daughter of Nurmahàl by her first Husband, for Page  29 by the King she hath hitherto no Children: Wherin appears the prudence of this Woman, who hath so well establish'd her self with alliances in the Royal Family. But to return to the King's Children, Sultàn Chosrou the eldest, who was a Prince of much expectation, well belov'd, and, as they say, a friend in particular of the Christians, being at the government of I know not what Country, rebell'd against his Father, under pretext that the Kingdom by right belonged unto him, because indeed King Ek∣bar his Grand-father, at his death left it to him his Nephew be∣ing then born, and not to Selim the Father who was his Son; being displeas'd with his Son Selim, for that one time in his life he attempted to rebel against him. So easie are Insurrections amongst these Infidels, and so little faith can Fathers have in Sons, and they in their own Fathers: With this pretence Sultàn Chosrou, once rais'd a great Army against his Father; but coming to a battel he was routed and forc'd to surrender himself freely to his Father: Who chiding him with words rather gentle then otherwise, ask'd him to what end he made these tumults, knowing well that he held and kept the whole Kingdom for him? Yet his deeds were sharper then his words; for in the first place, he caus'd all the chief Captains who had follow'd him in the war to be cruelly slain, and shewing them so slain to Chosrou, as in his return with Triumph he made pass along with himself in the middle of a long row of them barbarously mangled in several manners, and to behold some of his faithfullest Confidents sew'd up in beasts skins, and be so left miserably to rot; he bad him see in what sort of people he had confided. Moreover, he suffer'd him no longer to live freely, but committed him to the safe but Honourable custody of certain Grandees of his Court: And, which was worse, he caus'd his eyes to be sew'd up, as 'tis some∣times the custom here; to the end to deprive him of sight with∣out excaecating him, that so he might be unfit to cause any more commotions; which sewing, if it continue long, they say it wholly causes loss of Sight; but after a while, the Father caus'd this Prince's eyes to be unrip'd again, so that he was not blinded but saw again, and it was only a temporal pennance. Yet he was not deliver'd from prison, in which he lived so closely for two years, that onely one person was suffer'd to be with him in the prison to serve him. Nurmahàl, who had apprehended that Sultan Chosrou would succeed his Father in the Kingdom, and desir'd to establish her self well, had frequently offer'd her Daughter to Sultàn Chosrou before she married her to Sultan Scehriàr; but he, either for that he had another Wife he lov'd sufficiently, and would not wrong her, or because he scorn'd Nurmahal's Daughter, would never consent: Insomuch that whilst he was in prison, and was told by reiterated messages that if he would marry Nur∣mahal's Daughter, he should be immediately set free; never∣theless he would not be brought to do it. His Wife, on the con∣trary, who lov'd him as well as he lov'd her, obtain'd to be the Page  30 person allotted to serve him in the prison, and accordingly went thither and liv'd with him so long as he was there, never ceasing to perswade him to marry Nurmahal's Daughter, that so he might be deliver'd from those troubles; that for her part, she was con∣tent to live with him as a slave, provided she saw him free and in a good condition; but he could never be prevail'd with. Thus he liv'd in prison with his faithful and dear Wife, till, the malice of his persecutors and his Father's anger being wearied, about two years after he was taken out of prison, but still held in a more honourable custody. For these things, Sultan Chosrou re∣main'd always much in the hatred of Nurmahal; who despairing to marry her Daughter to him, gave her to Sultan Scehriar, as is abovesaid. Sultan Peruìz, the second Son, is now Governour of the Kingdom of Bengala at the mouth of Ganges, and lives peaceably, nor is any news heard of him. Sultan Chorrom, the third Son, had and hath under his Government that part of Dacan, which is subject to the Moghol, but now is about to usurp the Kingdom of Guzarat, where I writ these things. Sultan Scehriar hath no Government yet, but 'tis said that he is lately made Captain of eight thousand Horse: Now touching the rebel∣lion and the beginning of it; Sultan Chorròm, after the alliance that he made with Asaf Chan, so wrought by the means of his Father in law, and Numerhal his Aunt, that the King granted him the prisoner Sultan Chosrou into his own power, taking him out of the hands of him that kept him, and committing him to him to keep, yet with order to use him very well and have great care of him. And this, because Chorrom refus'd to go to his go∣vernment, and to the war whereunto they sent him, unless he carried Sultan Chosrou with him, alledging that it was not con∣venient that he should be absent from the Court whilst Sultan Chosrou his competitor and back-friend stai'd there; when he had got him into his hands, he went to his goverment, and there kept and treated him honourably a year or two: but afterwards, out of the intention which he always had to remove him out of his way to the succession of the Kingdom, he being absent (as some say) sent him poyson'd meats, appointing certain of his Captains who kept him, to make him eat those meats by any means, either fair or foul. The Captains punctually executed this order; but because Sultan Chosrou, becomming suspicious by their importunity to have him eat, would by no means taste of those meats, saying plainly, that they intended to poyson him; the Captains, since there was no other remedy, and perhaps having order, leap'd all upon him, and he defended himself bravely, till at length having fell'd him to the ground, they strangled him with a Bow-string. Others say, that Sultan Chor∣ròm himself slew him with his own hand publickly. Be it as it will, Sultan Chosrou dy'd of a violent death; and Sultan Chorròm was either by himself, or by mediation of others the Mutherer. Sciah Selim upon hearing this news, being highly displeas'd with Page  31Sultan Chorrom, calls him to Court to give account of the fact. Sultan Chorrom would not obey the Summons, but gathering together his Forces, which nevertheless are not great to with∣stand his Father; and raising not onely those of his own juris∣diction, but also divers other neighbouring Cities not compre∣hended therein, (as Cambaia and other such, from which he hath remov'd the Governours plac'd there by his Father, and appointed others at his own devotion) with the assistance and counsel of some pety Gentile Princes, he remov'd his Camp to∣wards Agra, as is above intimated. In which commotions, and the death of Sultan Chosrou, 'tis not onely suspected that there is some conspiracy of Asaf Chan and Nurmahal, his ancient ene∣mies in secret, but also that the King of Persia is of intelligence with them, who about the same time, or a little before, on his side made the warr of Candahar: in which the coldness which the Moghol shew'd, proceeded, no doubt, either from his not being well inform'd, because perhaps Nurmahal, and Asaf Chan, who were his chief Counsellors, suffering not true intelligence to be signifi'd to him; or perhaps, because the evil carriage of Sultan Chorrom hath hitherto necessitated him to stand in su∣spence. 'Tis true, the last Advertisements from Agra, that the King, as I said, sent Asaf Chan to remove the treasure from thence, argue that the King still entrusts him; and consequent∣ly, either that he is not in fault, or that his fault is not yet known. The doubt will be best clear'd by Time. Sultan Chosrou left a little Son behind him, whose name is Sultan Bulachi: But my journey now calls me elsewhere.

The Commendator having read the Letters from Agra, and [ XII] communicated to me all the News, it being now Evening, I took leave of him; and after sundry volleys of muskets he re∣turn'd to the City; and I with my company of five Coaches, took the way of Cambaia. Having travell'd two Cos, we ferri'd over the same River of Suràt; and then proceeded four other Cos, which in all were six, and at Night took up our lodging at a Town call'd Periab: But we rested little, because soon after mid-night we put our selves upon the way again. Our journey from Suràt to Cambaia, was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early, we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina, or Lake, which we found by the way of a long and narrow form, of which kind there are many in these parts. Having travell'd sixteen Cos, which was from Suràt in all two and twenty, before Evening we arriv'd at the City of Barocci, or Behrug, as they call it in Persian; under the walls whereof, on the South side runs a River call'd Nerbeda, which we ferri'd over. The City is encompass'd with a wall of moderate bigness, built high upon a rising hill. For the circuit 'tis populous enough, as generally are all the parts of India. 'Tis considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth, or Callico, made more plenti∣fully there then in other places, and dispers'd not onely through Page  32Asia, but also into our Europe; so that the English and Dutch (which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here) freight five or six great ships therewith every year; and for the better imbarking it, make it up in very great balls, each as big as Ro∣man Coach; and every piece of Cloth, little bigger then one of our Towels, being carri'd to Aleppo, will not be sold for less then three or four Piastre, and in Italy at least for six Crowns. Whence you may infer, what wealth comes out of this small City alone, which for compass and buildings, is not greater then Siena in Tuscany, although 'tis above three times as populous; and you may also consider to what summ the Prince's Customes arise. A few Cos from the City, is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates, white and green; but these stones are carry'd less into Barocci then to Cambaia, although it be further from the Mine, because there is a Sea-port, and a greater concourse of forreign Merchants; and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes, either round or oval, to make Coronets or Neck-laces, and also little Cups, and divers other curious vessels for ornament. The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides, but is about as many miles distant as 'tis from Suràt. When we pass'd over the River, our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument, gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci; and they, at the Summons, came immediatly to the bank-side to meet us; from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there. Late in the Evening they carry'd us to see a Patache, or small Indian ship which they were building, and was not yet finish'd, in which they treated us till night, drinking of Tari, which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India, whitish and a little troubled; of taste, somewhat sowrish and sweet too, not unpleasing to the palate, almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine; yet it inebriates as Wine doth, if drunk immo∣derately. The next day, which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon. Six Cos off, we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach, having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci. Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Fami∣ly of the Governour of Cambaia, remov'd from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom, who had plac'd another there at his devotion; and this, being driven from thence, return'd to Suràt, where his house and usual habitation was. His Wife was carry'd upon an Elephant, in a cover'd and very convenient litter. Three other Elephants follow'd unladen, saving with the men upon their necks who guided them; then abundance of Coaches, partly cover'd and full of women, partly uncover'd with men in them; then a great number of Souldiers, Horse and Foot; and, in brief, a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India, which is to have a very nu∣merous attendance whoever it be. After this we foarded a small River, which I believe, was of salt water, which, they say, is Page  33 call'd Dilavel; and before night having travell'd eighteen Cos, we staid to lodge in a great Town call'd Giambuser. On Thurs∣day, two hours before day, we arose to go along with a great Cafila, or Caravan, which was there united; nevertheless we departed not so soon, but were fain to wait in the Coach till al∣most day; because the City was lock'd up, and none was suffer'd to go forth without paying a Toll, as likewise was paid in many other places the same day, though of small value. The Cafila was so great, and the Coaches so many, that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go for∣wards; just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at so∣lemn pomps. Having travell'd about five Cos, an hour after Sun-rise, we came to an arm of the Sea, or, to speak better, to the inmost part of the Gulph of Cambaia, directly where the Ri∣ver Mehi falls into the Sea: In which place, the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent, and with a more rapid current, then perhaps in any other part of the world, at least any whereof I have knowledge. But before I proceed further, 'tis needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers, even Moderns, which hath likewise given occasi∣on of mistake to sundry Historians. In almost all the Mapps which hitherto I have seen, the River Indus is always describ'd falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulph of Cambaia; which is a grievous error, and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad, (and 'tis no narrow one): for Indus, which is discharg'd into the Sea with two very large mouths, sufficiently distant, runs not on the East of Guzarat, as it should do if it enter'd into the Sea at the Gulph of Cambaia; but rather on the West, and so far from the Gulph of Cambaia, that all Guzarat, and perhaps some other Countries lye between. Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulph, is not Indus, but this Mehi which I speak of, a River of handsome but ordinary greatness, and hath not the least corre∣spondence with Indus. Now, being come to the side of it, we were fain to foard over this Water, and not without danger: For there is a plain of about five Cos, which is all over-flow'd at high Tide; and when the water is lowest, in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be foarded; and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that pas∣sage, he would infallibly be drown'd. And besides, even in those places which are always foardable, when the Water is a little higher, or the current more furious then ordinary (for 'tis not always equal, but more or less, according to the times of the Moon) it often carries away people, and sometimes with such violence, that an Elephant cannot bear up against it, but is swept away by the Water. Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard, namely, when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb; which, if I mistake not, in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Hori∣zon; Page  36 as, on the contrary, when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven, the Tide uses to be at the highest. But in the Gulph of Cambaia, I know not upon what reason, perhaps because 'tis much within the Land, and far from the great mass of the Ocean, it happens at another different hour, yet well known to the Country-people. The more cautious, wait also the most fit∣ting days in the moneth; because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher; and, without comparison, highest and most impetuous of all, about the Aequi∣noxes and Solstices: In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate, and in other intermediate days, lower then the rest. So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon, were come in a good time, and likewise in a seasonable hour, the Cafila, or Caravan, having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right; for the owners of the Coaches, and the others imploy'd in this journey, are well instructed of every thing, and know what they have to do. So being united in a great troop, the better to break the stream, we pass'd over all that space of five Cos, which was moist yet firm ground; saving that in four places where we foarded the running-water of the River, which nevertheless is salt there, the great strength of the Sea over∣coming that of the River. Of the four streams which we waded, the first was inconsiderable, the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches, into which ne∣vertheless the Water enter'd not, because their floar, and espe∣cially the wheels are very high; and you sit, according to the manner of the East, as upon plain ground, without hanging the Legs downwards, but keeping them bow'd under you. For greater security, they hir'd sundry men on foot, who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands, that so in regard of their lightness, they might not float and be carry'd away; and also to carry our bundles high on their heads, that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches. The men who go on foot in this passage, either strip themselves naked, covering onely their privities with a little cloth, or pulling up their coat, which, as I said, is of plain white linnen, and serves both for garment and shirt; and also tucking up their breeches made of the same, they care not for wetting themselves. 'Tis certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage, which is very much frequented, abundance of people go every day in this manner, some in Coaches and Char∣riots, others on Horseback and a foot, men and also women naked, without being shie who sees them; a spectacle, no doubt, sufficiently extravagant. This wet passage being over, there remain two other Cos, but of firm and higher ground, (which is not overflow'd, although it be plain and the Sea-shore) to arrive at the City of Cambaia, whither we came before dinner-time, having travell'd that day, in all, twelve Cos. And here likewise Page  35 we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants, by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness, and treated continually with exquisite chear; for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places.

Cambaia is a City indifferently large, though most of its great∣ness [ XIII] consists in Suburbs without the walls, which are sufficiently spacious. 'Tis seated on the Sea-shore, in a plain, almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph, whereunto it gives name. The City, that is the inner part, without the Suburbs is incom∣pass'd with walls, built with plain cortines and round battle∣ments. The Houses within, are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns, which is the custom in India for provision of Water, which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains. In our Countries they would be or∣dinary Houses, but in these parts they are counted good, and per∣haps, the best of the whole Province; and they are made shady and cool, as the heat of the place requires. The City hath no form'd Port, because it stands in a low Plain, but 'tis call'd a Port, by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts; which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots, Galeots, and other small ones of that make, which go either by oar or sail; because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way. The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles; and here, more then elsewhere, their vain superstitions are ob∣served with rigor. Wherefore we, who came particularly to see these things, the same day of our arrival, after we had din'd and rested a while, caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts, which, for being sick, lame, depriv'd of their mates, or otherwise needing food and cure, are kept and tended there with diligence; as also the men who take care of them, are maintain'd by the publick alms; the In∣dian Gentiles, (who, with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians, (the first Authors of this opinion,* according to Herodotus) be∣lieve the Transmigration of Souls, not onely from Man to Man, but also from Man to brute beast) conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small, a little room sufficing for many Birds: Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance, as Cocks, Hens, Pigeons, Peacocks, Ducks, and small Birds, which during their being lame, or sick, or mateless, are kept here; but being recover'd and in good plight, if they be wild, they are let go at liberty; if domestick, they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House. The most curious thing I saw in this place, were certain little Mice, who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them, were put into this Hospi∣tal; and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton, very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose, giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather, because they were so little that as yet they could Page  36 eat nothing else; and, as he told us, he intended when they were grown up, to let them go free whither they pleas'd. From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side, to see a Gar∣den sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat. 'Tis small, adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Suràt, with some also of ours, as the Figtrees and Coleworts of Europe, which in India are accounted rare things. There is a running-water which at the entrance falls from a great Kiosck, or cover'd place to keep cool, standing upon a great Piscina, or Lake, contigu∣ous to the Garden on the out-side; and serving like that of Suràt, to the common uses of the City. Besides which, in this Garden there is nothing worth notice: Going from hence we went to see upon the same Lake a Meschita, or Temple of the Mahome∣tans, whereunto there is continually a great concourse of people with ridiculous and foolish devotions, not onely Mahometans, but likewise Gentiles. In the street before the Gate, many per∣sons sitting on the ground asked Alms, to whom the passers-by cast some Rice; others, certain other Corn, but no Money: Within the Meschita, in a narrow dark place by a walls side, is a kind of little Pyramid of Marble, and this they call Pir, that is, Old, which they say is equivalent to Holy: I imagine it the Sepulchre of some one of their Sect accounted such. The people enter in with great crowds, especially Women, who use to be more forward in these things then others: All who go in, strew Flowers or Rice there; to which end stand divers near the Gate that sell Flowers to whoso pleases for such Offerings: But this is rather a Custom of the Gentiles then Mahometans; and the Gentiles being more numerous and ancient in Cambaia, 'tis no wonder that some Rite of theirs hath adher'd to the Maho∣metans. A little distant from this place, we saw another Sepuchre ador'd too of some Mahometan (for the Gentiles, who burn their dead, have no Sepulchres) built with a great roof four square, supported by divers pillars, and under it a place open on all sides like a Porch; this also many persons came to kiss and venerate. Beyond the abovemention'd Garden upon the Sea∣side, we saw another Sepulchre of a Mahometan of quality, having a high round Cupola, like a Tower, which is ascended by a little ladder, and there you have a most goodly prospect upon the Sea and Land, to a great distance. These things being seen, we return'd home the same way we came: The next Morning, going about the City, we saw another Hospital of Goats, Kids, Sheep, and Weathers, either sick or lame, and there were also some Cocks, Peacocks, and other Animals needing the same help, and kept altogether quietly enough in a great Court; nor wanted there Men and Women lodg'd in little rooms of the same Ho∣spital, who had care of them. In another place, far from hence we saw another Hospital of Cows and Calves, some whereof had broken Legs, others more infirm, very old, or lean, and therefore were kept here to be cur'd. Among the beasts there Page  37 was also a Mahometan Thief, who having been taken in Theft had both his Hands cut off: But the compassionate Gentiles, that he might not perish miserably, now he was no longer able to get his living, took him into this place, and kept him among the poor beasts, not suffering him to want any thing. Moreover, without one of the Gates of the City, we saw another great troop of Cows, Calves, and Goats, which being cur'd, and brought into better plight, or gather'd together from being dispers'd and without Masters, or being redeem'd with Money from the Mahometans who would have kill'd them to eat, (namely, the Goats and other Animals, but not the Cows and Calves) were sent into the field to feed by Neat-herds, purpose∣ly maintain'd at the publick charge; and thus they are kept till being reduc'd to perfect health, 'tis found fitting to give them to some Citizens, or others who may charitably keep them. I excepted Cows and Calves from the Animals redeem'd from slaughter; because in Cambaia, Cows, Calves, and Oxen, are not killed by any: And there's a great prohibition against it, by the instance of the Gentiles, who upon this account pay a great summ of Money to the Prince; and should any, either Maho∣metan or other be found to kill them, he would be punish'd se∣verely, even with death. At Night we had Musick at home, made by some Mahometan Women Singers and Dancers, (for among the Gentiles none practise such Arts) who with their In∣dian Instruments, which a•• Drums, Bells ty'd to the Arms, and the like, all of great noise, gave us divertisement, playing, dancing, and singing whilst we were at Supper; but their Musick being too full of noise, was to me rather distasteful then pleasing. The next Morning we saw in the City a Temple of Idols, one of the best which the Gentiles have in Cambaia. The form of it is perfect square, with walls round about, supporting a flat roof, which is also upheld in the middle by four pillars dispos'd in a square too; within which, upon the little space re∣maining, is advanc'd somewhat higher then the roof, and yet of a square form, a kind of Cupoletta, or little Chappel. In the principal part of this Temple stand in three great Nieches so many great Idols, made of white Marble, and naked, (as the Indians paint all their Idols:) They are in a sitting posture, yet after the manner of the East, as they use to sit upon the ground with the Legs gather'd under; but they sit in a place somewhat higher then the floare, as it were upon a large Pedestal. These Nieches are inclos'd with doors made with lattices, that so the Idols may be seen without opening them; but they are open'd upon occa∣sion for any that are minded to go in: They were so for us, but we entred not, because the Nieches are so small that we saw every thing well enough from the doors. The principal Idol in this Temple, is that which stands in the middle Nieche, call'd Mahavir, from whom the Temple is denominated: Who this Mahavir is, and whether he be all one with Mahadeu, as I Page  38 have some suspicion, I do not yet know; because the Indians who talkt with us, either in the Portugal or Persian-Tongue, be∣ing all Factors or Merchants, and consequently unlearned, could not give us any account of these things; besides, they speak those Languages ill, and are not intelligible saving in buying and selling: With other learned Gentiles, to whom alone their Indian Speech is familiar, we could not discourse for want of Language; wherefore of all these things, and all the particulari∣ties of their Religion, I reserve my self to be further inform'd at Goa, if it shall please God; where I shall have better conveni∣ence and more time, and meet with some learned Brachman, perhaps turn'd Christian, and able to give me a more certain Re∣lation hereof either in Portuguez or Latine; and if he be a Christian, he will, no doubt, give it me more truly then the Gentiles, who I believe, talk with us concerning their own matters neither willingly nor sincerely. Wherefore referring my self to the better intelligence which I hope to have there, I shall here only relate what I saw with mine own eyes, and some∣thing more which I attain'd to understand, without suspicion of error. Before the Idol without the Nieche hung a Bell, (as 'tis the custom in all their Temples) which, as I said before, all those who come to make their prayers ring at their first entrance. Within this and the other Nieches on the sides, were one or two lighted Candles. In the other sides of the Temple, something higher then the pavement, were in the wall certain little Nieches, in each of which stood an Idolet, or little Idol, some in the shape of Men, others of Women. One there was which had many Arms on a side, and many Faces; and this they said was call'd Brachma, one of their chief false Deities. Another had the head of an Elephant, and was call'd Ganescio: They say, he is the Son of Mahadeu, who finding him one day with Parveti his Wife, but his own Mother, and not knowing who he was, kill'd him out of jealousie, cutting off his Head; but afterwards un∣derstanding that he was his own Son, he repented him of his error, and resolv'd to bring him to life again: Wherefore meeting with an Elephant, (as he had purpos'd to do with what he first happen'd upon) he cut off his Head and plac'd it on his dead Son's Shoulders: Whereupon Ganescio reviv'd, and thenceforward liv'd immortal with an Elephants Head. But behold another delusion. One there is with the Head, I know not, whether of a Tyger or Lyon, probably 'tis that Narosinha, which I formerly writ that I saw in Combru, in the maritine parts of Persia. Some of these Idolets sate upon sundry Animals, as Tygers and the like, and even upon Rats; of which things the foolish and ignorant Indians relate ridiculous stories: But I doubt not, that under the veil of these Fables, their ancient Sages (most parsimonious of the Sciences, as all Barbarians ever were) have hid from the vulgar many secrets, either of Natural or Moral Philosophy, and perhaps also of History: And I hold Page  39 for certain, that all these so monstrous figures have secretly some more rational significations, though express'd in this uncouth manner: As we know in ancient time among the Gentiles of our Countries there was, in the figures of quadrifronted Janus; of Ju∣piter Ammon, with the Head of a Ram; of Anubis, with the Head of a Dog, and many other extravagances not onely of the Greci∣ans and Aegyptians, but also of the Romans. The Sieling, Pillars, and Walls of this Temple were adorn'd with Painting, especi∣ally red, which how dear 'tis to the Indians, I formerly intima∣ted. The doors of their Houses, namely, the Posts, Architraves, and Barrs that fasten it, are all colour'd so; adding some mixture of white limes to the red; for of white too they are so enamour'd, that all Men are generally cloth'd with it. A custom peradven∣ture deriv'd to them from Aegypt where it was in use,* as Herodotus writes; and whence perhaps Pythagoras himself learnt it, who went cloth'd in white, as we find noted by Aelian, and others.* And I observe, that in many particulars the manners of the present In∣dians much resemble those of the ancient Aegptians; but since the Aegyptians who descended from Cham the Son of Noah, were a very ancient people, I rather believe that the Indians learnt from the Aegyptians, then the Aegyptians from the Indians; and 'tis known, that from Aegypt there was always Navigation and Commerce into India by the Southern Ocean. The red colour, amongst these Indians is, besides by the Women, worn also by the Sami, who are a kind of religious persons; with red, the Gioghi who live like Hermits and go about begging, sometimes paint their bodies in many parts; and also with red blended with yellow, that is, with some parcel of Sanders or Saffron, almost all the Indian Gentiles dye their fore-heads, and some∣times their garments; accordingly, as Strabo reports from the testimony of Onesicritus,* they did likewise in the time of Alex∣ander the Great. Lastly, they wear red Turbants upon their Heads, and their Girdles are oftner wrought with red then any other colour. After having seen the Temple of Mahavir, we went to visit an old Brachman, accounted very learned amongst them, with whom we discours'd as well as we could by an inter∣preter, because he understood no other Language but the Indian. We found him amongst many Scholars, to whom he was giving a Lecture: He shew'd us his Books written in an antique Character, which is the learned amongst them, not common to the vulgar, but known onely to the learned, and us'd by the Brachmans; who, in distinction from other vulgar Characters, us'd variously in sundry Provinces of India, call it Nagheri. I have, and shall carry with me two small Books of it, which I sometimes bought in Lar. This Brachman is call'd Beca Azàrg; of which words, Beca is his proper Name, and Azàrg his Title of Honour. Amongst other Books, he shew'd us that of their sect; in which, though it was bound long ways, as 'tis the fashion of their Books, yet the lines were written cross the paper, after the manner of Page  40 some of our Musick-Books: He affirm'd to us for certain, that it was a work of Pythagoras, which well agreeth with what, Phi∣lostratus saith,*Jarchas told Apollonius, namely, that they Indians believ'd the same concerning the Soul which Pythagoras had taught them, and they the Aegyptians; which is quite contrary to what, I said before, was my opinion, which of these two Na∣tions first taught the other. But Diogenes Laertius, who writes Pythagoras's Life copiously enough,* making mention of his going into Aegypt, and how he convers'd likewise with the Chaldaeans and Magi, yet speaks not a word that ever he went into India, or had communication with the Brachmans. Wherefore, if Pythagoras taught any thing to the Indians, as Jarchas said, he did it not in person but by his books, which possibly were carry'd into India. Moreover Beca Azàrg added, that their Brachmà, esteemed one of the chief amongst their false Gods, (from whom they are denominated Brachmans) is all one with Pythagoras: A curious notion indeed, and which, perhaps, would be news to hear in Europe, that Pythagoras is foolishly ador'd in India for a God. But this, with Beca Azàrg's good leave, I do not believe: Either he did not expresly speak thus, and by the fault of the Interpreters we did not understand him aright; or, if he did affirm it, perhaps he came to be mistaken by having heard Pythagoras nam'd by some Europaeans for the Author of that foolish opinion of the Transmigration of Souls. Be it as it will, I cannot believe that Pythagoras and Brachma are all one; because though Pythagoras be very ancient, for he flourish'd in the Consulship of Brutus, who expell'd the Kings out of Rome; yet I hold the Rites and opinions of the Brach∣mans much more ancient. For when Diodorus relates the con∣test of the two Wives of Ceteus, an Indian Captain in the Army of Eumenes,* each of whom would be burnt with her Husband slain in battel, speaking of the Laws, Customs, and Rites of the Indians, he calls them, even at that time, Ancient things. And though Pythagoras and the Consulship of Brutus may pre∣cede not onely Eumenes, who was one of Alexander the Great's successors, but Alexander himself by about two ages, according to the Chronology of Bellarmine, which to me seems good e∣nough; yet the space of two hundred years or somewhat more, is not such as that those things may be call'd Ancient, which had their beginning within so short a term; as it should be infallibly, if Pythagoras, whom they take to be their Brachma, were the first Author to the Indians of their Learning, and consequently of their Rites, Customs, and Laws. But since I have already made frequent mention of the Brachmans, and perhaps shall have occasion to do the same hereafter; to the end it may be under∣stood what they are, I shall here subjoyn so much as I have hither∣to attain'd to know concerning them, and all the other Indians.

The whole Gentile-people of India is divided into many [ XIV] sects or parties of men, known and distinguisht by descent or Page  41 pedigree, as the Tribes of the Jews sometimes were; yet they inhabit the Country promiscuously mingled together, in every City and Land several Races one with another. 'Tis reckon'd that they are in all eighty four; some say, more, making a more exact and subtle division. Every of these hath a particular name, and also a special office and imployment in the Common∣wealth, from which none of the descendents of that Race ever swerve; they never rise nor fall, nor change condition: Whence some are Husbandmen, others, Mechanick, as Tay∣lers, Shoemakers, and the like; others, Factors or Merchants, such as they whom we call Banians, but they in their Language more correctly Vanià: Others, Souldiers, as the Ragia-puti; And thus every one attends, and is employ'd in the proper Trade of his Family, without any mutation ever hapning amongst them, or Alliance of one Race contracted with another. Diodorus and Strabo, (almost with the same words, as if the one had transcrib'd the other) affirm,* that anciently the Races of the Indians were seven, each addicted to their proper profession; and for the first of all, they place that of the Philoso∣phers, who, no doubt, are the Brachmans. Into seven kinds of men with their particular, and by Generation perpetuated Offices, Herodotus in like manner writes, (and Diodorus con∣firms it,* though he disagrees in the number) the people of Aegypt was divided in those days; whereby 'tis manifest what correspondence there was between Aegypt and India in all things. Nor do I wonder at the division into seven Races onely, because what is observ'd at this day, must then also have hapned, namely, that the so many Races which they reckon, are reduc'd to four principal; which, if I mistake not, are the Brachmans, the Soul∣diers, the Merchants, and the Artificers; from whom by more minute subdivision all the rest are deriv'd, in such number as in the whole people there are various professions of men. In the substantial points of Religion all agree together, all believe the Transmigration of Souls, which according to their merits and demerits (they think) are sent by God into other bodies, either of Animals more or less clean, and of more or less painful life; or else of men more or less noble and handsome, and more or less pure of Race, wherein they place not a little of their vain super∣stition; accounting all other Nations and Religions, besides themselves, unclean; and some more then others, according as they more or less differ from their Customs. All equally believe that there is a Paradice in Heaven with God, but that thereinto go onely the Souls of their own Nation, more pure and without any sin, who have liv'd piously in this world: Or in case they have sin'd, that after divers Transmigrations into various bodies of Animals and Men, having by often returning into the world undergone many pains, they are at length purg'd, and at last dye in the body of some man of Indian and noble Race, as the Brachmans, who amongst them are held the noblest and purest; Page  42 because their employment is nothing else but the Divine Wor∣ship, the service of Temples and Learning, and they observe their own Religion with more rigor then any others. 'Tis true, the Brachmans, who amongst the Indians, in my opinion, much resemble the Levites of the Jews, are divided too into several sorts, one more noble then another, and, according to nobility, more rigorous also in matter of eating, and in their other superstitious Ceremonies; for some of them are Astrolo∣gers, some Physitians, some Secretaries of Princes; and so of other sorts of Scholars which I know not well: but the most esteem'd and most sublime amongst the Brachmans, and conse∣quently, the most rigorous of all in point of eating and other ob∣servances, are those who perform the Office of Priests, whom they call Boti. Ordinarily they never admit into their Sect any man of another Religion; nor do they think that they do ill herein, or contrary to the zeal of saving Souls; since believing the Transmigration, they conceive it not necessary to salvati∣on to change Religion, although one be of a false Sect; but judg that if this Soul shall be worthy to have pardon from God, it shall after death, and after being purg'd sundry ways, pass into, and be born in the body of some Indian amongst them, and live excellently; and so by this way at last arrive at Paradice and live with God, although in the beginning it was in the world in the body of the worst sinner and miscreant whatever. With people of other Religion they never eat, nor will have any com∣munication of food, and, as much as possible, they avoid even to touch them; conceiving themselves polluted by communi∣cating with others. And herein they are so scrupulous, that even amongst the Indians themselves, one of more noble Race, not only neither eats, nor makes use of the same clothes, or vessels, nor communicates in any thing with one less noble, but also en∣dures not to be touch'd by him; which if it fall out by chance that he be, he must purifie himself from the defilement by wash∣ings, and other arrogant Ceremonies. And hence 'tis a prety sight to behold the great respect which upon this account the ignoble bear to the more noble then themselves, and how upon meeting in the street, the ignoble not onely give place, but dance wildly up and down for fear of rushing against the noble, and polluting them in any measure; which, if they should not do, the Noble, and especially the Souldiers, would make them do it to the Musick of blows. From this averseness to communi∣cate one with another, particularly, in the use of eating and drinking-vessels, concerning which they are most strict, is sprung a strange Custom, which I was delighted not onely to see, but also sometimes out of gallantry to imitate in conversation. It happens very often during hot weather, both in Travelling and in Towns, that people have need of refreshing themselves, and drinking of a little water; but because every one hath not a drinking-vessel of his own ready, to avoid defiling or being de∣fil'd Page  43 by his companion's cup; there's a way found out whereby any person may drink in that, or any other whatever, without scruple or danger of any either active or passive contamination. This is done, by drinking in such manner that the vessel touches not the lips or mouth of him who drinks; for it is held up on high with the hand over the mouth, and he that lifts it up highest, and holds it farthest from his mouth, shews himself most man∣nerly; and thus powring the liquor out of the cup into the mouth, they drink round while there is any left, or so long as they please. So accustom'd are the Indians to drink in this man∣ner, that they practise it almost continually with their own ves∣sels for delight, without the necessity of shunning communica∣tion with others; and they are so dextrous at it, that I remem∣ber to have seen one of them take with both hands a vessel as big as a basin, and lifting it up above a span higher then his mouth, powre a great torrent of water into his throat and drink it all off. Having been frequently present at such occasions, that where ever I came the Indians might not be shie of reaching me a cup of water, I purposely set my self to learn this manner of drinking, which I call drinking in the Air, and at length have learn'd it; not with cups as big as basins, like his abovesaid; but with a handsome cruze, like those we use, or with a little bottle or drinking glass made on purpose, I do it very well: Sometimes in conversation we drink healths all' Indiana, after this fashion, with consent that all do reason in the same manner; and he that cannot do it right, either wets himself well, or falls a coughing and yexing, which gives occasion of laughter. But to return to the opinions of the Indians; As for good works and sins, they all agree with the Doctrine of Morality, and the universal consent of Mankind, that there are differences of Virtue and Vice in all the world. They hold not onely Adul∣tery, but even simple Fornication a great sin; nor do they ac∣count it lawful, as the Mahometans do, to have commerce with femal slaves, or with others besides their own Wives. Yea, slaves of either Sex they no-wise admit, but hold it a sin; making use of free persons for their service, and paying them wages, as we do in Europe: Which likewise was their ancient custom, as appears by Strabo,* who cites Megasthenes and other Authors of those times for it. They detest Sodomy above measure, and abhor the Mahometans whom they observe addicted to it. They take but one Wife, and never divorce her till death, unless for the cause of Adultery. Indeed some, either by reason of the remoteness of their Wives, or out of a desire to have Children, in case the first Wife be barren; or because they are rich and potent, and are minded to do what none can forbid them, some∣times take more Wives; but 'tis not counted well done, unless they be Princes, who always in all Nations are priviledged in many things. When the Wife dyes, they marry another if they please; but if the Husband dye, the Woman never marries Page  44 more; were she so minded, nor could she find any of her own Race who would take her, because she would be accounted as bad as infamous in desiring a second Marriage. A very hard Law indeed, and from which infinite inconveniences arise; for not a few young Widows, who in regard of their Reputation cannot marry again, and have not patience to live chastly, commit disorders in private, especially with men of other Na∣tions and Religions, and with any they find, provided it be secret. Some Widows are burnt alive, together with the bodies of their dead Husbands; a thing which anciently not onely the Indian Women did,* according to what Strabo writes from the Relation of Onesicritus; but also the chaste Wives of the Thra∣cians, as appears by Julius Solinus. But this burning of Women upon the death of their Husbands, is at their own choice to do it or not, and indeed, few practise it; but she who doth it, ac∣quires in the Nation a glorious name of Honour and Holiness. 'Tis most usual among great persons, who prize Reputation at a higher rate then others do; and in the death of Personages of great quality, to whom their Wives desire to do Honour by burning themselves quick. I heard related at my first coming, that a Ragià, that is, an Indian Prince, (one of the many which are subject to the Moghol) being slain in a battel, seventeen of his Wives were burnt alive, together with his body; which in India was held for great Honour and Magnificence. I have heard say, (for I have not seen any Women burnt alive) that when this is to be done, the Wife or Wives who are to be burnt, in∣close themselves in a pile of wood, which is lay'd hollow like the rafters of a house, and the entrance stop'd with great logs, that they may not get out in case they should repent them when the kindled fire begins to offend them: Yea, divers men stand about the pile with staves in their hands to stir the fire, and to powre liquors upon it to make it burn faster; and that if they should see the Woman offer to come out, or avoid the flames, they would knock her on the head with their staves and kill her, or else beat her back into the fire; because 'twould be a great shame to the Woman and all her kindred, if she should go to be burnt, and then through fear of the fire and death, repent and come out of it. I have likewise heard it said, that some Women are burnt against their own Will, their Relations resolving to have it so for Honour of the Husband; and that they have been brought to the fire in a manner by force, and made besides them∣selves with things given them to eat and drink for this purpose, that they might more easily suffer themselves to be cast into the fire; but this the Indians directly deny, saying, that force is not us'd to any; and it may be true, at least in Countries where Mahometans command; for there no Woman is suffer'd to be burnt without leave of the Governour of the place, to whom it belongs first to examine, whether the Women be willing; be∣sides, and for a Licence, there is also paid a good sum of money. Page  45 Nevertheless, 'tis possible too that many Widows being in the height of their passion taken at their word by their kindred who desire it, go to it afterwards with an ill will, not daring to deny those that exhort them thereunto, especially if oblig'd by their word; nor to discover their own mind freely to the Governour. Things, which amongst Women, through their natural fearful∣ness and modesty, easily happen. And I would to God that in our Countries, in sundry cases, as of marrying or not, and the like matters, we had not frequent examples which Women not sel∣dom give of great resolutions, not forc'd in appearance, but indeed too much forc'd in reality, for avoiding displeasure and other inconveniencies. In the Territories of Christians, where the Por∣tugals are Masters, Women are not suffer'd to be burnt, nor is any other exercise of their Religion permitted them. Moreover, the Indian-Gentiles believe that there is a Devil in the world, almost of the same conditions wherewith we conceive him; but they think too, that many wretched Souls unworthy ever to have pardon from God, as the last of the great punishments which they deserve, become Devils also; than which they judge there cannot be a greater misery. The greatest sin in the world they account shedding of blood, especially that of men; and then, above all, the eating of humane flesh, as some barbarous Nations do, who are therefore detested by them more then all others. Hence the strictest amongst them, as the Brachmans, and particularly the Boti, not onely kill not, but eat not, any li∣ving thing; and even from herbs tinctur'd with any reddish co∣lour representing blood, they wholly abstain. Others, of a larger conscience eat onely fish. Others, the most ignoble and largest of all, though they kill not, nevertheless they eat all sort of Animals good for food, except Cows; to kill and eat which, all in general abhor, saying, that the Cow is their Mo∣ther, for the Milke she gives, and the Oxen she breeds, which plough the Earth, and do a thousand other services, especially in India, where through the paucity of other Animals, they make use of these more then any for all occasions. So that they think they have reason to say, That Cows are the prop of the world, which perhaps would signifie by that Fable, common also to the Mahometans, and by me formerly mention'd; That the world is supported upon the Horns of the Cow. More∣over, they have these creatures in great Veneration; for Cows being kept well in India, and living with little pains and much ease, therefore they believe that the best Souls, to whom God is pleased to give little pain in this world, pass into them. All the Indians use many washings, and some never eat without first washing the whole body. Others will not be seen to eat by any one; and the place where they eat, they first sweep, wash, and scoure with water and Cow-dung. Which, besides cleanliness, is to them a Ceremonial Right, which they think hath the virtue to purifie: But having observ'd it too in the houses of Christi∣ans, Page  46 I find that indeed it cleanses exquisitly, and makes the floores and pavements of houses handsome, smooth, and bright. And if the Cows and Bulls whose dung they use, eat grass, it gives a prety green to the pavement; if straw, a yellowish: But for the most part the floores are red, as those of Venice are, and I know not with what they give them that colour. But these and other Ceremonies which I have not seen my self, and know onely by Relation, I willingly pass over. I shall conclude therefore with saying that by the things hitherto mention'd, it appears that in the substance of Religion, and what is most important, all the Races of the Indians agree together, and differ onely, per∣haps, through the necessity, which is caus'd by the diversity of humane conditions in certain Rites and Ceremonies, particularly, of eating more or less indistinctly. Wherein the Ragiaputi, Souldiers, with the wonted military licentiousness, take most liberty, without thinking themselves prejudic'd as to the degree of Nobility. Next to them, the meanest and most laborious pro∣fessions are more licentious in eating then others, because they need more sustenance; some of which drink Wine too, from which the others more strict, abstain to avoid ebriety; and so from all other beverage that inebriates. But those of other Races whose employments admit more rest and a better life, are also more sparing and rigorous in the use of meats, especially the Brachmans, as I said, dedicated wholly to Learning and the Service of Temples, as the most noble of all. In testimony whereof they alone have the priviledge to wear a certain Ensign of Nobility in their Sect, whereby they are distinguisht from others; 'tis a fillet of three braids, which they put next the flesh like a Neck-chain, passing from the left shoulder under the right arm, and so round. This fillet hath a mystery, and is gi∣ven to all persons of that Race, and to a few of one other for a great favour, with many superstitious Ceremonies, of which I forbear to speak, because I have not yet any good information thereof. There was a long dispute in India, between the Je∣suits and other Fathers, whether this fillet, which the Portugals call Linha, was a badge of Religion, or onely an Ensign of piety; and whether it was to be permitted, or not, to Indian Con∣verts, who were very loth to lay it aside. Much hath been said, and with great contest by both parties, and at length the cause is carried to Rome, and I was inform'd of it two or three years ago in Persia. For I remember Sig: Matteo Galvano Gudigno, a Canon and Kinsman to the then Archbishop of Goa, pass'd by Sphahàn, and continu'd there many days; being sent by the same Archbishop, who favour'd the side contrary to the Jesuits, purposely to Rome with many writings touching this affair, which he out of courtesie communicated to me. I know not whether the final determination of it be yet come from Rome; some say it is, and in favour of the Jesuits: But at Goa we shall know these things better. The truth is, the Jesuits prove, Page  47 (on one side) that the honour of wearing this Ribban is fre∣quently granted not onely to the Indians, but also to strangers of different Nation and Sect; as to Mahometans, who (by con∣descension of that King, who among the Indians hath authority to do it, as Head of their Sect in spirituals) have in recompence of great and honourable services enjoy'd this priviledge, without becoming Gentiles, or changing their Religion, but still per∣sisting to live Mahometans; which indeed is a strong Argument. On the other side, they prove that many Brachmans and others of the Race priviledg'd to wear it, intending to lead a stricter life, and abandon the world by living almost like Hermits; amongst other things, in humility lay aside this Ribban, being a token of Nobility; which 'tis not likely they would do, if it were a Cognizance of Religion; yea, they would wear it the more. But this second Argument seems not to me so cogent, because, amongst us Christians, if a Knight of the order of Calatrava, or the like, which are Ensignes of Nobility, in order to a more holy life enter into some Religion, either of Fryers, Monks, or other Regulars; 'tis clear that taking the Religious Habit, he layes aside the body of his Knight-hood, although it be that Cross, than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion; albeit 'tis worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too. 'Tis enough, that the Jesuits think their opi∣nion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons, name∣ly, that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Re∣ligion. And although the same is conferr'd with many super∣stitious Ceremonies, yet they will not have it taken away, al∣ledging for example, that the Crosses of our Knights, however Ensignes of Nobility, are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion, the more to authorize them. Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians, provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside, and especially the End, in which alone consists the sin; changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs, and other pious Commemorations. And this may be done by applying (e. g.) the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity, or in some such manner, turn∣ing it to a pious and lawful use. Nevertheless those of the con∣trary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons; they say, 'tis a thing in it self, of its own nature, wholly unlawful to Christians, as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition; which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it; and that for the three Braids, 'tis well known, they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods; and that al∣though they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer, yet they are withall, and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Re∣ligion; as Crosses are amongst our Knights, wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast, not onely ostentates his Nobility, Page  48 but also firmly profess the Christian Faith. That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan, their Vassal, and remaining a Mahometan, is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian; which may be done by way of dispensation, and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one, or a yellow, is, besides the matter of credit, a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes. Many other Reasons they alledge, which I do not well remember, and which, no doubt, will be narrowly examin'd at Rome. What the determination will be, I shall know more certainly at Goa; and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles.

[ XV] Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells, I am to tell you, that after the seeing of the Temple, and visiting the Brachman abovesaid, the same day, which was Saturday the 25th of February, upon occasion of a Cafila, or Caravan, which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabàd, which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzaràt, we, namely, Sig: Alberto Scilling, and my self, with our attendants, were desirous to see that City; and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone, we resolv'd to go with the Cafila. And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Suràt, in which some of the Hollanders, residing at Cam∣baia, went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt; we all went out of the Town together, and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs, were the wayes di∣vided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds, which the Indians call Hambelè, (where also are certain Sepul∣chres, and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple, unroof'd and without walls about, saving a little wall at the front, and a place markt where prayers are to be made; of which sort of Mes∣chita's many are seen in India, especially in the Country) we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch, being di∣verted with Musick, singing and dancing by the same Women, which we had the night before at our house. At length taking leave, they took their way towards Suràt, and Sig: Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabàd, going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù. The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable; within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù, which is no other but a little co∣lumn or pillar of stone, thicker below then at top, and which diminishing by degrees, ends at the top in a round. Whatever 'tis that would signifie thereby, the name of Mahadeù they in their language, is properly interpreted Great God. But we had enough to laugh at, when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles; and a∣mongst other of his miracles, they relate that he grows every Page  49 day, and becomes bigger hourly; affirming, that many years since he was no higher then a span, or little more, and now he is above two, and perhaps three; and thus he continues increa∣sing every day: a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves. Having seen this Temple, we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà, three miles distant from Cambaia, where we all lodg'd that night. The next Morning being Sunday, the Cafila, which consisted of above a hundred Coaches, be∣sides foot-men and horse-men, and great loaden Wagons, set forth three hours before day; and staying not to rest any where, according to the custom of the East, (which is to make but one bout of a days journey) having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon, or little later, we lodg'd at a Town call'd Màter, where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where; they were small, white, and with a tail less, and not so fair as those of our Countries. On Monday, about two hours before day, we resum'd our Voyage. When it was day, we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies, of which almost all the Trees were full. They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies, which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great, beholding upon certain Hills a far off, and taking to be Men intended to have charg'd, had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were, as Strabo relates.* We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet, which almost every one had and sounded, and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows; two things sufficiently un∣couth for beggars, and indeed, not be suffer'd by Governours, since these Ruffians under pretext of begging, rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd; which having weapons themselves, they may easily do. This County was almost all woody, the ground unmeasurably dusty, to the great trouble of Travellers; the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful, not known in Europe; and having no leaves, but in∣stead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches, al∣most like our Sparagus but bigger, harder and thicker, of a very lively green; being broken, they send forth Milk like that of immature Figgs, which is very pernicious to the flesh wherever it touches. The Fields were full of Olive-trees, Ta∣marind-trees, and other such which in India are familiar. About noon, having travell'd twelve, or, as others said, fourteen Cos, we arriv'd at Ahmedabàd, and our journey from Cambaia hither was always with our Faces towards the North East. Being entred into the City, which is competently large, with great Suburbs, we went directly to alight at the house of the English Merchants, till other lodging were prepar'd for us, where also we din'd with them. After which we retir'd to one of the houses which stand in the street, which they call Terzì Carvanse∣rai, that is, the Taylers Inn. For you must know that the Car∣vanserai,Page  50 or Inns in Ahmedabàd, and other great Cities of India, are not, as in Persia and Turkey, one single habitation made in form of a great Cloyster, with abundance of Lodgings round about, separate one from another, for quartering of strangers; but they are whole great streets of the City destinated for strangers to dwell in, and whosoever is minded to hire a house; and because these streets are lockt up in the night time for secu∣rity of the persons and goods which are there, therefore they call the Cavanserai. Notwithstanding the wearisomness of our journey, because we were to stay but a little while at Ahmedabàd, therefore after a little rest we went the same Even∣ing to view the market-place, buying sundry things. It displeas'd me sufficiently that the streets not being well pav'd, although they are large, fair, and strait, yet through the great dryness of the Earth they are so dusty, that there's almost no going a foot, because the foot sinks very deep in the ground with great defile∣ment; and the going on Horse-back, or in a Coach, is likewise very troublesome in regard of the dust; a thing, indeed, of great disparagement to so goodly and great a City as this is. I saw in Ahmedabàd, Roses, Flowers of Jasmin, and other sorts, and divers such fruits as we have in our Countries in the Sum∣mer; whence I imagin'd, that probably, we had repass'd the Tro∣pick of Cancer, and re-enter'd a little into the temperate Zone; which doubt I could not clear for want of my Astrolabe, which I had left with my other goods at Suràt. On Tuesday following, which to us was the day of Carnaval, or Shrove-Tuesday, walking in the Morning about the Town, I saw a handsome street, strait, long, and very broad, full of shops of various Trades; they call it Bezari Kelàn, that is, the Great Merkat, in distinction from others, than which this is bigger. In the middle is a structure of stone athwart the street, like a bridge with three Arches, almost resembling the Triumphal Arches of Rome. A good way be∣yond this bridge, in the middle of the same street is a great Well, round about which is built a square Piazzetta, a little higher then the ground. The Water of the Well is of great ser∣vice to all the City, and there is always a great concourse of people who come to fetch it. Going forwards to the end of the Market, we came to the great Gate which stands confront∣ing the street, and beautifi'd with many Ornaments between two goodly Towers; 'tis the Gate of a small Castle, which they call by the Persian word Cut. Nor let it seem strange, that in India in the Countries of the Moghòl, the Persian Tongue is us'd more, perhaps, then the Indian it self, since the Mogholian Princes being originally Tartars and of Samarcand, where the Persian Tongue is the natural of the Country, have therefore been willing to retain their native Speech in India; in brief, the Persian is the Language of the Moghols Court, most spoken and us'd in all publick writings. Near this Castle Gate, in a void place of the street are two pulpits handsomely built of stone, Page  51 somewhat rais'd from the ground, wherein 'tis the custome to read the King's Commandments publickly, when they are be proclaim'd. Thence turning to the right hand, and passing another great Gate, and through a fair Street we came to the Royal Palace; for Ahmedabàd is one of the four Cities, amongst all the others of his Dominions, where the Grand Moghòl by par∣ticular priviledge hath a Palace and a Court; and accordingly he comes sometimes to reside there. This Palace hath a great square Court, surrounded with white and well polish'd walls. In the midst stands a high Post to shoot at with arrows, as is also usual in the Piazzaes of Persia. On the left side of the Court as you go in, are the King's Lodgings, a small and low building. What 'tis within side, I know not, for I enter'd not into it; but without, 'tis as follows: Under the King's Windows is a square place inclos'd with a rail of colour'd wood, and the pavement somewhat rais'd; within which, when the King is there, are wont to stand certain Officers of the Militia, whom they call Mansubdàr, and they are almost the same with our Colonels: their Command extends not to above a Thousand Horse; nor are they all equal, but from a thousand downwards, some have more, some less, under them. Within this inclosure of the Mansubdary, under the King's Balconies, stand two carv'd Ele∣phants of emboss'd work, but not large, painted with their natu∣ral colours; and in the front of the Royal Lodgings, are other such Ornaments after their mode, of little consideration. Some said, that a while ago in one of the Balconies stood expos'd to publick view an Image of the Virgin Mary, plac'd there by Sciàh Selim, (who, they say, was devoted to her) and to whom, perhaps, it was given by one of our Priests, who frequent his Court out of a desire to draw him to the Christian Faith; but the Image was not there now, and possibly, was taken away by Sultan Chorrom his Son, (reported an Enemy of the Christians and their affairs) since his coming to the Government of those parts of Guzaràt. The station of the greater Captains, and of higher dignity then the Mansubdary, as the Chans and others of that rank, is in the King's Balconies; or near hand above there within the Rooms: The inferior Souldiers, that is, such as have onely two or three Horses, stand upon the ground in the Court without the above mention'd inclosure. In the front of the Court is another building, with an inclosure also before it, but less adorned; 'tis the place where the King's Guard stands with all its Captains: And the same order, I believe, is always observ'd in the Moghòl's Court, in whatsoever place or City he happens to be. Within this Court is another on the left hand, surrounded with other buildings for necessary Offices, but not so well built nor polish'd. Having seen what we could of the Royal Palace, we return'd by the same way we came to the street of the great Market. From whence we went to see a famous Temple of Mahadeù, to which there is hourly a great Page  52 concourse of people, and the street which leads to it is always full, not onely of goers and commers to the Temple, but also of beggars who stand here and there asking Alms of those that pass by. The building of this Temple is small, the entrance narrow and very low, almost under ground; for you descend by many steps, and you would think you were rather going into a Grotto then into a Temple; and hence there is always a great crowd there. On high hung a great number of Bells, which are rung every moment with great noise by all those who come to worship. Within the Temple continually stand many naked Gioghi, having onely their privities (not very well) cover'd with a cloth; they wear long Hair dishevel'd, dying their Fore-heads with spots of Sanders, Saffron, and other co∣lours suitable to their superstitious Ceremonies. The rest of their bodies is clean and smooth, without any tincture or impurity; which I mention as a difference from some other Gioghi, whose Bodie are all smear'd with colours and ashes, as I shall relate hereafter. There is, no doubt, but these are the ancient Gymnosophists so famous in the world; and, in short, those very Sophists who then went naked, and exercis'd great patience in sufferings,* to whom Alexander the Great sent Onesicritus to consult with them, as Strabo reports from the testimony of the same Onesicritus. Many of them stood in the Temple near the Idols, which were plac'd in the innermost Penetral or Chancel of it, with many Candles and lamps burning before them. The Idols were two stones, somewhat long, like two small Ter∣mini, or Land-marks, painted with their wonted colours; on the right side whereof was a stone cut into a figure, and on the left another of that ordinary form of a small pillar, according to which, as I said before, that they use to shape Mahadeù: And before all these, another like figure of Mahadeù, made of Crystal, upon which the Offerings were lay'd, as Milk, Oyle, Rice, and divers such things. The assistent Gioghi give every one that comes to worship some of the Flowers, which are strew'd upon, and round about the Idols; receiving in lieu thereof good summs of Alms. Coming out of this Temple, and ascending up the wall of the City, which is hard by, we beheld from that height the little River call'd Sabermeti, which runs on that side under the walls without the City. Upon the bank thereof, stood expos'd to the Sun many Gioghi of more au∣stere lives, namely such, as not onely are naked, like those above describ'd, but go all sprinkled with ashes, and paint their bo∣dies and faces with a whitish colour upon black, which they do with a certain stone that is reduc'd into powder like Lime: Their Beards and Hair they wear long, untrim'd, rudely involv'd, and sometimes erected like horns. Painted they are often, or rather dawb'd with sundry colours and hideous figures; so that they seem so many Devils, like those represented in our Comedies. The ashes wherewith they sprinkle their bodies Page  53 are the ashes of burnt Carkasses; and this, to the end they may be continually mindful of death. A great crew of these with their Chief or Leader, (who conducts them with an extrava∣gant banner in his Hand, made of many shreds of several co∣lours, and to whom they all religiously obey) sat by the Rivers side in a round form, as their custom is; and in the field there were many people, who came, some to walk, and others, to wash themselves; the Pagan Indians holding their Rivers in great Veneration, and being not a little superstitious in bathing themselves therein. From the same place, I beheld a little Chappel built upon two small figures of Mahadeù, not upright, but lying along upon the ground, and carv'd in basse relief, where also were Lamps burning, and people making their Offerings. One of the Gioghi, laying aside all other care, remain'd conti∣nually in this Chappel with great retiredness and abstraction of mind, scarce ever coming forth; although it was very trouble∣some abiding there, in regard of the heat of the lights; and inconvenient too, by reason the Chappel was so little that it could scarce contain him alone as he sat upon the pavement, (which was somewhat rais'd from the Earth) with his Leggs doubled under him, and almost crooked. Returning home by the same way of the great Bazàr, or Market, I saw Carvanserai, or Inns made with Cloysters like those of Persia; one greater and square of the ordinary form, and another less, narrow and long. Of divers other streets, in which I saw nothing observable, I forbear to speak.

The same day after dinner, having taken leave of certain [ XVI] Armenian and Syrian Christians, who live in Ahmedabàd with their Wives and Families, we put our selves upon the way to return to Cambaia, with the same Cafila, with which we came; and which every week departs thence at a set day. At our setting forth we met with a little obstacle, for by reason of the new Commo∣tions between the Moghòl, and his Son Sultan Chorròm, who was become Master of these parts of Guznet, there was a fresh pro∣hibition in Ahmedabàd, that no Souldiers Wives, nor other person of quality should go out of the City by Land; and this, as I conceive, lest the rumors of the troubles should cause the people of the City to remove into other Territories, and aban∣don the faction of the Rebel Sultan Chorròm; which they could not do if their Wives were restrain'd, because Husbands are in a manner necessitated to abide where their Wives and Houses are. So that by reason of this prohibition, I could not have got away, having my SigraMariuccia with me, un∣less I had obtain'd express leave in writing from the Go∣vernour; in order to which it was needful for me to make it appear that we were strangers and not people of the Country, and to pay some small summ of Money, besides going back∣ward and forward, whereby we lost much time. Having at length obtain'd permission, and being got out of the City, Page  54 we went a little without the walls to see a great Artificial Lake which is there, made of stone with stairs at several angles about it; its Diameter was, by my conjecture, above half a mile. It hath about the middle an Island, with a little Garden, to which they go by a handsome Bridge of many Arches very well built; upon which, I believe, two Indian Coaches may go a breast. Indeed these Indian Lakes are goodly things, and may be reckon'd amongst the most remarkable structures of the world. Having seen this, we went to overtake our Cafila, which was arriv'd at a Town seven Cos distant from Ahemdabàd, call'd Barigia, or Bariza, (for the Indians very much confound these two Letters g and z in their speaking.) We came late to the said Town, by reason of our hindrances at our departure from Ahmedabàd; but certain Horse-men appointed, as I conceive, to guard the way, having met us in the night, would needs accompany us thither that so we might go safely; for which service they were contented with a very small gratuity which we gave them.

[ XVII] The first of March, being Ash-Wednesday, we set forth by break of day; and having travell'd fifteen Cos, an hour or little more before night, we came to lodge in a competently large Town call'd Soznitrà, where I saw Batts as big as Crows. The next day, March the second, beginning our journey early, we travell'd twelve Cos, and a little after noon arriv'd at Cambaia. The Dutch Merchants there understanding by others that we were coming with this Cafila, came to meet us a little without the Gate, and with their accustomed courtesies conducted us to lodge in their House. March the third, we went out of the walls to the top of the Tower of that Sepulchre, which I said we saw near the Garden of the King of Guzarat, to behold from thence, (being a great prospect upon the Sea) the coming in of the Tide, which indeed was a pleasant spectacle. 'Twas New-Moon this day, and so a greater Tide then usual, and we went to observe it at the punctual time of its being at the height, which those people know very well; because at that time it in∣creases in less then a quarter of an hour, to almost the greatest height it is to have, and flows with greatest fury; contrary to what happens in other Seas. Now at the due time we saw the Sea come roaring a far off, like a most rapid River, and in a moment overflow a great space of Land, rushing with such fury that nothing could have with-stood its force; and I think it would have overtaken the swiftest Race-horse in the world. A thing verily strange, since in other places both the rising and the falling of the Sea in the flux and reflux is done gently in full six hours, and with so little motion that 'tis scarce perceiv'd. After this we went to see another goodly Cistern, or Lake, without the City, formerly not seen, of a square form, and of a sumptu∣ous marble structure, with stairs about it like the others which I had seen elsewhere. Afterwards we saw in one of the Suburbs Page  55 or Hamlets near the City, call'd Cansari, a Temple of the Gen∣tiles, peradventure the goodliest that I have seen, with certain Cupola's, and high Balconies of tolerable Architecture, but no great model. This Temple belongs to that Race of Indians who shave their heads (a thing unusual to all others who wear long hair, like Women) and such are call'd Vertià. The Idol in it sate on high over an Altar at the upper end, in a place some∣what dark, ascended by stairs, with lamps always burning before it. When I went in, there was a Man at his Devotions, and burning Perfumes before the Idol. At some distance from this, stands another Temple of like structure, but more plain and of a square form; within it were seen abundance of Idols of several shapes, whose Names and Histories, the shortness of time, and my unskilfulness in their Language allow'd me not to learn. Without the Gate of these Temples, I beheld sitting upon the ground in a circle, another Troop of those naked Gioghi, having their bodies smear'd with Ashes, Earth, and Colours, like those I had seen upon the River of Ahmedabàd; they made a ring about their Archimaudrita, or Leader, who was held in such Veneration not onely by the Religious of their Sect, but also by the other secular Indians, for Reputation of Holiness, that I saw many grave persons go and make low Reverences to him, kiss his Hands, and stand in an humble posture before him to hear some sentence; and He with great gravity, or rather with a strange scorn of all worldly things, hypocritically made as if he scarce deign'd to speak and answer those that came to honour him. These Gioghi, are not such by Descent but by Choice, as our Reli∣gious Orders are. They go naked, most of them with their bodies painted and smear'd, as is above mention'd; yet some of them are onely naked, with the rest of their bodies smooth, and onely their Fore-heads dy'd with Sanders and some red, yellow, or white colour; which is also imitated by many secular persons, out of superstition and gallantry. They live upon Almes, de∣spising clothes and all other worldly things. They marry not, but make severe profession of Chastity at least in appearance; for in secret 'tis known many of them commit as many debauche∣ries as they can. They live in society under the obedience of their Superiors, and wander about the world without having any setled abode. Their Habitations are the Fields, the Streets, the Porches, the Courts of Temples, and Trees, especially un∣der those where any Idol is worshipt by them; and they undergo with incredible patience day and night no less the rigor of the Air then the excessive heat of the Sun, which in these sultry Countries is a thing sufficiently to be admir'd. They have spi∣ritual exercises after their way, and also some exercise of Learning, but (by what I gather from a Book of theirs translated into Persian, and intitl'd, Damerdbigiaska, and, as the Translator saith, a rare piece) both their exercises of wit and their Learning, con∣sist onely in Arts of Divination, Secrets of Herbs, and other Page  56 natural things, and also in Magick and Inchantments, where∣unto they are much addicted, and boast of doing great wonders. I include their spiritual exercises herein, because according to the aforesaid Book, they think that by the means of those exer∣cises, Prayers, Fastings, and the like superstitious things, they come to Revelations; which indeed are nothing else but corre∣spondences with the Devil, who appears to, and deludes them in sundry shapes, forewarning them sometimes of things to come: Yea sometimes they have carnal commerce with him, not be∣lieving, or, at least, not professing that 'tis the Devil; but that there are certain Immortal, Spiritual, Invisible Women, to the number of forty, known to them and distinguisht by various forms, names, and operations, whom they reverence as Deities, and adore in many places with strange worship; so that some Moorisco Princes in India, as one of these three pety Kings who reign'd in Decàn, Telengane, and Meslepaton, (Cutbsciach, as I remember) though a Moor; yet retaining some reliques of anci∣ent Gentilism, makes great Feasts and Sacrifices to one of these Women in certain Grottoes under high Mountains which are in his Country; where 'tis reported, that this Woman hath a par∣ticular and beloved habitation; and He of the Gioghi, that by long spiritual exercises can come to have an apparition of any of these Women, who foretells him future things, and favours him with the power of doing other wonders, is accounted in the degree of perfection; and far more if he happen to be adopted by the Immortal Woman for her Son, Brother, or other Kinsman; but a∣bove all, if he be receiv'd for a Husband, and the Woman have car∣nal commerce with him; the Giogho thenceforward remaining excluded from the commerce of all other Women in the world, which is the highest degree that can be attain'd to; and then he is call'd a spiritual Man, and accounted of a nature above hu∣mane, with promise of a thousand strange things, which for brevities sake I pass over. Thus doth the Devil abuse this mise∣rable people. As for any thing more concerning these Gioghi, I refer you to what I have formerly written of them, and the Samì, who are another sort of Religious Indians who wear Clothes, as I saw them in Bender of Combrù. And of the Scien∣ces of the Gioghi, and their spiritual exercises, especially of a curious way, rather superstitious then natural, of Divining by the breathing of a Man, wherein they have indeed many curi∣ous and subtle observations, which I upon tryal have found true. If any would know more, I refer him to the Book above mention'd, which I intend to carry with me for a Rarity into Italy; and if I shall find convenience, I shall one day gratifie the Curious with a sight of it in a Translation.

[ XVIII] On the fourth of March, I went out of Cambaia to a Town two miles off, call'd Hagrà, to see a famous Temple, built of old by the Race of the Banions, and belongs to them; but yet the Brachmans possess it, and have care of it, as if it were descen∣ded Page  57 to them. This Temple is dedicated to Brahmà, who, as I said before, they hold to be the same with Pythagoras, although of the origine of Bramà, and how he was produc'd of the first Cause, or else of the first Matter, and how they take this for one of the Elements, and a thousand other extravagances; they tell long Fables, which do not agree to Pythagoras a meer man; but for all this they confound the two Names, and 'tis no great matter to reconcile them herein, after the same manner that our ancient Gentiles agreed in their Jupiter, taken sometimes for one of the Elements, and sometimes historically for an anci∣ent King one of Saturn's Sons; and in divers other like names, in reference to History and Philsophy they had double, allegori∣cal and mysterious significations. Concerning the Genealogy of Bramà, and the other fabulous Indian Gods, and what be∣longs to their vain Theology, I refer the Reader to the Books of Father Francesco Negrone, or Negraore, as the Portugals call him, who writes fully thereof in his Chronicles of the things done by those of his Order in India, written in the Portugal Language; and I think he is the first, and perhaps, the onely Modern Wri∣ter who hath given account of this matter in Europe. The said Father having been assisted therein, for information by most fit and sufficient Interpreters, namely, the Fathers of his own Religion, good Divines, skill'd in the Indian Tongue, and per∣fectly intelligent of these matters; who also read and interpre∣ted the very Books of the Indians to him, and were likewise his interpreters in the discourses which he had often with the learned Indians concerning their Religion, as himself frequently told me. Besides which, he wanted not other helps, because being appointed Historiographer to his Order, he was abundantly supply'd with what was needful to that Office; he convers'd long in the Kingdom of Bisnaga, where the Religion and Sciences of the Indians have their Principal Seat; as also in the Island of Zeilan, which many take to be the ancient Tabrobana, and in other Countries for this very purpose. He made many peregri∣nations expresly to see places and things conducing thereunto, and was assisted by the Vice-Roys themselves and Governours of Provinces, subject to the Portugals, who sent him into all places accompany'd oftentimes with whole bands of Soul∣diers, where the wayes were not secure; in brief, without spa∣ring cost, pains, or diligence, he professedly intended this bu∣siness for many years together, with all kind of convenience and authority. Lastly, he was some years since sent by his Order into Europe, in Order to print his Works; and in the year 1619, as I came through Persia, I saw him at Sphahàn; and during his short abode there by means of a Friend got a sight of his Papers, but had not time to read them, as I desir'd. He went thence directly to Rome, whither I gave him some Letters to certain Friends and Relations of mine to be civil to him there, as I know they were; and after some years sojourning at Rome, whilst I Page  58 was at Bender of Combrù, I heard that he was coming from Rome towards Turkie, in order to return to India, where I hope to see him again; and if he bring his Books printed with him, I shall read them, and what I find remarkable therein which may be serviceable to these writings of mine, I shall make mention of the same in its proper place, Father Joam de Lucena a Jesuit, in his History of the Life of San Francesco Xavier, written in the Portugal Tongue, makes mention likewise of the Religion and Customs of the Indian-Gentiles, and seems to speak thereof with good grounds, although in some few particulars, if I mi∣stake not, he is capable of a little correction. Yet that which troubles me most, is, that it clearly appears by his Book that he knew much more of the Customs of the Indians then he hath written: which perhaps he would not write, either because they were obscene and impious, or pertain'd not to his purpose. I saw Father Negrone since at Goa, but he brought not his Book printed; either because his Fathers, as some say, would not have it printed; or —. Yet he saith, he hath sent it to be printed in Portugal in that Language, and expects it by the next Ship; if it comes, I shall see it. But having in Goa discours'd with him more largely then I did in Persia, I find him very little vers'd in matters of ancient History and Geography, as generally the Fryars of Spain, and especially Portugal are not, addicting themselves little to other Studies, besides what serves to Preach∣ing; wherefore, without good skill in ancient History, Geogra∣phy, and other Humane Learning, I know not how 'tis possible to write Histories well, particularly, concerning the Customs of the Indians; of which also he hath had no other information but by interpreters; in which way I have by experience found that many errors are frequently committed. Nevertheless we shall see what light may be had from F. Lucena's Book, although it be short, concerning the Religion of the Indians.

[ XIX] In the mean time returning to my purpose, I shall tell you, that in the Temple dedicated to Brahmà in the Town of Naghrà, which is little considerable for building but in great Veneration for ancient Religion, there are many Idols of white Marble. The biggest is the Chief, and hath the worthiest place: In the middle is the Statue of Brahma, or Pythagoras, with many Arms and Faces, as they ordinarily pourtray him, namely, three Faces, for I could not see whether there were a fourth or more behind; 'tis naked with a long picked Beard, but ill cut as well as the rest of the figure, which for its bigness hath a very great Belly, I know not whether through the Artificers fault, who seems to have been little skilful; or else because the Indians, as I have also heard of the people of Sumatra, account it a great Beauty and perfection to have a great Belly. This figure of Brahma stands upright, and at his Feet two other less carv'd figures, which, as they say, are his two Sons, Sunnet and Sunnatan. On each side of Brahma stand likewise two Statues of Women, some∣what Page  59 less then Brahma himself, and they call them his Wives, Sa∣vetrì, and Gavetrì. On the left side of this narrow Temple, stand two other figures of the same bigness, being two naked Men with long Beards, whom they pretend to have been two religious per∣sons, I know not whether Doctors or Disciples of Brahma or Pythagoras; one is call'd Chescuèr, the other Ciavan de Chescuèr. On the same side downwards are many other Idolets, as one with an Elephants Head, and divers others formerly by me mention'd. All which Idols are serv'd, ador'd, perfum'd, offer'd to, and wash'd every day as for delight, (for the Indians ac∣count it delight to wash often) by the Brachmans, who assist at their service with much diligence. I must not forget, that the Banians say, this Town Naghera was the King's Seat and principal City, anciently the Head of the whole Kingdom of Cambaia, and that the City now properly call'd Cambaia, and rais'd to great∣ness by the ruine of this old, is a modern thing; whence I have sometimes suspected that the Indian Character call'd Naghra, us'd by the learned, was denominated from this City wherein it was anciently us'd; but 'tis onely a Conjecture; and I have learnt by long and much experience, that in the derivation and interpre∣tation of Names, especially of Places, there is no trusting to the resemblance of Words; because by reason of the diversity of Languages, and the casual Conformity of Words which signifie things sufficiently different, according to the variety of Places, gross errors are easily admitted. Nagher in the Indian Language signifies a Great City. Coming from Naghra, I saw some naked and besmeared Men, of deportment almost like the incinerated Gioghi, who were of a Race of Indians accounted by themselves the most sordid and vile Race of all in India; because they eat every thing, even the uncleannest Animals, as Rats and the like; whence ••ey are call'd in Persian, Hhalal-chor, which signifies a Man that accounts it lawful to eat any thing; the Indians call them Der, and all people in general abhor not onely to converse with, but even to touch them. Concerning Religion, I have heard nothing particular of them, but believe them Gentiles as the rest, or perhaps, Atheists, who may possibly hold every thing for lawful, as well in believing as in eating. They are all sufficiently poor, and live for the most part by begging, or exer∣cising the most sordid Trades in the Common-wealth, which others disdain to meddle with; but they, either because their Rite teaches them so, or necessity inforces them, are not at all shie of. March the fifth, We visited the King's Garden again, and many other Gardens, where we tasted divers fruits, and be∣held several Flowers of India unknown in Europe; amongst the rest, one very odoriferous which I kept in a Paper, which they call Ciompa. Without the City we saw the Saltpits, and also the Field by the Sea-side, where the Indians are wont to burn the bodies of their dead; which may be known by the reliques of many fires and pieces of bones not wholly burnt, which are seen Page  60 scatter'd about the same. The next Morning early, we re∣turn'd to this Field, and saw several Bodies burnt, and parti∣cularly observ'd the Funeral of one Woman from the beginning to the end. They carry the Corps wrapt in a cloth of Cit, of a red colour for the most part, and much in use among the Indi∣ans for other purposes. They carry it not upon a Biere, as we do, but ty'd to and hanging down like a sack, from a staff lay'd cross two Men's shoulders. They make the funeral pile of wood, lay'd together in form of a bed, of equal length and breadth, and sufficient to receive the Body; upon which, beginning then to lament with a loud voice, they lay the carkass naked and su∣pine, with the Face and Feet towards the Sea; which I believe, is likewise observ'd (where the Sea is not) towards Rivers, Lakes, and Cisterns, the Indians having a particular devotion to the Water; nor do I know, that herein they have respect to any Region of Heaven. They cover the privities with a piece of wood, anoint the Hands and Feet, put a coal of fire in the Mouth; and then all things being prepar'd, they set fire first at the Throat, and afterwards to the whole pile round about, be∣ginning first at the Head, but with their Faces turn'd another way, as Virgil saith our Ancestors did; Then sprinkle Water on the ground round about the pile, which they continually stir up with staves in their Hands, and blow with the motion of a cloth, to the end the flame may not spread, but burn more speedily. The body being consum'd by degrees, they reduce the fire into a round form, and when all is burnt, they leave the ashes, and sometimes a piece of a bone not wholly consum'd there in the same place: The cloth wherein the body was wrapt before it was committed to the pile, they give in Charity to some poor person present. Such as have where withall, are burnt with odoriferous and precious wood, in which the rich sp••d much; but they that cannot reach so high, use ordinary wood. Children under two years of age are not burnt but buried, as we saw some in the same Field. Nor let the Reader wonder, that in the same day and hour we hapned to see so many dead per∣sons; for, besides that Cambaia is a large City and very po∣pulous, as all the Cities and Lands of India are; the Gentiles are wont to perform this Ceremony of the dead onely in the Morning, at a set hour, and in that place; so that all that dye in the whole City, during the twenty four hours of the day, are brought to that place at the same hour. The same day we had News of a Jesuit's coming to Cambaia from Goa, with a Cafila of Portugal Frigats, which was going for Agrà: Whereupon in the Evening, Sig: Alberto Scilling and I, in company of a Venetian Merchant, went to visit him at the house where he lodged; and having told him that we were to go the next day for Suràt, I desir'd him to give a letter to the Jesuits of Daman and Bassaim, where I hop'd to touch upon the way to Goa; which he very courteously condescending to do, we went again the next Morn∣ing to see him before we departed.

Page  61March the seventh, In the Morning we visited the Father Je∣suit, [ XX] who was not a Priest, but one of those whom they call Fratelli, Brothers, or young Fryars. He gave me Letters to F. Antonio Albertino, an Italian, and Rector of their Colledge in Daman, and to the Father Rector of their Colledge of Bassaim, desiring them that since I could not imbarque at Cambaia in the Cafila of the Portugals, because I was to return to Suràt, where I had left my goods in the Ships, they would favour me and assist me to get convenient passage for Goa in the said Cafila, either at Daman or Bassaim, where I intended to meet it as it return'd. I on the other side gave this Father a Letter to their Fathers Re∣sident at Agrà, to whom I had written formerly from Persia, desiring them to send me some correct Copy of the Persian Books, written by their Fathers in that Court, in order to get the same printed at Rome; and by Sig: Alberto Scilling, I had understood that my first Letter was receiv'd there, and that the said Fathers of Agrà knew me by report, and the relation of divers who had seen me in Persia, particularly of this Sig: Alberto. In this other Letter from Cambaia, I acquainted them with my Voyage to Goa; and desiring them to write to me there, and remember to favour me with those Books. Having dispatch'd the Father Jesuit, we return'd to the Dutch House to have a Collation; and here we were entertain'd a good while with good Musick by an Indian, who sung tolerably well, and play'd upon a certain odd instrument us'd in India; which pleas'd me well enough, because it was not so obstreperous Musick as the or∣dinary of the vulgar Indians, but rather low and very sweet, and the Musician was skilful according to the mode of the Country, having liv'd at the Court of Tisapor, in the service of Adilsiah. His Instrument was made of two round Gourds dy'd black and vernish'd, with a hole bor'd in one of them, to reverberate the sound. Between the one Gourd and the other, about the distance of three spans, was fastned a piece of wood, upon which they both hung, and the strings which were many, partly of brass, and part∣ly of steel, were extended, passing over many little pieces of wood like so many bridges; and these were the frets, which he touch'd with the left Hand to diversify the sounds, and the strings with the right, not with his Fingers or Nails, but with certain iron wires fastned to his Fingers, by certain rings like thimbles, where∣with he did not strike the strings strongly, but lightly touch'd them from the top downwards, so that they render'd a sound sufficiently pleasant. When he play'd, he held the Instrument at his breast by a string that went round his neck, and one of the Gourds hung over his left shoulder, and the other under his right arm, so that it was a prety sight. Collation and Musick ended, we were conducted about two Cos out of the City by the Dutch Merchants, and took the same way by which we came. We pass'd over the five Cos of wet ground, with the four Currents of Water, of which the second was the deepest (having Page  62 waited a while for a fit hour) in company of a numerous Cafila of Coaches, Carts, Horse-men and Foot-men, in the same manner and circumstances as I writ before; onely the Water was now much higher then we had found it at our coming, so that it came into all the Coaches, and we were fain to stand upright and hold fast by the roof of the Coaches, bare leg'd too, because the Water came above the bottom of the Coaches to the middle of the leg. The Oxen and Horses could scarce keep their Heads above Water, and the Coaches being light, if Men hir'd purposely had not gone along in the Water to hold them steady, and break the course thereof by holding great stumps of wood on that side the Tide came furiously in, without doubt, the Water would have swept them away. In this place on the left hand to∣wards the land in the moist ground, we beheld at a distance many Fowls, as big or bigger then Turkies, go up and down, rather running then flying. They told us, they were the same which the Portugals call Paxaros Flamencos, from their bright colour; and I think, they are those of whose beaks Mir Mahhammed in Spahàn, makes bow-rings for the King; although he errone∣ously takes it for the beak of the Cocnos, or Phoenix, which good Authors describe, not a water Fowl, but rather an inhabitant of high Mountains. Having at length pass'd this dangerous foard, and following our way we came at night to lodge at Gi∣ambuser, the same Town where we had lodg'd formerly. March the eighth, We put our selves upon the way again, and foarded the little salt-water Dilavel, and at night arriv'd at Barocci, and were as formerly entertain'd in the House of the Dutch. But upon the way, before we enter'd the City, we saw a handsome structure standing upon a famous Sepulchre of I know not well who, but seems to be some great person's, and is worship'd by the Moors as a sacred thing. This Fabrick is pleasantly seated a∣mongst Trees, something elevated upon the side of a little Lake, or Great Cistern. In the chief part of it, besides the principal Sepulchre, which stands apart in the most worthy place, are many other Sepulchres of white Marble, of an oblong form, with many carvings and works tolerable enough; 'tis likely they are the Tombs, either of the Wives and Children, or of the other kindred of the Principal, because they seem all of the same work and time. Round this greater structure stand other less, with Sepulchres of Moors in them, who cause themselves to be bu∣ried there out of devotion to the place; whence I gather that the principal Sepulchre is not onely of some great person or Prince as it intimates, but also of one that dy'd with some opini∣on among the Moors of Sanctity. I know not who told me that it was the Sepulchre of a famous Tartarian King, who came to have dominion in those parts; but I credit not the Relation, because I had it not from a good hand. March the ninth, We departed from Barocci, ferrying over the River, and at night lodg'd at Periab, where we had quarter'd before as we went. Page  63March the tenth, Having gone the short way which remain'd, and pass'd the River of Surat by boat, we came to that City about Noon, where I repair'd to the House before assign'd me by the Dutch Commendator, and there found the Daughter of one of the Armenian or Syrian Merchants, seen by us at Ahmeda∣bàd, who was come thither with a Brother of hers, in order to be marry'd shortly to one Sig: Guilielmo, a Hollander, to whom she had been promis'd in Marriage at Ahmedabàd, and who also was in the same House, which was capable of him and more. I understood at Suràt, that Sultan Chorròm had taken and sackt the City of Agrà, except the Castle, and that his Army and him∣self had committed very great Cruelties there in spoiling and dis∣covering the Goods and Mony of the Citizens; particularly, that he had tortur'd, and undecently mangled many Women of quali∣ty, and done other like barbarities, whereby he render'd himself very odious to the people. Concerning Asaf Chan, it was said, that he was held in custody by the King, as suspected of Rebellion, although his affairs were spoken of with much uncertainty; and that the King was hastning to come against his Son, but was not yet far off, and mov'd slowly.

March the one and twentieth, Conceiving the return of the [ XXI] Portugal Cafila from Cambaia to Goa to be near hand, and desiring to make a Voyage with the same; since in regard of the great∣ness of my luggage, and the length of the way I could not go by Land, and 'twas not safe going by Sea, by reason of the con∣tinual incursions of the Mahabar Pirates; I dispatch'd a Messen∣ger to Daman, a City of the Portugals, a little way from Suràt, to F. Antonio Albertino, Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits, with the Letter which their above-mention'd Father had given me in Cambaia; and giving him account of my self and my intention, I desir'd him to send me from Daman one of those Light Vessels which they call Almadiae, and are of that swiftness that they are not at all afraid of Pirates, to carry me from Suràt to Daman, where I desir'd to meet the Cafila: For I could not go by a Boat of Suràt, since the Mariners of Suràt would not have taken my Goods aboard which were in the English Ships, without first car∣rying them into the City to make them pay Custom; whereby I might have been put to a great deal of trouble of going back∣ward and forward, as also upon the account of the Moorish Books which I had with me, and reliques of Sig: Maani. Wherefore to prevent these intricacies, I pray'd the Father to send me a Boat from Daman to take me in not at the City, but at the Port where the Ships ride, and where I intended to be with my Goods ready upon the shore of Sohali. And to the end this Portugal Boat might come securely and not fear, I sent him two safe Conducts, one from the English, and the other from the Dutch; although there was no necessity of them, because Boats come many times secretly from Daman, without such safe Con∣duct to sell Commodities to the English Ships. March the Page  64 fifteenth, Was the first day of the Feast of the Indian-Gentiles, which they celebrate very solemnly at the entrance of the Spring, with dancings through the street, and casting Orange Water and red Colours in jest one upon another, with other fe∣stivities of Songs and Mummeries, as I have formerly seen the same in Sphahan; where also reside constantly a great number of Ba∣nians and Indian-Gentiles. Yet the solemnity and concourse of people was greater then in Persia, as being in their own Country, and a City inhabited in a great part by Gentiles and wealthier persons. Otherwise, I saw nothing at Surat during these three Festival Days, but what I had seen already at Sphahan, and have mention'd in my Writings from that place. March the eighteenth, Being invited to the Dutch House, we there saw the Contract of SigraMariam, the Daughter of the abovesaid Armenian or Syrian Merchant, Resident Ahmedabad with SigrGuiglielmo a Dutch-man, which was follow'd by a sumptuous Dinner, at which were all the Christian Dames of Europe that liv'd at Surat to attend upon the Bride; namely, one Portugal Woman taken in the last Ships, which were surpriz'd by the Dutch, and married likewise to a Dutch man; Mary Bagdadina, Wife to another Hollander, and with them also my young Mariam Tinatìn; and another born in India, and contracted to a Dutch-man; of which Nation, many upon the encouragement of certain priviledges granted them by the State, marry Wives in India of any kind, either white Women or black, and go to people New Batavia, which they have built in Java Major, near a place which they call Giacatora; and they that cannot light upon Free-women for Marriage, buy slaves and make them their lawful Wives to transport thither. At this entertainment were present also the President of the English, with all those of his Nation, all the Dutch Merchants, the Brides Brother, Sig: Alberto Scilling, my self, and in short, all the Europaean Christians that were in Surat.

March the one and twentieth, A Post came to the Dutch [ XXI] Merchants from Agra, with fresh News, that Sultan Chorròm, had besides the former, given a new sack to the said City, and the Souldiers committing the like and greater Cruelties, exaspe∣rated perhaps, at their being valorously repuls'd, in assaulting the Castle with loss of many of their Companions. March the two and twentieth, This Morning the Messenger whom I had sent to Daman, return'd to Surat with the answer which I expected. F. Antonio writ me word that there was but one of those Light Vessels belonging to Daman, and it was now at Surat, being late∣ly come thither, the Master of which was one Sebastian Luis; wherefore he advis'd me to agree with him for my transpor∣tation, and in case he were already gone, then I should advertise him thereof at Daman, and they would speedily send him back; for which purpose they kept the safe Conducts, which I had sent for security of the Vessel. But having presently found the above∣said Page  65Sebastian Luis, I have agreed with him to bring his Boat out of the River to the Sea-side, and take me in at the Port which is some distance from the mouth of the River, where I have ap∣pointed to meet him to morrow morning. It remains onely that I take leave of the Dutch Commendator and the English President, from whom I have receiv'd infinite Obligations du∣ring all my residence here, particularly to the Sigr Commendator; the remembrance whereof shall continue with me during Life. I hope, God willing, to write to you speedily from Goa, and in the mean time humbly kiss your Hands.

LETTER II.

From Goa,April 27. 1623.

I Now salute you (my dear Sig: Mario) from Goa; in India indeed I am, but no Indian. Having pass'd through the [ I] Syrian, and afterwards the Persian Garb, I am again trans∣vested into our Europaean. In Turkie and Persia you would not have known me, but could not mistake me in India, where I have almost resum'd my first shape. This is the third transforma∣tion which my Beard hath undergone, having here met with an odd Barber, who hath advanc'd my mustachios according to the Portugal Mode, and in the middle of my chin shaven after the Persian Mode, he hath left the Europaean tuft. But to con∣tinue my Diary, where I left off in my last Letter, which was about my departure from Suràt. March the three and twentieth, Having taken leave of all Friends, a little after Dinner I set forth to depart, but met with so many obstacles in the Dogana, or Custom-house, that they detain'd me till almost night before I could get away. The occasion was this; In the Pass given me, (without which none can depart) the Governour three times expresly prohibited my Persian Servant Cacciatùr to go with me; and this for no other cause but for that himself, (foolishly, or rather cunningly, as appear'd afterwards) out of a pretended vain fear, as he said, when we came first to Suràt, lest he should be known what he was by some of the Persians, who are there in the service of the Great Moghòl, and not knowing that in India there is Liberty of Conscience, and that a Man may hold or change what Faith he pleases, not the least trouble being given to any person touching Religion in the Dominions of the Moghòl; not knowing these things, I say, and fearing to con∣fess himself a Christian before any that might know him in Persia for a Moor, had declar'd in the Dogana, when he was examin'd thereupon, that he was a Musliman, which they interpret a Moor, although the word properly signifies safe or saved, that is, of the right Faith; and therefore by Christians (understanding it in Page  66 their own sense) when considerable respects oblige them to con∣ceal themselves, perhaps is not unlawful to be assum'd. Now Cacciatùr being hereupon taken for a Moor, and not daring to deny it or discover himself more clearly, but, as I believe, intend∣ing to be a Moor really, and to do what afterwards he did; they would not suffer that he should go along with me into the juris∣diction of Christians, where they conceiv'd he would be in danger of being perverted. And although innumerable Moors go daily into the neighbouring Territories of the Portugals, nor are they wont to be forbidden; yet, my Cacciatùr, I know not upon what account, they prohibited very strictly, I believe by his own procurement. When I had read this prohibition in my Pass, I sent him out of the City before-hand, with order to cross the River at another place a good way off, and meet me at the Sea-side, where being among the English, he would be out of all all danger; but through the negligence of a Man of the Coun∣try whom he took to direct him, either by his own will, as 'tis most likely, because he knew not the way; or else, not having found Boats to pass the River elsewhere, as he said, he was di∣rected to cross it at the same place near the Custom-house, where we did; whereupon being seen by the Officers, he was seiz'd upon, and they would not suffer him to come by any means. I us'd much instance, and try'd divers wayes, alledging by a writing that he was bound to serve me longer, and was to go to Goa to be paid his wages there, according to agreement: But all to no purpose, they still answering, (though with great courtesie indeed) that the accord was good, and that Cacciatùr did not break it, being for his part ready to go, but that they made him stay by force, as in zeal for Religon 'twas reasonable for them to do; that, had I been going into some Territory of Moors as I was of Christians, they should not have kept him from me; and therefore, in short, I must be contented to leave him behind, and pay him for his service done in Suràt; other∣wise they could not give a Pass to my self. Perceiving there was no remedy, I return'd to the Dutch-House, and having con∣sulted with the Commendator what to do, I agreed with Cacciatùr, (who was willing not to be left at Suràt, after I had threatned to cause him to be slain there, in case he stay'd to turn Moor) that he should shew himself desirous to stay at Suràt, and in the Governour's own House too if he pleas'd, assuring him under his Hand, that I had fully satisfi'd him, that so my journey might not be stopt; and after I was gone without him, the Dutch Commendator, who took this care upon him, should procure his escape, and send him by another way to the Sea-side where I took Boat; or if he could not be sent timely enough to find me there, then he should come to Daman by Land, where he should certainly find me. Upon this agreement we went before the Governour, with the discharges of his Arrears in writing, and the Governour was contented to let me go, after Page  67 he had narrowly examin'd, whether it was true that he was pay'd by me, and that his agreeing to stay in Suràt was not a fiction. But we had laid all things so together, that he did not discover the truth, or perhaps did not care much to find it out. Wherefore leaving Cacciatùr in the Governours House, where he caus'd him to stay with sundry promises, about night I de∣parted the City, and cross'd the River with Sebastian Luis in my company, who having sent his Vessel down the River, went along with me by Land. On the other side of the River, we waited some hours for Coaches to carry us to the Sea-side, which we were fain to hire at a Town some distance off, and were slow in coming. But as soon as they came we got into them, and travell'd the rest of the night to the Sea-side.

March the four and twentieth, At Day-break we got to the [ II] shore side, where we found the English President attended with all the Merchants of his Nations, who were giving order for di∣spatching their Ships which were ready to set sail to Muchà, or Muchàr, in the Red Sea; namely, the two Ships, the Whale and Dolphin, wherewith I came into India; for of the other three which I left in Bender of Kombrù, they had sold the little Fri∣gat which was in ill plight, to the Persians, who design'd to make use of her in the enterprize of Arabia, whither they had deter∣min'd to pass alone, now the English plainly refus'd to joyn with them in the War; and the other two great Ships having put in likewise at Suràt, were soon after sent out again with Master Thompson, who came with them from Persia, it not being known in Suràt whither. I was receiv'd by the President in his Tent, together with my Mary Tinatìm; and soon after came Cacciatùr my Servant, and two Moors of Suràt, by the favour of the Com∣mendator of the Dutch; but I know not whether it were with his own good liking, though to us he pretended that it was. After my departure the Commendator went to visit the Govern∣our, and since I was gone, and, as he said, could not carry Cac∣ciatùr out of Suràt, he desir'd that he would give him to him, to the end he might live in his House with other Friends; which the Governour readily granting, the same night, by the help of certain persons purposely disguis'd in Indian Habit, he sent him by a secure way to the Sea-side, where he found me in the Tent of the English President. The same Morning I went aboard the Ship call the Whale, (wherein I came) to visit the Captain and take leave of my Friends, with whom also I din'd; afterwards I went aboard the Dolphin, to visit not onely the Captain who was my Friend, but especially my good Companion Sig: Alberto Schilling, who was aboard there in order to go to the Red Sea, in∣tending to pass from thence into Aethiopia to the Court of the Abissins, in case he could get Transportation, and were not hindred in the Turkish Ports where he was to pass, upon account of being a Christian; the Turks not willingly granting passage to Christians (especially Europaeans) towards Hhabese, in regard of Page  68 the suspitions they have of the intelligences and converse with our Compatriots may have to their prejudice with that Prince. Wherefore taking leave of Sig: Alberto with many embraces, of Master Rosel, (whom I had known in Persia, and who being come from thence after me, was here shipt for a Trading Voy∣age) and of all my other Friends in the two Ships, I came back to sup and lye on Land in the Tent of the President. March the twenty fifth, Early in the Morning I put my Goods into the Shallop of Sebastian Luis, and also going aboard my self, whilst the President went to his own Ships to dispatch them, set sail for Daman; at night we cast Anchor in a narrow arm of the Sea, which enters far into the Land, of which sort of inlets there are many all along the coast of India, which encompassing good portions of Land make many little Islands; and because the said arms of the Sea are long and narrow like Rivers, and some of them have little Rivers falling into them from the continent, (although the water is salt, and they have no current but the ebbing and flowing of the Sea) the Portugals term them in their Language Rios, Rivers; which I take notice of, that it may be understood that all the Rios, or Rivers, which I shall name in the coast of India, and not specifie that they are streams of fresh water, are such arms of the Sea as this, improperly call'd Rivers. This, where we staid this night, is call'd Rio di Colek, or Coleque. I have better understood that all the aforesaid inlets are not arms of the Sea, but really Rivers of fresh water; and the Tide of the Sea at ebbing and flowing being here very strong and overcoming that of the Rivers; hence it comes to pass that 'tis hardly perceiv'd whether they have any stream or no; and the water going far into the Land comes like∣wise to be salt; but indeed they are Rivers, and form Islands by their entring into the Sea with many mouths. They are almost innumerable upon all the coast of India, and the Portugals very truly call them Rios, Rivers. Wonder not at these doubts and various informations, for I could not understand things thoroughly at first, for want of converse with intelligent persons; nor was it easie for me to judge right in the beginning, the first appearance of things oftentimes deceiving even the wisest, as the saltness of the water did me, in my judgement of these Rivers; making me take them for arms of the Sea; which mistake, was further'd by the affirmation of most of the ignorant Portugals, who not knowing more of this coast then the shore where the water is salt, think that the Rivers are salt water; but Time and better informations assist my diligence in discovering the truth of things. March the twenty sixth, About noon we arriv'd at Daman, but unseasonably, the Cafila and Fleet of the Portugals being gone in the Morning, and we discern'd them sailing afar off, but it was not possible to overtake them, I advertis'd F. Antonio Albertino, Rector of the Jesuits Colledge, of my com∣ing, and he very courteously came forthwith to the Sea-side to Page  69 receive me, and carry'd me to lodge in the Colledge, which in reference to that small City is large enough and well built. He sent Mariam Tenatim, in a Palanchino, or Indian Litter, (wherein people are carry'd lying along as 'twere in a Couch, and those of Women are cover'd) to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman, and advis'd me that since the Cafila was departed, I should go in the same Vessel to meet it at Bassaim, where it was to touch; and for that day rest a little in Daman as accordingly I did.

The City of Daman is small, but of good building and hath [ III] long, large, and strait streets. It hath no Bishop, as neither have the other Cities of the Portugals upon this coast, being subject in spirituals to the Arch-Bishop of Goa; but in every one of them resides a Vicar, whom they call da Vara, that is, of the Vierge or Mace, (which is the badg of Authority) with su∣pream power. Besides the Jesuits and the Church of the See, (as they call the Duomo, or Cathedral) here are Dominicans, Franciscans, and, as I remember, Augustines too; all, who have good Churches and Covents. The City is environ'd with strong walls of good fortification, and hath a large Territory and many Towns under it; and because they are frequently at war with Nizamsciah, whose State (being govern'd at this day by his famous Abissine-Slave Melik Ambar) borders upon it by Land; there∣fore the Portugals here are all Horse-men, and keep many good Arabian Horses, as they are oblig'd to do, going frequently out to war in defence of their Territory when occasion requires, though during my time here they were at peace. In Daman I first tasted at the Father Rector's Table many strange Indian Fruits, some of which are describ'd by Carolus Clusius, and others not, which, as I was told, were after the writing of his Books brought into East India from Brasil, or New Spain; namely, Pa∣paia, Casu or Cagiu, Giambo, Manga or Amba, and Ananas; all which seem'd to me passibly good, and, though of different tasts, not inferior to ours of Europe, especially Papaia, which is little esteem'd in India; and, if I mistake not, is not mention'd by the abovesaid Writer; in shape and taste, it much resembles our Melons, but is sweeter, and consequently to me seem'd bet∣ter. Ananas is justly esteem'd, being of a laudable taste, though something uncouth, inclining more to sharpness, which, with a mixture of sweetness renders it pleasant. And because the said Books mention it not, I shall briefly add, that to the out∣ward view it seems, when it is whole, to resemble our Pine-Apple, both in the divisions and the colour; saving that at the top it hath a kind of tuft of long strait leaves between green and white, which the Pine-Apple hath not, and which render it prety to look upon; 'tis also different from the Pine-Apple, in that the husks are not hard, but tender like the common skin of Fruits; nor is it needful to take them off one by one, neither is any seed eaten, as the Pine-Nuts, which are within the husks, Page  70 but the whole Fruit is all pulp, which is cut with the knife; and within 'tis of somewhat a greenish colour. Of tempera∣ment, 'tis held to be hot, and good to promote digestion, having, in my opinion, somewhat of a winish taste and strength; which virtue of helping digestion, is likewise ascrib'd in a higher degree to Caju, whence it always uses to be eaten with fish; but of this and the rest, because I suppose others have written of them, I shall forbear further to speak. In Daman, I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News. First, that the two English Ships, which, as I said, were sent from Suràt before my depar∣ture thence, upon some unknown design, went to Dabul, under pretext of Peace and Friendship, as if to traffick in that Port; and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets, and prepar'd a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore: but the English having fairly landed, suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there, and nail'd them up; then putting their hands to their Arms, began to fall upon the people of the Ci∣ty; who upon this sudden unexpected onset, betook themselves to flight, and were likely to receive great dammage; but at length a Portugal Factor, and some few others making head against the English, and animating the Citizens to do the like, turn'd the scale of the victory, and in a short time beat out all the English, killing many of them, and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships; who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul, which were in the Port richly laden, but un∣provided, as in a secure place; which was no small dammage to the City, and afforded a rich booty to the English. This action, I conceive, was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul, or perhaps, onely to force it to permit them free Trade; and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto. The other News, was that Prete Janni, King of Aethiopia and the Abissins, was by means of the Jesuits reconcil'd to the Roman Church, and be∣come a good Catholick, intending that his whole Country should do the same; which if true, is indeed a thing of great con∣sequence.

[ IV] March the seven and twentieth, About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim, in the same Barque or Almadia, and sail'd all the day; at night, in regard of the contrary cur∣rent and danger of Pirats, who cannot easily be seen and avoid∣ed in the dark, we cast Anchor under a place call'd Daniè. March the eight and twentieth, Continuing our course, in the Morning we espy'd some Ships, which we suspected to be Pirats of Malabar, and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards. At night, we cast Anchor in a Bay call'd Kielme-Mahi, from two Towns situate upon it, one call'd Kielme, the other Mahi. On the nine and twentieth of the same moneth, we sail'd forward again; but the Tide turning contrary, we cast Anchor about noon, and stay'd a while in a little Island near the Page  71 Continent. The sails being mended, and the current become favourable, we set forward again; and having pass'd by some Vessels, which we doubted to be Pirats of Malabar, about night we arriv'd at Bassaim. But, lest the people of the Fleet, which we found there with the Cafila, should molest our Boat, as some∣times 'tis usual, and take away the Sea-men for the service of the Navy, we stay'd a while without the City, casting Anchor a little wide of the shore; and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez, Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits at Bassaim, for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their Col∣ledge at Daman, and some also for others from the Brother of theirs, whom I saw in Cambaia. The F. Rector sent presently to the Sea-side where I was, F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator, who because 'twas said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa, immediately without entring into the City, procur'd me passage in a Merchants Frigat, as more commodi∣ous for passengers, in regard 'twas free from the trouble of Soul∣diers which went in the Men of War, appointed to convoy the Merchants Ships. The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embark'd, was call'd Diego Carvaglio, with whom having agreed for my passage, I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship, together with Mariam Tinatin, in the most convenient Cabin, and Cacci∣atùr to take care of them. It being now night, I went alone with F. Govea to their Colledge, to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers, who very courteously retain'd me at Supper; which ended, to avoid the danger of being left behind, I forthwith return'd to repose in the Ship. Of the City Bassaim, I cannot say any thing, because it was night both at my entrance, stay, and coming away; I can onely intimate, that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls, and, if I took good notice, seems to me greater then Daman; but of late years many buildings were destroy'd by a horrible tempest, and are not yet re-edifi'd. I found in the Colledge of Bassaim, F. Paolo Giovio an Italian. March the thirtieth, In the Morning the Fleet set sail, and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City, in view at a little distance, which they call Salsette; and the place where we stay'd (being a large and populous Island) is call'd in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada; and here we stay'd all day, because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land; and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigats built to be sent and arm'd in Goa, were not in order to depart, and we were forc'd to stay their preparation. March the one and thirtieth, At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa, but were slow in getting forth to the Main be∣fore we could set sail; because the Tide was still going out, and there was so little water left that our Frigat run a ground. At length the Tide turning, we row'd out of the streit between the City and the Island; and being come into the broad Sea hois'd all our sails. About mid-night following, we arriv'd at Page  72Ciaùl, but enter'd not into the Port, because it stands much within Land upon a precipice, where the Sea entring far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore, (into which also is descharg'd the mouth of a River) makes an ample and secure harbour; wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night, which in this place is no seasonable time, the Fleet would not enter, but we rode at the Rivers mouth till break of day.

[ V] April the first, Entring into the Port in the Morning, we cast Anchor under the City upon the shore, where nevertheless the water is so deep, and our Galeots came so near the bank, that we went ashore by a bridge. In the entrance of the City and Haven, on the right hand, almost Southwards, we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl, command∣ing the Harbour and all the adjacent City; on the top of it stands a strong Castle, which was sometimes possess'd by the Moors of Dacàn; namely, by Nizam-Schiah, to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs; and when the said King made war with the Portugals, the Moors did great mischief to them from the top of this Mountain, and another which stands near the Harbour, but something more inwardly, discharging great Ar∣tillery from thence upon the City and the mouth of the Port, so that no Ship could enter. But at last a small number of Por∣tugals having routed with a signal, and almost miraculous victo∣ry, a very great body of Moors, the same day they likewise took the said Morro; whither the routed-Moors flying, it hap∣ned that in the entrance of the Fortress, an Elephant wounded by the Portugals, in its flight fell down in the Gate, so that the Moors could not shut it; and the victorious Portugals in that fury of pursuing the Enemy, had occasion and convenience of entring: so that they took it, and still hold it, (having improv'd the for∣tifications) and consequently, deliver'd the City of Ciaùl from the continual molestations, which it suffer'd from thence by the Moors; and now the Citizens live in peace, and more secure. Having landed a little way from the Dogana, or Custom-house, which stands without the walls; the first thing I saw was the Cathedral Church, which stands likewise without the walls upon the shore, and is the See not of a Bishop but of a Vicar, as Daman, Bassaim, Ormuz, and other places are; which though they enjoy the title of Cities, are nevertheless all subject to the Arch-Bishop of Goa. I went next into the Colledge of the Je∣suits, whose Church here, as also in Daman, Bassaim, and almost all Cities belonging to the Portugals in India, is call'd Saint Paul's; whence in India the said Fathers are more known by the name of Paulists then Jesuits. Here I visited F. Antonio Pe∣reira, who was come from Bassaim, where I fell acquainted with him in our Fleet, in order to go likewise to Goa. I likewise vi∣sited the F. Rector of the said Colledge, who caus'd me to stay dinner with him; and being the Fleet departed not that day, I Page  73 also lodg'd in the said Colledge at night. April the second, I heard Mass early in the Jesuits Church, and taking leave of them went to embark, but found that my Galeot was remov'd to the other side of the Port under the Mountain to be mended; and having found Sig: Manuel d' Oliveira, one of our Companions embark'd in the same Galeot, and understanding that the fleet did not depart that day neither, I went with him to hear a Sermon in the Cathe∣dral Church; after which, we went to dine in the House of F. Francesco Fernandez, Priest and Vicar, who liv'd sometimes at Or∣muz, and after the loss of that Island was retir'd hither. The Por∣tugals call Secular Priests, Fathers, as we do the Religious or Monasticks. In the same House dwelt Signor—a worthy and grave Souldier, who being a Friend to my said Companion, we convers'd together till it was late, and then our Galeot being come back we went to embark; but neither did the fleet depart this night, as we suppos'd it would. April the third, A rumor of de∣parting being spread abroad about noon, we put out to Sea, and cast Anchor at the mouth of the Harbour, where many other Ga∣leots were gather'd, expecting the setting forth of the whole fleet; but neither did we depart this day nor the night ensuing.

April the fourth, The fleet being at length in readiness, and the Sun a good height, we set sail and departed from the Port of Ciaùl. [ VI] In the Afternoon we sail'd by a Fort, which is the onely one pos∣sess'd near the Sea by the Moors of Daman, that is, by Nizàm Sci∣àh, which Fort is call'd Danda Ragiaporì; and at night we cast Anchor under a steep shore call'd Kelsi. We did not sail in the night time, because the Cafila was numerous, consisting, by my conje∣cture, of above 200. Vessels, and in the dark some unwary Ship might easily have been taken by the Rovers of Malabar. The next day we sail'd gently along, onely with the sail call'd the Trinket, making but little way, that so we might go altogether and not leave many Ships behind, which being ill provided of Tackle could not sail fast. We cast Anchor again early in the Evening, to avoid the confusion which might arise by so many Ships casting Anchor together; besides the danger of falling foul one upon ano∣ther in the dark. Our course was always Southerly, and the Coast along which we pass'd on the left hand was all mountainous; till having got out of the dominion of Nizam-Sciah, we began to coast along that of Adil-Sciàh. Now that it may be understood who these Princes are, I shall tell you that on the South of the States of the Great Moghòl, in the Confines whereof India begins to be distended into a great Tongue of Land like a Triangle, a great way Southwards into the Sea, between the Gulph of Cam∣baia, and the Gulph of Bengala; the first Province of India joyn∣ing to the States of the Moghòl, is the Kingdom of Daman, whereof some part is still possess'd by the Moghòl. Next follows the Kingdom of Telengone, or Telengà, and many other Provinces divided under several Princes into little Kingdoms, which they say were anciently but one or two, and that the others who are now absolute Princes, Page  74 were sometimes his Captains or Ministers, who having by de∣grees pull'd down the Principal (who was, if I mistake not, the King of Bisnagà on the South, and the King of Sceherbeder) are become equal, and all without superiority sovereign Princes. Amongst these, the nearest to the Moghòl are three Reguli, or pety Kings, all which yet have great dominion and strength, and are at this day of the Sect of the Moors; for the Moors having at first been brought into India to serve as slaves, are by degrees become Masters, and by oppressing the Gentiles in many places have much propagated their Religion. Of these three Princes, the nearest to the Moghòl, whose Territory lyes toward the Sea on the West, and Confines with the Portugals at Giaùl and other places, and who is properly styl'd King of Dacàn, (from the greatest Province) is call'd by the name, or rather sirname, hereditary to all that reign in this State, Nizam Sciàh, which many interpret Rè della Lancia, King of the Lance, alluding to the Persian word Nizè, which signifies a Lance; but I conceive they are mistaken, because his name is Nizam Sciàh, and not Nizè Sciah, as according to this interpretation it should be: Wherefore I have heard others, perhaps, better interpret it, Rè de' Falconi, King of Falcons, or Hawks, from the word Nizàm, which in the Indian Tongue, they say, signifies a Hawk or other Bird of Prey. And whosoever reigns here, always retains this sirname; because whilest he was not an absolute Prince, but a Minister of that other great King of India, this was his Title and Office under that King. The Nizam Sciàh now reigning, is a Boy of twelve years old, who therefore doth not govern it, but an Abyssine Slave of the Moors Religion, call'd Melik Amber, administers the State in his stead, and that with such authority, that at this day this Territory is more generally known and call'd by the name of Melick's Country, then the Kingdom of Nizam-Sciàh. Nevertheless this Melik Amber governs not fraudulently, and with design to usurp, by keeping the King shut up, as I have sometimes heard; but according as I have better understood since from persons inform'd nearer hand, he administers with great fidelity and submission towards the young King; to whom nevertheless, they say, he hath provided, or already given to Wife a Daughter of his own, upon security that himself shall be Governour of the whole State as long as he lives. This Melik Amber is a Man of great parts, and fit for government, but, as they say, very impious, addicted to Sorcery; whereby 'tis thought that he keeps himself in favour with his King, and that for works of Inchantments, (as to make prodigious buildings, and with good luck, that the same may last perpetually and succeed well) he hath with certain Superstitions us'd in those Countries committed most horrid impieties and cruelties, killing hundreds of his Slave's Children, and others; and offering them as in Sacrifice to the invok'd Devils, with other abominable stories which I have heard related; but because not seen by my Page  75 self, I affirm not for true. The Ambassador of this Nizam-Sciàh in Persia, is that Hhabese Chan, an Abyssine also, whom I saw at my being there. Of strange things, they relate that Nizam-Sciàh, hath I know not where in his Country a piece of Ordnance so vast, that they say it requires 15000. pound of Powder to charge it; that the Ball it carries, almost equals the height of a Man, that the metal of the piece is about two spans thick, and that it requires I know not how many thousand Oxen, besides Elephants to move it; which therefore is useless for war, and serves onely for vain pomp. Nevertheless this King so esteems it, that he keeps it continually cover'd with rich cloth of Gold, and once a year comes in person to do it reverence, almost adoring it; and indeed, although these Kings are Moors, yet they still retain much of the ancient Idolatry of the Countries, wherein Ma∣hometism is little, or not yet universally setled. The second of the three pety Kings, whose Country joyns to that of the Moghòl, but borders upon the Sea Eastward in the Gulph of Bengala, is he who (for the same reasons mention'd concerning Nizam-Sciàh) is call'd by the hereditary sirname of Cutb-Sciàh, which some errone∣ously expound Polo d' i Rè, the Pole of Kings, being deceiv'd by the Arabick word Cutb, which signifies the Pole, and is us'd by the Arabians and Persians, to denote supream excellency; un∣derstanding (e. g.) by Polo de i Savii, ò di Sapienza, The Pole of Wise-men, or of Wisdom, the wisest Man in the world; by Polo di Santità o della Legge, The Pole of Sanctity and the Law, the greatest pitch, and the highest observer of the divine Law; and so in all other like Cases; but, I say, I believe they are mistaken; and there seems to me more truth in the exposition of others, who interpret Rè de i Cani, King of Dogs, from Cutb, which in the Language of India signifies a Dog, because he was Master of the Dogs to that supream King. Under his jurisdiction is Gulcondalàr, where, I think, he hath his Royal Seat, and Misli∣patan, a famous Port in the Gulph of Bengala. Lastly, the third of the three Reguli, is he who hath his Seat in Visapor, and reigns in the Country of Telongane, bordering upon the Portu∣gals Territories at Goa, more Southwards then the two before mention'd. Some will have Visapor and Goa belong to the Pro∣vince of Dacàn, and that Telenga much more remote toward the South. The truth is, India and the Provinces thereof is very confus'd; forasmuch as the Indians themselves being illiterate cannot distinguish it aright, and the Portugals have all their knowledge thereof from the vulgar of the ignorant Indians, whose Language they understand not well, and extreamly cor∣rupt in pronuntiations; therefore I cannot speak any thing cer∣tain concerning the same, as neither have the Portugal Writers been able to do, though persons very exact and sufficient. But to return to my purpose, the proper name of him that now reigns is Ibrahim, but his hereditary sirname (as the others) is Adil-Sciàh, or Idal Sciàh, which signifies not giusto Rè, a Just Page  76 King, as some think from the Arabick word Adil, denoting Just; but rather, in my opinion, as some others say, Rè delle Chiavi, King of the Keys, from Adil or Idal, an Indian word importing Keys, he having been in times pass'd Superintendent of the Keys, (of the Treasury perhaps, or Archives) under the supream King. Sometimes these Princes have been call'd Nizam-maluk, Adil-Chan, and so the others with the words, either Melek or Chan, in stead of Sciàh, which is all one; for Melek or Maluk, (as some corruptly read) signifies a King in Arabick, as Chan doth also in Turkish, and Sciàh in Persian: And because these three Languages are sufficiently familiar, and almost common to the Moors, therefore they have us'd sometimes one word, sometimes another; but in later times it seems that those who now rule, rejecting the words Melek and Chan, are better pleas'd with the Persian Title Sciàh, as being, perhaps, more modern to them; whence they are ordinarily call'd now Nizam-Sciàh, Cutb-Sciàh, and Adil-Sciàh, which are the three Princes of whom I undertook to give an account, as persons whom I shall have fre∣quent occasion to mention in these Writings. And to leave no∣thing unsaid, I shall add, that Nizam-Sciàh, or rather his Governour Melik-Ambar, makes war frequently and brave∣ly against the Great Moghòl, upon whom he borders: Cutb-Sciàh, I know not whether he actually makes publick war against him, but at least he fails not to assist his Neighbour Nizam-Sciàh with money. The same doth also Adil-Sciàh, but secretly and by under-hand; not daring through I know not what mean fear declare himself an enemy to the Moghòl; I say, mean fear, because not bordering upon him, (for the two other Princes lye between them) and being able, as they say, upon occasion to bring into the field a hundred thousand men, he seems justly chargeable with timerousness and cowardice; since, me-thinks, he that hath a hundred thousand men at his command ought not to fear the whole world; or, if he doth, he is a very Poltron: But indeed, Adil Sciàh fears the Moghòl, yea, he fears and ob∣serves him so much that he payes him an annual Tribute; and when the Moghòl sends any Letter to him, which is always brought by some very ordinary common Souldier or Slave, he goeth forth with his whole Army to meet the Letter and him that brings it, who being conducted to the Palace sits down there, whilst Adil-Sciàh stands all the time, and the Letter being lay'd upon a Carpet on the pavement, before he offers to put forth his hand to take it up, he bows himself three times to the earth, do∣ing reverence to it after their manner. Moreover, I have heard that this Ibrahim Adil-Sciah who now reigns, some years ago poyson'd his own eldest Son, as suspected of being likely to be∣come one day a disturber of the Common-wealth and the pub∣lick quiet, being displeas'd with him onely because he once with too much freedom perswaded him to deny the Moghòl the ac∣custom'd Tribute; saying, that with the Tribute alone which he Page  77 pay'd voluntarily he durst undertake to make a mighty war up∣on him and never pay him Tribute more; which, if true, was cer∣tainly in this Prince a strange effect of fear. This Adil-Sciah hath marry'd one of his Daughters to Cutb-Sciah, and with Nizam-Sciah he constantly maintains, and frequently renews alliance; so that they are all three fast friends, and firmly united together. I have also heard that Adil-Sciah uses to wear his Beard very long, contrary to the other two, who are shaven after the mode of Persia and India. They say the present Ibrahim Adil-Sciah is in∣firm, by reason of a great hurt receiv'd by a Wolf in his hips, so that he cannot ride on Horse-back; and hence perhaps it is that he is so peaceable and timerous, infirmities undoubtedly much dejecting the spirits of Men. All these three Princes are Moors, as I said before, although their Countries abound with innume∣rable Gentiles. Cutb-Sciah alone, as I have heard, is Sciani, of the Sect of the Persians; but the other two, I conceive, are Sonni, as the Turks and the Moghòl; which yet I affirm not, because I have not perfect certainty thereof. The King of Persia cherishes all these three Princes sufficiently, and they have great correspon∣dence by interchangeable Ambassies and Presents; all which is onely in reference to make greater opposition to the Moghòl upon whom they border, and whose greatness is equally pre∣judiciall to them all. And so much may suffice concerning them.

April the fifth, We set sail again, and in the Afternoon pass'd [ VII] by the City Dabùl, which belongs to the Dominions of Adil-Sciah, and stands hid amongst Hills in a low Plain; so that 'tis scarcely seen. After which, we pass'd within two Leagues of a Point or Promontory which the Portugals call Dabùl falso, because it deceives such as come from far by Sea, making them take it for the Point of Dabùl, to which it resembles. At Night we cast Anchor near another shore which they call the Gulph or Bay, or, as the Portugals speak, A Enceada dos Bramanes, because the Country thereabouts is inhabited by many Brachmans. April the sixth, We set sail, and first pass'd by Ragiapùr, then by Cara∣petan. About two hours before night, we cast Anchor in an Enceada, or Bay, which they call Calosì, or Caloscì, not far from the Point of Carapetan. April the seventh, In the Morning we pass'd by Tambona, which was the Country of the Mariners of our Ship, and toward Evening by the Rocks which the Portugals call Los Illeos quemados, that is, The burnt Rocks, because they appear such by their colour and inequality; and we continu'd sail∣ing all Night, every Ship going as they pleas'd, without caring for the company of the Fleet; now that by reason of the great nearness of Goa, we were in safety. April the eighth, Arriving before Day at the shore of Goa, we began to enter into the salt River, or Rio, as they speak, of salt water which the Portugals call Barra di Goa; upon the mouth of which River, which is suf∣ficiently broad, stand two Forts, one on each side, with good Page  78 pieces of Artillery planted upon them to defend the En∣trance.

[ VIII] 'Tis to be known that the City of Goa, at this day the Head of all the Dominion of the Portugals in India, is situate here in one of these Islands, of which, as I said before, there are innume∣rable upon all the Coast of India, made by the several Rivers which divide them from the main-land. The City is built in the inmost part of the Island toward the Continent; and therefore the whole Island is plentifully inhabited with Towns and places of Recreation, and particularly, upon the River; which is on either side, adorn'd with Buildings and Houses, surrounded with Groves of Palm-Trees, and delightful Gardens. The greatest part of the Island is inclos'd with a Wall, with Gates at the places for passage, continually guarded for security against the attempts of Neighbours, and also to prevent the flight of Slaves and Thefts; since onely that River being cross'd, you enter presently into the Territory of Adil-Sciah and the Moors; but 'tis otherwise toward the Sea-side, for all the Coast which is beset with other small Islands and Pen-insula's, for a good space belongs to the Portugals, being inhabited with Towns and di∣vers Churches. The City which lyes on the right hand of the River, as you enter into the inmost recess is sufficiently large, built, partly, on a Plain, and, partly, upon certain pleasant Hills, from the tops whereof the whole Island and the Sea are discover'd with a very delightful prospect. The buildings of the City are good, large and convenient, contriv'd for the most part for the benefit of the wind and fresh Air, which is very ne∣cessary in regard of the great heats, and also for reception of the great Rains of the three Moneths of Pausecal, which are June, July, and August; which not upon account of the heat (although it be very great at that time, but greatest of all in May, when the Sun is in the Zenith) but of the great Rain, the Portugals call the Winter of the Earth. Nevertheless the buildings have not much ornament or exquisiteness of Art, but are rather plain, and almost all without beautifyings. The best are the Churches, of which many are held here by several Religions, as Augustines, Dominicans, Franciscans, discalceated Carmelites and Jesuits, with double, and very numerous Covents; and indeed, half of the Religious that are here, would suffice for a City bigger then Goa: But besides these, there are also many of Secular Priests, and Parishes, and Chappels; and lastly, the See or Cathedral, which nevertheless is neither the fairest, nor the greatest Church of that City, there being many others that exceed it. The See of Goa at the time of my being there was not finish'd, but scarce above half built, and thence seem'd to me small and less stately; but having since seen the intire design of the structure, I conceive, that when 'tis finish'd 'twill be a very goodly Church. The people is numerous, but the greatest part are slaves, a black and lewd generation, going naked for the Page  79 most part, or else very ill clad, seeming to me rather a disparage∣ment then an ornament to the City. Portugals there are not many, they us'd to be sufficiently rich; but of late, by reason of many losses, by the incursions of the Dutch and English in these Seas, they have not much wealth, but are rather poor. Nevertheless they live in outward appearance with splendor enough, which they may easily do, both in regard of the plenti∣fulness of the Country, and because they make a shew of all that they have: however, in secret they indure many hardships; and some there are, who, to avoid submitting to such Employ∣ments as they judge unbecomming their gravity, being all desi∣rous to be accounted Gentlemen here, lead very wretched lives, undergoing much distress, and being put to beg every Day in the Evening; a thing which in other Countries would be accounted unhappy and more indecent, not to say shameful, then to under∣take any laudable profession of a Mechanick Art. They all pro∣fess Arms, and are Souldiers although marry'd; and few, except Priests and Doctors of Law and Physick, are seen without a Sword; even so the Artificers and meanest Plebeians: as also silk clothes, are the general wear almost of every body. Which I take notice of, because to see a Merchant and a Mechanick in a dress fit for an Amorato, is a very extravagant thing; yet amongst them, very ordinary; the sole dignity of being Portu∣gals sufficing them (as they say) to value themselves as much as Kings and more.

But returning to my purpose, whilst we were coming to the [ IX] City by the River betimes in the Morning, we met the Vice-Roy who was going to the mouth of the Barra, to dispatch away Ruy Freira de Andrada, whom with five or six Ships (a small prepa∣ration indeed) he sent to the relief of Mascàt, and to make war against the Persians; having likewise appointed divers other Ships to be sent after him from Ciaùl, Dio, and other Ports of the Por∣tugals; which if they go, may be sufficient for some considerable exploit: but the Orders of the Vice-Roy in other places, God knows how they will be executed in his absence. The sudden departure of Ruy Freira, made me sorry that I had not the op∣portunity to see him and speak with him, as I extreamly desir'd, and perhaps, it would not have been unacceptable to him. Ar∣riving at the City, we cast Anchor under the Dogana, or Custom-house, where all Ships commonly ride, to wit, such as are not very great; for these stay either at the barr in the mouth of the River, or in some other place thereof where they have the deepest water. Being come thither, I presently gave notice of my arrival to F. Fra: Leandro of the Anuntiation, whom I had known in Persia, and who was here Provincial Vicar of the discalceated Carmelites of India and Persia. I also advertis'd the Fathers Jesuits thereof, for whom I brought sundry of their Gene∣rals Letters from Rome, written affectionately to recommend me to them. F. Fra: Leandro came forth-with to visit me in the Page  80 Ship, where after some discourse for a while together, he un∣dertook to procure us a House and so departed; having also offer'd me his own Covent with that same courtesie and confi∣dence as was formerly between us. A little after, it was very great contentment to me to see and know F. Antonio Schipano, your Kinsman, now a very old man, who was saluted by me upon your account; and so for this time I gave him a succinct Relation of you, puting him in mind of your Child-hood. He came to visit me with F. Vincenzo Sorrentino of Ischia, whom I had formerly seen in Persia, and who not living then with the Jesuits, came with the Spanish Ambassador as his Chaplain in that Voyage. These two Fathers being Italians, were sent by F. Andrea Palmeiro, Visitor of the Jesuits, and then their Supe∣rior in Goa, both to complement me in his Name, and to give him more exact information of me, whom he had never seen, nor so much as known by Fame, saving what his General's Let∣ters signifi'd to him. Wherefore after they had visited me, and understood what was my intention to do, they went to give account thereof to the Father Visitor, saying, that they would return again, as accordingly they did a good while after, offering me in the Name of the F. Visitor their Covent of Profess'd House, where they pray'd me to go and lodge, at least till I were provided of a House; adding, that they would also provide a convenient residence for Mariam Tinatin, who was with me. I thank'd them, and accepted the favour as to my self, and this with the approbation also of F. Frà: Leandro, whom I acquainted therewith. But because it was late that day, and there was not time to dispatch my Goods at the Dogana, I did not land, but remain'd in the Ship with intention to do so the next day. April the ninth, Early in the Morning F. Frà: Lean∣dro sent a Palanchino, or Sedan, to fetch Mariam Tinatin, that she might go to Mass at his Church, and afterwards repair to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman, call'd SigraLena da Cugna, living near the discalceated Carmelites, and much devoted to them, whose House also stood right over against that which he intended to take for me. And this was done, because the Portugals who in matter of Goverment look with great diligence upon the least motes, without making much reckoning afterwards of great beams, held it inconvenient for the said Mariam Tinatin to live with me in the same House; although she had been brought up always in our House from a very little Child and as our own Daughter. For being themselves in these matters very unrestrain'd, (not sparing their nearest Kindred, nor, as I have heard their own Sisters, much less Foster-children in their Houses they conceive that all other Nations are like themselves; wherefore in conformity to the use of the Country, and not to give offence, it was necessary for us to be separated; the rather too, because strangers who amongst the Portugals are not very well look'd upon, and through their ignorance held worse then Page  81 in our Countries Hereticks are, may easily expect that all evil is thought of them, and that all evil may easily befall them in these parts; so that 'tis requisite to live with circumspection. And this may serve for advice to whoever shall travel into these Regions. F. Fra: Leandro sent also to invite me to Mass at his Church; and being it was a Holy Day, and the Jesuits were not yet come to fetch me, as they said they would, I determin'd to go thither, leaving Cacciatùr in the Ship to look to the goods. I was no sooner landed, but I met F. Sorrentino, who in the Name of his Jesuits was coming to fetch me, and also with a Palanchino to carry Mariam Tinatin I know not whither. She was gone already, and so I made an excuse for her, and like∣wise for my self to the Jesuits, onely for that day, being I was upon the way with the Carmelites; and although it somewhat troubled them, yet I went to F. Leandro, having agreed to re∣turn to the Ship; and the next day after my Goods were di∣spatch'd at the Dogana, which could not be done now because it was Sunday, I should then go to receive the favour of the Je∣suits as they commanded me. Wherefore proceeding to the Church of the Carmelites, which stands at the edge of the City upon a pleasant Hill, with a very delightful prospect, I heard Mass there, and stay'd both to dine, sup, and lodg with them. April the tenth, Early in the Morning I went to the Ship, landed my Goods, dispatch'd them at the Custom-house, and having carry'd them to the House of SigraLena da Cugna, where Mariam Tinatin was, I went to quarter (till the House taken for me were emptied, clean'd, and prepar'd) in the Covent of the Profess'd House of the Jesuits, where I was receiv'd by the Visitor, the Provincial, the Provost, and the rest, with much courtesie, and with their accustomed Charity and Civility. I found there many Italian Fathers, of which Nation the Society makes frequent use, especially in the Missions of China, Japan, India, and many other places of the East; besides the two above-nam'd, I found of Italians F. Christoforo Boro, a Milanese, call'd Brono in India, (not to offend the Portugal's ears with the word Boro, which in their Language do's not sound well) a great Mathematician; and another young Father who was afterwards my Confessor; F. Giuliano Baldinotti of Pistoia, design'd for Japan, whither he went afterwards. Moreover, in the Colledge which is another Church, and a distinct Covent, F. Alessandro Leni, an ancient Roman, and Friend of my Uncles, with whom, especially with Sig: Alessandro, he had studied in our Casa Instituta, or Aca∣demy; F. Giacinto Franceschi a Florentine; all who, with infinite others of several Nations, Portugals, Castilians, and others, were all my Friends; and particularly, F. Pantaleon Vincislao a German, well skill'd in Mathematicks, and a great wit, Procu∣rator of China; F. Per Moryad, the Vice-Roy's Confessor, and F. Francesco Vergara, both Castilians; F. Christoforo di Giavanni a Portugal, learned in Greek and Arabick; F. Flaminio Carlo of Page  82Otranto, Master in Divinity. Of Fryers I also found many Ita∣lians, namely, in the Colledge of Fryer Joseph Masagna, a famous Spicerer, and a Man of much business in the Profess'd House, a Neapolitan, a Venetian, and a Thuscan, call'd Fryer Bartolomeo Pontebuoni, a good Painter, and also a Man of much employ∣ment, who were all my great Friends. April the eleventh, my Birth-day, The Jesuits shew'd me all their Covent, which is in∣deed a large and goodly Building, and though not much adorn'd according to our custom, yet perhaps, is the best thing that is in Goa; as also the front of their Church. April the fourteenth, which was Holy Fryday, Being present at Holy Service in the Quire of the Jesuits, (because I was still in my Persian Habit, the Portugal Clothes which I had bespoken being not yet made, and therefore I appear'd not in publick) Sig: Constantino da Sà, (a Portugal Cavalier, or Hidalgo, design'd General for the Island of Zeilan, whither he was preparing to go speedily with his Fleet) coming also to hear the Office in the Quire, saw me there, and understanding who I was, was pleas'd to take notice of me, and after the Office was ended, came together with the Fathers very courteously to complement me, offering himself to serve me, (as he said) in the Island of Zeiland, if I pleas'd to go thither: Whereunto I also answer'd with the best and most cour∣teous words I could. This Sig: Constantino had been sent with an Armado of many Ships to relieve Ormuz when it was besiedg'd; but not arriving there till after the place was taken, he return'd back with his Fleet to Goa.

April the sixteenth, being Easter-Day, I first resum'd an Eu∣ropaean, to wit, a Portugal Habit, as 'tis the fashion at Goa, amongst the graver sort, after I had worn strange garbs for many years together, and ever since the death of my SigraSitti Maani, cloath'd my self and my servant in mourning. April the seventeenth, F. Vincislao Pantaleon, my Friend above-nam'd, (who was skill'd in the China Language, having been many years in these parts, and intended to return thither) shew'd me the Geo∣graphical Description of all China, written very small, or rather printed in a China Character after their way very handsomely. On which occasion, I must not omit to note that the Chineses, as the said Father shew'd me in their Books, are wont in writing to draw the line or verse of their writing, not as we and the He∣brews do cross the paper, but (contrary to both) from the top to the bottom, beginning to write at the right side of the pa∣per, and ending at the left; which to all other Nations seems a very strange way. Moreover, their Letters are not properly Letters, but great Characters, each of which denotes an intire word; whence the Characters are as many as there are words in the Language, and they reckon to the number of eighty thou∣sand; a thing indeed not onely strange and superfluous, but also, in my opinion, unprofitable; yea, disadvantageous, and onely for vain pomp; for in learning these Characters they spend many Page  83 years unprofitably, which might be imploy'd in the acquisition of other better Sciences, without being always Children, (as Hermes Trismegistus said of the Greeks;) yea, in their whole life they cannot learn them all; so that there are none among themselves, or, if any, they are very rare and miraculous, who can write and read all the words, and know all the Characters of their own Tongue, which is certainly a great imperfection; although they say, that he who knows four thousand Characters, may speak and write well enough; and he that knows six or eight thousand, may pass for eloquent. The Japoneses seem to me more judicious in this point, having for ordinary, and more facile use, invented a Alphabet of few Letters, written like∣wise from the top downwards, wherewith they write all words, and all their own Language, and also that of China: But in the Sciences and more weighty matters, the learned amongst them most commonly make use of the China-Characters, which, as mysterious and sacred, are venerable to all these Nations; and although they have all several Languages, yet they do and can make use of the same writing; because being the said Characters are not Letters, but significative of words; and the words al∣though different in sound, yet in all these Languages are of the same signification and number; it comes to pass that divers Na∣tions adjacent to China, as these of Japan, Cauchin-China, and other, (although different in Language) yet in writing, making use of the China-Characters, at least in matters of greatest moment, understand one another when they read these Characters each in their own Tongue, with the different words of their proper Language; which indeed, in reference to the commerce and communication of Nations, is a great convenience. April the seven and twentieth, This Morning, being the first Thursday af∣ter the Dominica in Albis, there was a solemn Procession at Goa of the most Holy Sacrament, for the Annual Feast of Corpus Christi, as the custom is. But in Goa it is kept out of the right time upon such a day, because the right day of the Feast falls in the Moneths of great Rain; so that at that time the Procession cannot be perform'd, and therefore they anticipate it in this manner. The Procession was made by the whole Clergy, with a greater shew of green boughs then clothes, and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguis'd, fictitious ani∣mals, dances and maskerades; things which in our Countries would more sute with Villages then great Cities. Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias, and therefore I have made use of this opportunity; favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name, amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina, SigrAndrea, Sig: Dottore, and Sig: Coletta; upon whom, and your self, I pray Heaven for all felicity; recom∣mending my self to your prayers also for my safety.

From Goa, April 27. 1623.

Page  84

LETTER III.

From Goa,Octob. 10. 1623.

[ I] HAving a fit opportunity, according to my desire to make an excursion from Goa farther into India more Southwards to Canarà, upon occasion of this Vice-Roy's dispatching Sig: Gio Fernandez Leiton, Ambassador to Vanktapà Niekà, a Gentile-Prince of that Province; and concei∣ving that my journey will begin within three or four days, I have therefore determin'd to write this Letter to you, that it may be convey'd by the first occasion of the Ships which are now pre∣paring for a Voyage from India into Europe; for I know not cer∣tainly, how far I shall tarvel, nor how long I shall stay out before my return to Goa, whether moneths or years. As little do I know what other opportunity, or convenient place I shall meet with∣all to write to you; nevertheless I shall omit none that offers it self, and in the mean time present you with the continuation of my Diary. Having been here in Goa too much shut up in the House of the Jesuits, On the first of May, I parted from them after many civil treatments and favours receiv'd of them, according to their most affectionate hospitality; and went to the House prepar'd for me right over against that of SigraLena da Cugna, which stands between the Covents of the Bare-footed Carmelites, and the Converted Nunns of S. Mary Magdalene, in a remote but not in∣convenient place, nor far from the commerce of the City, and the more acceptable to me, because near the residence of Mariàm Tinatìn. May the third, The City of Goa, lying, as they say, in the Altitude of fifteen degrees and forty minutes, agreeably to the good Rule of Astronomy and the Tables of Tycho, accord∣ing to which, F. Christoforo Brono told me, this City is in a Meri∣dian different from that of Francfurt, about four hours more Eastward; yet the Sun came to be in the Zenith of Goa, that is, in the declination of the Zenith at eleven a clock of the night fol∣lowing the said day, (speaking sutably to the Spanish and Por∣tugal Clocks.) Yet at this time it was the height of Summer, and the greatest heat of the year, as we found by experience. For there may be said to be two Summers and Winters every year in Goa, and these adjacent Regions; because the Sun passes over their heads, and departs from them twice a year, once to∣ward the North, and once towards the South. May the eleventh, A Portugal Gentleman coming from the Court of Spain by Land, to wit, by the way of Turkie, and, as they said, in a very short time, and with Letters from the Court dated in the end of the last October, brought news amongst other things of the Canoni∣zation of five Saints made together in one day, namely, of S. Igna∣tio, the Founder of the Jesuits; S. Francesco Xaverio, a Jesuit, Page  85 and the Apostle of the East-India; S. Philippo Neri, Founder of the Congregation della Vallicella, whom I remember to have seen and spoken to in my Child-hood, and whose Image is still so im∣press'd in my memory, that I should know him if I saw him; S. Teresia, Foundress of the Bare-footed Carmelites; and S. Isidoro, a Country-man of Madrid. We had also news of the death of the Duke of Parma, Ranuccio Farnese, and how the Car∣dinal his Brother was gone to the Government of that State during the minority of the succeeding Duke. The Currier who went into Spain with the tidings of the loss of Ormùz, this Por∣tugal Gentleman said he met him at Marseilles; and concerning the Marriage between Spain and England, he brought no intelli∣gence of any conclusion; so that I belive, the news of Ormùz, lost chiefly by the fault of the English, will occasion much difficul∣ty in the Treaty of that Marriage. May the seventeenth, Four Italian Bare-footed Carmelites arriv'd in Goa, being sent by their Fathers at Rome into Persia; but having heard at Aleppo how the Fathers of Persia were troubled by the fate of those new Chri∣stians who were discover'd and slain the year before, and especi∣ally that they had nothing to live upon; they not knowing what to do, and being terrifi'd with the Relations of divers Merchants who aggravated things sufficiently, and being so advis'd by some, who, perhaps, like not the coming of such Fathers into Persia, resolv'd to come into India, and to Goa to the Vicar Provincial, whither they brought no fresh News from Rome, having depart∣ed from thence Eleven Moneths before. They came almost all sick, having suffer'd much in the Desarts of Arabia, and other places of the journey, where they had felt great scarcity; and for all this they would needs observe their Lent and Fasts by the way, sustaining themselves almost solely with Dates, which is a very hot food; and withall the alteration of the Air, very hot too, and unusual to them in the hight of Summer, was the occasion of their being all sick. Two of them arriv'd this day, and the two others the day after; because they came from Mascàt in se∣veral Ships, Of these four Bare-footed Carmelites, within a few days three dyed, and one alone after a long and dangerous sickness escap'd. May the eighteenth, The Bells of all the Churches of Goa rung out with a great noise; and they said, it was for the News of the King's Health then brought from Spain; but I said, I wish'd they had first recover'd Ormùz, and then rung the Bells with joy for both. A vain people!

May the twentieth, The Bare-footed Carmelites would needs [ II] make particular rejoycing for the Canonization of their S. Teresia, and not confound the same in one day with that of the Jesuits; they sent two Portugal Children on Horse-back richly clad in riding habit, as Curriers, to declare with certain Verses to the Vice-Roy of Goa the Canonization of the She-Saint; after which the same Boys went up and down the City with a Trumpet be∣fore them, scattering other Verses to the people with the same Page  86 tidings, the Bells of theirs, and all other Churches of the City ringing in the mean time for joy, being injoyn'd thereunto by the Bishop's Order. At night themselves, and divers of their Friends, made Fire-works throughout the City. And in favour of them the chief Portugals, went the same night up and down the streets in a great Troop, clad in several disguises, after the manner of a Mascherade. I also bore a part in the solemnity, out of my devotion to the new Saint; and according to the liberty which every one took of habiting himself as he pleas'd, I put my self into the garb of an Arabian Gentleman of the De∣sart, which was accounted very brave and gallant; I accom∣pany'd with Sig: Antonino, Son of Sig: Antonio Paraccio, my friend, a youth of about twelve years old, who was one of those who went in the day time to the Vice-Roy, and I cloth'd him in a Persian Habit of mine which I had brought from Persia, or rather like a noble Chizilbase Souldier, very odd and brave; so that we two were a sufficiently delightful spectacle to the whole City. May the one and twentieth, In the Morning the Bare-footed Fathers sung in their Church a solemn Mass in grati∣arum actionem for the above-said Canonization of Santa Teresia, upon whose praises an Augustine Father made an eloquent Ser∣mon; the Vice-Roy and a multitude of people being present thereat.

[ III] May the three and twentieth, The Sun entring into Gemini, I observ'd that the Rain begun in Goa, and it happens not alike in all the Coast of India; for it begins first in the more Souther∣ly parts of Capo Comorni, and follows afterwards by degrees, ac∣cording as places extend more to the North; so that in Cambaia, and other more northern parts, it begins later then in Goa; and the further any place lyes North, the later it begins there. Whence it comes to pass that in the Persian Ephemerides, or Al∣manacks, they use to set down the beginning of Parscecal, or the time of Rain in India, at the fifteenth of their third moneth, call'd Cordad, which falls upon the third of our June; because they have observ'd it in the more Northern parts of India, as in Cam∣baia, Suràt, and the like, where the Persians have more com∣merce then in other more Southern places. In Goa likewise, for the most part the beginning of the Rain is in the first days of June; yet sometimes it anticipates, and sometimes falls some∣thing later with little difference. 'Tis observ'd by long expe∣rience that this Rain in India, after having lasted some days at first, ceases, and there return I know not how many days of fair weather; but those being pass'd, it begins again more violent then ever, and continues for a long time together. By this Rain, as I observ'd, the heat diminisheth, and the Earth which before was very dry and all naked, becomes cloth'd with new verdure, and various colours of pleasant flowers, and espe∣cially the Air becomes more healthful, sweet, and more benigne both to sound and infirm. The arm of the Sea, or River, which Page  87 encompasses the Island of Goa, and is ordinarily salt, notwith∣standing the falling of the other little fresh Rivers into it, with the inundation of great streams which through the great Rain flow from the circumjacent Land, is made likewise wholly fresh; whence the Country-people who wait for this time, derive water out of it for their Fields of Rice in the Island of Goa and the neighbouring parts, which being temper'd with this sweet moisture, on a suddain become all green. June the first, I spoke first to the Vice-Roy of Goa, Don Francesco da Gama, Count of Bidigucira, Admiral of the Indian Sea, and Grand-son of that D. Vasco de Gama who discover'd East-India, in which this Don Francesco was sometimes Vice-Roy, and was once taken captive in Africa with King Sebastian. I delay'd see∣ing him so long, because I was busi'd for a Moneth after my ar∣rival in changing my Habit and providing a House, so that I went not abroad; besides, that the Vice-Roy was likewise employ'd many days after in dispatching the Fleets which went to China and Zeilan; and after they were gone, he retir'd to a place out of Goa, to recreate himself for many days; so that I had no opportunity sooner. I presented to him two Letters from Rome, which I brought directed to his Predecessor in my recommendation, one from Sig: Cardinal Crescentio, and the other from the Duke of Albaquerque then Ambassador at Rome for the Catholick King; and he, without reading them, in my presence said, that without that recommendation he should have ex∣press'd all fiting Civilities to me, and that he was glad to see and know me, with many other Complements and courteous offers. He had no long discourse with me, because many other Portugal Gentlemen of the Council, and other persons of the Govern∣ment expected to have Audience; but when I went away, he told F. Morigad the Jesuit his Confessor who introduc'd me, that at a more convenient opportunity he desir'd to talk with me more at length of the things of Persia, and that he would send for me; and in the mean time desir'd a writing in discourse which I had made a few days before concerning the Warrs of Persia, of which his said Confessor who had seen it, had given him notice; wherefore I gave it to him with my own hand, as I had written it in my Native Tuscan Tongue, and F. Morigad gave him the Translation of it, made by himself into the Portugal Tongue, being the Vice-Roy did not understand the Italian.

June the ninth, In the Colledge of the Jesuits was pronounc'd, [ IV] as 'tis the custom every year, a Latin Oration, for the Inchoati∣on of the Readings; which, the vacations being ended with the hot weather, begin again with the Rain and cool weather. Letters from some Banians were brought to Goa, signifying that the Moghòl had enounter'd with his Rebel Sultàn Chorròm, and routed him; and that Sultàn Chorròm after his defeat was retir'd to a strong hold in the top of a Mountain, which they call Mandù, and that his Father had besieg'd them there. June the four and Page  88 twentieth, being the Feast of Saint John Baptist, The Vice-Roy with many other Portugal persons of quality, as 'tis the yearly custom in Goa, rode through the City in Habits of Masquert, but without Vizards, two and two alike, or three and three; and having heard Mass in the Church of Saint John, he came into the street of Saint Paul, which they are wont to call La Carriera de' Cavalli, and is the best place in Goa. Here, after many Companies of Canarine Christians of the Country had march'd by with their Ensignes, Drums and Arms, leaping and playing along the streets, with their naked Swords in their Hands, for they are all Foot; at length all the Cavaliers run, two carriers on Horse-back, one downwards from the Church of Saint Paul towards the City, and the other upwards, running matches of two to two, or three to three, according as their attire agreed, with their Morisco Cymiters, and at last they came all down marching together in order, and so went to the Piazza of the Vice-Roys Palace, and so the solemnity ended. I stood to see this shew in the same street of Saint Paul, in the House of one whom they call King of the Islands of Maldiva, or Maladiva, which are an innumerable company of small Islands, almost all united together, lying in a long square form towards the West, not far from the Coast of India; of which Islands one of this Man's Ancestors was really King, but being driven out of his Dominion by his own people, fled to the Portugals and turn'd Christian, with hopes of recovering his Kingdom by their help. Yet the Portugals never attempted any thing in his behalf, and so he and his descendents remain depriv'd of the Kingdom enjoying onely the naked Title which the Portugals being now ally'd to him still give him; and because many Merchants Ships come from those Islands to trade in the Ports of the Portugals, they force the said Ships to pay a small matter of Tribute to him as their lawful Sovereign: of which, though the Governours of Ports, to whom upon necessity he must entrust, purloin above half from him; nevertheless he gets at this day by it about three thousand Crowns yearly, and therewith supports himself. The like Fates have befallen many other Princes in India, who hoping in the Portugals, have found themselves deluded. Wherein Reason of State is but ill observ'd by the Portugals, because by this proceeding, they have discourag'd all others from having confidence in them; whereas had they assisted and protected them, as they ought and might easily, and with small charge have done upon sundry fair occasions, they would by this time have got the love of all India; and themselves would by the strength and help of their Friends, undoubtedly, have be∣come more potent, as also, without comparison, more fear'd by their Enemies. June the nine and twentieth, This year the Moors began their Ramadhan, according to the Rules of my Calculation. July the five and twentieth, being the Feast of Saint James, the Protector of Spain, was solemnis'd with the Page  89 same gallantry of Cariers and Dresses, as are above describ'd, saving that the Vice-Roy heard Mass in the Church of St. James.

In the Evening, I went with Sig: Ruy Gomez Boraccio, a Priest [ V] and Brother of Sig: Antonio Baroccio to the Church of Saint James, which stands somewhat distant without the City, upon the edge of the Island towards the main Land of Adil-Sciàh, which is on the other side of a little River, or Arm of the Sea. For which reason, the Island is in this as well as many other dan∣gerous places fortifi'd with strong walls; and here there is a Gate upon the pass, which is almost full of people, going and coming from the main Land, and is call'd by the Indians Benastarni, by which name some of our Historians mention it in their wri∣tings concerning these parts, as Osorius, Maffaeus, &c. which Gate, as likewise many others, which are upon divers places of passage about the Island, is guarded continually with Souldiers, commanded by a Captain who hath the care thereof, and for whom there is built a fine House upon the walls of the Island, which in this place are very high, forming a kind of Bastion, or rather a Cavaliero, or mount for Ordnance; not very well de∣sign'd, but sufficiently strong, wherein are kept pieces of Artillery for defence of the place. We went to visit the said Captain, who was then Sig: Manoel Pereira de la Gerda, and from the high Bal∣conies of his House and the Bastion, we enjoy'd the goodly pro∣spect of the Fields round about, both of the Island and the Con∣tinent, being discernable to a great distance. The Captain en∣tertain'd us with the Musick of his three Daughters, who sung and play'd very well after the Portugal manner upon the Lute, after which we return'd home. About the Church of Saint James are some few habitations in form of a little Town, which is also call'd Santiago; and the way from thence to the City is a ve∣ry fine walk the Country being all green, and the way-sides beset with Indian Nut-trees, (which the Portugals call Palms, and their fruit Cocco) the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure on either side contributing to the delightfulness thereof, being full of sundry fruit-trees unknown to us; as also because in Winter-time the very walls of the Gardens are all green with moss, and other herbs growing there; which indeed is one of the pleasantest sights that I have seen in my days, and the rather because 'tis natural and without artifice. The same happens, I believe, not in this Island onely, but in all the Region round about. In the field adjoyning to the City, near the ruines of a deserted build∣ing, once intended for a Church, but never finish'd, is a work of the Gentiles, sometimes Lords of this Country, namely, one of the greatest Wells that ever I beheld, round, and about twenty of my Paces in Diametre, and very deep; it hath Parapets, or Walls breast-high round about with two Gates, at one of which is a double pair of stairs leading two ways to the bottom, to fetch water when it is very low. July the six and twentieth, I went out of the City to a place of pleasure in the Island, where Page  90 was a Church of Saint Anna, to which there was a great con∣course of people, because it was her Festival. This Church stands very low, built amongst many Country dwellings, partly, of the Islanders who live there, and partly, of the Portugals who have Houses of Pleasure there to spend a moneth for recreation. The place is very delightful amongst Palmetoes and Groves of other Trees, and the way leading to it is extreamly pleasant, all cover'd with green. After I had heard Mass here, Sig: Gio∣vanni da Costa de Menecas, a Friend of mine whom I found there, carry'd me to dine with him at the House of a Vicar or Parish-Priest of another Church not far distant, and of small Building, which they call Santa Maria di Loreto, where we spent the whole day in conversation with the said Vicar and other Friends. At night because it rain'd, I caus'd my self to be carry'd home in one of those Carriages which the Portugals call Rete, being no∣thing else but a net of cords ty'd at the head and feet, and hang∣ing down from a great Indian Cane; in which Net (which is of the length of a Man, and so wide that opening in the middle, (for the two ends are ty'd fast to the Cane) 'tis capable of one person) a Man lyes along very conveniently with a cushion un∣der his head, although somewhat crooked, to wit, with the feet and head advanc'd towards the Ligatures, and the middle part of the body more pendulous under the Cane, which is car∣ry'd upon the shoulders of two men before, and two behind; if the person be light, or the way short, two Men onely bear it, one before, and the other behind. These Nets are different from the Palanchini and the Andòr; for in these from the Cane hang not nets, but litters like little beds, upon which a Man sits with his legs stretch'd forth, or half lying along upon cushions, and so is carry'd very conveniently. Moreover, the Palanchini and the Andòr, differ from one another; for that in the latter, the Cane upon which they carry is strait, as it is likewise in the Nets; but in the Palanchini, for greater ease of the person carry'd that he may have more room to carry his head upright, the said Cane is crooked upward in this form ☊, and they bend Canes for this purpose when they are small and tender, and these are the most convenient and honourable carriages; and because there are not found many good Canes and fit to bear such a weight, there∣fore they are sold dear, at a hundred or six score Pardini a piece, which amount to about sixty of our Crowns. Besides, as well the Palanchini as the Andòr, and the Nets, are cover'd for avoid∣ing the Rain with dry Coverlets made of Palm leaves, to wit, those of the Indian Nut, and other such Trees, sufficiently hand∣some, which being cast over the Cane, hang down on each side, having two windows with little shutters; They keep out the water very well, and the Coverlets may be taken off when one is minded to go uncover'd, and carry'd by a servant. Yet I never saw any go uncover'd in Goa, either in Andòr or Nets; but out of the City in the Country, many. I have spoken more Page  91 at length of these Carriages, because they are unknown in our Countries, although I remember to have seen in Italy the Effigies of a Net or Rete, engraven in certain Maps of the World, and, if I mistake not, amongst the ways of travelling in Brasil, where I believe they are us'd; and indeed this mode of Carriage is very usual in India, not onely in Cities, but also in journeys and those of sufficient length; wherefore to make experience of it, I was minded to have my self carry'd this day after the manner which I have describ'd; nor must I omit, that the Men who bear such Carriages are satisfi'd with a very small reward. Going in Pa∣lanchino, in the Territories of the Portugals in India, is prohi∣bited to Men, because indeed 'tis a thing too effeminate; never∣theless, as the Portugals are very little observers of their own Laws, they began at first to be tolerated upon occasion of the Rain, and for favours or presents; and afterwards become so common, that they are us'd almost by every body throughout the whole year.

On the tenth of August, I believe, the Sun was in the Zenith [ VI] of Goa, returning from the Northern signes, and passing to the Southern; yet for the day and precise hour, I refer my self to a better Calculation, according to the good Books which I have not here with me. On the eleventh of the same Moneth, I saw at Goa a Carnero, or Weather without horns, which they told me was of the Race of Balagàt, not great but of strong limbs, har∣ness'd with a velvet saddle, crupper, head-stall, bridle, stirrups, and all the accoutrements of a Horse; and it was ridden upon by a Portugal Youth of about twelve years old, as he went and came from his own House to the School of Giesù, which low School of Reading and Writing, the said Fathers keep for more convenience of Children, not at the Colledge which stands in the edge of the City where the higher Schools are, but at the Church of Giesù, which is the Profess'd House, and stands in the middle of the City, whither the abovesaid Youth rode daily upon his Martin; and I observ'd, that the beast being us'd to the place, knew the way so well that he went alone at night from the House to the School to fetch the Youth, without any body holding or guiding him before the servant which drove him, as they do many Horses. I took the more notice of this trifle, be∣cause it seem'd a new thing to ride upon such creatures; for al∣though in our Countries, Dogs and Goats are sometimes seen with saddles and Horse furniture, running, leaping, and capring, yet 'tis onely for sport, and with puppets upon the saddle; but this Martin was ridden upon by such a boy as I have mention'd, although the beast was but of a very ordinary bigness. On the sevententh of August, the Gentile-Indians kept a kind of Festival, to which a great number of them came to a place in Goa, which they call Narvè, or as the vulgar corruptly speak Narvà, as it were for pardon or absolution, and many came in pilgrimage from far Countries to wash their bodies here, plunging them∣selves Page  92 into the Arm of the Sea, Men and Women together all naked, without any respect at all, even persons of quality, and casting Fruits, Perfumes, and other things into the water, as it were in Oblation to the Deity of the water of this place, with other Ceremonies, Devotions, and the like; which I re∣late not more particularly, because I was not present at them, because the great Rain kept me from going to see them, as it also was the cause that the concourse of the Gentiles was not very great. Nevertheless I could not but speak thus much in gene∣ral of it, as being a considerable thing amongst them. This Feast, and their Devotion, lasts two days, but the first is most remarkable.

August the one and thirtieth, A Galeon coming from Mascàt, [ VII] (being the first Ship that came to Goa this year since the Rain, and the shutting up of the mouth of the Port) brought News how Ruy Freyra having been a few Moneths before at Mascàt with the little Fleet which he had of sixteen Ships, was gone to attempt Sohèr, which place being formerly abandon'd by the Portugals, was now fortifi'd by the Persians with a strong Garri∣son; and that after he had landed, he assaulted the Fort, but could not take it, though many Moors were slain in the encoun∣ter and about twenty five Portugals; amongst which, were three or four Captains, Men of Valor and Esteem: in which action, some conceiv'd, that Ruy Freyra had not done well in hazarding and losing so many people upon a place of small importance; but he continuing to besiege it, it was deliver'd to him upon Arti∣cles, the Garrison which was within marching away with their Arms and Baggage; after which he raz'd the Fortifications, and attempted another place of that Coast of Arabia, which they call Galfarcan; and having taken it, out of indignation, as I believe, for the many good Souldiers which they had kill'd of his at Sohàr, and to cast a terror, left no person alive, sparing neither sex nor age. Which cruel manner of proceeding I cannot approve; because on the one side, it will alienate the minds of the people of that Country; and on the other, it will incite Ene∣mies to fight against more obstinately and valorously, as know∣ing they are to expect no quarter. This is as much as hath been done hitherto in those parts about Ormùz, the doing of greater matters requiring new and greater supplies from the Vice-Roy; but they say likewise, that Ormùz and Kesciome are extreamly well fortifi'd by the Moors. September the six and twentieth, Sig: Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa, Ambassador in Persia from the Catholick King in my time, who by reason of sundry acci∣dents, and the oppositions of the Portugals to him as to a Castili∣an, (as himself saith) or, (as other say) because it was his own mind to do so; since the year before being sent away in a Petache or Shallop according to his own desire, he return'd back for fear of a tempest, (though without reason) had never return'd home into Spain to his King; but when I arriv'd in India,Page  93 I found him at Goa, where we became acquainted together; and coming to visit me one day, amongst other things whereof we discours'd, he told me that he had heard a while since that the Prior of Savoy, to wit, the Duke of Savoy's Son who is a Prior, was made Vice-Roy of Sicily, and Generalissimo of that Sea for his Catholick Majesty: Which was News to me, and, as a rare and unaccustom'd thing for the Spaniards to place Italians in governments of States in Italy, I was not unwilling to take notice of. September the thirtieth, At evening the Dominicans with the Fryers of the Society del Rosario, made a goodly Pro∣cession in Goa, with abundance of Coaches, and Images cloth'd after their manner, and richly adorn'd with many Jewels; all the streets where it pass'd being strew'd with green herbs and flow∣ers, and the windows hung with Tapistry and rich Carpets; to which shew, which is yearly made for the Feast of the Rosary, which is upon the first Sunday of October, the whole City was ga∣ther'd together. This great Procession they make the Eve before the Feast after Vespers, and in the morning of the Feast they make another less one, onely about the Gate of the Church, but with the same pomp, and besides with the most Holy Sacrament. October the tenth, The Vice-Roy of Goa dispatch'd Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leiton my Friend, Ambassador to the Gentile-Prince, whose Dominion in the Kingdom of Province of Canarà, more Southernly then Goa, borders upon Onòr, and the other Territo∣ries of the Portugals in those maritime parts. This Prince Venk-tapà Naieka, was sometimes Vassal, and one of the Ministers of the great King of Vidià-Nagàr, which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnagà; but after the down-fall of the King of Vidià-Nagàr, who a few years ago by the Warrs rais'd against him by his Neighbours, lost together with his life a great part of his Domi∣nion, and became in a manner extinct; Venk-tapà Naieka, as also many other Naieki, who where formerly his Vassals and Ministers, remain'd absolute Prince that part of the State where∣of he was Governour; which also, being a good Souldier, he hath much enlarg'd, having seiz'd by force many Territories of divers other Naieki, and pety Princes his Neighbours; and in brief, is grown to that reputation, that having had Warr with the Portugals too, and given them a notable defeat, he is now held for their Friend, and for the establishment of this Friendship they send this Embassage to him in the Name of the King of Por∣tugal, the Ambassador being styl'd, Ambassador of the State of In∣dia; and though he is sent by the Vice-Roy, nevertheless, as their custom is, he carries Letters written in the name of the King him∣self, to do the more honour to Venk-tapà Nieka to whom he is sent. This is the first Ambassador sent to this Prince in the King of Portugal's Name; for before in Occurrences which fell out, an Ambassador was sent only in the name of some one of those Cap∣tains, and Governours of the Portugal Territories, which had bu∣siness with him; and this was sent in answer to an Ambassador of Page  94 his who hath been long at Goa, negotiating with the Vice-Roy the establishment of the said Friendship. The Ambassador of Venk-tapà Naieka is a Brachman, call'd Vitulà Sinaì, and having taken his leave of the Vice-Roy, the two Ambassadors departed together at this time. I having been some dayes before inform'd of this intended Embassie, and being desirous to see some Coun∣try of the Gentiles, where themselves bore sway, and observ'd their Rites without any subjection to Christians or Moors, or Princes of different Religion, as in those Lands which I had hi∣therto seen; I offer'd my self to accompany my Friend Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leiton in this Embassie, and he hath been pleas'd to testifie very great liking of my company. So that I am to take Ship with him within three days, which will be the thirteenth or fourteenth of this present moneth of October. I hope I shall find matter wherewith to feed our Curiosity, and to give you an en∣tertainment. In the mean time I heartily salute all our Friends at Naples, and most affectionately kiss your Hands.

From Goa, October 10. 1623.

LETTER IV.

From Onòr,Octob. 30. 1623.

[ I] BEing departed from Goa, and arriv'd at this Port of Onòr, I shall give you some account of what hath hapned in my observation during the few days since the last that I writ to you, October the tenth; which because I understood lay still at Goa, with the two Ships which were to go thence for Persia, I have thought fit to send this to accompany it, and, I hope, you will receive both of them together; and that not without some small delectation with my News, inasmuch as I am pleas'd in writing to you from several places, and (when I can get opportunity) from those very places which afford the novelties and matters whereof I write, which therefore may possibly be more grateful in the reception, as being native of the Country. I took Ship with our Portugal Ambassador, and Sig: Gio: Fer∣nandez Leiton, about Evening October the fourteenth; and de∣parting from Goa, we remov'd to a Town call'd Pangi in the same Island, but lower near the place where the River enters in∣to the Sea, and whither the Vice-Roys use to retire themselves frequently to a House of Pleasure which they have there, be∣sides many other like Houses of private persons upon the River likewise; and where also at the mouth of the Sea, or Bar, as they speak, which is a little lower, almost all Fleets that depart from Goa are wont to set sail. We might have perform'd this journey by Land along the Sea-cast, passing along the other Lands of Page  95Adil-Sciàh, till we came to those of Venk-tapà Naieka: But to avoid expences, and occasions of disgust with many Governours of those Territories subject to Adil-Sciàh, who sometimes are little courteous, and impertinent, the Vice-Roy would have us go by Sea; and for more security, sent five of those light Frigats or Galeots, which the Portugals call Sangessis, to accompany us as far as Onòr,, where we were to land. So that we were in all ten Ships or Galeots, to wit, one which carry'd the Portugal Ambassador and us; an other in which the Venk-tapà Naieka's Ambassador the Brachman went; three others laden with the baggage of the two Ambassadors; (and particularly, with Horses and other things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka, and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell;) and the five Ships of War, whereof Sig: Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain or General. Nevertheless we de∣parted from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship, the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea, and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us, where we arriving the abovesaid night, did not land because it was late, but slept in the Vessel.

October the fourteenth, We went a shore in the Morning at [ II] Pangì, and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side, where I being present with them, Sig: Gio: Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was, and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King: wherewith he testified great contentment, but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear, as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight; because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians, especially of the Gentiles, who all wear them in both ears: And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual, but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful, onely be∣cause 'tis us'd by Gentiles, therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it; but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law, but onely customarily disus'd, and that in Europe it was us'd by many, he commended the custom, and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant, and better then they who wore none; so powerful is use to endear things to the eye, and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some, which others through want of custom, dislike, or value not. This day we departed not, because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompa∣ny us, was unprovided with Sea-men, for which we were fain to stay till the day following, and then were not very well provided. The cause whereof was, for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa, because the Govern∣ours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Sciàh, would not permit their Ships to come, as they were wont, to sup∣ply Mariners for the Portugal Armado; which seem'd an argu∣ment Page  96 of some ill will of that King against the Portugals, of which, were there nothing else, theirs being weaker, and more confus'd in their Government then ever, and all things in bad order, was a sufficient ground; for remedy of which, they took no other course, but daily loaded themselves with new, unusual, and most heavy Impositions, to the manifest ruine of the State, taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes, which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels: but if such thefts continue, both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels, and as many as they can invent, will be all swallow'd up. Nevertheless, the Portugals are heedless according to their custom, and out of a fatal blind∣ness making no reckoning of these signs, which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Sciàh, think he knows nothing of these disorders, and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impertinence of his Officers. What the event will be, Time will shew.

But to return to my purpose, Not being to depart this day, [ III] we went to dine and pass the time, with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig: Baldassar d' Azevedo, who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side, a little distant from the Villa, or Fort, where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi. Whilst we were recreating our selves, Sig: Fernandez be∣thinking himself of what, perhaps, he had not thought of before, ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage; and I telling him that I had not, because I did not think it needful, he reply'd, that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go; otherwise, he could not venture to carry me, for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him, by saying, that he had carry'd me a stranger, and without the Vice-Roy's Licence, into suspected places, where matters of State were to be handled; in brief, knowing the matter blameable, and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation, and being admonish'd by many and great troubles be∣fallen others, and particularly, a Kinsman of his very innocent∣ly for very slight causes, and much inferior to this; he told me resolutely, that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good, either for him or me, that I should go. Wherefore being we were not to depart that day, he advis'd me to return to the City, and procured the said Licence, if I intended to go, and he would stay for me till the next Morning; but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship, nor would he by any means venture to carry me. I, who well understood the pro∣cedures of the Portugals, and what rigor they use in their Go∣vernment, and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone, which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices, was sensible that Sig: Fernandez had reason, and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency, because I accounted it not necessary; but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy, who knew Page  97 me well, and had shewn himself courteous to me, I look'd upon as not difficult. Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage, as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen, I went by boat to the City, and having first given account of my busi∣ness to Sig: Antonio, and Sig: Ruy Gomez his Brother, (to whose House I repair'd, having left that which I had hir'd, and remov'd my goods to that of the said SigriBarocci) I went with the same Sig: Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit, and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend, whom I desir'd (as the fittest person to do it, in the short time left me) to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy. He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it, and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night; and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand, directed to the Ambassador Gio: Fernandez, wherein he told him, that whereas I desir'd to go along with him, he might carry me, and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person, with other like courteous and high expressions. Having gotten my Licence, I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio, to visit the Bishop of Cocni, who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa, and whom I had not yet visited; and understanding that he was de∣sirous to know me, and was a Prelate of great merit, not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters, but also in point of Government and Warr, (for he took divers strong places, and perform'd other exploits in India for the service of his King, with great valour) I would not depart without first visiting him, and making my self known to him. This Prelate is call'd Frà Don Sebastiano di San Pietro, and is an Augustine Fryer. We discours'd above an hour together concerning things of India, Persia, and other matters, and I recommended to him with the F. Confessor the Augustine Fathers of his Religion in Persia, giving him an account of their necessities, and how he might help them.

Night being come, I went to make a Collation in the House [ IV] of SigriBarocci, and when it was grown dark, I return'd to imbark in the Ship which expected me, and went to the Town of Pangi to find Sig: Gio: Fernandez and my other Companions, who were very glad at my return with the Vice-Roy's Licence, so favourable and courteous to me, because they were loath to have gone without me; and so I slept with them that night in the same House. My charge, Mariàm Tinatìn, went not with me this journey because it was not expedient, being I was to return to Goa, but stay'd still in the House of SigraLena da Cugna; onely Cacciatùr went with me to serve me. October the fifteenth, A little before night we were ready to set sail, had not we been necessitated to stay for certain Mariners till the next Morning, when we went to hear Mass in a Church of Saint Agnes belonging to the Augustine Fryers, and standing in the Island of Goa; after which, being imbark'd, we stay'd a while longer waiting for the Page  98 Brachman Ambassador, for what reason I know not, unless, per∣haps, he was minded to make us stay for him, as we had made him stay for us. At length being got out of the mouth of the River, we continu'd sailing all night, but with a small wind. Our course was always Southward almost directly, and we coasted along the land at a little distance. October the sixteenth, In the Morning we discern'd four Ships of Malabar Rovers, near the shore (they call them Paroes, and they go with Oars, like Galets or Foists) we gave them chase for above an hour, in∣tending to fight them, but we could not overtake them; onely we lost much time and much of our way. Night came upon us near certain ••ocks, or uninhabited little Islands, which they call Angediva, which signifies, in the Language of the Country, Five Islands, they being so many in number. We found fresh water in one of them, they are all green and have some Trees. We set sail from thence the same night, but had little or no wind and violent rain. October the seventeenth, Continuing our course the next day with a very small gale, we saw the bound of the States of Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka, which is onely a brackish River, such as are frequent upon the Coast of India. The wind was but small still, so that all this day we could not arrive at Onòr; but when it was night, because 'tis no good entring into the Port of Onòr in the dark and with ebbing water, as it was now, we cast Anchor, and remain'd all night under an uninhabited small Rock, which they call the Rock of Onòr. After mid-midnight the Tide began to flow, but yet we stirr'd not. October the eighteenth, About break of day we mov'd along, and by the help of Oars finish'd the remainder of the way, arriving at Onòr in good time. This whole Voyage from Goa to Onòr, is not above eighteen Leagues, but it took us up so much time, because we had onely a very small wind.

[ V] Onòr is a small place by the Sea-side, but a good Port of in∣different capacity, which is form'd by two arms of Rivers, which (I know not whether both from one or several heads) running one Southward, and the other Northward, meet at the Fortress, and are discharg'd with one mouth into the Sea. The habitati∣ons are rather Cottages then Houses, built under a thick Grove of Palms, to wit, those which produce the Indian Nuts, call'd by the Portugals, Coco; and by the Arabians, Narghil. But the Fortress is of a competent circuit, though the walls are not very well design'd, being just as the Portugals found them made by the people of the Country. It stands upon a high Hill of free stone, and being very capacious, not onely the Captain lives there, but most of the married and principal Portugals have Houses in it, very well accommodated with Wells, Gardens, and other conveniencies. The streets within the Fortress are large and fair, besides a great Piazza sufficient to contain all the people of the place in time of a siege. There are likewise two Churches, one dedicated to Saint Catherine, and the other to Saint Anthony; Page  99 but ordinarily there is but one Priest in Onòr, who is the Vicar of the Arch-Bishop of Goa; and therefore in Lent other religi∣ous persons always go thither. Out of the Fort, in the Country, is the Bazar or Market, but a small one and of little considerati∣on; nothing being found therein but what is barely necessary for sustenance of the inhabitants. Our Ambassador Sig: Gio: Fer∣nandez lodg'd with us, not in the Fort, but without in the House of a private man; and, I believe, it was because he had rigor∣ous Orders from the Vice-Roy against the Captain; and Com∣mission to redress many Disorders which he had committed in his Government, especially to compose matters between him and the people of the Country; as also between him and the Vicar, betwixt whom there were great Disorders, the fault of which was charg'd upon the Captain. When we were setled in our House, first the Vicar call'd F. Henrico Rabelo, and afterwards the Captain call'd Sigr Don Christoforo Fernandez Francisco, with almost all the principal persons of the place, visited Sig: Gio: Fer∣nandez, who presently beginning to treat of business, and pre∣senting to the Captain the Vice-Roy's Letters and Orders, the Captain being terrifi'd therewith on the one side, and on the other, oblig'd by the civil terms of Sig: Fernandez, forthwith offer'd himself ready to give the Vice-Roy satisfaction in what∣ever he commaded, and began immediately to put the same offer in effect; releasing one whom he held Prisoner, and performing other things which Sig: Fernandez appointed him. October the nineteenth, The Captain inviting the Ambassador and all the company to dine in the Fort, we went first to visit him, and after∣wards to hear Mass in Saint Catharine's Church, which is the Vicar's See; which being over, the Ambassador visited a Gentle∣woman who was a Kinswoman of the Vicar's, and then retir'd in private with the Captain, not without manifest signes that his re-pacification was rather upon necessity then out of good-will. Causa mali tanti, foemina sola fuit. The original of most of the Disorders between the Captain and the Vicar, they say, was occasion'd by the Captain's Wife, who had banish'd out of Onòr a servant of his whom he had employ'd as his Instrument to other Women, and who had been formerly punish'd for the same fault. In the mean time we walk'd up and down, but saw nothing worth mentioning; and at at dinner-time we went to the Cap∣tain's House where we all din'd, namely, Sig: Gio: Fernandez the Ambassador, the Chief Commander of the Fleet, call'd Hettor Fernandez, F. Bartolomeo Barroso the Ambassadors Chap∣lain, Sig: Consalvo Carvaglio and I, who came in the Ambassa∣dor's Company. The Entertainment was sumptuous and very well serv'd; dinner ended, we return'd to our House.

October the twentieth, In the Evening the Chaplain and I [ VI] went in a Palanchino a mile out of Onòr to see a fine running wa∣ter, which issuing out of the Earth in a low, or rather hollow place, as it were the bottom of a Gulph, falls into a Tanke, or Page  100 Cistern built round with stone; and this being fill'd, it runs out with a stream watering the neighbouring-fields. The water is hot, to wit, not cold; and therefore the Country-people come frequently to bathe themselves in it for pleasure. The Cistern is square, every side being five or six yards, and the water would reach to a man's neck; but by reason of the ruinousness of the walls in some places, it is not very clean. Within it are small fishes, which use to bite such as come to swim there, yet with∣out doing hurt, because they are small; and the place being low, is consequently, shady, and so affords a pleasant station at all times. The Gentiles have this Cistern in Devotion, and call it Ram-tirt, that is, Holy Water, Water of Expiation, &c. The Portugals call it O Tanque da Pedre, that is, the Cistern of the Fa∣ther, or Religious person, from the Gentile-Monastick who uses to remain there. We stript our selves, and spent a good while in swimming here. The fields about Onòr through which we pass'd were very pleasant Hills and Valleyes, all green, partly with very high herbage, partly with wood, and partly with Corn. October the one and twentieth, I took the Altitude of the Sun, and found it distant from the Zenith 24. degrees 20. minutes, upon which day the Sun, according to my manuscripts, was in the 27th degree of Libra, and declin'd from the Aequinoctial to the South 10. degrees 24′, 56″, which deducted from 24. degrees 20′, in which I found the Sun, there remain 13. degrees 55′, 4″; and precisely so much is Onòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. In the Evening the Ambassador Vitulà Sinay, who was lodg'd beyond the River more South of Onòr, came to the City to visit the Captain in the Fort. The Captain with all the Citizens, and Sig: Gio: Fernandez, with us of his Company, went to meet and receive him at the place where he landed; three pieces of Ordnance being discharg'd when he en∣tred into the Fort. October the four and twentieth, was the Da∣vàli, or Feast of the Indian-Gentiles, and, I believe, was the same that I had seen the last year celebrated in Bender di Combrù in Persia: The same day, if I mistake not in my reckoning, the Moors began their new year 1033. In the Evening, I went to see another great Town of Gentiles, separate from that stands upon the Sea near Onòr, and they call it the Villa de' Brahmani, be∣cause most of the inhabitants are Brachmans, whereas they that live by the Sea-side are Fishermen, and of other like profession. This Town of the Brachmans stands about a Canons-shot within land, remote from the Fortress of Onòr towards Hordete or Greco. The inhabitants keep Cows or Buffalls, and live upon other Trades. In the entrance of the City is built for publick use a handsome square Cistern, or Receptacle for Water, each side of which contain'd about a hundred of my paces in length; 'tis fill'd with rain water, which lasts for the whole year.

[ VII] October the five and twentieth, came News to Onòr how on Thursday night last, October the nine and twentieth, Venk-tapà Page  101 Naieka lost his chief Wife, an aged Woman, and well belov'd by him; her name was Badra-Amà, Daughter of a noble-man of the same Race of Lingavant, which Venk-tapà himself is of. Badrà was her proper name, Amà, her Title, denoting Princess or Queen. We stay'd all this while at Onòr, because as soon as we arriv'd there, Vitulà Sinay writ to Venk-tapà Naieka his Master, giving him an account of our arrival; and so it was necessary to stay for his Answer and Orders from the Court: we also waited for men to carry us upon the way, (the whole jour∣ney being to be made in Litters or Palanchinoes) together with our Goods and Baggage, which were likewise to be carry'd by men upon their shoulders. And the Davàli, or Feast of the Gentiles, falling out in the mean time, we were fain to stay till it was pass'd; and I know not whether the Queens Death and Fu∣nerals may not cause us to stay some time longer. I will not sup∣press one story which is reported of this Lady. They say, thar twelve or thirteen years since, when she was about five and thirty years old, it came to her ears that Venk-tapà Naieka her Husband, being become fond of a Moorish Woman, kept her se∣cretly in a Fort not farr from the Court, where he frequently so∣lac'd himself with her for two or three dayes together; where∣upon Badra-Amà, (first complaining to him not onely of the wrong which he did thereby to her, but also more of that which he did to himself, defiling himself with a strange Woman of im∣pure Race, (according to their superstition) and of a Nation which drank Wine, and eat Flesh, and all sort of uncleannesses in their account) told him that if he had a mind to other Wo∣men, he need not have wanted Gentile-Women of their clean Race, without contaminating himself with this Moor, and she should have suffer'd it with patience; but since he had thus de∣fil'd himself with her, she for the future would have no more to do with him; and thereupon she took an Oath that she would be to him as his Daughter, and he should be to her as her Fa∣ther: After which she shew'd no further resentment, but liv'd with him as formerly, keeping him company in the Palace, tend∣ing upon him in his sickness, and other things with the same love as at first, helping and advising him in matters of Government, wherein she had alwayes great authority with him; and, in short, excepting the Matrimonial Act, perfectly fulfilling all other Of∣fices of a good Wife. Venk-tapa Naieka, who had much affection for her, notwithstanding the wrong he did her with his Moor, endeavor'd by all means possible to divert her from this her pur∣pose, and to perswade her to live a Matrimonial Life still with him, offering many times to compound for that Oath by the alms of above 20000. Pagods, (Pagod is a gold coin, near equivalent to a Venetian Zecchine, or English Angel) but all in vain, and she persever'd constant in this Resolution till death; which being undoubtedly an act of much Constancy and Virtue, was the cause that Venk-tapà Naieka lov'd her always so much the more.

Page  102October the eight and twentieth, Vitulà Sinay sent to tell our [ VIII] Ambassador, that having sent word of our arrival to the Court, the great Ministers had acquainted Venk-tapà Naieka therewith, who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife, that he went not forth in publick, nor suffer'd himself to be seen; when they tld him of this matter, he stood a while without answering, and at length said onely, that they might come when they please: Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood, would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador, persons to convey his Goods, and other such things; wherefore Vitulà Sinay said, that Sig: Gio: Fernandez might consider what to do, whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting, or to have him write again, and stay for an Answer; for he would do which he pleas'd. Sig: Gio: Fernandez, as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges, was desirous to have provisions for the journey, Men to carry his Goods, and other greater conveniences, although in publick, and with us of his company, he did not testifie so much, being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion, and not at his request; yet, I know, that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay, both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter, that he would write again to the Court, and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King, the first Monarch of Christians, (for so I heard him tell the Interpreter, though he spoke with a low voice) and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner, but that people should be sent to him for his journey, and persons to receive him, and commands given to Venk-tapà's Ministers that he might pass through his Territo∣ries with that conveniency and decency which was requisite; that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court, he would stay another week at Onòr, and longer if need were, till a better Answer came; and that, if he thought it expedient, Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office, as he that might do it best, and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador, who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer. The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay, who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction. October the nine and twentieth, After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt, Sig: Gio: Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay, and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter; wherefore entring with us into one of those boats, which they call Mancive, going with twenty or four and twenty Oars, onely differing from the Almadies, in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop, sever'd from the banks of rowers, and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room; we pass'd out of the Port, and thence Page  103 from the mouth of the River Southward, went to land upon the continent, where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming, expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees, of which all this Country is full. This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles, where they bear sway themselves. Sig: Gio: Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay, both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass; and at length, the discourse being ended, the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr. Upon the way he told us, that Vitulà Sinay said, that in either case, of his writing again, or going in person to the Court, and waiting for a new Answer, many dayes would be lost; therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without fur∣ther waiting; and that to carry his (the Ambassador's) Goods, they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order; wherefore Sig: Fernandez told us, he was resolv'd to go by all means, and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient, they alone requiring twenty five, besides those of the rest of his company, he would hire the rest at his own charge, and rid himself of this perplexity. By this change of opinion after this interview, I understod that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig: Fernandez perceiv'd that this cold∣ness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey, was not so much through the King's melancholy for his Wife's death, and the present confusion of the Court, as for some other cause; and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer, was but an excuse of Vitulà; but, in fine, the truth could be no other, then that they would not give him any greater Provisions, or because Venk-tàpà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie, &c. And to confirm this, I know that before Sig: Fernandez depart∣ed from Goa, Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay, that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel, which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince, neighbour to Mangalòr, who liv'd under the Portugal's protection, (for whose defence, two or three years before, the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka, and receiv'd a notable defeat by him) it was in vain, and that Sig: Gio: Fernandez, (now first known to him) might forbear to undertake this journey, for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it, nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince, as he had promis'd upon agreement, if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr, or elsewhere, he pretending at least a purpose to re∣turn to live with that annuity in the lands, once his own, private∣ly, in hopes, perhaps, to raise some new commotion one day. So that Venk-tapà Naieka, knowing that one of the principal busines∣ses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel, which little pleas'd him; and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portu∣gal were not yet arriv'd, which every year fetch Pepper out Page  104 of his Dominions, and bring him in a great sum of mony, by agreement made by the Portugals, who every year were either to take it or pay for it; and neither the Ships nor the money com∣ing this year, they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year, nor yet for a great part of that of the last; for which, by reason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him: And lastly, observing the Portugals weakned and low, so that they not onely stood in need of him, but now, in some sort, began to sub∣mit themselves to him with this Embassie which they sent to him, and the disgrace of their pass'd defeat; 'twas no strange thing, that being become insolent thereupon, as 'tis the manner of the Barbarians, and designing to carry it high over them, he not only shew'd no great liking of the Embassie, but made little ac∣count of it; and, in a manner, despis'd it; that so he might keep himself and his affairs in greater reputation.

[ IX] October the thirtieth, Sig: Gio: Fernandez being resolv'd to de∣part the next day, sent some Horses before, upon this, with some of his Family. The same Evening, one from Goa brought News of the arrival there of some Portugals of the Fleet which came this year from Portugal, consisting of four great trading Ships, two Shallops, and four Galeons of Warr; which last come in order to be consign'd to Ruy Freira for the War of Ormùz; the loss of which place, and the deliverance of Ruy Freira out of prison being already known at the Court of Spain, but not the loss of the Ships of the Fleet the last year. The Portugals arriv'd in Goa, according to the abovesaid intelligence, came in one of the Galeons of the Fleet which is coming, which being sepa∣rated from the rest, toucht at Mozambique, and there being old and shatter'd was lost, onely all the People and Goods were sav'd, and came in other Ships to Goa; and being the rest of the Fleet delayes so long, 'tis conceiv'd to have held a course with∣out the Island of Saint Lorenzo, which uses to take up more time. They relate also, that the Marriage between Spain and England is concluded, and that the Prince of England is now in Spain, being come thither incognito before the conclusion of the Marri∣age which was shortly expected. It being already very late, I shall not longer deferr concluding this Letter, because it is requisite for me to go and take a little rest, that I be may fit for my jour∣ney to morrow Morning, if it please God; to whom I heartily commend you, and with my accustomed affection kiss your Hands.

From Onòr, October 30. 1623.

Page  105

LETTER V.

From Ikkerì,Novemb. 22. 1623.

I Write to you from Ikkerì, the Royal City and Seat of Venk-tapà [ I] Naieka, whither I am come, and where I am at present; I shall give you an account of the Audience which our Am∣bassador hath had of this King, who, in my judgment, should rather be call'd a Regulus or Royolet, although the Portugals and Indians give him the honor of a Royal Title; being he hath in effect neither State, Court, nor appearance befitting a true King. I shall describe to you every particular that is not unworthy your Curiosity, and adjoyn some other of my Relations and Descriptions of the Idolatrous Gentiles, their vain Superstitions and Ceremonies about their Idols, Temples, Pagods. What I shall now set down, mine own Eyes have witness'd to; and I shall not fear being too tedious in describing things, perhaps, over minutely in these Letters; since I know you are delighted there∣with, and out of your great erudition can make reflections upon the Rites us'd in these parts of the world, which in many things are not unlike the ancient Aegyptian Idolatry. For I am per∣swaded to believe, not without the authority of ancient Authors, that the worship of Isis and Osiris was common to Aegypt and this Region, as in Philostratus I find Apollonius affirming, that in In∣dia he saw the Statues not onely of the Aegyptians, but also of the Grecian gods, as of Apollo, Bacchus, and Minerva. But to return to the particulars of my journey; October the one and thirtieth, After one a clock in the Afternoon, we departed from Onòr with Sig: Gio: Fernandez in a Mancion or Barge, and the rest of the Family in a less Boat. Vitulà Sinay who was to go with us, we left in a readiness to set forth after us, I know not, whether by water or by Land. We row'd up the River which runs Southward to Onòr, against the stream, making use both of Sail and Oars; and a little before night having gone about three Leagues, we came to Garsopà and there lodg'd. This place was sometimes a famous City, Metropolis of the Province and Seat of a Queen: in which State, as likewise in many others upon the Coast of India, to this day, a Woman frequently hath the sovereignty; Daughters or other nearest Kinswomen be∣gotten by what ever Father succeeding the Mothers; these Gen∣tiles having an opinion, (as 'tis indeed) that the Issue by the Woman-side is much more sure of the blood and lineage of the Ancestors, then that by the Man-side. The last Queen of Garsopà fell in Love with a mean Man and a stranger, into whose power she resign'd her self, together with her whole Kingdom. In which act, (setting aside her choosing a Lover of base blood, upon which account she was blam'd and hated by the IndiansPage  106 who are most rigorous observers of Nobility, and maintainers of the dignity of their ancestors in all points) as to giving her self up as a prey to her lover, she committed no fault against her honor; for in these Countries 'tis lawful for such Queens to choose to themselves Lovers or Husbands, one or more, according as they please. But this Man who was so favour'd by the Queen of Garsopà, having thoughts as ignoble as his blood, in stead of corresponding with gratitude to the Queens courtesie, design'd to rebell against her, and take the Kingdom from her; which for a while he executed, having in process of time gain'd the affection of most of her most eminent Vassals. The Queen seeing her self oppress'd by the Traytor, had recourse to the Portugals, offering them her whole State, on condition they would free her from imminent ruine. But the Portugals, according as they had alwayes in India done by their friends, (whereby they have been many times the ruine of others and themselves too) did not suc∣cour her till it was too late, and then very coldly. On the other side the Traytor, (as his ill Fate, or rather God's just anger, would have it) call'd to his assistance against the Queen and the Portugals, his Neighbour Venk-tapà Naieka, now Master of those Countries. Venk-tapà Naieka taking advantage of the occasion, enter'd suddenly into the Kingdom of Garsopà with great dili∣gence and force, so that shortly becoming Master of the whole Country and the City Royal, having driven out the Portugals who came to defend it, he took the Queen Prisoner, and carry'd her to his own Court; where being kept, although honourably, she ended her dayes afterwards in an honourable prison. But the Traytor under-went the punishment of his crime, for Venk-tapà Naieka caus'd him to be slain; and for more secure keeping that State in his power, caus'd the City and Royal Palace of Gar∣sopà to be destroy'd, so that at this day, that lately flourishing City is become nothing but a Wood; Trees being already grown above the ruines of the Houses, and the place scarcely inhabited by four Cottages of Peasants.

[ II] But returning to my Travel, I must not omit, that the three Leagues of this journey was one of the most delightful passages that ever I made in my life; for the Country on either side is very beautiful, not consisting of Plains that afford onely an ordi∣nary prospect, nor of towring mountains, but of an unequal surface, Hills and Valleys, all green and delightful to the eyes, cloth'd with thick and high Groves, and many times with fruit Trees, as Indian Nuts, Foufel, Ambe, and such like, all water'd with innumerable Rivolets and Springs of fresh water; the sides of the River all shady, beset with Flowers, Herbs, and sundry Plants, which like Ivy creeping about the Trees and Indian reeds of excessive height, (call'd by the Country-people Bambù, and very thick along the banks) make the wood more verdant; through the middle whereof the River strayes with sundry wind∣ings. In short, the River of Garsopà, for a natural thing, with∣out Page  107 any artificial ornament of buildings or the like, is the good∣liest River that ever I beheld. Our boats being large, could not go to the ordinary landing place at Garsopà, because the River, which is discharg'd into the Sea with one stream, is there divided into many, which fall from several Springs upon some neigh∣bouring Hills, so that the water is but little. Wherefore we landed at some distance from Garsopà, which stands on the South∣bank of the River, and walkt the rest of the way on foot, and our goods were carry'd upon the Men's shoulders, whom we had hir'd for that purpose. Before we got to our lodging, it was night, and we were fain to wade over one of the arms of the River which took me up to the middle of the thigh; the bottom was stony, and not so dangerous to us, (who were free) in re∣ference to falling, as to the poor men who carry'd burthens upon their heads; so that I wonder'd not he who carry'd the hamper of my clothes fell down with it, and wetted it in the water. At length we lodg'd not within the compass of Garsopà, which was somewhat within land, but near it upon the River, in a place cover'd with a roof amongst certain Trees, where many are wont to lodge, and where the Pepper is weigh'd and con∣tracted for, when the Portugals come to fetch it: for this is the Country wherein greatest plenty of Pepper grows; for which reason the Queen of Garsopà was wont to be call'd by the Por∣tugals, Reyna da Pimenta, that is, Queen of Pepper. The River is call'd by the Portugals the River of Garsopà, but by the Indians in their own Language, one branch is term'd, Ambù nidi, and the other, Sarà nidi. From the River's mouth, where it falls into the Sea, to Garsopà, the way, if I mistake not, is directly East.

November the first, After dinner we departed from our station, [ III] and passing by the Cottages, and the places where the City of Garsopà sometimes stood, we walk'd a good way Southwards, or rather South South-west, always through an uneven, woody Country, irrigated with water and delightful, like the banks of the River which I describ'd. Then we began to climb up a Mountain, which the Country-people call Gat, and divides the whole length of this part of India, being wash'd on the East with the Gulph of Bengala, and on the West with the Ocean or Sea of Goa. The ascent of this Mountain is not very rough, but rather easie and pleasant like the other soil, being thick set with Groves of Trees of excessive greatness; some of them so strait, that one alone might serve for the Mast of a Ship. With all, the Mountain is so water'd with Rivulets and Fountains, and so cloth'd with Grass and Flowers, that, me-thought, I saw the most delightful place of the Appennine in Italy. If there be any difference, the Gat of India hath the advantage in this place, be∣cause the height is much less then that of our Appennine, the ascent more easie, the wood more beautiful and thick, the wa∣ters not less plentiful and clear; If Gat yields to it in any thing, Page  108 'tis in the frequency of inhabited places, the sumptuousness of buildings; and lastly, in the beauty which the industrious art of the inhabitants adds to the Appennine; the Indian Gat having no other, besides what liberal, yet unpolish'd, Nature gives it. About three hours after noon we came to the top of Gat, where a little beneath the highest cliff is found a kind of barr'd Gate, with a wall in a narrow pass, which renders the place sufficiently strong; a little further than which, in the top of all, are found earthen Bulwarks, and lines, which guard the passage; and in this place is a sufficient Fortress, being a mile and half in circuit. It was sometimes call'd Garicota, but now Gavarada Naghar; we lodg'd about a Musket-shot without the Fort, in a plane and somewhat low place, where are some Houses like a Village, and amongst them a Temple of Hamant, who is one of those two Scimions who were imploy'd by Ramo for recovering his Wife Sità, as their Fables relate; for which good work, and their other miracles, the Indians adore them. Here I saw his Statue in the Temple with burning lights before it, and a consecrated Silver Hand hung up by some devout person, perhaps, cur'd of some evil of his Hands. Below this place where we lodg'd, amongst the little Valleys of the Hill, is a fair and large Cistern, or Receptacle of water, which falls thereinto from a River de∣scending from the Mountain, and the over-plus running into the lower Valleys. At night we heard Musick at the Gate of the above-mention'd Temple, divers barbarous Instruments sound∣ing, and amongst the rest certain great Horns of metal, fashion'd almost into a semicircle; I ask'd the reason of this Festival, and they told me, The Idol was to go presently, accompany'd with a great number of Men and Women, in pilgrimage to a place of their devotion near San Tomè, a moneths journey and more; and that it was to be carry'd in a Palanchino, as the custom is, and in procession with sundry sounds and songs, almost in the same manner, as amongst us Christians, the Bodies or Images of Saints are carry'd in procession when any Community or Fra∣ternity go in pilgrimage to Loreto, or Rome, in the Holy year. At this time assisted at the service of the Idol, amongst others, a Woman, who, they said, was so abstinent that she did not so much as eat Rice; they held her for a kind of Saint, upon a fame that the Idol delighted to sleep with her, which these silly souls accounted a great spiritual favour; and haply, it may be true, that some Incubus-Devil ha's to do with her, and de∣ceives her with false illusions, telling her that he is her God; of which kind of Women, there are many among the Moors. Di∣vers come to ask her about future things, and she consulting, the Idol gives them their answer; one of these interrogations was made to her whilst we were present. Others came to offer Fruits and other edibles to the Idol, which one of the Priests presented to it, murmuring his Orisons; and taking half of the things offer'd, (which after presentation to the Idol, remains Page  109 to the servants of the Temple), he restores the other half to him that offer'd them; and were it but one Indian Nut, he splits it in two before the Idol, and gives half to him that brought it; who takes the same with reverence, and is afterwards to eat it with devotion as sacred food, and tasted of by the Idol.

In the Evening, by the Captain of the Fort (who was a Moor [ IV] of Dacàn, and sometimes an Officer under one Melik a Captain of Adil-Sciàh, in the Frontiers of Goa, but being taken Prison∣er in a War between Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka, and after∣wards set at liberty, remain'd in the service of Venk-tapà; and hath been about five and twenty years Governour of this For∣tress, and is call'd Mir-Baì) was sent a Present of Sugar Canes and other refreshments to eat, to Sig: Gio: Fernandez; whom al∣so the same night Vitulà Sinay, who travell'd with us, but apart by himself, came to visit, and entertain'd with the sight of two young men, who fenc'd very well a good while together, onely with Swords made of Indian Canes. On which occasion, I shall not omit that amongst the Indians, 'tis the custom for every one to manage and make use onely of one sort of Arms, whereunto he accustoms himself, and never uses any other, even in time of War. So that some Souldiers fight onely with Swords, others with Sword and Buckler, others with Lances, others with Bows and Arrows, and others with Muskets; and so every one with his own Arms, never changing the same, but thereby becom∣ing very expert and well practis'd in that which he takes to. The way from Garsopà to Govarada Naghar was about five or six miles, and no more.

November the second, Early in the Morning Vitulà Sinay first visited Sig: Gio: Fernandez, and afterwards the Captain of the Fort, accompanied with a great number of his Souldiers with several Arms, but most had Pikes, Lances in the form of half Pikes, and Swords; onely two had Swords and Bucklers: one of them had a short and very broad Sword like a Cortelax, but the edge-part bowed inwards after a strange fashion. Those two with Swords and Bucklers came before the Captain, dancing and skirmishing after their manner, as if they fought together. The visit was receiv'd in the Porch of the little Temple above men∣tion'd, and lasted a good while. Vitulà Sinay, who spoke the Portugal-Tongue well, serv'd for interpreter between our Ambassador and the Captain, and handsomely intimated to the Ambassador, that when he return'd back it was fit to give a Present to this Captain, and visit him in the Fort; that the cu∣stom was so; and he had already done the like to the Ambassa∣dor; that since he did it not now, he had already made an ex∣cuse for it, by telling him that the baggage was gone before, and that he did not go to visit him, because he had no Present to carry him, but he would do it at his return. In the end of this visit, Vitulà Sinay caus'd a little Silver basket to be brought full Page  110 of the leaves of Betle, (an herb which the Indians are always eating, and to the sight not unlike the leaves of our Cedars) and giving it to the Ambassador, he told him that he should present it to the Captain, the custom being so in India, for the person visited to give Betle-leaves to the visitant, where-with the visit ends. The Ambassador did so, and the Captain without taking any of these leaves, whether it were the custom, or that being a Moor he did not use it, (which yet I believe not) gave it to certain persons of qualitie, who stood beside him, and had ac∣company'd him; neither did any of them touch the leaves, but the basket went from hand to hand till it was carry'd away as full as it was presented; which being done, the Captain first, and then Vitulà Sinay, took leave and departed.

After we had din'd, about noon or soon after, our Ambassa∣dor [ V] went away alone with his Chaplain, out of impatience to stay longer in that place; the rest of us remain'd, expecting the removing of all our baggage, which was very slow in departing, because the Men who carry'd the same upon their heads, were not sufficient, and the burthens were too heavy; so that it was needful to hire more, and increase the number of Porters to thirty six, besides mine, which I hir'd for my self apart; and because neither were these enough, it was needful to lade two Oxen, who carry'd Goods for four other Men; and this took up much time, because neither the Men nor the beasts which were hir'd were ready, but were to be sought for here and there. In the mean time, while the burthens were getting in order, I entertain'd my self in the Porch of the Temple, beholding little boys learning Arithmetick after a strange manner, which I will here relate. They were four, and having all taken the same lesson from the Master, to get that same by heart, and repeat likewise their former lessons and not forget them; one of them singing musically with a certain continu'd tone, (which hath the force of making deep impression in the memory) recited part of the lesson; as, for example, One by it self makes one; and whilst he was thus speaking, he writ down the same number, not with any kind of Pen, nor in Paper, but (not to spend Paper in vain) with his finger on the ground, the pavement being for that pur∣pose strew'd all over with very fine sand; after the first had writ what he sung, all the rest sung and writ down the same thing together. Then the first boy sung and writ down another part of the lesson; as, for example, Two by it self two make two; which all the rest repeated in the same manner, and so forward in order. When the pavement was full of figures, they put them out with the hand, and if need were, strew'd it with new sand from a little heap which they had before them where-with to write further: And thus they did as long as the exercise conti∣nu'd; in which manner, likewise they told me, they learnt to read and write without spoiling Paper, Pens, or Ink, which certainly is a prety way. I ask'd them, if they happen'd to for∣get Page  111 or be mistaken in any part of the lesson, who corrected and taught them, they being all Scholars without the assistance of any Master; they answer'd me, and said true, that it was not possible for all four of them to forget or mistake in the same part, and that they thus exercis'd together, to the end, that if one happen'd to be out, the others might correct him. Indeed a prety, easie, and secure way of learning.

Having seen this Curiosity, and our baggage being laden, we [ VI] all set forth after the Ambassador, and Vitulà Sinay set out to∣gether with us. We travell'd first East-ward, then South-ward, but many times I could not observe which way our course tend∣ed; we went upon the ridge of a Hill, and through uneven wayes, sometimes ascending, and sometimes descending, but always in the middle of great thick Groves full of Grass and running water, no less delightful then the former Fields. A little more then half a League from the Fort, we found a Meschita of the Moors, built upon the way with a Lake or Receptacle of water, but not very well contriv'd by the Captain of the said Fort, which his King had allow'd him to make as a great favour; for the Gentiles are not wont to suffer in their Countries Temples of other Religions. Here we found our Ambassador, who stay'd for us; and we tarry'd likewise here above an hour in expectation of our baggage, much of which was still behind. At length continuing our journey, and having rested a good while in another place, night came upon us in the midst of a Wood, so shady, that although we had very clear Moon-light, yet we were fain to light Torches, otherwise we could not see our way. The Torches us'd in India are not like ours, but made of metal in form of those wherewith the Infernal Furies are painted, the fire of which is fed with Bitumen, and other dry materials which are put into the mouth or hollow at the top, into which also they frequently powre a combustible liquor, which the Man that holds the Torch carries in his other hand in a metalline bottle, with a long slender neck very fit for that purpose; for when he is minded to recruit the flame, he distills a little liquor into it, the length of the neck securing his hand from hurt. By the light of these Torches we travell'd a great part of the night. At length being unable to overtake the Horses which were led before, and the baggage being behind, for fear of losing our way, we stay'd under a great Tree, where some in Palanchinoes, and others upon the ground, spent this night inconveniently and supper-less, having nothing else to eat but a little Bread, which we toasted at the fire, that we might eat it hot; and with the same fire which we kindled, we allay'd the coldness of the night, which in the top of these Indian Mountains is very cold in re∣gard of their height; yet it was not sharper to us this night, then it uses to be at Rome in the beginning of September, even in tem∣perate years.

November the third, As soon as it was day we follow'd our Page  112 way, and in a short time came to a Village of four Cottages, call'd Tumbrè, where the Horses were lodg'd, and we also stay'd till the baggage came up, which was much later then we; and we stay'd the longer to rest the people that travell'd on foot: for all the servants, and I know not how many Musketiers, which our Ambassador carried with him, were on foot. Vitulà Sinay lay there likewise this night, but was gone before we came thither. From Garicota to Tumbrè, is about a League and half; for in this Country they measure the way by Gaù's, and every Gaù is about two Leagues, and they said that from Garicota to Tumbrè, was not one Gaù.

[ VII] When we arriv'd at this Town, we found the pavements of the Cottages were vernish'd over with Cow-dung mix'd with water. A custom of the Gentiles in the places where they are wont to eat, as I have formerly observ'd. I took it for a super∣stitious Rite of Religion; but I since better understand that it is us'd onely for elegancy and ornament, because not using, or not knowing how to make such strong and lasting pavements as ours, theirs being made sleightly of Earth and so easily spoyl'd, therefore when they are minded to have them plain, smooth, and firm, they smear the same over with Cow-dung temper'd with water, in case it be not liquid, (for if it be, there needs no water) and plaining it either with their hands or some other instrument, and so make it smooth, bright, strong, and of a fine green colour, the Cows whose dung they use, never eating any thing but Grass; and it hath one convenience, that this polishing is presently made, soon dry, endures walking, or any thing else to be done upon it; and the Houses wherein we lodg'd, we found were preparing thus at our coming, and were presently dry enough for our use. Indeed it is a prety Curiosity, and I intend to cause tryal to be made of it in Italy, and the rather because they say for certain, that the Houses whose pavements are thus stercorated, are good against the Plague; which is no despicable advantage. Onely it hath this evil, that its handsom∣ness and politeness lasteth not, but requires frequent renovation, and he that would have it handsome, must renew it every eight or ten days; yet being a thing so easie to be done, and of so little charge, it matters not for a little trouble which every poor per∣son knows hows to dispatch. The Portugals use it in their Houses at Goa, and other places of India; and, in brief, 'tis certain that it is no superstitious custom, but onely for neatness and or∣nament; and therefore 'tis no wonder that the Gentiles use it often, and perhaps, every day in places where they eat, which above all the rest are to be very neat. 'Tis true, they make a Re∣ligious Rite of not eating in any place where people of another Sect or Race, (in their opinion, unclean) hath eaten, unless they first repolish the same with Cow-dung, which is a kind of Purification; as we do by washing it with water, and whitening the wall, (not as a Religious Rite, but through Custom) in Page  113 Chambers where any one ha's dy'd. I said, where people not onely of different Religion, but also of impure Race have eaten; because the Gentiles are very rigorous and superstitious among themselves, for a noble Race not to hold Commerce of eating with others more base; yea, in one and the same Race, (as in that of the Brachmans which is the noblest) some Brachmans, (as the Panditi, or Boti, who are held in great esteem amongst them) will not eat in the Company, or so much as in the House of a Brachmans, Sinay, or Naieke, and other Nobles, who eat Fish, and are call'd by the general name Mazari, and much less esteem'd then those who eat none; yet the Brachmans, Sinay, or Naieke, or other species of Mazari, who are inferior, eat in the House of a Pandito, or Boto, without being contaminated, but rather account it an honor.

After dinner, we departed from Tumbre, travelling through unequal wayes and lands like the former, but rather descending [ VIII] then otherwise; we rested once, a while under a Tree, to stay for the baggage, and then proceeding again at almost six a clock after noon, we came to the side of a River called Barenghì, which in that place runs from West to East, and is not fordable, al∣though narrow, but requires a boat to pass it. On the Southern bank, on which we came, were four Cottages, where we took up our station that Night, enjoying the cool, the shadow, and the sight of a very goodly Wood which cloaths the River sides with green; but above all where we lodg'd, on either side the way, were such large and goodly Trees, such spacious places underneath for shade, and the place so opacous by the thickness of the boughs on high, that indeed, I never saw in my dayes a fairer natural Grove; amongst other Trees there was abundance of Bambù, or very large Indian Canes, twin'd about to the top with prety Herbs. The journey of this day was three Cos, or a League and half. This River, they say, is one of those which goes to Garsopà. Vitulà Sinay we found not here, because he was gone before.

November the fourth▪ We began in the Morning to pass our Goods over the River; but because there was but one, and that a small boat, it was ten hours after noon before we had got all of them over; then following our journey through somewhat oblique and uneven wayes like the former, we found many Trees of Myrobalanes, such as are brought into Italy preserv'd in Sugar. It hath leaves much like that which produces Gum Arabick, by me formerly describ'd; different onely in this, that in that of Gum Arabick, the branch consisting of many leaves, is much less, round or oval, and seems one leaf made up of many other long and narrow ones: But in this Myrobalane Tree, the branch is sufficiently long, and the small leaves composing it in two rows on either side, are somewhat larger; nor is the Myrobalane Tree prickly like that of Gum Arabick. The fruit is round, hard, of a yellowish green, smooth, shining, of little pulp, but a great Page  114 stone, almost round and furrow'd with six circular lines. Being raw it hath an acid and astringent, but, in my judgment, no pleasant taste; but preserv'd, becomes good. They say it is refrigerative and purges Choler.

[ IX] Having rested many times upon the way, and in all travell'd two Leagues, we ended this day's journey in the onely conside∣rable and populous Town we had hitherto met, which is call'd Ahinelì. We lodg'd in the Porches of a Temple of Idols, which had two Porches, one within, the other without, both low after their manner, with very large Pent-houses strengthen∣ed with great Posts; the Pavement rais'd high and dung'd, but not lately; the walls white, sprinkled in the corners and ends, with a sort of Rose-Oyle, ill colour'd; for so is their custom always in their Religious Structures. The Idol was call'd Virenà Deurù, the latter of which words signifies God, or rather Lord, being attributed also to Men of quality; he stood at the upper end in a dark place with Candles before him; of what figure he was I could not see well, by reason of the darkness, but they told me 'twas a Man: In the body of the Temple, were many other wooden Statues of less Idols, plac'd about in several places, as 'twere for ornament; some of which were figures of their Gods, others not of Gods, but for ornament, of several shapes. Many of these figures represented dishonest actions. One was of a Woman, lifting up her cloths before, and shewing that which Modesty oblig'd her to cover: Another was of a Man and a Woman kissing, the Man holding his Hand on the Womans Breasts: Another had a Man and a Woman naked, with their Hands at one another's shameful parts, those of the Man being of excessive greatness, and sundry such representations fit indeed for such a Temple. But these were not figures of Gods. Of Gods there was a Brahmà with five Heads, and three Arms on a side, sitting astride a Peacock, which in their Language they call Nau Brahmà, that is, the Peacock of Brahmà; another God was call'd Naraina, with four Arms on a side: Another with an Elephant's Head, and two Hands to an Arm, whom they call Ganesù, and others Bacra-tundo, that is, Round-mouth; for one and the same God hath divers names: Another call'd Fuenà, had the shape of a Man, holding a naked Sword in his right Hand, and a Buckler in his left: Another had a Man under his Feet, upon whose Head he trampled; and so, many others of various sorts. I observ'd that all these Idols had the same cover of the Head, high, with many picks or peaks, all ending in one long peak, a strange and majestical Diadem not us'd now in India; it might have been of wreath'd Linnen, or Gold, or other solid matter; wherefore I imagine that it is a very ancient co∣vering, at this day dis-us'd; unless haply it be some ensign of Divinity, which I rather think, because I remember to have seen at Rome almost the same Diadems upon the Heads of some Aegyptian Statues, and, if I forget not, they were call'd Tutuli,Page  115 and the Idols of Tutulati, as amongst us the Diadems of the Saints, or, as some make it, three Crowns one upon another, like the Regno, or Pontifical Crown of our Pope. In the middle of the Temple was another darker inclosure, wherein stood fastned in the ground certain slender staves, with others cross them in two rows, making a little Steccato or Palisado of a long form; and these were to hang Lamps and Tapers upon, at more solemn dyes and hours. A Barber whom we had with us, an Indian-Gentile, but a Native of the Country of Adil-Sciàh, who was nam'd Deugì, and understood something of the Portugal-Tongue, could not well tell me the names of those figures and Idols of the Temple, when I ask'd him; because, he said, they were not things of his Country, where they had other things and Gods, and that every Country had particular ones of their own. With∣in the circuit of this Temple, but on one side of the Court as you go in, were three other little Cells separate from the body of the great Temple, two of which were empty, perhaps not yet well accommodated, but in the other was an Idol of an Ox, which our Barber knew, and said was also of his Country, and that they call it Basuanà; it was half lying, or rather sitting upon the floor with the Head erect; like which Ox, or Basuanà, stood another in the upper part of the Temple before the Tri∣bunal of the Idol Virenà, as if it stood there for his guard. In the Evening the Ministers of the Temple ring a kind of Bell or Shell which was within the Temple, striking it with a staff; and it made a tolerable sound, as if it had been a good Bell: at which sound, some from without assembling together, they be∣gin to sound within the Temple very loud two Drums, and two Pipes or Flutes of metal; after which many Tapers being light∣ed, particularly, at the Steccato above-mention'd, and put in order a little quilt, with a Canopy of rich Stuff, which is alwayes ready in the Temple for carrying the Idol, they put the princi∣pal Idol Virenà into it, not that of ordinary wood in the middle of the Temple, but the other at the upper end, which was of the same bigness, about two spans round between the figure and ornaments about it, but all painted with various colours, gilded and deck'd with white Flowers. Then one of the Ministers march'd first sounding a Bell continually as he went, and after him others, and at length two with lighted Tapers, after which followed the Idol in his Canopy, with a Minister before him carrying a Vessel of Perfumes, which he burnt; and thus they carry'd him in Procession: First, into the Court without the Temple, going out of it on the left Hand, as you enter, which to them as they came forth was the right, and returning by the other opposite. After which going out of the Gate of the Court into the street, they went in the same manner in Procession, (still sounding their Bells) I know not whither, but 'tis likely they went to some other Temple to perform some kind of Ce∣remony; for in the Town there was more then one. Being at Page  116 length return'd, and the Procession re-entring the Court with a great train of Men and Women of the Town, they went thrice about the inside of the Court, as they had done once before they went out: But in these three Circumgyrations they observ'd this Order, that the first time they walk'd as they had done in the street; the second, more leisurely, and those that sounded the Flutes, left off, and sounded another kind of shriller and sweeter Pipe; the third time, they walk'd more slowly then be∣fore, and leaving off the second Pipes, sounded others of a far lower note. Which being done, those that carry'd and accom∣pany'd the Canopy of the Idol, stood still in the entrance of the Temple right against the Upper End, and one of the Priests or Ministers standing at the Upper End directly opposite to the Idol, (who was held standing on his Feet by help of one of the Minister's Hands, who for that purpose went alwayes on one side near him;) began to salute the Idol a far off with a dim Taper in his Hand, making a great circle with the same from on high downwards, and from below upwards, directly over against the Idol, which he repeated several times; and in the end of the circles, which were always terminated in the lower part, he de∣scrib'd a strait line from one side to the opposite, and that where the circle began; nor did he seem to me always to begin the cir∣cles on the same part, but sometimes on the right, and some∣times on the left, with what Order I know not. This being done within, the same Priest came to the Entrance where the Idol stood, passing directly through the midst of the Palisado of Lights, (through which, I believe, that for others, and another time, it is not lawful to pass; because out of these Ceremonies when any one enter'd to perform other Services, I saw him al∣ways go without the Palisado on the sides) coming along, I say, sounding a Bell, and being follow'd by a Boy who carry'd a Basin of water with Santalus, or Sanders after him, (the same where∣with, I conceive, they are wont to paint their fore-heads) and also with Drums and Flutes sounding all the while; he went in this manner three times round the Idol, beginning his circuits from the left side. When he had thus done, standing on the same side of the Idol where he began, and laying aside his Bell, he offer'd the Basin of water to the Idol, and dipping one Finger in it, lay'd the same upon the Idol's Fore-head, or thereabouts; and if I was not mistaken, taking a little in his Hand, he also dy'd himself and the other Minister who upheld the Idol on the Fore-head therewith, after which he went to powre the remain∣der of the water in the Basin upon the ground without the Temple, but within the inclosure or Court. Then he took a wax-Candle, and therewith describ'd within the Palanchino or Carriage before the Idol many circles with lines at the end; and putting out the Candle, took the Idol out of the Palanchino, and carrying it through the rail'd Steccado in the middle of the Torches, plac'd it on its Tribunal at the Upper End where it Page  117 usually stands. In the mean time one of the Ministers distri∣buted to all the by-standers a little quantity of certain Fitches mingled with small slices of Indian Nut, which, I conceive, had been offer'd to the Idol; and they took and eat the same with signes of Devotion and Reverence. He offer'd some likewise to our people, and there wanted not such as took them; the Drums and Fifes sounding in the mean time: which at length ceasing, and the Candles being put out, the Ceremonies ended, and the people return'd to their Houses. Such Men as were not Officers of the Temple, assisted at these Ceremonies in the first entrance, where we also stood: but the Women stood more within in the body of the Temple, where the rows of lights were. For the better understanding of all which description, I shall here delineate the Plat-form of the Temple with its inclosure and Porches, as well as I could do it by the Eye without mea∣suring it.

Page  118

[illustration]
The Plat-form of an Indian Temple.

1. The Street. 2. The Stairs of the Entrance. 3. An high Wall of Earth before the Outer Porch. 4. The Outward Porch with an high Earthen Floor. 5. Two small Idols in two Nieches on the out side of the ends of the Porch. 6. The Gate, level with the Earthen Wall. 7. The Inner Porch with an Earthen Floor higher then that of the Gate, the Wall, and the Outer Porch. 8. A Void Space between the Porch and the Temple. 9. Part of the First Entrance of the Temple, lower then the plane of the Gate and the said Void Space. 10. Part Page  119 of the same, but one Step higher. 11. The said Step, dividing the first Entrance in the middle. 12. The body of the Temple, situate between the first Entrance and the Penetrale or Chancel, the pricks denoting the rows of Torches. 13. A little door to go out at. 14. The Penetrale or Chancel, where the Oval de∣notes the Statue of Boue or Basuanà upon the ground. 15. The Inmost part of the Chancel, where the Idol Virenà stands. 16. A high Earthen Wall encompassing the Temple, 17. Three little Cells; in the first of which, the Oval represents the Statue of Boue or Basuanà. 18. An open square-Court or Inclosure sur∣rounding the Temple which stands in the middle of it. 19. The Walls thereof. 20. The Houses of such Men and Women as keep the Temple.

The same Evening was brought to our Ambassador a Letter [ X] from Vitulà Sinay, who writ, that arriving at the Cour on Fryday before, he had spoken with his King, who being well pleas'd with the Ambassador's coming, had prepar'd the same house for him, wherein the King of Belighì was wont to lodge when he was at his Court; and that he would make him a very honorable Re∣ception; that therefore as soon as we arriv'd at the Town Ahi∣nalà, (where we now were) the Ambassador should send him notice; which was accordingly done, by dispatching the Messenger presently back again; and we waited for his return.

November the fifth, At day-break the Ministers of the Temple where we lodg'd, sounded Pipes and Drums for a good while in the Temple, without other Ceremony. The like they did again about Noon, and at Evening; but at night they made the same Procession with the Idol, and the same Ceremonies which are above describ'd. This day came to the Town a Captain from the King with many attendants, and having visited the Ambassador, took divers of those Idols which stood in the first Entrance, and carry'd them away with him to be new made, because some were old and broken. Late in the night came another Letter from Vitulà Sinay, which signifi'd to us that we should move forwards to a Town very near the Court call'd Ba∣drapòr, where some persons from the King were to meet us, and accompany us to the Court; although the Ambassador had writ to him before, that he car'd not for being accompany'd at his Entrance, but onely when he should go to see the King. I style him King, because the Portugals themselves and the Indians do so; although in truth Venk-tapà Naieka, not onely because his Predecessors were a few years ago Vassals and simple Naieka's (that is, feudatory Princes, or rather Provincial Governours) under the King of Vidianugher; and though at this day he reign he absolutly by Usurpation, is in effect no other then a Rebel; and God knows how long his House will abide in greatness; but also much more by reason of the smalness of his Territory, (though it be great, in respect of other Indian Gentile-Princes) deserves not Page  120 the Appellation of King; and the less, because he pays Tribute to Idal-Sciàh, who although a greater Prince, is but small nei∣ther for a King, and payes Tribute to the Moghol. In short, Venk-tapà Naieka, although now absolute, should, in my opinion, be called a Royolet rather then a King: But the Portugals, to magnifie their affairs in India, or else to honor the persons that rule there, (which is not displeasing in Spain, and the Court of the Catholick King, who is of the same humor) give the Title of King to all these petty Indian Princes, many of whom have smaller Dominions then a small feudatory Marquis in our Countries; and (which is worse) that of Emperor to some, as to him of Japan, of Aethiopia, and of Calicut, who is very incon∣siderable; the quondam-Prince of Vidianagher, or Bisnagà, (as they speak) having in a strange and unusual manner multiply'd the number of Emperors, beyond what the fabulous books of Knights Errant have done: Albeit, in truth, there was never found but one Emperor in the world, the Roman Caesar, who, at this day, retains rather the name then the substance, in Germany.

[ XI] November the sixth, Two hours before noon we went from Ahinalà, and having travell'd through a Country like the former, but plain, about noon we came to the Town Badra; where▪ ac∣cording as Vitulà Sinay had writ to us, we thought to lodge that night, and accordingly had lay'd down our baggage, and with∣drawn to a place to rest; but after two hours being there, we found our selves surrounded by abundance of people, (for 'tis a large Town, and they go almost all arm'd) who out of curiosi∣ty came to see us; whereupon the Ambassador, either having receiv'd an Answer from Vitulà Sinay, or not caring for a pom∣pous entrance, rais'd us all again; and after a small journey further we arriv'd at Ikkerì, which is the Royal City of Venk-tapà Naieka where he holds his Court; having travell'd since morn∣ing from Ahinalà to Ikkerì but two Leagues. This City is seat∣ed in a goodly Plain, and, as we enter'd, we pass'd through three Gates with Forts and Ditches, but small, and consequently, three Inclosures; the two first of which were not Walls, but made of very high Indian Canes, very thick and close planted in stead of a Wall, and are strong against Foot and Horse in any, hard to cut, and not in danger of fire; besides, that the Herbs which creep upon them, together with themselves, make a fair and great verdure, and much shadow. The other Inclosure is a Wall, but weak and inconsiderable: But having pass'd these three, we pass'd all. Some say, there are others within, belong∣ing to the Citadel or Fort where the Palace is; for Ikkerì is of good largeness, but the Houses stand thin and are ill built, espe∣cially without the third Inclosure; and most of the situation is taken up in great and long streets, some of them shadow'd with high and very goodly Trees growing in Lakes of Water, of which, there are many large ones, besides Fields set full of Trees, Page  121 like Groves, so that it seems to consist of a City, Lakes, Fields, and Woods mingled together, and makes a very delightful sight. We were lodg'd in the House, as they said, wherein the King of Belighì lodg'd; I know not whether Kinsman, Friend, or Vassal to Venk-tapà Naieka, but probably one of the above-mention'd Royolets; and to go to this House we went out of the third In∣closure, passing through the inmost part of the City by another Gate opposite to that by which we enter'd. The House indeed was such as in our Countries an ordinary Artisan would scarce have dwelt in, having very few, and those small and dark Rooms, which scarce afforded light enough to read a Letter; they build them so dark, as a remedy for the great heat of Summer. How∣ever, this must needs have been one of the best, since it was as∣sign'd to the said King first, and now to our Ambassador; al∣though as we pass'd through the midst of the City I observ'd some that made a much better shew.

At night they brought the Ambassador a couple of bed-steads [ XII] to sleep upon, and some stools for our use, some of them made of Canes intervoven, instead of coverings of Leather or Cloth, being much us'd in Goa and other places of India; but some others were cover'd with Leather.

November the seventh, Vitulà Sinay came in the morning to visit our Ambassador, and in his King's Name brought him a Present of Sugar-Canes, Fruits, Sugar, and other things to eat, but not any Animal; and, if I was not misinform'd, (for I was not present) he excus'd his Kings not sending him Sheep or other Animals to eat, by saying, that he was of a Lingavant or Noble Race, who neither eat nor kill any Creatures; as if he should have sin'd and defil'd himself, by sending any to the Ambassador who would have eaten them. With this Present he sent a piece of Tapistry, not as a Gift, but onely for the Ambassador to make use of in his House, and it was us'd in such sort that at length it had a hole in it: The Ambassador, as not prizing it, having given it to his Interpreter to sleep upon; as indeed, he seem'd not very well pleas'd with it or his Donatives; for, speaking of the Reception which Venk-tapà Naieka made him, he would of∣ten say, (according to the natural and general custom of his Nation); Let him do me less honour, and give me some∣thing more, and it will be better. However, I believe Venk-tapà Naieka, who is not liberal, will abound more in Courtesie to the Ambassador then in Gifts. Vitulà Sinay said, that the next day the Ambassador should be call'd to Audience three hours after noon; wherefore Himself and all his Attendants continued un∣dress'd till dinner-time. I knowing the custom of Courts, and that Princes will not wait but be waited for, and that the hours of Audience depend upon their pleasure, not upon his who is to have it, dress'd my self in the morning leisurely, that I might not afterwards confound my self with haste; and though in such solemnities others cloth'd themselves in colours, and with orna∣ments Page  122 of Gold, yet I put on onely plain black Silk as mourning for my Wife. Before we had din'd, and whilst we were at Table, they came to call us in haste to Audience, saying, that Vitulà Sinay and other great Persons were come to conduct us to the King. The Ambassador finding himself unready and surpris'd, was forc'd to desire them not to come yet, making an excuse that we were still at dinner; and, the Table being taken away, he and all the rest retir'd to dress themselves in great confusion; and greater there was in getting the Horses sadled, preparing the Presents which were to be carry'd, and providing other neces∣sary things in haste, for nothing was ready; but the Ambassador and all his Servants were in a great hurry and confusion, calling for this and the other thing, which seem'd to me not to have too much of the Courtier. The persons who came to fetch us, stay'd a good while without, but at length were brought into the Porch of the House, that is, into the first Entrance within the Court, where Visits are receiv'd; without seeing the Am∣bassador or any of his Attendants, who were all employ'd in the above-said confusion, at a good part of which these persons were present.

At length the Ambassador being dress'd came forth with the [ XIII] rest, and receiv'd the Visit of Vitulà Sinay, and another great Person sent by the King to accompany him; he was a Moor by Sect, but of Indian Race, very black, and Captain General in these parts of Banghel, from which charge he was lately return'd, and his Name was Musè Baì. With these came also a Son of his, a Youth of the same colour, but of a handsome Face, and cloth'd odly after the Indian Fashion, that is, naked from the girdle upwards, having onely a very thin and variously painted cloth cast cross one Shoulder, and another of the same sort girt about him, and hanging down loose; he had a little Bonnet upon his Head, like those of our Gally-slaves, but wrought with divers colours; his Hands, Arms, Neck, and Nose, were adorn'd with many ornaments of Gold, and he had a guilt Po∣nyard at his girdle, which shew'd very well. His Father was cloth'd all in white, after the manner of India, to wit, of such as wear Clothes, and go not naked from the Waste upwards; upon his white vestment he had a shorter sur-coat of Velvet, guarded with Gold at the bottom, loose and open before, which is the custom onely in solemnities. He had no Sword, but onely a Ponyard on the right side, the hilt and cheap guild∣ed, and, as I believe, of Silver; upon his Head he had a little Cap of the same form, made of Cloth of Gold; for in these Countries 'tis the fashion for Men to cover their Heads either with such Caps, or with white Turbants, little and almost square. Vitulà Sinay and some other personages who came with them to accompany the Ambassador, were all cloth'd with white garments of very fine Silk, and other rich Silken sur-coats upon the same, to honor the solemnity; and upon these they had Page  123 such colour'd clothes as in Persia they call Scial, and use for gir∣dles, but the Indians wear them cross the shoulders cover'd with a piece of very fine white Silk, so that the colour underneath ap∣pears; or else wear white Silk alone. As soon as we came forth of doors, Musè Baì presented to the Ambassador one of these colour'd Skarfs inclos'd in white Silk to wear about his Neck; and the Ambassador gave him a piece of I know not what Cloth, and in the mean time a publick Dancing-Woman whom they had hir'd, danc'd in the presence of us all. Then we all took Horse, the Ambassador riding upon a good Horse of his own which he had brought from Goa, with a saddle embroider'd and adorn'd with Silver Fringe; and another Horse with trap∣pings being lead before him, both which he had brought from home, with intention, perhaps, to sell them here at his depar∣ture; for Horses here yield a good price, and he had been for∣merly at Ikkerì purposely to sell Horses, and so became known to Venk-tapà Naieka. There was also another good led-Horse, which the Vice-Roy sent as a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka; that which they had given to Vitulà Sinay, he had carry'd to his House, and it appear'd not here. All the rest of us rode upon Horses of the place, which are of a very small size, and were sent to us for that purpose, accoutr'd after their manner, with saddles pretty enough to look upon, but to me very inconvenient; for they have bows and cruppers very high, and are all of hard wood, without any stuffing, but with sharp wreath'd edges, cover'd with black or red Cloth, lay'd with lists of Gold or yellow, or other colour; in the cruppers are many carv'd orna∣ments almost of this figure (

[illustration]
), besides certain extravagant tassels hanging down to the stirrops; and, were they not so hard, they would be neither unhandsome, nor unsafe to ride upon.

The Pomp proceeded in this manner: Many Horsemen went formost, who were follow'd by divers Foot arm'd with Pikes and other weapons, some of them brandishing the same as they [ XIV] went along; then march'd certain Musketiers with Drums, Trumpets, Pikes, and Cornets sounding; these cloth'd all in one colour after the Portugal manner, but with coarse stuff of small value; and amongst them rode a servant of the Ambassa∣dor's, better clad after their fashion, as Captain of the Guard. Then follow'd the Ambassador in the middle between Vitulà Sinay and Musè Bài; and after him we of his retinue, to wit, the Chaplain, Sig: Consalvo Carvaglio, Sig: Francesco Montegro, who liv'd at Barcelòr, and whom we found at Ikkerì about some affairs of his own; but because he wanted a horse, he appear'd not in the Cavalcade. After us came some other Horse-men; but, in summ, there was but few people, a small shew, and little gallantry; demonstrative signes of the smallness of this Court and the Prince. In this manner we rode to the Palace which stands in a Fort or Citadel of good largeness, incompass'd with a great Ditch, and certain ill built bastions. At the entrance Page  124 we found two very long but narrow Bulwarks. Within the Ci∣tadel are many Houses, and shops also in several streets; for we pass'd through two Gates, at both which there stood Guards, and all the distance between them was an inhabited street. We went through these two Gates on Horse-back, which, I believe, was a priviledge, for few did so besides our selves, namely, such onely as entred where the King was; the rest either remaining on Horse-back at the first Gate, or alighting at the Entrance of the second. A third Gate also we enter'd, but on Foot, and came into a kind of Court, about which were sitting in Porches many prime Courtiers, and other persons of quality. Then we came to a fourth Gate guarded with Souldiers, into which one∣ly we Franchi or Christians, and some few others of the Country were suffer'd to enter; and we presently found the King, who was seated in a kind of Porch on the opposite side of a small Court, upon a Pavement somewhat rais'd from the Earth, cover'd with a Canopy like a square Tent, but made of boords and gilded. The Floor was cover'd with a piece of Tapistry something old, and the King sat after the manner of the East up∣on a little Quilt on the out-side of the Tent, leaning upon one of the pillars which up-held it on the right hand, having at his back two great Cushions of fine white Silk. Before him lay his Sword, adorn'd with Silver, and a little on one side almost in the middle of the Tent, was a small eight-corner'd Stand, painted and gilded, either to write upon, or else to hold some thing or other of his. On the right hand, and behind the King, stood divers Courtiers, one of which continually wav'd a white fan made of fine linnen, as if to drive away the flies from the King. Besides the King, there was but one person sitting, and he the principal Favorite of the Court, call'd Putapaià, and he sat at a good distance from him on the right hand near the wall.

As soon as we saw the King afar off, the Ambassador and we [ XV] pull'd off our Hats, and saluted him after our manner; he seem'd not to stir at all; but when we approach'd nearer, the Ambassador was made to sit down within the Tent at a good distance from the King near the wall, as Putapaià sate, but on the left side, at which we enter'd. The rest of us stood a good while before the Tent, on the left side also. Vitulà Sinay approach'd to a Pillar opposite to that on which the King lean'd, and there serv'd as Interpreter, sometimes speaking with the King, and sometimes with the Ambassador. Musè Baì stood also on our side, but di∣stant from the King, and near one of the Pillars of the Porch. The King's first words were concerning the Health of the King of Spain and the Vice-Roy; and then the Ambassador subjoyn'd the causes of his coming, namely, to visit him, and continue the Amity which his Highness held with that State of the Portugals, (who use that style to these Indian Kings, as they did also to their King of Portugal when they had one, whence this custom first arose, and is still continu'd; although now when they name Page  125 their King of Spain, so much a greater Lord then the King of Por∣tuagl, they use not the term Highness, but Majesty, after the manner of Europe.) The Ambassador added that in token of this Amity, the Vice-Roy sent him that Present, not as any great matter, but as a small acknowledgment; That their King had sent him a considerable Present from Spain, which his Highness knew was lost at Sea; That yet by the Ships which were coming this year he should receive another, as he might see in the Vice-Roy's Letter which he presented to him. And hereupon the Ambassador arising from his Seat, went to present the same to him almost kneeling upon one knee; and he without moving a whit, took it and gave it to Vitulà Sinay, who gave it to another, probably, the principal Secretary, without reading or opening it. The Ambassador had brought a Letter to him likewise written in the King of Spain's Name, but did not present it now; because the Portugals say, that the first time of going to Audience, they are onely to make a Visit, and not to treat of business. Then they drew forth the Present before the King, which was some pieces of cloth, within one of those wooden gilt boxes which are us'd in India; a Lance of the Moorish shape, to wit, long and smooth like a Pike, the point of Iron gilt, and the foot em∣bellish'd with Silver, a gallant Target, and the Horse above∣mention'd cover'd with a silken Horse-cloth; which Horse was brought into the Court where the King sate. After he had re∣ceiv'd and view'd the Present, and taken the Iron of the Lance in his hand, which the Ambassador said was of Portugal; they caus'd the rest of us to sit down near the outer wall of the Porch on the left side, upon a rough Carpet strip'd with white and blew, (of that sort which the Turks and Persians call Kielim) spread upon the pavement of the Porch. The Ambassador, al∣though he sate, yet never put on his Hat before the King, (for so the Portugal Nobles are wont to do before the Vice-Roy, namely, to sit, but not to be cover'd) nor did the King speak to him to cover himself, but let him continue uncover'd; wherein, to my thinking, he committed an error; for going as he did in the name of the State, which amongst them is as much as to go in the King of Spain's Name; why should he not be cover'd be∣fore so small a Prince? And the error seem'd the greater, because he was the first that went Ambassador to Venk-tapà Naieka in the name of the State; and consequently, hath made an ill president to such as shall come after him. And in introducing such prejudi∣cial customs, a publick Minister should have his eyes well open: but the truth is, the Portugals of India understand little, are lit∣tle Courtiers, and less Polititians, how exquisite soever they be accounted here, as this Sig: Gio: Fernandez is esteem'd one of the most accomplish'd, and, I believe, not undeservedly. At night, I could not forbear to advertise some of his Country-men hereof in a handsome way, it not seeming fit for me, a stranger and the younger man, to offer to give him a Lesson. However, Page  126 he never put on his Hat, and Civility oblig'd us to the same for∣bearance; but indeed, it was too much obsequiousness for such a Prince; as also for the Ambassador to tell him of the other times that he had been privately at that Court, and kiss'd his Highnesse's Feet; with other like words little becomming an Ambassador. Nevertheless he spoke them, professing himself much the servant of Ven-tapà Naieka, out of hope that he, as Vitulà Sinay had promis'd him at Goa, would write to the King of Spain in his favor, by which means he should have some remuneration. Indeed, the Portugals have nothing else in their Heads but Interest, and therefore their Government goes as it does.

[ XVI] As we sate down, (being four of us that did so, besides the Ambassador, to wit, the Chaplain, Caravaglio, Montegro, and my self) I handsomely took the last place; because knowing the nature of the Portugals, I would not have them think that I a stranger went about to take place and preheminence of them in their solemnities; and they conformably to their own humor, not onely us'd no Courtesie to me, as well-bred Italians would have done, by saying to me, Amice, ascende superiùs; but I saw they were greatly pleas'd with my putting my self in the last place, Caravaglio taking the first, the Chaplain the second, and Montegro the third. I, little caring for this, or for shewing and making my self known in the Court of Venk-tapà Naieka, laugh'd within my self at their manners, and with the observation recreated my Curiosity, which alone had brought me into these parts. The King's discourse to the Ambassador was distended to divers things, and, as he was speaking, he frequently chaw'd leavs of Betle, which a Courtier reach'd to him now and then, and, when he was minded out a lump of the masticated leaves, another held a kind of great Cup to his Mouth, for him to spit into. The King ask'd concerning the slowness of the Ships this year, as that which disgusted him, in regard of the Money they were to bring him for Pepper. He inquir'd of several things of India, and desir'd to know some kind of News. The Ambassador told him all the News we had at Onòr, which were uncertain, being one∣ly the Relations of some vulgar persons, and therefore, in my judgement, too immaturely utter'd; affirming, for certain, the coming of the Fleet with a great Army, the Alliance be∣tween Spain and England, the passage of the Prince of England into Spain; and moreover, (Good God!) the reduction of all England to the Catholick Faith by the publick command of that King, with other such levities usual to the Portugals, who are very ignorant of the affairs of the world and of State. The King further spoke long concerning things transacted with him in the War of Banghel, particularly, of the Peace that concluded it; for which, probably, being disadvantageous to the Portugals, he said, e heard that many blam'd him the Ambassador, who ne∣gotiated it with his Ministers; and that they not onely blam'd Page  127 him for it, but said, he would be punish'd by the King of Spain, who was offended with it; whereat being sorry, as his Friend, he had sent several times to Goa to inquire tidings concerning him. The Ambassador answer'd, that 'twas true, there had been such accusations against him and greater, some alledging that his Highness had brib'd him; but that they were the words of male∣volent persons, which he had always laugh'd at, knowing he had done his duty, and onely what the Vice-Roy had appointed him; and that in Spain they give credit to the informations of the Vice-Roy, and not to the talk of others, as well appear'd by the event. Venk-tapà proceeded to say, that that Peace was ve∣ry well made for the Portugals, and that much good had follow'd upon it; intimating that they would have made it with disad∣vantage, if it had not been concluded in that manner as he con∣cluded it: As if he would have said, It had been ill for the Portugals, with manifest signes of a mind insulting over them, and that the business of Banghel was no more to be treated of. Then he ask'd the Ambassador, How old he was? How many Children he had? Putting him in mind of his using to come, when a very Youth, to Ikkerì with his Father to bring Horses, and shewing himself very friendly to him. Nor did the Ambas∣sadar lose the occasion of desiring him that he would favor him with his Letters to the King of Spain, pretending to hope for much upon account of them; a thing which I should not commend in an Ambassador, because he may thereby come to be thought by his natural Prince too partial to, and too intimate with, the Prince with whom he treats; and also by this means disparages himself, as if he need to beg the mediation of foreign Princes to his natural Lord, and of such Princes too with whom he negotiates in behalf of his own; which by no means seems handsome. Then Venk-tapà Naieka inquir'd concerning the rest of us, and Vitulà Sinay answer'd his Questions; telling him of me, that I was a Roman, and that I travell'd over so great a part of the World out of Curiosity, and that I writ down what I saw; with other things of the same nature. Venk-tapà Naieka ask'd me, Whether I understood the Language of the Moors? I answer'd that I did, together with the Turkish and Persian; but I mention'd not the Arabick, because I have it not so ready as the other two, to be able to make use of it before every body. He seem'd sufficiently pleas'd in seeing me, and understanding that I was born at Rome, and came thither so great a Traveller; highly esteeming the ancient fame of Rome and the Empire, and its new Grandeur and Pontificate of the Christians. These and other Discourses, which I omit for brevity, lasting for some time, he caus'd to be brought to him a piece of Silk embroider'd with Gold, such as the Indians wear cross their shoulders, but with us may serve to cover a Table or such like use; and calling the Ambassador before him, whither we accompany'd him, gave it to him, and caus'd it to be put upon his shoulders; Page  128 whereupon we were dismiss'd, and so going out to Horse again, we were reconducted home with the same solemnity and com∣pany.

[ XVII] After this, as we were walking through the City late in the Evening without the Ambassador, we saw going along the streets several companies of young girls well cloth'd after their manner, namely, with some of the above-mention'd wrought and figur'd Silk from the girdle downwards; and from thence upward either naked, or else with very pure linnen, either of one colour, or strip'd and wrought with several, besides a scarf of the same work cast over the shoulder. Their heads were deck'd with yellow and white flowers form'd into a high and large Diadem, with some sticking out like Sun-beams, and others twisted together and hanging down in several fashions; which made a prety sight. All of them carry'd in each hand a little round painted Stick, about a span long or little more, which striking together after a musical measure, besides the sounds of Drums and other instru∣ments, one of the skilfullest of the company sung one verse of a song at once, at the end of which they all reply'd seven or eight times in number of their meter this word, Colè, Colè, Colè, which I know not what it signifies, but, I believe, 'tis a word of joy. Singing in this manner, they went along the street eight or ten together, being either friends or neighbours, follow'd by many other women, not dress'd in the same fashion, but who were either their Mothers or their Kins-women. I imagin'd it was for some extraordinary Festival, and I was willing to have follow'd them to see whither they went, and what they did; but being in the company of others, I could not handsomely do it, nor had my Companions the same Curiosity, as indeed the Portugals are not at all curious. I understood afterwards that they went to the Piazza of the great Temple, which is moderately large, and there danc'd in circles, singing their songs till it was late; and that this was a Festival, which they keep three dayes together at the end of a certain Fast in Honor of Gaurì, one of their Goddesses, Wife of Mohedaca; and therefore 'tis celebrated by girls.

[ XVIII] November the ninth, Walking about the City, I saw a beam rais'd a good height, where, in certain of their Holy-dayes some devout people are wont to hang themselves by the flesh upon hooks fastned to the top of it, and remain a good while so hanging, the blood running down in the mean time, and they flourishing their Sword and Buckler in the Air, and singing verses in Honor of their Gods. Moreover, in a close place opposite to the Temple, I saw one of those very great Carrs, or Charri∣ots, wherein upon certain Feasts they carry their Idols in Pro∣cession, with many people besides, and Dancing-women, who play on musical instruments, sing, and dance. The four wheels of this Carr were fourteen of my spans in diameter, and the wood of the sides was one span thick. At the end of it were two great Page  129 wooden Statues, painted with natural colours; one of a Man, the other of a Woman naked, in dishonest postures; and upon the Carr, which was very high, was room for abundance of people to stand; and, in brief, it was so large that scarce any but the widest streets in Rome, as Strada, Giulia, or Babuino, would be capable for it to pass in. I saw also certain Indian Fryers, whom in their Language they call Giangàma, and perhaps, are the same with the Sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have Wives, and go with their faces smear'd with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of picked hood or cowl upon their heads of dy'd linnen, of that colour which is generally us'd amongst them, namely, a reddish brick-colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, fill'd with something within, that makes a jangling as they walk. But the pretiest and oddest thing was, to see certain Souldiers on Horse-back, and considerable Captains too, as I was inform'd, who for ornament of their Horses wore hanging behind the saddle-bow two very large tassels of certain white, long, and fine skins, (they told me they were the tails of certain wild Oxen found in India, and highly esteem'd) which tassels were about two yards in compass, and so long as to reach from the saddle-bow to the ground; two, I say, hung behind the saddle-bow, and two before of equal height, and two others higher at the head stall; so that there were six in all: between which the Horse-man was seen upon the saddle half naked, and riding upon a Horse which leap'd and curvetted all the way; by which motion those six great tassels of skin, being very light and not at all trouble∣some, but flying up and down, seem'd so many great wings; which indeed was a prety odd spectacle, and made me think I saw so many Bellerophons upon severall Pegasus's. The same Evening I saw the companies of girls again, and following them I found that they did not go into the Piazza of the Temple, as they had done the two nights before, but into one of the King's Gardens, which for this purpose stood open for every body, and is nothing but a great field planted confusedly with shady and fruit-Trees, Sugar Canes, and other Garden plants. Hither al∣most the whole City flock'd, Men and Women, and all the companies of the flower'd Virgins, who putting themselves into circles, here and there danc'd and sung; yet their dancing was nothing else but an easie walking round, their snappers alwayes sounding; onely sometimes they would stretch forth their legs, and now and then cowre down as if they were going to sit, one constantly singing, and the rest repeating the word Colè, Colè. There wanted not other Donne ballatrici, Dancing-women, who exceeded the former in skill and dexterity: But in conclusion, they gather'd into several companies to supper, with the other Women that accompany'd them; so did the Men also, some with their Wives, and some alone, of which there wanted not who invited us, not to eat with them (for they communicate Page  130 not with strangers at the Table) but to take some of their fare; which we thank'd them for, but accepted not, being delighted onely to see them feast so together, dispers'd in se∣veral places of the Garden; this being the night that the Fast ended.

[ XIX] The same night a Post from Goa brought the Ambassador a Letter from the Vice-Roy, with another for Vitulà Sinay, and a third from the Captain of Onòr. The Ambassador imparted his intelligence to none, but forbad the Post to let it be known that he had brought Letters; whence I conceiv'd, that the News was not good, otherwise it would have been presently publish'd; onely I heard some obscure talk of the Malabarians, but I would not inquire further into the matter, as that which did not belong to me; especially amongst the Portugals who are very close and reserv'd towards strangers.

November the tenth, I saw passing along the street a Nephew of Venk-tapà Naieka, his Sisters Son, a handsome youth, and fair for that Country; he was one of those that aspire to the succession of this State, and was now returning from the fields without the Town, whither he uses to go every Morning. He is call'd Sedà-Siva Naieka, and was attended with a great number of Souldiers both Horse and Foot marching before him, and behind with many Cavaliers and Captains of quality, himself riding alone with great gravity; He had before him Drums, Cornets, and every sort of their barbarous instruments: Moreover, both in the Front and in the Rear of the Cavalcade, were, (I know not whether for magnificence or for guard) several Elephants carrying their guides upon their backs; and amongst them was also carried his Palanchino or Litter.

November the eleventh, The Ambassador went again to Au∣dience, to present to Venk-tapà Naieka the Letter writ to him in the King of Spain's Name▪ and declare what that King re∣quir'd of him. He went alone without any of us, or of the Por∣tugals his Companions, either not willing that we should be present at the debating of business, or because he went in a Pa∣lanchino, and had his two Horses led before him, but there were neither Palanchino's nor Horses enow in the House for the rest of us. With those that came to fetch him, came also a publick Dancing-woman, who perform'd a prety piece of Agility in his presence; for standing upon one foot, when the Drums and other instruments sounded, with the other she swiftly turn'd round in the Air a large Iron Ring, about a span in Diametre, without letting it fall off her great Toe, and at the same time with one hand toss'd two Cymbals or brass balls, catching one in her Hand whilst the other was aloft, and so alternately, and very nimbly without ever letting them fall; which indeed was great dexterity, to be imploy'd at the same time with the foot and the hand, standing firm all the while on the other foot with∣out support, and yet attending to the Musick, and this for a Page  131 good space together: during which an old Man with a white beard and bald head, who brought her, stood behind her, cry∣ing all the while Ahùd, Ahùd, Ahùd, which in their Language signifies as much as Good, Good, Good. The Ambassador return'd quickly from Audience, but made not a word of any thing. The King frequently sent him things to eat; particularly, fruits out of season, to wit, brought to him from far distant places, amongst which we had Ziacche, (which I take to be the same with Zátte, which is a kind of Gourd) a fruit very rare at this time; and also Indian Melons, which how good soever, are worth nothing at any time, the Climate not being for such fruits.

November the twelfth, I took the height of the Sun at Ikkerì, and found the Meridian Altitude 31. degrees. He was now in the 19th degree of Scorpio, and consequently, declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 17. gr. 29′.23″. which substra∣cted from the 31. degrees in which I found the Sun, there remain 13. gr. 30′.37″. and such is the Elevation of the Pole at Ikkerì; which must be also as many degrees, to wit, 13. gr. 30′.37″. di∣stant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At dinner the Ambassador told us, that the King of Spain's Letter which he had presented the day before to Venk-tapà Naieka concern'd not any business, but was onely of complement, and particularly, to give him much thanks for having of late years refus'd to sell Pepper to the English and Dutch, who had been at his Court to buy it; and also for the good Amity he held with the Portugals, which he desir'd might encrease every day: That of the affairs of Banghel, or any others, he said nothing, referring all to the Vice-Roy, and the Embassador whom the Vice-Roy had sent to him: Wherewith Venk-tapà Naieka was very well pleas'd, and he had reason; for during the present State of the Portugals affairs, I certainly think they will not speak a word to him of Banghel, nor of any thing else that may be dis∣gustful to him.

The same day the Ambassador had been at Court; being in∣vited to see solemn Wrastling at the Palace. We did not ac∣company him, for want of Horses and Palanchinoes; but at night he told us, Vitulà Sinay ask'd much for me, wishing I had been present at this Wrastling, which was exercis'd by Persons very stout and expert therein; because he had heard that I writ down what I saw remarkable. However, Caravaglio, Montegro, and my self not going thither, went out of Ikkerì half a League North∣wards, to see another new City which Venk-tapà hath begun to build there. 'Tis call'd Saghèr, and is already prety well in∣habited, with Houses all made of Earth after their manner. The Palace is finish'd, and Venk-tapà frequently goes to it; as also a Temple built upon a great Artificial Lake, a House for his Ne∣phews and other Grandees, with all conveniencies thereunto, particularly, great Stalls for Elephants, of which he keeps here above eighty; we saw many of them here, some for War, large Page  132 and handsome. A Market was kept this day in Saghèr, as 'tis the custom every Sunday, and at Ikkerì every Fryday. There was a great concourse of people, but nothing to sell besides ne∣cessaries for food and clothing, after their manner. The way between Ikkerì and Saghèr is very handsome, plain, broad, al∣most totally direct, here and there beset with great and thick Trees which make a shadow and a delightful verdure. As we return'd home at night, we met a Woman in the City of Ikkerì, who, her Husband being dead, was resolv'd to burn her self, as 'tis the custom with many Indian Women. She rod on Horse-back about the City with open face, holding a Looking-glasse in one hand, and a Lemon in the other, I know not for what purpose; and beholding her self in the Glass, with a lamentable tone sufficiently pittiful to hear, went along I know not whither speaking or singing certain words, which I understood not; but they told me, they were a kind of Farewell to the World and her self; and indeed, being utter'd with that passionateness which the Case requir'd and might produce, they mov'd pity in all that heard them, even in us who understood not the Language. She was follow'd by many other Women and Men on foot, who, perhaps, were her Relations; they carry'd a great Umbrella over her, as all Persons of quality in India are wont to have, thereby to keep off the Sun, whose heat is hurtful and troublesome. Before her, certain Drums were sounded, whose noise she never ceas'd to accompany with her sad Ditties or Songs; yet with a calm and constant Countenance, without tears, evidencing more grief for her Husband's death then her own, and more desire to go to him in the other world than re∣gret for her own departure out of this: A Custom, indeed, cruel and barbarous, but withall, of great generosity and virtue in such Women, and therefore worthy of no small praise. They said, she was to pass in this manner about the City, I know not how many dayes, at the end of which she was to go out of the City and be burnt, with more company and solemnity. If I can know when it will be, I will not fail to go to see her, and by my presence honor her Funeral, with that compassionate affecti∣on which so great Conjugal Fidelity and Love seems to me to deserve.

[ XXI] November the thirteenth, I took the Altitude of the Sun at Ikkerì, and found it 31. gr. 40′. The Sun was now in the 20th degree of Scorpio, and declin'd Southwards 17. gr. 45′, 40″. which taken from 31. gr. 40′. leave 13. gr. 54′, 20″. The former time, I found Ikkerì to be in 13. gr. 30′, 31″; but now I found it to be in 13. gr. 54′, 20″. between which there is onely the difference of 23′, 43″, which is a small matter: And therefore I account my observation right; for the small variation between the two times is no great matter, in regard the declination of the Sun not be∣ing punctually known, may cause the difference. At night, walk∣ing in the City, I saw in the Piazza of the great Temple (which Page  133 I understood was dedicated to an Idol call'd Agore Scuarà, who, they say, is the same with Mahadeù, although they represent him not in the same shape with that I saw of Mahadeù in Cambaia, but in the shape of a Man, with but one Head and Face, and sixteen Arms on each side (in all thirty two); which is not strange, since our Antients call'd many of their Idols by names sufficiently different, and pourtray'd them in several shapes; and wherein also I understood there was an Idol of Par∣vetì, who is the Wife of Mahadeù, though the Temple be not dedicated to her): I saw, I say, in the Piazza one of their Fryers or Giangami, clad all in white, sitting in an handsome Palanchi∣no, with two great white Umbrellaes, held over him, one on each side, (which two were for the more gravity) and a Horse led behind, being follow'd by a great train of other Giangami, clad in their ordinary habits. Before the Palanchino, march'd a nu∣merous company of Souldiers, and other people, many Drums and Fifes, two strait long Trumpets, and such brass Timbrels as are us'd in Persia, Bells and divers other Instruments, which sound∣ed as loud as possible, and amongst them was a troop of Dancing-women adorn'd with Girdles, Rings upon their Legs, Neck-laces, and other ornaments of Gold, and with certain Pectorals or Breast-plates, almost round, in the fashion of a Shield, and but∣ting out with a sharp ridg before, embroyder'd with Gold, and stuck either with Jewels or some such things which reflected the Sun-beams with marvellous splendor; as to the rest of their bodies, they were uncover'd, without any Veil or Head-tire. When they came to the Piazza, the Palanchino stood still, and the multitude having made a ring, the Dancing-women fell to dance after their manner, which was much like the Moris-dance of Italy, onely the Dancers sung as they danc'd, which seem'd much better: One of them, who, perhaps, was the Mistress of the rest, danc'd alone by her self, with extravagant and high jump∣ings, but alwayes looking towards the Palanchino: Sometimes she cowr'd down with her hanches almost to the ground, some∣times leaping up she struck them with her Feet backwards, (as Coelius Rhodiginus relates of the ancient dance call'd Bibasi) continually singing and making several gestures with her Hands; but after a barbarous manner, and such as amongst us would not be thought handsome. The Dance being ended, the Palanchino with all the train went forward, the Instruments continually playing before them. I follow'd to see the end, and found that they went into the ch••f street, and so out of the City by the Gate which leads to Sagèr, stopping in divers places of the street to act the same, or the like dances over again; and particular∣ly, in the Entrance of the said Gate, where, amongst many Trees and Indian Canes which make the City-Wall, there is a small Piazza, very eeven, and shaded about, like a Pastoral Scene, and very handsome. At last the Giangamo with his Palanchino and train, enter'd into certain Gardens without the Gate, where Page  134 his House stood; and after the last Dance he remain'd there, and the rest went away. They told me, this Honor was done him, because they had then cast water upon his Head, and perform'd some other Ceremony, equivalent to our ordaining one in Sacris, or creating a Doctor. As I was going along the streets to behold this Pomp, I saw many persons come with much devotion to kiss the Feet of all those Giangamoes, who on Foot follow'd the principal Giangamo who was in the Palanchino; and because they were many, and it took up much time to kiss the Feet of them all, therefore when any one came to do it, they stood still all in a rank to give him time; and whilst such persons were kissing them, and for more reverence touching their Feet with their Fore-heads, these Giangamoes stood firm with a seem∣ing severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the World; just as our Fryers use to do when any devout persons come out of reverence to kiss their Habit; but with Hypocrisie, conformable to their super∣stitious Religion.

Returning home, I met a Corps going to be burn'd without [ XXII] the City, with Drums sounding before it; it was carryed sitting in a Chair, whereunto it was ty'd that it might not fall, cloth'd in its ordinary attire, exactly as if it had been alive. The seat was cover'd behind, and on the sides with red and other colours, I know not whether Silk or no. It was open onely before, and there the dead person was to be seen. By the company, which was small, I conjectur'd him to be one of mean quality. But they told me, All dead people are carry'd thus, as well such as are buried, (as the Lingavani, whom they also put into the Earth sitting) as those that are burn'd; and that he, whom I saw, was to be burn'd, we gather'd from the Fire and Oyle which they carry'd after him in vessels. The night following there was a great solemnity in all the Temples, by lighting of Candles, singing, Musick, dancing, about twenty Dancing-women, who went in Procession with the Idol into the Piazza, dancing before the great Temple; but, as I was told, they began very late, name∣ly, at the rising of the Moon, which was about an hour before mid-night; so that I was gone to bed before I knew of it, although in the Evening I saw the lights in the Temple. But though I saw nothing, yet I heard of it as I was in bed, being awaken'd by the noise; and hearing the same was to be acted over again the next night, I purpos'd with my self to see it.

November the fourteenth, I went at night to the Temple to see whether there was any extraordinary solemnity; but there was nothing more then usual, nor did the Idol come forth: onely in the great Temple and its Inclosure or Court, into which they suffer not strangers to enter, they made their accustom'd Pro∣cessions with musical instruments, singing, and other Ceremo∣nies, which, I conceive, were the same with those I saw in Ahi∣nelì: onely they are celebrated here every night, because as 'tis Page  135 a more eminent Church, so consequently the service is more pompous; besides that, they told me Venk-tapà Naieka had a great and particular devotion to the Idol Agoresuàr, who is here worship'd.

On the fifteenth of the same moneth, came first in the day-time and afterwards at night to our House twelve or fifteen publick Dancing-women, who by consequence, are also publick Strum∣pets, although very young, being conducted by certain of their men. In the day time they did nothing, but talkt a little; and some of them made themselves drunk with a certain Wine made of dry'd Raisins, or a sort of Aqua Vitae and other mixtures, call'd in India, Nippa; I say some of them, because certain others of less ignoble Race, as they are more abstinent in eating, so they drink not any thing that inebriates. At night, they entertain'd us a good while with Balls, or Dancing, after their mode, accom∣pany'd with singing, not unpleasant to behold; for they consist of a numerous company of Women, all well cloth'd and adorn'd with Gold, Jewels, and Tresses of several fashions, who sing and snap their wooden instruments. They begin all their Balls slow∣ly, and by degrees growing to a heat, at last end with furious and quick motions, which appear well enough: Amongst their other Dances two pleas'd me well, one in which they continually re∣peated these words—and another wherein they repre∣sented a Battel, and the actions of slaughter; in the conclusion, the Master of the Ball, who directs all, and was one of those that brought them, dancing in the midst of them with a naked Pony∣ard, wherewith he represented the actions of slaughter as the Women did with their short sticks. But the end of this shew was more ridiculous: For when they were dismiss'd, they not onely were not contented with the largess of the Ambassador, although I added as much of my own to it, but went away ill satisfi'd, testifying the same by cholerick yellings, which to me was a new Comedy.

November the sixteenth, I was told that the above-mention'd Woman who had resolv'd to burn her self for her Husband's death, was to dye this Evening. But upon further enquiry at the Womans House, I understood that it would not be till after a few dayes more, and there I saw her sitting in a Court or Yard, and other persons beating Drums about her. She was cloth'd all in white, and deck'd with many Neck-laces, Bracelets, and other ornaments of Gold; on her Head she had a Garland of Flowers spreading forth like the rayes of the Sun; in brief, she was wholly in a Nuptial Dress, and held a Lemon in her Hand, which is the usual Ceremony. She seem'd to be pleasant enough, talking and laughing in conversation, as a Bride would do in our Countries. She and those with her, took notice of my standing there to behold her, and conjecturing by my strange Habit, what the meaning of it was, some of them came towards me. I told them by an Interpreter, that I was a Person of a very remote Page  136 Country, where we had heard by Fame, that some Women in India love their Husbands so vehemently, as when they dye to resolve to dye with them; and that now having intelligence that this Woman was such a one, I was come to see her, that so I might relate in my own Country that I had seen such a thing with my own Eyes. These people were well pleas'd with my coming, and she her self, having heard what I said, rose up from her seat, and came to speak to me. We discours'd together standing, for a good while. She told me that her Name was Giaccamà, of the Race Terlengà, that her Husband was a Drum∣mer; whence I wonder'd the more; seeing Heroical Actions, as this ndoubtedly ought to be judg'd, are very rare in people of low quality. That it was about nineteen dayes since her Husband's death, that he had left two other Wives elder then she, and whom he had married before her, (both which were present at this discourse) yet neither of them was willing to dye, but alledg'd for excuse that they had many Children. This argument gae me occasion to ask Giaccamà, (who shew'd me a little Son of her own, about six or seven years old, besides an other Daughter she had) how she could perswade her self to leave her own little Children? And told her, that she ought likewise to live rather then to abandon them at that Age. She answer'd me, that she left them well recommended to the care of an Uncle of hers there present, who also talk'd with us very cheerfully, as if rejoycing that his Kins-woman would do such an action; and that her Husbands other two remaining Wives would also take care of them. I insisted much upon the tender Age of her Children, to avert her from her purpose, by moving her to com∣passion for them, well knowing that no argument is more pre∣valent with Mothers then their Love and Affection towards their Children. But all my speaking was in vain, and she still answer'd me to all my Reasons, with a Countenance not onely undismay'd and constant, but even cheerful, and spoke in a such manner as shew'd that she had not the least fear of death. She told me also, upon my asking her, that she did this of her own accord, was at her own liberty, not forc'd nor perswaded by any one. Where∣upon I inquiring, Whether force were at any time us'd in this matter, they told me, that ordinarily it was not, but onely sometimes amongst Persons of quality when some Widow was left young, handsome, and so in danger of marrying again (which amongst them is very ignominious), or committing a worse fault; in such Cases the Friends of the deceas'd Husband were very strict, and would constrain her to burn her self even against her own will, for preventing the disorders possible to happen in case she should live; (a barbarous, indeed, and too cruel Law.) However, that neither force nor perswasion was us'd to Giaccamà, that she did it of her own free will; in which, as of a magnanimous action, (as indeed it was) and amongst them of great honor, both her Relations and her self much Page  137 glory'd. I ask'd concerning the Ornaments and Flowers she vore, and they told me, that such was the Custom, in token of the Mastì's joy (they call the Woman, who intends to burn her self for the death of her Husband, Mastì) in that she was very shortly to go to him, and therefore had reason to rejoyce; whereas such Widows as will not dye, remain in continual sad∣ness and lamentations, shave their Heads, and live in perpetual mourning for the death of their Husbands. At last Giaccamà caus'd one to tell me, that she accounted my coming to see her a great good fortune, and held her self much honour'd, as well by my visit and presence, as the Fame which I should carry of her to my own Country; and that before she dy'd she would come to visit me at my House, and also to ask me, as their cu∣stom is, that I would favour her with some thing by way of Alms towards the buying of fewel, for the fire wherewith she was to be burnt. I answer'd her, that I should much esteem her visit, and very willingly give her some thing; not for wood and fire wherein to burn her self, (for her death much displeas'd me, and I would gladly have disswaded her from it, if I could) but to do something else therewith, what her self most lik'd; and that I promis'd her, that so far as my weak pen could contribute, her Name should remain immortal in the World. Thus I took leave of her, more sad for her death then her self, cursing the custom of India, which is so unmerciful to Women. Giaccamà was a Woman of about thirty years of age, of a Complexion very brown for an Indian, and almost black, but of a good aspect, tall of stature, well shap'd and proportion'd. My Muse could not forbear from chanting her in a Sonnet, which I made upon her death, and reserve among my Poetical Papers.

The same Evening Lights being set up in all the Temples, and [ XXIV] the usual Musick of Drums and Pipes sounding, I saw in one Temple, which was none of the greatest, a Minister or Priest dance before the Idol all naked, saving that he had a small piece of Linnen over his Privities, as many of them continually go; he had a drawn Sword in his Hand, which he flourish'd as if he had been fencing; but his motions were nothing but lascivious gestures. And indeed, the greatest part of their Worship of their Gods, consists in nothing but Musick, Songs, Dances, not not onely pleasant but lascivious, and in serving their Idols as if they were living Persons; namely, in presenting to them things to eat, washing them, perfuming them, giving them Betlè-leavs, dying them with Sanders, carrying them abroad in Pro∣cession, and such other things as the Country-people account delights and observances. In rehearsing Prayers, I think they are little employ'd, and as little in Learning. I once ask'd an old Priest, who was held more knowing then others, grey, and clad all in white, carrying a staff like a Shep-herds crook in his Hand, What Books he had read, and what he had studied? Adding that my self delighted in reading, and that if he would Page  138 speak to me about any thing, I would answer him. He told me, that all Books were made, onely that Men might by means there∣of know God, and God being known, to what purpose were Books? as if, he knew God very well. I reply'd, that all thought they knew God, but yet few knew him aright; and therefore he should beware that himself were not one of those.

November the seventeenth, By Letters brought from Barcelòr, with News from Goa, we heard that the Prince of England was gone incognito into Spain to accomplish his Marriage with the Infanta; and that his arrival being known, and the King having seen him, preparations were making for his publick Reception. That the Fleet was not yet arriv'd at Goa, except one Galeon; and that the News from Ormùz was, that Ruy Freyra was landed in that Island, and having entrench'd himself under the Fort, held the same besieg'd with that small Armado he had with him: Whence 'twas hop'd, that great supplies being to be sent to him from Goa, and the enmity of the English ceasing in considerati∣on of the Marriage between the two Crowns, and consequently, their assistance of the Persians, Ormùz would shortly be recover'd; and indeed, in respect of the above-said circumstances, I account it no hard matter.

November the twentieth, In the Evening, either because it was the next night after Monday, or that 'twas their weekly cu∣stom, or perhaps, for some extraordinary solemnity, Tapers were lighted up in all the Temples of Ikkerì; a great noise was made with Drums and Pipes, together with the Dancings of the Ministers of some Temples before the Gates, as is above described.

Wherefore I went to the great Temple, where, being the [ XXV] principal, I thought to see the greatest and most solemn Cere∣monies. After the people were call'd together by the sounding of several Trumpets a good while without the Temple, they be∣gan to make the usual Procession within the Yard or Inclosure, with many noises of their barbarous instruments, as they are wont to do here every Evening: Which after they had done as often as they pleas'd, they went forth into the street, where much people expected them, carrying two Idols in Procession, both in one Palanchino, one at each end, small, and so deck'd with Flowers and other Ornaments, that I could scarce know what they were. Yet, I think, that in the back-end was Agorescuèr, to whom the Temple is dedicated; and the other Parveti, or some other Wife of his. First march'd the Trumpets, and other instruments of divers sorts, continually sounding; then follow'd amongst many Torches a long train of Dancing-women, two and two, bare-headed, in their dancing dress, and deck'd with many Ornaments of Gold and Jewels. After them, came the Palanchino of the Idols, behind which were carryed many Lances, Spears with silken Streamers, and many Umbrella's garnish'd with silken tufts and fringes round about, more stately Page  139 then those us'd by others, even the King himself; for these are commonly the Ensignes of Grandeur. On each side the Palan∣chino went many rows of Women, either publick Dancers or Whores; but because these were not to dance, they went bare-fac'd indeed, (as the Pagan Women here little care for covering their Faces) but with a cloth bound about their Heads, and hanging down both behind upon their Shoulders, and before upon their Breasts. Some of them next the Palanchino, carryed in their Hands certain little Staves, either of Silver, or Silver'd over; at the end of which hung thick, long, and white tufts of the hair of Horses tails, with which (as 'tis the custom of great Persons in India to use them) they went fanning the Air, and either drove away the Flies from the Idols in the Palanchino, or at least performing this Office as a piece of Grandeur, as with us the same is done to the Pope, with fans made of the tails of white Peacocks, when he goes abroad in Pontificalibus. Neither were there wanting about the Idols many of their Priests or Mi∣nisters of the Temple who accompany'd them; particularly, one who seem'd the chief and Archimandrita of the rest; besides, abundance of Torches whose light dispell'd the darkness of the Moon-less night. In this order they came into the Piazza, and there after they had made a large ring, the dancing began; first, two Ballatrici, or Dancing-women, one from one side of the circle, and another from another, yet both with their Faces always turn'd towards the Idols, walk'd three steps forward, and then three backward; and this they did innumerable times. I suppose, it was a way of saluting the Idols. After the said two Dancers alone had done thus, two others from the several sides joyn'd with them, and they did the same again, three and three. This Salutation, or Preamble of the Ball, being many times repeated, they began to dance, namely, two that danc'd better then the rest, one on the right side of the circle, and the other on the left, both with their Faces, never with their back towards the Palanchino of the Idols, though often in the Dance they retir'd backwards as well as went forwards. Their dancing was high, with frequent leapings and odd motions, some∣times inclining their posteriors as if they meant to sit down, some∣times rising very high, and displaying the Coat wherewith they are cover'd from the girdle downwards, and almost holding one Arm stretch'd out before them, wherewith they now and then made as if they were thrusting or fencing; besides other mad gestures which were all accompany'd with words which they sung, and sometimes with cries more apt to give horror then delight. Hence, while all the other Dancing-women, (that is, those who were uncovered and loose for dancing) danced all in a company together further distant from the Idols, snapping their little sticks and singing, being guided by a Man who danced with them and was their Master. But the other Dancers who were clothed, stood about the Idols, but danced Page  140 not, nor ever moved from their place; onely they accompanyed the Shew, very fine with Ornaments of Gold and Jewels, and some of them having Flowers, others, leavs of Betle, or other Odoriferous Herbs in their Hands. This Dance being ended, the Procession went forwards with the same Pomp, and a nu∣merous Train of Men and Women of all sorts. They went round about the outermost walls of the Temple, which is sur∣rounded with very large streets, inhabited for the most part by the said Dancers, or publick Strumpets. The circuit of the Procession began from the right Hand as you come forth of the Temple, which comes to be the left as you enter in; and in the same manner I saw the Procession begin at the Temple of the Town Ahinelà, which I have described above; so that it must needs be one of their usual Ceremonies. This stop'd at the se∣veral places of the streets through which it past; and at every such stopping, the above-mention'd Dancings, Preambles, and other Circumstances were again repeated; whence the Shew last∣ed a good while, and concluded at length with the last Dance in the Piazza before the Temple-Gate; which ended, the Pro∣cession with the Idols re-entered the Temple, where being re∣placed according to their accustomed Ceremonies, the solemnity ended, and all the people departed.

[ XXVI] I was told by one of the spectators, that this Ceremony was practised every Monday at night, and every New Moon, and every Full, as also upon certain other extraordinary solemnities with more or less Pomp proportionably to the Festivals: And he added, that the night following there would be a greater solemnity then this, because the New Moon, and another of their Feasts were then co-incident, and that the King himself would be there; Wherefore I resolved with my self to see it.

November the one and twentieth, This night were an infinite company of Torches and Candles lighted, not onely in all the Temple, but also in all the Streets, Houses, and Shops of Ikkerì, which made a kind of day-light over all the City. In each of the Temples was its Idol, which in some was a Serpent; and they had adorned the outward Porches not onely with lights, but also with certain contrivances of papers, on which were painted Men on Horse-back, Elephants, people a fighting, and other odd figures; behind which papers, lights were placed in certain little Arches, like those which we make in our Sepulchres; these, with other gay Ornaments of Silk hung round about, made a sufficiently prety Shew. In the great Temple, not onely the inside, in the middle whereof is a very high and slender Cupola, (which appears without too) but also all the outer walls, and all those round about the Piazza which lies before it, as also the Houses of the adjacent sides were all full of lights. The con∣course of people of all sorts and degrees, both Men and Women was very great; and they appeared to go about visiting all the Page  141 Temples. When it was very late, the King came to the great Temple, accompanied onely with his two Nephews, to wit, Seda-Siva Naieka, (whom I had formerly seen) Son of one of his Daughters, and Vira-badrà Naieka, a young boy his Son's Son, and is he whom he designs for his Successor, if his other kindred elder then he, to wit, the above-said Sedà-Siva, and two other of Venk-tapà's Nephews by another of his Brothers whom he keeps prisoner, do not disturb him. The King came in a Pa∣lanchino a great pace, his two Nephews on Horse-back, and so did Vitulà Sinay who rode by the King's side, with appearance of a great Favourite. Likewise Putapaia came in a Palanchino, and other of his Grandees, some in Palanchino's, and some on Horse-back, following him at a great distance, with some num∣ber of Souldiers and Servants on Foot; but, in summ, the whole train was not very considerable. The King stay'd in the Temple about an hour, being entertain'd with Musick, Dancing, and other things which I could not see, because I was without. At length he came forth, and with the same company, and run∣ning in as much haste as he came, return'd home; the like did all the other people of whom the Piazza was full, some on one side, some on the other.

After the King was come out of the Temple, they carry'd the [ XXVII] Idols a while in Procession about the Piazza, but with small pomp and company; so that I car'd not for staying to see them, but went to another Temple standing at the end of the Bazar, or Market, in the view of a large and goodly street, where, be∣sides the shew of lights which was gallant, I stay'd a good while with my Companions, (for all the Ambassador's Family was come abroad this night to see the solemnities; the Padre Capellano not excepted, but disguis'd) to see two great companies of Dancing-women dance, they all being sent for thither by a great Captain, (who, perhaps, had the care of the solemnities of this Temple) after the King was gone from the great Temple, they danc'd here a good while, in numerous companies; after which, we return'd home, it being after mid-night.

November the two and twentieth, Ven-tapà Naieka had already given our Ambassador an answer concerning the affairs which he negotiated, and the Ambassador had prepar'd a dispatch to be sent to the King of Banghel; also another for the Vice-Roy of Goa, giving him an account of his negotiation; when a Currier arriv'd from Banghel with new Letters, both for Venk-tapà Naieka and the Ambassador: Whereupon consultation was held, what Answer to return him, which was soon concluded on the part of Venk-tapà Naieka to this effect, (being no other then what he had before resolv'd upon) namely, that he would pay the King of Banghel 7000 Paygods yearly, according to the Treaty of the Peace, provided the said King would come and live in his Court, or in some other place of his Country, (excepting such Lands as were formerly his, for fear he might make new insurrections) or Page  142 else in Goa, or any of the adjacent places, namely, in the Island of Salsette, or some place there without the City; but however, such wherein he may be subject to the Vice-Roy of Goa; so that Venk-tapà might be secure that the said Banghel would live peaceably without making new commotions. But in case (as he seem'd to intend) he would live neither in Venk-tapà's Country, nor in that of Goa, but would continue in Cagnoroto where he was at present, (which is a place beyond Mangalòr Eastwards, and belongs to another small but free Prince, alli'd to Banghel, whither, being near to his quondam-Territories, he had be∣taken himself) or else would remove here and there like a Fu∣gitive and Invader, disquieting these Countries; then Venk-tapà was resolv'd not to give him any thing at all. Therefore let him either accept the above-said Offer, or never speak more to him, for he would not hear him. That he hath been mov'd to make this offer of paying him the said summ, by the instance of the Portugals, who had interpos'd in his behalf by this Em∣bassie: And that for Banghel's assurance that he would perform this, he gave the Ambassador (and accordingly he did so) a Copy of the Letter containing these promises, which he writ to the said King of Banghel, to the end the Ambassador might send it to the Vice-Roy, and be a witness of what he promis'd and was to observe. He ha's further told the Ambassador, that this King had formerly writ to him that he would come and live in his Dominion, and repented of what he had done heretofore through evil counsel; that yet, for the future, he would be at his devotion, receiving that Pension which he had promis'd him, and the like: Nevertheless he had now chang'd his mind, and refus'd both to come into his Dominion, and to go into that of Goa: That therefore seeing him so unconstant, he had much reason not to trust him, and, in short, would neither trust him, nor give him any thing saving upon the above-said terms; and that not for his own sake, but in regard of the instance which the Portugals made for him: That this was his last Answer, and that nothing more was to be expected or hoped from him. From Spain, they say, Orders are sent to the Vice-Roy to re-establish Banghel by all means in his State, and to make war upon Venk-tapà, unless he restore the same intirely. However, being that Country is remote, and in the time that is spent in the going and coming of dispatches, many things may happen which may render it necessary for the Vice-Roy in the present conjuncture to proceed in sundry particulars differently from what Orders he receives from Spain, and to have authority in this business of Banghel to deliberate of Peace or War, as shall to him seem most expedient, endeavouring to comply no less with the time and the State of things, than the advertisements from Spain: Therefore the King of Spain, in the Letter which he writ to Venk-tapà Naieka, making onely general complements to him, referrs all matter of business to the Vice-Roy, to guid Page  143 himself therein as he shall think most fit. Accordingly the Vice-Roy, though he knows the King of Spain's intention and order to make war upon Venk-tapà; yet it not seeming to him a fit time, whilst the Portugals are engag'd in the war of Ormùz, and also in Malacca, (which is reported besieg'd either by the King of Acem, (which is Sumatra), or by him and the Dutch together) and much perplex'd in a thousand other intricacies in India; hath therefore given Order to the Ambassador to seem satisfi'd with what-ever Answer Venk-tapà Naieka gives, and to return without making further instance; it sufficing the Vice-Roy to have made this complement for the service of the King of Banghel, and shown that he hath done therein what was in his power; as well-knowing that Venk-tapà would not be moved by the Embassie alone, and that the conditions he requires of the King of Banghel, upon which to give him what he had pro∣mis'd, are but excuses; being certain this King will not venture himself in his Dominions, (as neither is it reasonable) much less go and subject himself in the Territories of Goa, and so will not admit of the Proposals. Wherefore seeing 'tis not time now to constrain Venk-tapà Naieka to greater things by war, he dis∣sembles till a better occasion, for fear of drawing this new Ene∣my upon him at an unseasonable conjuncture; and orders the Ambassador to depart with shew of good Friendship. The Ambassador hath accordingly done so, and seeming satisfi'd with Venk-tapà's Answer, hath added other Letters to those formerly written to the King of Banghel, certifying him of Ventapà's Re∣solute Mind; that he must either accept of the Agreement, or must speak no more of any; and that he onely expects at Ikkerì this his last Resolution before his return to Goa. He hath writ∣ten the same to the Vice-Roy of Goa; and the dispatches being seal'd, he hath order'd both Curriers to depart, and also a Brachman call'd Mangasa, together with the Currier, to the King of Banghel, sending likewise with them a Christian of Barselòr, nam'd Lorenzo Pessoa, who was at Ikkerì with Montegro, that he might either in Mangalòr, Banghel, or other places thereabouts procure Mariners for a Ship remaining at Barselòr unprovided of Men; giving the said Pessoa a Licence to hire some, which he had obtain'd of the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka, to levy them in his Territories if need were. Being by this time sufficiently in∣form'd of remarkable things in Ikkerì, I am desirous of divers others, especially, to see the person of the Queen of Olaza, whose History and many valiant exploits I read, when I was in Persia; for which I have a fair opportunity by accompanying these Men sent from the Ambassador, of whom when I have taken leave, I shall (God willing) depart to morrow.

Page  144

LETTER VI.

From Mangalòr,Decemb. 9. 1623.

[ I] HAving already seen in Ikkerì as much as was there remark∣able and being very desirous of seeing Barselòr, Mangalòr, and also principally the Q. of Olaza, whose Dominion and Residence is contiguous to Mangalòr; as well for that she is So∣vereign of those parts, (a matter in other Countries not ordina∣ry) and a Princess famous in our dayes, even in the Indian Hi∣stories of the Portugals, as because she is a Gentile in Religion, as likewise all her Subjects are; (whence, I conceiv'd, I might possibly see some considerable curiosity there) I lay'd hold of the occasion of going thither in company of these Men who are sent by the Ambassador, by whose favour, being provided of a good Horse, (in regard there were no Palanchino's to be hir'd in Ikkerì) and a Man to carry my baggage upon his Head, I pre∣par'd to set forth the next Morning.

November the three and twentieth, Before my departure from Ikkerì, I was presented from Vitulà Sinay, (of whom I had before taken leave) with a little Book written in the Canara-Language, which is the vulgar in Ikkerì and all that State. It is made after the custom of the Country, not of paper, (which they seldom use) but of Palm-leavs, to wit, of that Palm which the Portu∣gals call Palmum brama, i. e. Wild-palm, and is of that sort which produces the Indian Nut; for so do those commonly in India, where Palms that produce Dates are very rare. In the leavs of these Palms they write, or rather, ingrave the Letters with an Iron style made for the purpose of an uncouth form; and, that the writing may be more apparent, they streak it over with a coal, and tye the leavs together, to make a Book of them after a manner sufficiently strange. I being desirous to have one of these Books to carry, as a curiosity, to my own Country for or∣nament of my Library, and not finding any to be sold in the City, had entreated Vitulà Sinay to help me to one; but he, not find∣ing any vendible therein, caus'd a small one to be purposely transcrib'd for me, (there being not time enough for a greater) and sent it to me as a gift just as I was ready to take Horse. What the Book contains, I know not, but I imagine 'tis Verses in their Language, and I carry it with me, as I do also (to shew to the curious) divers leavs not written, and a style or Iron Pen, such as they use, together with one leaf containing a Letter Missive after their manner, which was written by I know not who to our Ambassador; of whom taking leave with many complements, as also of Sig: Carvaglio, the Chaplain, Montegro, and all the company, I departed from Ikkerì a little before noon, going out at the same Gate whereat I had enter'd; and having no Page  145 other company but a Veturino, or Hackney-man, and a Pulià who carry'd my luggage, without any other servant; for as for Galàl the Persian, aliàs Cacciatùr, I was constrain'd to dismiss him for some uncommendable actions, and send him back from Ikkerì to Goa. I will not omit to tell you, that this my brave God-son, (whom I had brought so carefully out of Persia, and trusted so much, and who alone of all my ancient servants re∣main'd with me) one day cunningly open'd a light box or basket, (Canestri the Portugals call them) wherein I kept my Clothes, and which, after the fashion of the Country, was not of wood, but of hoops lin'd with leather, and clos'd with little Pad-locks, like those which are us'd at Rome for Plate; and they are thus contriv'd that they may be of little weight, because in these parts, carriages and baggages for travel are more fre∣quently transported upon Mens shoulders then upon beasts backs; and one of these baskets or Canestri is just a Man's load. Now the good Cacciatùr having open'd mine, without hurting the lock, or medling with the linnen which he found therein, took out onely all the little mony which I then had, and had put into it, to avoid carrying its weight about me; it was in one of those long leathern purses, which are made to wear round the waste like a girdle, and was full of Spanish Rialls, a Coyn in these parts, and almost in all the world current enough. His intention, I conceive, was to leave me (as they say) naked in the Mountains in the center of India, and peradventure, to go into some Territory of the Gentiles or Mahometans, there to pass a jovial life upon my expence. But it pleas'd God, the theft being done in my Chamber, where none but he resorted, we had vehement suspition of him; and therefore the Ambassador making use of his Authority, caus'd him to be laid hold on, and we found the theft in his breeches ty'd to his naked flesh; and thus I recover'd my money. I was unwilling any hurt should be done to him, and withall, to keep him longer; nevertheless that he might not go into the Infidel-Countries, lest thereby he should lose his Religion and turn to his native errors, I sent him away with some trusty persons to Goa, giving him Letters also to Signora Maria, but such as whereby they might know that I had dismis'd him, and that he was not to be entertain'd there, though otherwise indempnifi'd. By this Story you may see how much a Man may be deceiv'd in his trusting; how little benefits prevail upon an unworthy nature; and withall, you may con∣sider to what misfortunes a Stranger is subject in strange Coun∣tries; so that if I had had nothing else, being thus depriv'd of all, I should have been left to perish miserably amongst Bar∣barians.

But leaving him to his Voyage, I departed from Ikkerì, and [ II] having pass'd the Town Badrapor, I left the road of Ahinelì, and by another way more towards the left hand, went to dine under certain Trees near a small Village of four Houses, which they Page  146 call Bamanen coppa. After dinner we continu'd our way, and foarded a River call'd Irihalè, not without being wet, by reason of the smallness of my Horse; and having travell'd near two Gau's (one Gau consists of two Cos, and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues) we lodg'd at night in a competent Town, the name whereof is Dermapora. In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant, as well because I understood not the Language of the Country, (for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal, yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter, be∣cause being by Race a Pulià, which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean, they would not suffer him to come into their Houses, nor touch their things; though they were not shie of me, albeit of a different Religion, because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race); as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet: For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles, there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them; one must be contented onely with Rice, Butter, or Milk, and other such inanimate things, wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes; but, which is worse, they will cook every thing themselves, and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels; wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victu∣als in great Palm leavs, which yet are smooth enough, and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels: Besides, one must entreat them three hours for this, and account it a great favor; so that, in brief, to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience. The truth is, 'tis a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ, to put it so in the heads of these people, that they are polluted and become un∣clean, even by touching others of a different Religion; of which superstition, they are so rigorous observers, that they will soon∣er see a person whom they account vile and unclean, (though a Gentile) dye, then go near him to relieve him.

November the four and twentieth, In the Morning before day, the Brachman Nangasà, and the Ambassador's other Men, being in haste, advanc'd before; but I, desirous to go more at my own ease, remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master; as I might well enough do, since the High-ways of Venk-tapà Naieka's Country are very secure. The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills, and through Woods, many great streams likewise occurring. I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice, some of which I was fain to walk a foot, my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster, and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces. I din'd, after I had travelled one Gau and a half, in a good Town called Colùr, where there is a great Temple, the Idol whereof, if I mis-understood not, is the Image of a Woman; the place is much venerated, and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage. After dinner, my Horse be∣ing tired, I travelled not above half another Gau; and having Page  147 gone in all this day but two Gau's, went to lodg at a certain little village, which they said was called Nalcàl. Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands, courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses, and prepared supper for us. This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns, but, like the Mazandran in Persia, with abun∣dance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods. The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice; their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water, which abounds in all places; but they pay, as they told me, very large Tributes to the King, so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves, and live in great Poverty.

November the twenty fifth, I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former, and foarded many deep Rivers. Having gone three Cos, we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice, whereof the whole Country is full, at a place call'd Kelidì. In the Evening, my Pulià being very weary, and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further, we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnàr, about a mile forwards; so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau.

November the twenty sixth, I pass'd over clifts of Hills and un∣eeven and woody places. At noon I came to a great River, on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvarì, near which, the River makes a little Island. We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side. Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr, call'd the Higher, i. e. within Land, belonging to the Indians, and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka, to difference it from the Lower Barselòr, at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals. For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast, there happens to be two places of the same Name, one call'd the Higher, or In-land, belonging to the Natives; the other, the Lower near the Sea, to the Portugals, where∣ever they have footing. Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side, I came into a fair, long, broad, and strait Street, having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand. The soil is fruitful and well peopled, encompass'd with weak walls and ditches, which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones, which shew that there is good and fair Marble here, whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry, or are the re∣mains of ancient Fabricks. It stands on the South side of the River, which from the Town Gulvàn fetches a great circuit, seeming to return backwards; and many Travellers, without touching at the Upper Barselòr, are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat, which is soon done; but I was desirous to see both places, and therefore came hither.

Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr, I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream; for a [ III] Page  148 little below the said Town, it is divided into many branches, and forms divers little fruitful Islands. About an hour and half before night, I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals, which also stands on the Southern bank of the River, distant two good Can∣non-shot from the mouth of the Sea; having travell'd this day in all, one Gau and a half. The Fort of the Portugals is very small, built almost in form of a Star, having no bad walls, but wanting ditches, in a Plain, and much expos'd to all sort of assaults. Such Portugals as are married, have Houses without the Fort in the Town, which is prety large, and hath good buildings. I went directly to the House of Sig: Antonio Borges, a former acquaint∣ance, who came from Goa to Onòr, together with us, and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkerì had recommended me. I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr, call'd Sig: Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while, and he seem'd a gallant man, though but young. Here was an Armado, and a Cafila of Ships, which came from Goa, and went to Mangalòr and Cocìn, or further; they were to depart the next day, and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr. This night I supp'd at the House of Sig: An∣tonio Borges, with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet; and went to lodg by his direction in another good House, toge∣ther with some Souldiers of the same.

November the seven and twentieth, That I might not go alone, without any body to serve me in the Ship, I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr, recommended to me by Sig: Antonio, and nam'd Manoel de Matos, with whom alone I went aboard about noon, having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig: Rocco Gomes, the chief Portugal in Barselòr, who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well. Among others that din'd with us, there was one Sig: Neittor Fernandez, by me elsewhere mention'd, who came from Goa to Onòr with us; the Captain Major of the whole Armado, Sig: Francesco de Lobo Faria, who commanded a Galley and six other Ships, be∣sides the Cafila of Merchants. I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig: Neittor Fernandez, who in the street express'd much courtesie to me. Being gone a good way upon the Sea, and it being now night, the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men, and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr; whereinto we designing to enter in the dark, and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept, struck upon land, and, the wind growing prety stiff, were in great danger of being over-set and lost; and the more, for that when we perceiv'd it, and went to strike fail, we could not for a good while, because the ropes, either through moistness, or some other fault, would not slip; so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground, not onely became very leaky, but gave two or three such violent knocks, that had she not been new, without doubt she had been split. The Sea-men Page  149 were not onely confounded but all amaz'd, nothing was heard but disorderly cryes; the voice of him that commanded could not be heard, every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety; many of the Souldiers had already strip'd them∣selves to leap into the Sea; some ty'd their Money at their backs, to endeavour to save the same together with their lives, making little account of their other goods; divers made vows and pro∣mises of Alms, all heartily recommended themselves to God; one embrac'd the Image of our Lady, and plac'd his hope in that alone. I could not induce my self to believe, that God had re∣serv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end, so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart; nevertheless seeing the danger extream great, I fail'd not to commend my self to God, his most Holy Mother, and all the Saints. By whose favour at length, the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope, and the Sea not rough, (for, if it had, it would have done us greater mischief) the Mariners freed the Ship, having cast themselves into the Sea, and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm; the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven, soliciting the other Ships out, and mending our own.

The whole Fleet being set forth before day, we return'd, [ IV] where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us; and thence we set sail all together.

November the eight and twentieth, We sail'd constantly Southwards, coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us. Half way to Mangalòr, to wit, six Leagues from Barselòr, we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands, which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria; one of which we ap∣proach'd with our Ship, and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons, (of whose nests there is great abundance) wherewith we made a good supper. Afterwards continuing our course, we pass'd by Carnate; and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr. This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers, one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel; the other more Southern from those of Olaza, which stands beyond the River Southwards, or rather beyond the bay of salt-water; which is form'd round and large like a great Haven, by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea, whose flowing fills the same with salt water. Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel, and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor, into which the Fort extends it self, being almost en∣compass'd with water on three sides. 'Tis but small, the worst built of any I have seen in India, and, as the Captain told me one day when I visited him, may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither, conti∣guous to the Fort, and encompass'd with weak walls; within which, the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd. There are Page  150 three Churches; namely, the See or Cathedral within the Fort; our Lady Del Rosario, La Misericordia, and San Francesco without. Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Per∣sons in all; two Franciscan Fryers, and one Vicar Priest, to whose charge, with very small revenews belong all the other Churches. I went not ashore because it was night, but slept in the Ship.

November the nine and twentieth, Early in the Morning I land∣ed at Mangalòr, and went together with Sig: Neittor Fernandez, and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig: Ascentio Veira, a Notary of the City. After which, I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his, by Sig: Paolo Sodrino, who was married in Mangalòr, and came for Goa, in our Ship. The next night the Fleet departed from Cocìn, but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza.

November the thirtieth, After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario, I visited the Captain of Mangalòr, not in the Fort, but in a cover'd place without the Gate, which is built to re∣ceive the cool Air of the Sea, and where he was then in con∣versation. He was an old Man all gray, by Name Sig: Pero Go∣mes Pasagna.

[ V] The first of December, in the Morning I went to see Banghel, by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher, or Banghervarì; 'tis a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr, towards the South and upon the Sea; and the King that rul'd there, and in the circum∣jacent lands being at this day driven out, 'tis subject to Venk-tapà Naieka. A Musket-shot without Mangalòr, on that side, is a small River which is pass'd over by a ruinous stone bridg, and may likewise be forded; 'tis the boundary of the Portugals jurisdicti∣on. The above-said mile is through cultivated fields, and then you come to Banghel, which is a rich soil, and sometimes better peopled then at present; whence the Houses are poor Cottages of earth and straw. It hath been but one strait street, of good length, with Houses and Shops continu'd on both sides, and many other sheds dispers'd among the Palme-to's. The King's House stood upon a rais'd ground, almost like a Fort, but is now wholly destroy'd, so that there is nothing left standing but the posts of the Gate; for when Venk-tapà Naieka took this Territo∣ry, he demolish'd what-ever was strong in it. The Bazàr, or Market-place remains, although not so stor'd with goods as it was in the time of its own King; yet it affords what is necessary, and much Areca or Fofel, whereof they make Merchandize, send∣ing the same into divers parts, that of this place being better then others; here are also in the Bazàr, some Gold-smiths who make knives and cizzers adorn'd with Silver very cheap, and other like toys, of which I bought some, and having seen all that was to be seen return'd on foot, as I came, though somewhat late, to Mangalòr.

Page  151December the second, This Morning I went to see Olaza, which is about the same distance from Mangalòr as Banghel is, but the contrary way towards the South, and stands on the other side of a great River, which was to be pass'd over by boat. The Queen was not here, and seldom is, but keeps her Court commonly in another place more within land; yet I would not omit to see Olaza, the rather because in the Portugal Histories it gives name to that Queen, as being that Land of hers which is nearest and best known to the Portugals, and perhaps, the richest and fruitfullest which she now enjoyes. I found it to be a fat soil, the City lying between two Seas, to wit, the Main-sea and the Bay, upon an arm of Land which the Port incloses; so that the situation is not onely pleasant, but might also be made very strong if it were in the hands of people that knew how to do it. It is all open, saving on one side towards the mouth of the Haven between the one Sea and the other, where there is drawn a weak wall with a ditch and two inconsiderable bastions. The Bazàr is indifferent, and besides necessaries for provisions, affords abundance of white and strip'd linnen cloth, which is made in Olaza, but course, such as the people of that Country use. At the Towns end is a very pleasant Grove, and at the end thereof a great Temple, handsomely built for this Country, and much esteem'd. Olaza is inhabited confusedly, both by Gentiles who burn themselves, and also by Malabar-Moors. About a mile off Southwards, stands the Royal House or Palace amongst the above-said Groves, where the Queen resides when she comes hither sometimes. 'Tis large, enclos'd with a wall and trench, but of little moment. In the first entrance it hath a Gate with an open Porch, where the Guard is to stand; and within that a great void place like a very large Court, on the far side where∣of stands the House, whose inside I saw not, because the Court was not there; yet for this place, it seem'd to have something of wild Majesty; behind, it joyns to a very thick wood, serving both for delight and security in time of necessity. The way from the Palace to the City is almost wholly beset with Houses. Having seen as much as I desir'd, I stay'd not to dine, but return'd to Mangalòr; there being always a passage-boat ready to carry people backwards and forwards.

December the third, Arriving not timely enough to hear Mass [ VI] in the Church Del Rosario, I went to San Francesco, where I heard Mass, and a tolerably good Sermon, made by an old Father call'd Francesco dos Neves. In the Evening, I prepar'd to go to see the Queen of Olaza at her Court, which was the design of this litle peregrination. And not finding Sig: Paolo Sodrino my friend at Mangalòr, I was help'd to a boat by Sig: Luis Gomes a Native of Cananòr, but who had liv'd long at Mangalòr. I went up the River which comes from the Territories of Olaza, but another more Northern, different from the above-mention'd little one, over which I pass'd by a bridg to Banghel, and falling into the Port Page  152 of Mangalòr. I took with me also a Brachman call'd Narsù, a Native of Mangalòr, to serve me for an Interpreter with the Queen, (although my Christian Servant spoke the Language well) partly, that I might have more persons with me to serve me, and partly, because the Bachman being a Gentile, known and vers'd in this Court, might be more serviceable to me in many things: than my own Servant; so having provided what was needful, and prepar'd victuals to dine with upon the River by the way, which is somewhat long, I determin'd to set forth the next Morning.

December the fourth, Before day-light I took boat at Mangalòr, in which there were three Water-men, two of which row'd at the Prow, and one at the Poop with a broad Oar, which serv'd both for an Oare and a Helm. Having pass'd by Bronghel, we enter'd into the great Northern River, in which on the left hand is a place where passage-boats laden with Merchandize pay a Tole to the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka, to whom the circum∣jacent Region is subject. Rowing a great way against the stream, the water whereof for a good space is salt, at length we stay'd to dine at a Town call'd Salè, inhabited for the most part by Moors, and situate on the right bank as you go up the River. This Town with others round it, is subject to an Indian-Gentile Lord, call'd Ramo Rau, who in all hath not above 2000 Pay-gods of yearly Revenew, of which he payes about 800. to Venk-tapà Naieka, to whom he is Tributary. Nevertheless he wears the Title of King, and they call him Omgiu Arsù, that is, King of Omgiù, which is his chief place. Having din'd and rested a while, we continu'd our Voyage, and after a good space enter'd into the State of the Queen of Oloza, to whom the Country on either side the River belongs. The River is here very shallow, so that though our boat was but small, yet in many places we struck against the ground; at length about Evening we arriv'd at Manèl, so they call the place where the Queen of Olaza now resides, which is onely a Street of a few Cottages or Sheds rather then Houses; but the Country is open, fair and fruitful, inhabited by abundance of little Houses and Cottages here and there of Husband-men, besides those united to the great Street call'd the Bazàr, or Market; all which are comprehended under the name of Manèl, which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream.

[ VII] Having landed, and going towards the Bazàr to get a Lodg∣ing in some House, we beheld the Queen coming alone in the same way without any other Woman, on foot, accompany'd onely with four or six foot-Souldiers before her, all which were quite naked after their manner, saving that they had a cloth over their shame, and another like a sheet worn cross the shoulders like a belt; each of them had a Sword in his hand, or at most a Sword and Buckler; there were also as many behind her of the same sort, one of which carry'd over her a very ordinary Umbrella made Page  153 of Palm-leavs. Her Complexion was as black as that of a natural Aethiopian; she was corpulent and gross, but not heavy, for she seem'd to walk nimbly enough; her Age may be about forty years, although the Portugals had describ'd her to me much elder. She was cloth'd, or rather girded at the waste with a plain piece of thick white Cotton, and bare-foot, which is the custom of the Indian-Gentile Women, both high and low, in the house and abroad; and of Men too, the most and the most ordi∣nary go unshod; some of the more grave wear Sandals or Slippers, very few use whole Shoos covering all the Foot. From the waste upwards the Queen was naked, saving that she had a cloth ty'd round about her Head, and hanging a little down upon her Breast and Shoulders. In brief, her aspect and habit represented rather a dirty Kitchin-wench or Laundress, then a delicate and noble Queen; whereupon, I said within my self, Behold by whom are routed in India the Armies of the King of Spain, which in Europe is so great a matter! Yet the Queen shew'd her quality much more in speaking then by her presence; for her voice was very graceful in respect of her Person, and she spoke like a prudent and judicious Woman. They had told me that she had no teeth, and therefore was wont to go with half her Face cover'd; yet I could not discover any such defect in her, either by my Eye or by my Ear; and, I rather believe, that this covering the Mouth, or half the Face, as she sometimes doth, is agreeable to the mo∣dest custom which I know to be common to almost all Women in the East. I will not omit, that though she were so corpulent as I have mention'd, yet she seems not deform'd, but I imagine she was handsome in her Youth; and indeed, the report is, that she hath been a brave Lady, though rather of a rough then a delicate handsomeness. As soon as we saw her coming, we stood still, lay'd down our baggage upon the ground, and went on one side to leave her the way to pass. Which she taking no∣tice of, and of my strange habit, presently ask'd, Whether there was any among us that could speak the Language? Whereupon my Brachman Narsù step'd forth and answer'd, Yes; and I, after I had saluted her according to our manner, went near to speak to her, she standing still in the way with all her people to give us Audience. She ask'd who I was, (being already in∣form'd, as one of her Souldiers told me, by a Portugal who was come about his businesses before me from Mangalòr to Manel, that I was come thither to see her) I caus'd my Interpreter to tell her, that I was Vn Cavaliero Ponentino, A Gentleman of the West, who came from very farr Countries; and because other Europaeans than Portugals were not usually seen in her Domini∣ons, I caus'd her to be told, that I was not a Portugal but a Ro∣man, specifying too that I was not of the Turks of Constantinople, who in all the East are styl'd and known by the Name of Rumì; but a Christian of Rome, where is the See of the Pope who is the Head of the Christians. That it was almost ten years since my Page  154 first coming from home and wandring about the world, having seen divers Countries and Courts of great Princes; and that be∣ing mov'd by the fame of her worth, which had long ago arriv'd at my Ears, I was come into this place purposely to see her, and offer her my service. She ask'd, What Countries and Courts of Princes I had seen? I gave her a brief account of all; and she hearing the Great Turk, the Persian, the Moghol, and Venk-tapà Naieka nam'd, ask'd, What then I came to see in these Woods of hers? Intimating that her State was not worth seeing, after so many other great things as I said I had seen. I reply'd to her, that it was enough for me to see her Person, which I knew to be of great worth; for which purpose alone I had taken the pains to come thither, and accounted the same very well imploy'd. After some courteous words of thanks, she ask'd me, If any sickness or other disaster had hapned to me in so remote and strange Countries, How I could have done being alone, without any to take care of me? (a tender Affection, and inci∣dent to the compassionate nature of Women). I answer'd, that in every place I went into, I had God with me, and that I trusted in him. She ask'd me, Whether I left my Country upon any disgust, the death of any kindred or beloved person, and there∣fore wander'd so about the world, (for in India and all the East some are wont to do so upon discontents either of Love, or for the death of some dear persons, or for other unfortunate acci∣dents; and if Gentiles, they become Gioghies; if Mahometans, Dervises and Abdales; all which are a sort of vagabonds, or de∣spisers of the world, going almost naked, onely with a skin upon their Shoulders, and a staff in their Hands, through divers Countries, like our Pilgrims; living upon Alms, little caring what befalls them, and leading a Life suitable to the bad dispo∣sition of their hearts). I conceal'd my first misadventures, and told the Queen that I left not my Country upon any such cause, but onely out of a desire to see divers Countries and customs, and to learn many things, which are learnt by travelling the World; men who had seen and convers'd with many several Na∣tions, being much esteem'd in our parts: That indeed for some time since, upon the death of my Wife, whom I lov'd much, though I were not in habit, yet in mind I was more then a Gioghi, and little car'd what could betide me in the World. She ask'd me, What my design was now, and whither I directed my way? I answer'd, that I thought of returning to my Country, if it should please God to give me life to arrive there. Many other questions she ask'd, which I do not now remember, talking with me standing a good while; to all which, I answer'd the best I could: At length she bid me go and lodg in some house, and afterwards she would talk with me again at more convenience. Whereupon I took my leave, and she proceeded on her way, and, as I was afterwards told, she went about a mile off to see a work which she had in hand of certain Trenches to convey water Page  155 to certain places, whereby to improve them. I spoke to the Queen with my head uncover'd all the while; which courtesie, it being my custom to use to all Ladies my equals, onely upon the account of being such, I thought ought much rather to be us'd to this who was a Queen, and in her own Dominions, where I was come to visit and to do her Honour.

After she was gone her way, I with my people enter'd into a [ VIII] little village, and there took a lodging in an empty house belong∣ing to a Moor of the Country, and near the Palace; but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor, that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh, or what I pleas'd; which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suf∣fer'd. The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles, and partly Malabar-Moors, who have also their Meschita's there; which was of much convenience to me. The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deuì-Ciautrù; of which words, Abag is her proper Name; Deuì signifies as much as Lady, and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods; nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù, or Deurù, which are both one, and equally attributed to Princes; whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world, and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths; as likewise (which is my ancient opinion) that the word [God] where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator, doth not properly signifie that First Cause, who alone ought to be ador'd by the World, but signifi'd at first, either Great Lord, or the like; whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world, suitable to that of the Holy Scripture, Filii Deorum, Filii Hominum; and consequently, that the gods of the Gentiles, though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times, were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe, and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him; (some calling him, Causa Prima; others, Anima Mundi; others, Perabrahmi, as the Gentiles at this day in India:) But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us; of the truth whereof, I have great Argu∣ments, at least amongst the Indian-Gentiles; or if more then Saints, yet at least Deifi'd by favour, and made afterwards Divi, as Hercules, Romulus, Augustus, &c. were amongst the Ro∣mans. But to return to our purpose, they told me the word Ciautrù, (the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name) was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza; and therefore possibly signifies either Prince, or King, and Queen, or the like. As for this Countries being subject to a Woman, I understood from intelligent persons of the Country, that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign, and that 'tis a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gen∣tiles, the Sons do not succeed the Fathers, but the Sons of their Page  156 Sisters; they accounting the Female-line more certain, as indeed it is, than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza, having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs, his Wife succeeded him; and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deuì, who was her Sister to succeed her. To whom, because she is a Woman and the descent is certain, is to succeed a Son of hers, of whom I shall hereafter make mention; but to him, being a Man, not his own Sons, but the Son of one of his Sisters, here∣after likewise mention'd, is to succeed.

Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen, I [ IX] shall add, that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister, she was married for many years to the King of Banghel, who now is a fugitive, depriv'd of his Dominions, but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers. Yet, though they were Husband and Wife, (more for Honors sake then any thing else) they liv'd not together, but apart each in their own Lands: in the Confines whereof, either upon Rivers, where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats, or in other places of delight, they came to see and converse with one another; Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women, who accompa∣ny'd him where-ever he went. 'Tis reported, that this Queen had the Children, which she hath, by this Banghel, if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover; for, they say, she wants not such. The Matrimony and good Friend∣ship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen, I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them, and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel, sending back to him, (as the custom is in such case) all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife. For this, and perhaps for other causes, Banghel became much offended with the Queen, and the rupture proceeded to a War: during which, it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers, not very well guarded, he sending his people with other boats in better order, took her and had her in his power: Yet, with fair carri∣age and good words, she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country. In revenge of this injury, she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel, who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals, because he was confederate with them, and (as they say of many Royolets of India) Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal, the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel, and the Portugals who fa∣vour'd him, the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka, who was already become very potent, and fear'd by all the Neigh∣bours, and under his protection and obedience she put her self. Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen, took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own, destroying the Fort which was there; he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts, demolishing their strength, and rendring them his Tributaries; one of which was the Queen of Curnat,Page  157 who was also confedrate with the Portugals, and no friend to her of Olaza: he came against Mangalòr, where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals, he defeated a great number; and, (in short) the flower and strength of India, carrying the En∣signs, Arms, and Heads of the slain to Ikkerì in triumph. He did not take Mangalòr, because he would not, answering the Queen of Olaza, who urg'd him to it; That they could do that at any time with much facility, and that 'twas best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place, (which was rather a House then a Fortress) in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries: After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals, by which he re∣stor'd the Colours he had taken from them, and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort, which Venk-tapà, as I said before, demolish'd; besides other conditions which are now under con∣sideration, according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkerì. This was the War of Banghel, in which the Queen got the better of him and the Portugals, of which she was very proud; yet with-all, her Protector Venk-tapà Naieka who is very rapacious and little faithful, sufficiently humbled her, and she got not much benefit by him, saving quiet living; for besides his subjecting her to his obedience in a manner, she was necessitated, whether by agreement or violence I know not, to resign to him Berdrete, which is the best and richest City she had, together with much Land in those Confines of Venk-tapà, and of the inner part of her Country, which amounted to a good part of her Dominions; however, at present she lives and governs her Country in Peace, being respected by all her Neighbours. This Queen had an elder Son then him that now lives; he was call'd Cic-Rau Ciauerù, and dy'd a while since. The Portugals say, that she her self caus'd poyson to be given him, because the young man being grown up, and of much spirit, aspir'd to de∣prive her of the Government, and make himself Master: Which is possible enough: for divers other Princes in the world have procur'd the death of their own Children upon jealousie of State; so prevalent is that cursed enormous Ambition of ruling. Yet such an impiety not being evident to me concerning the Queen, I will not wrongfully defame her, but rather believe, that the young man dy'd a natural death, and with regret to her. So neither do I believe what the Portugals incens'd against her fur∣ther report, namely, that she hath attempted to poyson this second Son; but it succeeded not, he being advertis'd thereof by his Nurse who was to give him the poyson; since I see that this Son lives with her in the same place and house peaceably, which would not be, if there were any such matter: Nor can I conceive, why she should go about to extinguish all her own Issue in this manner, having now no other Heir born of her self.

December the fifth, The Queen of Olaza's Son, who though he [ X] Page  158 govern not, (for the Mother administers all alone, and will do as long as she lives) yet for honor's sake is styl'd King, and call'd Celuuà Rairù, (of which words, Celuuà is his proper name, and Rairù his title) sent for the Brachman my Interpreter in the Morning, and discoursing long with him, took a particular in∣formation of me, telling him that he understood I was much whiter then the Portugals who us'd to trade in that Country, and of a very good presence, and consequently, must needs be a per∣son of quality. In conclusion, he bid him bring me to him when my conveniency serv'd; for he was very desirous to see me and speak with me. This Message being related to me, I let pass the hour of dinner, (because, having no appetite, and finding my stomack heavy, I would not dine this day) and when it seem'd a convenient time, I went (with my Interpreter) cloth'd in black after my custom; yet not with such large Breeches down to the heels, as the Portugals for the most part are wont to wear in India, in regard of the heat, (for they are very commo∣dious, covering all the Leg, and saving the trouble of Stockins, so that the Leg is naked and loose) but with Stockins and Garters and ordinary Breeches, without a Cloak, (though us'd by the Portugal-Souldiers in India, even of greatest quality) but with a large Coat or Cassock, open at the sides, after the Coun∣try fashion. The Palace, (which may rather be call'd Capanna Reale, a Royal Lodge) is entred into by a Gate like the grate or lat∣tice of our Vine-yards at Rome, ordinary enough, seated in the midst of a field, which like them is divided by a small hedge from the neighbouring fields. Within the Gate is a broad Walk or Alley, on the right side whereof is a spacious plot sown, at the end of which, the Walk turns to the right hand, and there upon the same plot stands the Royal Mansion, having a prospect over all the said great green field. In the middle of this second Walk, you enter into the House, ascending seven or eight wooden stairs, which lead into a large Porch, the length of which is equal to the whole fore-part of the House. This Porch was pav'd with Cow-dung after their manner, the walls about shining, and painted with a bad red colour much us'd by them. The fore-part of it, which is all open, is up-held by great square posts, of no great height, (for 'tis their custom to make all buildings, especially Porches, but low in respect of the breadth and length, with very broad Pent-houses; which is, I believe, by reason of the great heat of the Country, where they have more need of shadow and coolness, than of air or light. Directly opposite to the stairs in the middle of the Porch, was another small Porch, which was all the entrance into the inner part of the building. Within the little Porch was a small room long and narrow, where the King sate near the wall on the left side; and he sate upon the ground after the Eastern manner upon one of those coarse clothes, which in Persia and Turkie are call'd Kielim, and serve for poor people; nor was it large, but Page  159 onely so much as to contain the Person of the King, the rest of the room being bare, saving that it was pollish'd with Cow-dung. Beside the King, but a little farther on his left hand, sate upon a little matt, sufficient onely to contain him, a Youth of about fifteen or eighteen years of age, call'd Balè Rairù, who was his Nephew, and is to succeed him, being the Son of his deceased Sister, who was Daughter to the present Queen. The Father of this Youth was a neighbour Gentile Prince, whom they call the King of Cumbià, (or perhaps more correctly, Kunblè) call'd by his proper name Ramò-Nàto Arì; of which words, Ramò-Nàto is the proper name, and Arì the title. They said he was still living, though others at Goa told me afterwards that he was dead. But being this young Balè Rairù was not to succeed his Father, but had Right of Inheritance in Olaza, therefore he liv'd not in his Father's Country, but here at Manèl with his Grand-mother and his Uncle. None other sate with the King, but three or four of his more considerable servants stood in the room talking with him; and in the great Porch, without the little one, stood in files on either side other servants of inferior de∣gree, two of which nearest the entrance ventilated the Air with fans of green Taffeta in their Hands, as if to drive away the flyes from the King or the entrance; a Ceremony us'd, as I have said elsewhere by Indian Princes for Grandeur; and they told me, the green colour was a Ceremony too, and the proper badg of the King of Olaza, for the King of Banghel uses Crimson; other Princes, white, as I saw us'd by Venk-tapà Naieka; and others, perhaps other colours: A small company indeed, and a poor ap∣pearance for a King; which call'd to my remembrance those ancient Kings, Latinus, Turnus, and Evander, who, 'tis likely, were Princes of the same sort. Such as came to speak with the King, stood without in the Porch, either on one side, or in the middle of the little Porch; either because the room was very small, and not sufficient for many people; or rather, as I believe, for more State. The King was young, not above seventeen years of age, as they told me, yet his aspect spoke him elder; for he was very fat and lusty, as I could conjecture of him sitting, and besides, he had long hairs of a beard upon his cheeks, which he suffer'd to grow without cutting, though they appeared to be but the first down. Of Complexion he was dusky, not black, as his Mother is, but rather of an earthy colour, as almost all the Malabars use to be. He had a lowder and bigger voice then Youths of his age use to have, and in his speaking, gestures, and all other things he shew'd Judgment and manly gravity. From the girdle upwards he was all naked, saving that he had a thin cloth painted with several colours cast cross his shoul∣ders. The hair of his head was long after their manner, and ty'd in one great knot, which hung on one side wrapt up in a little plain linnen, which looks like a night-cap fallen on one side. From the girdle downwards I saw not what he wore, because he Page  160 never rose from his seat, and the Chamber was something dark; besides that, the painted cloth on his shoulders hung down very low. His Nephew who sate beside him was not naked, but clad in a whole white garment; and his Head was wrapt up in a greater volume, white, like a little Turbant.

When I came before the King, his Men made me come near to [ XI] the little Porch in the midst of them, where standing by my self, after the first salutations, the King presently bid me cover my head; which I forth-with did without further intreaty; though with the Mother, because a Lady, I was willing to super-abound in Courtesie, speaking to her all the time uncover'd: But with the Son who was a Man, I was minded to enjoy the priviledg of my descent, and receive the favour which he did me, as due to my quality. To sit upon at first they offer'd me nothing, nor was it fitting to sit down upon the bare ground: Yet to shew some difference between my self and the by-standers, after I had put on my Hat, I lean'd upon my Sword, and so talk'd as long as I was standing, which was not long; the King, who at first sat side-wise, turning himself directly towards me, although by so doing he turn'd his back to his Nephew. He ask'd me almost all the same questions as his Mother had done; Whence I came? What Countries I had travell'd through? What Princes I had seen? Whether I had left my own Country upon any misfortune? Or why? How I would have done thus alone in strange Countries, in case of sickness or other accidents? To all which I answer'd, as I had done to his Mother; and upon my saying, that I wander'd thus alone up and down trusting in the help of God; He ask't me, Who was my God? I answer'd him, (pointing upwards) the God of Heaven, the Creator of the Uni∣verse; whereupon certain Souldiers there present, (in all likely∣hood Moors) as if applauding me, said, Ah Chodia, Chodia, which in the Persian Tongue signifies Lord, and is meant of God; inferring that I worship'd the true God, whom they Moors pretended to know, in opposition to the Idols of the Gentiles of the Country; And they us'd the Persian word Chodia, because that probably the Sect of Mahomet came into these parts from Persia, (which is not very remote from India) as also from Arabia; or perhaps, because the Indians of the Territory of Idal-Sciàh and Dacàn, being in great part Moors, use much the Persian Tongue which is spoken in the Courts of those Princes no less then their natural Language; whence these other Indians more inwards to the South have, by reason of neighbourhood, communication both in Religion and Speech. The King told me several times that he had very great contentment in seeing me, and that no Euro∣paean of my quality had ever been in his Country; that my per∣son well shew'd of what quality I was: Nor was he mistaken herein; for what other would ever go out of Europe into his Country? unless some Portugal Merchantello of those who come hither for the most part to seek wood to make masts and sails Page  161 for Ships; these Woods abounding with very goodly Trees. I told him, I was sorry I had nothing worthy to present to him; that in my Country there wanted not gallant things for his Highness; but it being so many years since my departure thence, and my Travels so far, I had nothing left as I desir'd; yet, as a memo∣rial of my service, I should venture to give him a small trifle of my Country: Whereupon I caus'd my Interpreter, (who car∣ried it) to offer him a little Map of the World, which I had brought with me out of Italy; telling him what it was, and how all the Countries, Lands, Seas, and Islands of the world were exact∣ly delineated in it, with their Names set to each place in our Tongue, and all that was necessary to make him understand what it was. The King was hugely pleas'd with it, and desir'd to see several Countries, where they lay, and how great they were, asking me sundry questions about them; but being he understood not our Letters written therein, he satisfi'd him∣self with the sight onely, and with shewing it to all the by-standers as a curious and ingenious piece of Art. Then he ask'd me, whe∣ther I could eat in their Houses, or of their meats; for he desir'd to give me something to eat: I answer'd that I could, and that the purity of our Religion consisted not in the eating or touch∣ing of things, but in doing good works. He earnestly desir'd me, that I would stay a while till some meat were prepar'd for me; for by all means he would have me eat something in his House, and himself see me eating. I told him, that if his inten∣tion were onely to give me meat, the time was already past, nor was I dispos'd to eat; but if it were to see me eat, I could not eat in that place after the fashion of my Country, not having there the preparations necessary thereunto, so that his Highness should not see what, perhaps, he desir'd; and therefore I beseech'd him to excuse me: Nevertheless he was so urgent for it, that, not to appear discourteous, I consented to obey him. And, till the meat came, the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch, where I might sit after our manner, but not in the King's sight.

Hereupon I with-drew with some of his Men to entertain me, and in the mean time the King remain'd talking with the rest of them concerning me, commending me much for several things, but above all, for a good presence, for speaking truly and discreetly, like a Gentleman, and for my civil deportment. But before I proceed further, I will here present you with a rough and unmeasur'd draught of the King's House, and the place wherein he was; so far as may suffice for the better under∣standing of what is already spoken, and is to follow after.

Page  162

[illustration]

  • 1. At the foot of this design is the Gate of the Palace.
  • 2. The Walk leading to it, and included within the House.
  • 3. A great plain and sown field.
  • 4. The turning of the Walk before the House, where the short lines intersecting the outward line towards the field, re∣present Page  163 the Trees planted at equal distances and in order.
  • 5. Seven or eight wooden Stairs leading up to the Porch.
  • 6. The Porch of the House, in which the little squares near the outer lines are the wooden pillars which support it, and the ambient lines the walls.
  • 7. The King's Servants standing on either side without the little Porch of the Chamber.
  • 8. I Pietro Della Valle, when I first talk'd with that King, standing.
  • 9. The Room wherein the King was.
  • 10. The King sitting on the ground upon a little coarse Cloth.
  • 11. The King's Nephew sitting on the ground upon a little matt.
  • 12. The King's Servants standing.
  • 13. I Pietro Della Valle sitting in the said room on the ground upon a little low Table, whilst I eat and discours'd with the King a very long time together; the place mark'd with the number 13, being that where they set the meat before me.
  • 14. A small open Court.
  • 15. A small mount or bank in the said Court, leading from the more inward Chambers to that where the King was.
  • 16. Inner Chambers and Lodgings, which, what they were, I saw not; but they were of very bad earthen buildings, low, and coverd with thatch-like Cottages, that is, with Palm-leavs; which are always to be understood when I speak of Cottages or Houses cover'd with thatch in India.
  • 17. I Pietro Della Valle sitting between two of the King's Ser∣vants upon the side of the Porch, (after having spoken the first time with the King) entertaining me while the meat was pre∣paring.

The meat was not long in preparing, and being now in order, the [ XII] King call'd for me again to enter into the room where it stood rea∣dy; and one of the Brachmans who spoke Portugal, and was wont to accompany me, ask'd me, Whether it would not be more con∣venient for me to ungird my Sword, and put off my Cassack? I answer'd, that my Cassack gave me no trouble, nor was there occasion to lay it off; but my Sword might be laid aside, and therewith ungirding it, I gave it him to hold: which I did, the rather because all Princes being commonly suspicious, I imagin'd the King would not like my entring in with Arms; and he that goes into another's House, to visit him and do him honour, is not to disgust, but to comply with him in all points. So I enter'd without a Sword, but yet with shoes and stockins on, though with them it be unusual; for none should enter into that place but bare-foot, and the King himself is so there, according to their custum: Nor did I scruple their taxing me of unclean∣liness, as undoubtedly they would have done in Turkie and Persia, if I had enter'd into their rooms with shoes or slippers on, because Page  164 there all the rooms are cover'd with Carpets, but there was not any in these of the King, onely the pavement was gloss'd with Cow-dung. Wherefore as to have put off my shoes, (besides that they are not so easily slip'd off as Pantofles, nor does it shew well) would have been an exorbitant and unnecessary humility; so to enter with them on, was to me convenient and decorous, without any lyableness to be accus'd of uncleanliness, being the floore was not cover'd; if it had been so with Carpets or the like, as 'tis usual in Turkie and Persia, then, (to avoid seeming slovenly by soiling the place with my dirty shoes, and my self by sitting upon them, which indeed is not handsome) I should have caus'd my shoes to be pull'd off; for which purpose, I had accordingly caus'd a pair of slippers of our fashion to be brought along with me, in case there should have been need of them; our kind of shoes being not so easie to be put off by shaking the foot alone without the help of the hand, as those which for this end are us'd by all the Eastern people. Entring in this manner, and saluting the King as I pass'd, I went to sit down at the upper end of the Chamber, (as tis above describ'd) where they had prepar'd a little square board of the bigness of an ordinary stool, which might serve for a single person, but rais'd no more then four fingers above the ground; upon this I sat down, crossing my Legs, one over the other; and that little elevation help'd me to keep them out from under me, with such decency as I desir'd. Right be∣fore the seat upon the bare floor, (the Indians not using any Ta∣bles they had spread instead of a dish, (as their custom is, especi∣aly to us Christians, with whom they will not defile their own vessels; it not being lawful for them ever to eat again in those wherein we have eaten) a great Leaf of that Tree, which the Arabians and Persians call Mouz; the Portugals in India, Fichi d' India, Indian Fig-trees; and upon the said leaf they had lay'd a good quantity of Rice boyl'd after their manner, onely with water and salt; but for sauce to it, there stood on one side a little vessel made of Palm-leavs, full of very good butter melted. There lay also upon another Leaf one of those Indian Figgs, clean and par'd; and hard by it a quantity of a certain red herb, commonly eaten in India, and call'd by the Portugals Brèdo, (which yet is the general appellation of all sort of herbs). In another place lay several fruits us'd by them, and, amongst the rest, seven of the Bambù, or great Indian Cane; all of them preserv'd in no bad manner, which they call Acciaò; besides one sort pickled with Vinegar, as our Olives are. Bread there was none, because they use none, but the Rice is instead of it; which was no great defect to me, because I am now accustom'd to want it, and eat very little. The King very earnestly pray'd me to eat, excusing himself often that he gave me so small an entertainment on the sudden; for if he had known my coming before-hand, he would have prepar'd many Carìl, and divers other more pleasing meats. Carìl is a name which in India they give to certain Broths made Page  165 with Butter, the Pulp of Indian Nuts, (instead of which, in our Countries Almond Milk may be us'd, being equally good, and of the same virtue) and all sorts of Spices, particularly, Carda∣moms and Ginger, (which we use but little) besides herbs, fruits, and a thousand other condiments. The Christians who eat every thing, add Flesh or Fish of all sorts, sometimes Eggs, which, without doubt, make it more savory, especially, Hens or Chickens cut in small pieces: With all which things, is made a kind of Broth, like our Guazzetti, or Pottages, and may be made many several ways; this Broth with all the abovesaid ingredi∣ents, is afterwards poured in good quantity upon the boyled Rice, whereby is made a well-tasted mixture, of much sub∣stance and light digestion, as also of very little pains; for it is presently boyled, and serves both for meat and bread together. I found it very good for me, and used it often, as also the Pilào else-where spoken of, and made of Rice boyled with butter and flesh fryed therein, besides a thousand other preparations of several sorts which are so common to every body in Asia; and I account it one of the best and wholsomest meats that can be eaten in the world, without so many Artificial Inventions as our gutlings of Europe (withall, procuring to themselves a thousand infirmities of Gouts, Catarrhs, and other Maladies, little known to the Orientals) daily devise to the publick damage. But to re∣turn to my Relation, the King told me, he would have given me a better entertainment, but yet desired me to receive this small extemporary one, and eat without any respect or shiness of those that were present; for thereby he should understand that I liked it. I answer'd, that the Favour and Courtesie which his High∣ness shew'd me, was sufficient: But as for eating, the time being now past, I did it onely to obey him; and so, to comply with him, although I had little will to eat, I tasted lightly here and there of those fruits and herbs, where-with my Hand was but little soiled, which upon occasion I wiped with my handkerchief, being they use no other Table-linnen, nor had laid any for me. The King seeing that I touched not the Rice, spoke to me several times to eat of it, and to powre upon it some of that butter which stood by it prepared. I did not, because I would not grease my self, there being no spoon; for the Indians eat every thing with the Hand alone, and so do the Portugals; I know not, whether as having learnt so to do in India of the Indians; or, whether it be their own natural custom; but they too, for the most part eat with the Hand alone, using no spoon, and that very ill-favoured∣ly; for with the same Hand, if need be, they mingle together the Rice, the Butter, the Carìl, and all other things how greasie soever, daubing themselves up to the wrist, or rather washing their Hands in their meat before they eat it; (a fashion indeed sufficiently coarse for people of Europe): and thought at their Tables, which are handsome enough, there want not knives, spoons, and silver forks, and some few sometimes make use Page  166 thereof; yet the universal custom is such, that few use them, even when they lie before them. The truth is, they wash their Hands many times during one dinner, to wit, as often as they grease them, but they wipe them not first; for neither do they make use of napkins, whether they have any before them (as for the most part they have) or not; but bsides the trouble of washing so often, in my judgment, there is but little neat∣nesse in washing their anointed Hand after that manner; and, I know not, whether the washing cleanses or de∣files more: I being inur'd to the neatness of Italy, could not conform to slovenliness: and, let them cover this barbarous custom with what pretence they please, either of military man∣ners, or what else they think fit; 'tis little trouble for a civil Man to carry, even in the Warr and Travels, amongst other ne∣cessary things, a spoon, knife, and fork, where-with to eat hand∣somely: The Turks themselves, as barbarous as they are, yet are so much observers of this, that amongst them there is not the meanest Souldier, but who, if he hath not other better conve∣nience, at least carries his spoon ty'd to the belt of his sword. In short, the King frequently urg'd me to eat of the Rice, and I as often deny'd with several excuses; at last he was so importunate, that I was fain to tell him, I could not eat that meat in that manner, because I had not my Instruments. The King told me, I might eat after my own way, and take what Instruments I would, which should be fetch'd from my House. I reply'd divers times, that there was no need, and that my tasting of it was enough to testifie my Obedience: However, by all means he would have what was necessary fetch'd from my House. So I sent my Brachman and my Christian Servant with my key, and they, the King so enjoyning, went; and return'd in a moment, for my House was directly over against the Palace. They brought me a spoon, a silver-fork and a clean and fine napkin, very handsome∣ly folded in small plaits; this I spread upon my knees which it cover'd down to my feet, and so I began to eat Rice, powring the butter upon it with a spoon; and the other things with the fork, after a very cleanly manner, without greasing my self, or touching any thing with my Hands, as 'tis my custom. The King and all the rest admir'd these exquisite, and to them unusual, modes; crying out with wonder Deuru, Deuru, that I was a Deuru, that is, a great Man, a God, as they speak. I told the King, that to eating according to my custom, there needed much preparation of a table, linnen, plates, dishes, cups, and other things; but I was now travelling through strange Countries, and treated my self, alla Soldatescae, after the Soul∣diers fashion, leading the life of a Gioghi, and consequently, had not with me such things as were necessary. The King answer'd, that it suffic'd him to see thus much, since thereby he easily imagin'd how all my other things would be; and that, in brief, he had never seen any Europaean like me; and that it was a great Page  167 contentment to him to see me. He desir'd me several times to eat more, perceiving that I rather tasted of things to please him, than to satiate my self. He caus'd divers other Fruits pickled with Vinegar and Salt to be brought me, by a Woman who came from the inner rooms through the little Court; as also for my drink, (in a cup made likewise of Palm-leavs) a kind of warm Milk, to which they are accustom'd, and which seem'd to me very good.

Both before and after, and whilst I was eating, I had much [ XIII] discourse with the King, who entertain'd me sitting there above two long hours; but not remembring it all, I shall onely set down some of the most remarkable particulars. He ask'd me concerning our Countries, all the Christian Princes, with the other Moors and Pagan-Princes whom I had seen; concerning the power and Armies of each, and their Grandeur in compari∣son of others. On which occasion I told him, that amongst us Christians the prime Prince was the Pope my Lord, the Head of the Church, and the High-Priest, to whom all others gave Obedience; the next, was the Emperour, in dignity the first of Souldiers, or secular Princes; that the first Nation was France; and that for Territory and Riches, Spain had most of all; with many other circumstances too long to be rehearsed. Which discourse led me to tell him, as I did, that the King of Portugal, as they speak, that is, the King of Spain, so much esteem'd in India, pay'd Tribute to our Lord the Pope for the Kingdom of Naples, which he held of his Holiness in homage; for which he had a great conceit of the Pope. Amongst the Moorish Princes, I said concerning the Moghòl, whom he much cryed up to me, that we held him indeed for the richest in treasure, but other∣wise had greater esteem of the Turk and the Persian▪ because though the Moghòl hath not an infinite number of people, and, without doubt, more then others, yet they were not people fit for war; and that Sciàh, amongst the rest, did not value him at all, as manifestly appear'd in the late war. Of Sciàh Abbas, the King profess'd to account him a great Prince, a great Souldier, and a great Captain; and I related to him, how I had been for a great while together very familiar with him, and that he had done me many favours, having me with him in divers notable occasions: whereto he answer'd, that he did not doubt it, and that, being such a person as I was, there was no Prince but would highly favour me. He ask'd me also concerning the commodi∣ties of our Countries, and of those which are brought from thence into these Oriental parts; and (being that in India they are accustom'd to the Portugals, who, how great Personages so∣ever they be, are all Merchants, nor is it any disparagement amongst them) he ask'd me, whether I had brought from my Country any thing to bargain with all, either Pearls or Jewels, for I knew very good ones came from thence? I answer'd him, that in my Country the Nobles of my rank never practis'd Page  168 Merchandize, but onely convers'd with Arms or Books, and that I addicted my self to the latter, and medled not with the former. He ask'd me, how I was supply'd with Money for my Travels, in so remote Countries? I answer'd, that I had brought some along with me, and more was sent me from time to time by my Agents, either in Bills or in ready Money, accord∣ing as was most expedient in reference to the diversity of places. He ask'd me, whether I had either a Father or a Mother, Brothers or Sisters, Wife or Children, remaining by that Wife, who, I said, was pass'd to a better life? I answer'd, that I had not; whereupon he said, it was no wonder then that I pleas'd my self in wandring thus about the World, being so alone and destitute of all Kinred. And indeed, the King did not ill inferr; for had any of my dearest Relations been living, as they are not, per∣haps, I should not have gone from home, nor ever seen Manèl or Olaza; but since 'tis God's Will to have it so, I must have pati∣ence. The King told me, that if I could procure a good Horse out of my Country, he would pay very well for it, for the Indians have none good of their own breed; and the good they have, are brought to them either from Arabia or Persia, and the Portugals make a Trade of carrying them thither to sell, even the greatest Persons, as Governours of places, and Captains Gene∣ral, not disdaining to do the same. I standing upon the point of my Italian Nobility, which allows not such things, answer'd the King, that to sell Horses was the Office of Merchants, not my profession; that I might present some good one to his High∣ness, there being in my Country very good ones, and would gladly do it, if it were possible. The King was much pleas'd with this Answer of mine, and said to his Men, that I spoke like a right Gentleman, plainly and truly; and did not, like many, who promise and say they will do many things, which afterwards they perform not, nor are able to do. He ask'd me concerning Saffron, which is much esteemed among them; they use it mix'd with Sanders to paint their fore-heads withall, as also for Perfumes, for Meats, and for a thousand other uses. I answer'd, that I might be able to serve his Highness, that it was a thing that might be transported; and that in my Country, there was enough, and that, if it pleas'd God I arrived there alive, I would send him a Present of it, with other fine things of my Coun∣try, which perhaps, would be acceptable to him. And indeed, if I arrive in Italy, I intend to make many Complements, with this and divers other Princes, whom I know in these parts; for by what I have seen, I may get my self a great deal of Honour amongst them with no great charge. Ever now and then, the King would talk with his Servants, and all was in commendation of me and my discreet speaking, and especially of my white com∣plexion, which they much admired, although in Italy I was ne∣ver counted one of the fair, and, after so many Travels, and so many sufferings both of Body and Mind, I am so changed that I Page  169 can scarce acknowledge my self an Italian any longer. He prayed me once with much earnestnesse and courtesie, (out of a juvenile curiosity) to unbrace one of my sleeves a little and my breast, that he might see whether my body were correspondent to my face. I laughed, and, to please him, did so: When they saw that I was whiter under my clothes (where the Air and Sun had not so much injured me) than in the face, they all remained astonished, and began to cry out again that I was a Deurù, that I was a Heroe, a god, and that bles∣sed was the hour when I entered into their House, (I took my self to be Hercules, lodged in the Country of Evander) and the King being much satisfied with my courtesie, said, that he knew me to be a Noble Man by my civil compliance with his de∣mands; that if I had been some coarser person, I would not have done so, but perhaps, have taken ill, and been offended with those their curious Questions.

As for the Ceremonies of eating, I must not omit, that after he saw that I had done eating, notwithstanding his many instan∣ces [ XIV] to me to eat more, he was contented that I should make an end; and because most of the meat remained untouch'd, and it was not lawful for them to touch it or keep it in the House, they caused my Christian Servant to come in and carry it all a∣way (that he might eat it); which he did in the napkin which I had used before: for to fling it away, in regard of the discourte∣sie it would be to me, they judged not convenient. At length when I rose up from my seat and took leave of the King, they caused my said Servant to strew a little Cow-dung, (which they had got ready for the purpose) upon the place where I had sat, which, according to their Religion, was to be purified. In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King, he caused to be pre∣sented to me, (for they were ready prepared in the Chamber) and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne, (so they call in India, especially the Portugals, the Indian Nuts be∣fore they be ripe, when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet re∣freshing water, which is drunk for delight; and if the Pulp, (for of this water it is made) be begun to be congealed, yet that little is very tender, and is eaten with much delight, and is accounted cooling; whereas when it is hard and fully congealed, the Nut remaining without water within, and in the inner part some∣what empty, that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone, is, in my opinion; hot, and not of so good taste, as before when it was more tender.) Of these Lagne he caus'd four to be given me, besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl, or Indian Figs, which, though a small matter, are nevertheless the delights of this Country; wherefore as such I received them, and thanking the King for them, (who also thank'd me much for my visit, testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me) at length taking my leave, I departed about an hour or little more before night.

Page  170I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time, but I [ XV] understood she was gone abroad, whilst I was with her Son, to the above-mention'd place of her Works. Wherefore being de∣sirous to make but little stay in Manel, both that I might dispatch as soon as possible, and withall not shew any dis-esteem of the Queen by visiting her, not onely after her Son, but also on a different day, I resolv'd to go and find her where she was, although it were late; being also perswaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat, and who sometimes waited upon the Queen; and the rather, be∣cause they told me, she was little at home, but rising at break of day, went forth-with to her Works, and there stayed till dinner; and as soon as dinner was done, return'd thither again, and re∣main'd there till night. By which action, I observ'd something in her of the spirit of Sciàh Abbas King of Persia, and concluded it no wonder that she hath alwayes shew'd her self like him, that is, active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs. Moreover, they said that at night she was employ'd a good while in giving Audience, and doing Justice to her Subjects: so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Work-men, then in the house. Accordingly I went, and, drawing near her saw her, standing in the field, with a few Servants about her, clad as the other time, and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches. When she saw us, she sent to know wherefore I came, whether it were about any business? And the Messenger being answer'd that it was onely to visit her, brought me word again that it was late and time to go home; and therefore I should do so, and when she came home she would send for me. I did as she commanded, and return'd to my house, expecting to be call'd when she thought fit; but she call'd not for me this night, the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home, as I un∣derstood she did.

December the sixth, I understood the Queen was gone abroad very early to her Works before I was up, without sending for me. Wherefore desiring to dispatch, I sent the Brachman my Interpreter to her, to remember her, that I desir'd to do her Reverence, having come into her Country onely for that pur∣pose, and to know when she pleas'd the time should be: The Brachman did the Message, and she answer'd, that I should not wonder at this delay, being she was employ'd all the day at those works; but however, she would send for me when she came home. She ask'd the Brachman many questions concern∣ing me; and because some of her people extolled me much, and particularly, for Liberality, saying, that I had given so much for a House, so much for Hens, so much for other things; She wondring thereat, said, Do we here toil and moil so much for a fanò, (which is a small piece of Mony) and does he spend in this manner? The Brachman returned with this Answer, and I waited Page  171 all this day for the Queens sending, but in vain. In the mean while, not to lose time, I went to see a Temple at the end of the Town, standing on a high place, and ascended to by some few ill-favour'd stairs; they told me it was dedicated to Naràina, yet very ill built, like the rest of the Edifices, being covered with Palm-leavs for the roof; and, in short, such as suited with such a Town. Then descending down the street, which leads to the neighbouring River, I saw likewise upon another Hill a little square Chappel, which instead of walls was inclosed with pales of wood, and cover'd with a roof. My Interpreter told me, it was built by this Queen, and that there was in it an Idol dedicated to the Devil, to whom out of their fear of him, that he may do them no evil, these wretched people do reverence. I hearing of a thing so strange, though not new to my ears, said, I would go see it, that I might affirm with truth I had with my own eyes seen the Devil worship'd. The Brachman, my Inter∣preter, disswaded me as much as he could, alledging that many Devils dwelt in that place, and might do me some mischief. I told him, that I was not afraid of the Devil, who had no power over me, that himself needed to fear him as little as I; and therefore I desired him to go along with me cheerfully. When he saw me resolute, he accompanyed me to the foot of the Hill, and shew'd me the way; but it was not possible for me to get him further: he remained at a distance, and said he would by no means approach near that place, for he was afraid of the Devil. Wherefore I went forward alone, and said, If that Caitif the Devil could do any thing, let him hurt me: for I was his Enemy, and did not value him; and that if he did not, it was a sign he had no power. Speaking thus, and invoking the Name of Jesus, (at which Heaven, Earth, and Hell ought to bow the knee) I mounted up the Hill, and being come to the Chappel, and finding no body there, I opened the door and went in. I saw the Idol standing in the middle upon the plain ground, made of white unpolish'd stone, exceeding a humane stature, and not of that shape as we paint the Devil, but like a hand∣some Young Man, with a high round Diadem upon his Head af∣ter their fashion. From each Arm issu'd two Hands, one of which was stretch'd out, the other bended to the body. In the an∣terior right Hand, he had a kind of weapon, which, I believe, was one of those Indian Ponyards of this form (

[illustration]
) of which I keep one by me: In the Interior left Hand he had a round thing, which I know not what it was, and in the other two Hands, I cannot tell what. Between the Legs was another Sta∣tue of a naked Man with a long beard, and his Hands upon the ground, as if he had been going upon them like Animals; and upon this Image the Devil seem'd to ride. On the right Hand of the Idol was a great trunk of a Tree, dead but adhering to the root, low, and seeming to be the remains of a great Tree that had grown there. I imagine that this Tree was the habitation of Page  172 the Devils, who are wont to be in this place, and to do much mis∣chief; to remedy which the Queen founded this Chappel here, and dedicated this Idol to Brimòr, (which they say is the name of a great Devil, King of many thousands of Devils) who dwelt here: The same was afterwards confirm'd to me by others of the Country, all confessing that it was Buto, i. e. the Devil; for so they tearm him in their Language. When I had seen all, and spit several times in the Idol's face, I came away and re∣turn'd home, upbraiding the Brachman with his Cowardize, and telling him that he might see whether my Religion were good or no; since so powerful and fear'd a Devil could not hurt me when I went to his very house, and did him such injuries: Whereunto the Brachman knew not what to answer. Concerning Idols, they told me, at Manèl, that the Queen of Olaza and all her Family, as 'twere upon an Hereditary Account, ador'd and held for her principal God, an Idol call'd Putià Somnàta, which they said was the same with Mahadeu, and which they delineated also of a round figure, like the little pillar of a Land-mark, circular at the top after this manner
[illustration]
, as I have else-where noted that they pourtray Mahadeu in Cambaia, and the Sun in other places.

The same day, December the seventh, Being return'd home before noon, I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe. I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees; he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary. His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′.34″. which substracted from 35 degrees, (the Altitude which I took, leave 12 degrees 29′.36″. which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial, South∣wards from the Zenith of Manèl, and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place. So that Manèl, where the Queen of Olaza now resides, lyes 12 degrees 29′.36″. distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night, having waited all the day, and not hearing of the Queens sending for me, as she had promis'd, I thought not good to importune her further, but imagin'd she was not willing to be visited more by me. Where∣fore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day. Of the Queens not suffering her self to be visited more by me, certain Men of the Country who convers'd with me, gave sundry Reasons: Some said, the Queen imagin'd I would have given her some Present, as indeed I should, which would require a requital; but, perhaps, she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places, or was loath to give: So that to avoid the shame, she thought best to decline the visit. Others said, there was no other decent place to give Audience in, but that where her Son was; and for her to come thither, did not shew well; as neither to send for me into some other unhand∣some place, nor yet to give me Audience in the Street, when it Page  173 was no unexpected meeting but design'd, for which reason she avoided speaking with me. The Brachman, not my Interpre∣ter, but the other who held my Sword, had a more extrava∣gant, and (in my opinion) impertinent conceit, to wit, that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence, fairness, and handsome manner of conversation, that the Queen would not speak with me, for fear she should become enamor'd of me, and be guilty of some unbecomming action, at which I heartily laugh'd. 'Twas more probable, that she intended to avoid gi∣ving people occasion to talk of her, for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them. But let the Cause be what it will, I perceiv'd she declin'd my visit, and therefore caus'd a Boat to be provided, which (there being no other) was not row'd with Oars, but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu, which serv'd well enough for that shallow River.

The next day, December the eighth, A little before Noon, without having seen the Queen or any other, I departed from Manèl. In a place some-what lower, on the left bank of the River, where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by, (which for the most part are onely Rice, which is carried out, and brought into her Country) I stay'd a while to dine. Then continuing my way, I arriv'd very late at Mangalòr, where the Shops being shut up, and nothing to be got, I was fain to go supperless to bed. Occasion being offer'd for sending this Letter to Goa, whence the Fleet will depart next January, I would not omit it; so that where-ever I may happen to reside, the Letter may at least arrive safe to you, whose Hands I kiss with my old Affection.

LETTER VII.

From Goa,January 31. 1624.

IN this my excursion and absence from Goa, (which was short, [ I] but the pleasantest three Moneths Travel that ever I had) besides the Royal Seats of Ikkerì and Manèl, describ'd in my last to you, I had the fortune to go as far as Calecut, to the other Royal Seat of Vikirà, call'd by his proper Title, il Samorino, where I have erected the Pillars of my utmost peregrination to∣wards the South. Now in my Return, before I describe to you the Court of this Samorino and his Princesses, following the Or∣der of my Journeys, I shall first inform you of my going to the famous Hermitage of Cadirì, and visiting of Batniato, call'd King of the Gioghi, who lives at this day in his narrow limits of that Hermitage, impoverish'd by Venk-tapà Naieka.

December the tenth, Being yet in Mangalòr, I took the Alti∣tude Page  174 of the Sun, whom I found to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees and 20 minutes. He was now in the 18 degree of Sagit∣tary, and declin'd towards the South 22 degrees 55′.28″. which, detracted from the 35 degrees 20′. wherein I found him, there remain 12 degrees 24′.33″. and so far is Mangalòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North, and hath the Northern Pole so much elevated. At this time the heat at Mangalòr is such as it is at Rome in the moneth of June, or the end of August.

December the eleventh, I went in the Morning about half a League from Mangalòr to see the Hermitage, where lives and reigns the Archimandrita of the Indian Gioghi, whom the Por∣tugals (usually liberal of the Royal Title) style King of the Gioghi, perhaps because the Indians tearm him so in their Lan∣guage; and in effect he is Lord of a little circuit of Land, where∣in, besides the Hermitage and the habitations of the Gioghi are some few Houses of the Country people, and a few very small Villages subject to his Government. The Hermitage stands on the side of a Hill, in this manner.

On the edge of the Plain, where the ascent of the Hill be∣gins, [ II] is a great Cistern or Lake, from which ascending a pair of stairs, with the face turn'd towards the North, you enter into a Gate, which hath a cover'd Porch, and is the first of the whole inclosure, which is surrounded with a wall and a ditch like a Fort. Being enter'd the said Gate, and going strait for∣ward through a handsome broad Walk, best on either side with sundry fruit-trees, you come to another Gate, where there are stairs and a Porch higher then the former. This opens into a square Piazza or great Court, in the middle whereof stands a Temple of indifferent greatness, and for Architecture like the other Temples of the Indian-Gentiles; onely the Front looks to∣wards the East, where the Hill riseth higher, and the South side of the Temple stands towards that Gate which leads into the Court. Behind the Temple, on the side of the Court, is a kind of Shed or Pent-house with a Charriot in it, which serves to carry the Idol in Procession upon certain Festivals. Also in two or three other places of the side of the Court, there are little square Chappels for other Idols. On the North side of the Court is another Gate opposite to the former, by which going out and ascending some few steps, you see a great Cistern or Lake of a long form, built about with black stone, and stairs leading down to the surface of the water; in one place next the wall 'tis divided into many little Cisterns, and it serves for the Ministers of the Temple to wash themselves in, and to perform their Ceremonies. The Gate of the Temple, as I said, looks Eastward, where the Hill begins to rise very high and steep. From the Front of the Temple to the top of the Hill, are long and broad stairs of the same black stone which lead up to it, and there the place is afterwards plain. Where the stairs begin, stands a high, strait, and round brazen Pillar, ty'd about in se∣veral Page  175 places with little fillets; 'tis about 60 Palms high, and one and a half thick from the bottom to the top, with little dimi∣nution. On this Pillar are plac'd about seventeen round brazen wheels, made with many spokes round about like stars: they are to support the lights in great Festivals, and are distant about three Palms one from another. The top terminates in a great brazen Candlestick of five branches; of which the middlemost is highest, the other four of equal height. The foot of the Pil∣lar is square, and hath an Idol engraven on each side; the whole Engine is, or at least seems, all of a piece. The Temple, to wit, the inner part where the Idol stands, is likewise all cover'd with brass: They told me, the walls of the whole Inclosure, which are now cover'd with leavs, were sometimes cover'd with large plates of brass; but that Venk-tapà Naieka carry'd the same away, when in the war of Mangalòr his Army pillag'd all these Countries; which whether it be true or no, I know not. The walls of a less Inclosure (wherein according to their custom the Temple stands) are also surrounded on the outside with eleven wooden rails up to the top, distant one above another little more then an Architectical Palm; these also serve to bear Lights in Festival occasions; which must needs make a brave Shew, the Temple thereby appearing as if it were all on fire. This Temple is dedicated to an Idol call'd Moginàto; of what form it is I know not, because they would not suffer us to enter in to see it.

Having view'd the Temple, I ascended the Hill by the stairs, [ III] and passing a good way forward on the top thereof, came to the habitations of the Gioghi and their King; the place is a Plain, and planted with many Trees, under which are rais'd many very great stone-pavements a little height above the ground, for them to sit upon in the shadow. There are an infinite number of little square Chappels with several Idols in them, and some places cover'd over head, but open round about, for the Gioghi to en∣tertain themselves in. And lastly, there is the King's House, which is very low built; I saw nothing of it, (and believe there is nothing more) but a small Porch, with walls round about colour'd with red, and painted with Elephants and other Ani∣mals: Besides, in one place a wooden thing like a little square bed, somewhat rais'd from the ground, and cover'd with a Cloth like a Tent; they told me it was the place where the King us'd to reside, and perhaps also to sleep. The King was not here now, but was gone to a Shed or Cottage in a great plain field, to see something, I know not what, done. The Soil is very good, and kept in tillage; where it is not plain, by reason of the steepness of the Hill, 'tis planted with high goodly Trees, most of which bear fruit : And indeed, for a Hermitage so ill kept by people that know not, or cannot make it delightful, it seem'd to me sufficiently handsome. I believe, it was built by the Kings of Banghel whilst they flourish'd, for it lyes in their Territory, Page  176 and that the place and the Seignory thereof was by them given to the Gioghi; who, as they have no Wives, so the Dominion of this Hermitage and the adjacent Land, goes not by Inheritance but by Elective Succession. I thought to find abundance of Gioghi here, as in our Covents, but I saw not above one or two; and they told me, they resort not together, but remain dispers'd here and there as they list, abide in several places in Temples where they please, nor are subject to their King in point of Obe∣dience, as ours are to their Superior, but onely do him Reve∣rence and Honour; and at certain solemn times great numbers of them assemble here, to whom during their stay, the King supplies Victuals. In the Hermitage live many Servants of his and Labourers of the Earth, who till these Lands, whereby he gets Provision. They told me, that what he possesses within and without the Hermitage, yields him about five or six thousand Pagods yearly, the greatest part whereof he expends in Feasts, and the rest in diet, and in what is needful for the ordinary service of the Temple, and his Idols; and that Venk-tapà Naieka had not yet taken Tribute of him, but 'twas feared he would hereafter.

[ IV] At length I went to see the King of the Gioghi, and found him employed in his business after a mean sort, like a Peasant or Vil∣lager. He was an old man with a long white beard, but strong and lusty; in either ear hung two little beads, which seemed to be of Gold, I know not whether empty or full, about the bigness of a Musket-bullet; the holes of his ears were large, and the tips much stretched by the weight; on his head he had a little red bonnet, such as our Galley-slaves wear, which caps are brought out of Europe to be sold in India with good profit. From the girdle upwards he was naked, onely he had a piece of Cotton wrought with Lozenges of several colours cross his shoulders; he was not very low, and, for an Indian, of colour rather white then otherwise. He seemed a man of judgement, but upon tryal in sundry things, I found him not learned. He told me, that for∣merly he had Horses, Elephants, Palanchinoes, and a great equipage and power before, Venk-tapà Naieka took away all from him, so that now he had very little left. That within twenty dayes after, there was to be a great Feast in that place, to which many Gioghi would repair from several parts; that it would be worth my seeing, and that I should meet one that could speak Arabick and Persian, and was very learned, who could give me satisfaction of many things; and extolling the qualities of this Giogho, he told me that he had a very great Head (to signifie the greatness of which, he made a great circle with his arms) to wit, of hair, ruffled and long, and which had neither been cut nor combed a great while. I asked him to give me his Name in writing, for my Memory; since I was come to see him. He answerd me, (as the Orientals for the most part do to such curi∣ous demands) To what purpose was it? and, in fine, he would not give it me; but I perceiv'd 'twas through a vain and ignorant fear, Page  177 that it might be of some mischief to him. Nevertheless at my going away, I was told by others that he is call'd Batniato; and that the Hermitage and all the adjacent places is call'd Cadirà.

Having ended my discourse with the King, I came away, and, [ V] at the foot of the Hill, without the first gate of the Hermitage, rested to dine, till the heat were over, in the House or Cottage of one of the Peasants, (there being a small Village there) whose Wife set before us Rice, Caril, and Fish, which themselves also eat, being of a Race allow'd so to do. When the heat was past, I return'd fair and softly, as I went, to Mangalòr; and arriv'd at home a good while before night.

December the eighteenth, I prepar'd my self to go to Carnate to see that Queen; whose Territory and City is, as I have said else-where, two or three Leagues distant from Mangalòr, upon the Sea-coast towards the North. The City stands upon a River which encompasses it, and over-flowes the Country round about, it was wont to be very strong both by Art and situation; but during the war of Mangalòr, Venk-tapà Naieka coming with a great Army to subdue and pillage all these Countries, sent for this Queen to come and yield Obedience to him. The Queen, who, as I have heard, is a Lady of much Virtue and Prudence; being unwilling to render her self to Venk-tapà, summoned her Captains together, told them, that she was ready to spend and give them all the Money and Jewels she had, and not to be wanting on her part to her utmost power, if they would prepare themslves to defend the State: But these Ministers, either through Cowardize or Treachery, would not attempt a defence▪ Whereupon the poor Queen, who as a Woman could do little by her self, (her Son also being very young) seeing her people dis∣heartned, resolv'd by their advice to surrender her self to Venk-ta∣pà Naieka; and accordingly prepar'd to go to him with a good Guard of Souldiers. Which he hearing, sent to her to come alone without other company then her Attendants; which she did, not voluntarily, but constrain'd thereto by her hard Fortune, and the little Faith of others. Venk-tapà receiv'd her honourably, and took her into his Friendship and Protection; but withall he caus'd the City to be dismantled of the strong walls it had, to prevent her rebelling against him afterwards, and left her, as be∣fore, the Government of the State, tying her onely to Obe∣dience, the payment of a Tribute, and the professing of a noble Vassallage to him. When they dismantled the City, the Queen (they say) unable to endure the sight, retir'd into a solitary place a little distant, cursing in those her solitudes the Pusillani∣mity and Infidelity of her own people, no less then the unfortun∣ateness and weakness of the Portugals her defenders, to whom she had been always a faithful Friend. At this time she lives with her young Son, either in Carnate, or some other place there∣abouts.

Page  178Being mov'd by the Fame of this Queens Virtue, I was desirous [ VI] to go and do her Reverence; for which purpose I had gotten a Palanchino ready, and Men to carry me thither. But in the Morning of the above-said day, there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships, which they call l' armata del Canarà, because it coasts along the ruines of the Province Canarà; or else l' ar∣mata della Colletta, for that it is maintain'd with the Money of a New Impost lay'd upon, and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations. The General of this Fleet was Sig: Luis de Mendoza, a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo, (as they speak) young, but of very good parts. The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig: Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio, formerly my Friend at Goa, whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship. Whereupon hearing of his Arrival, I went to seek him, and finding him already landed, I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut, in order to carry thither two Men of Sa∣morì King of Calecut, (Samorì is a Title given to all those Kings, like our Emperour or Caesar) which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet, in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts, to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace; (for he had been many years, if not at War, yet at enmity with the Portugals) saying, that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace, he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity, and treat of Articles. Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer; and, as Sig: Ayres said, the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night, yet would return very shortly, because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours, onely till he had landed these Men, and understood what Resolution the Samorì gave in Answer, without giving him more time to think thereupon. That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr, and all the other Ports of that Coast, to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice, (which were now prepar'd, or a prepa∣ring) and convoy them according to their custom to Goa, where, by reason of scarcity of provision, they were much desir'd. Hearing this News, I was loath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut, (the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India, and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals) and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig: Ayres the same day, putting off my Journey to Car∣nate, whither I had hopes to go at my return. Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino, and the Men that were to carry me, together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr, (because he was not willing to go further with me), I went aboard alone without any Servant, assuring my self I could not want attend∣ance, and what-ever else was needful in the Ship; wherein I found Sig: Manoel Leyton, Son of Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leyton, embarqu'd as a Souldier (which course of life he was now first enter'd upon), besides many other eminent Souldiers, who were Page  179 afterwards very friendly to me, and with whom I spent many days in good conversation.

December the nineteenth, We departed from Mangalòr, and [ VII] went formost of all, because our Ship was Captain of the Van∣guard. This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land, call'd Monte Delì; and the next day, (December the twentieth) by another, call'd Monte Fermoso. At night, we anchor'd under Cananòr, but enter'd not the Port, having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues.

December the one and twentieth, Once in the Morning, and once in the Evening, we met with Paroes, which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers, of whom this Coast was full; for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà, and that of Malabar begins: We made ready our Arms both times to fight them, but they fled from us, and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers, whereof that Coast is full, where by reason it was their own Territory, and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places, we could not pursue them to take them; onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose, which were answer'd from that Land with the like; we might easily have attempted, if not to take that which we saw in the Evening, yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon, if the Gene∣ral had not had regard to the Land they recover'd, which be∣long'd to the Samorì, to whom upon account of the Peace in agi∣tation, he was willing to have respect. At night we came to Anchor under Calecut, which is twelve Leagues Southwards be∣yond Cananòr.

December the two and twentieth, Early in the Morning the Samorì's two Men landed at Calecut, and with them a Portugal common Souldier, but well clad and attended, whom the Ge∣neral sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer, which was; That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace, and would gladly conclude it; but on condition that the Samorì made Peace too with the King of Cocin, the Portugals Confede∣rate, whom it was not fit to leave out of the said Peace; and the rather, because the greatest differences between the Portu∣gals and the Samorì were touching the King of Cocin, whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend, and had alwayes, to the dammage of the Samorì, his perpetual Adversary, much supported; That if the Samorì were contented to make Peace with both, he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions, and they should be receiv'd very well. Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet; for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore, and the Samorì's Royal Palace is not far off: And together with the Portugal, the Samorì sent to the General a Portugal Boy, eight or ten years old, call'd Cicco, who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr, had been taken Prisoner, and was brought up in his Court; he sent him well cloth'd, and accompany'd not onely with many persons, Page  180 but also with Pipes and Drums, that he might visit the General in his Name, and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat, namely, Indian Figgs, Lagne, and other fruits. His Answer to the business was, that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals, and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration; withall, de∣siring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers, and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet; with other Rea∣sons, which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time, and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace, till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd, left the Portugals should molest them at Sea; than real intentions for a Peace, especially with the King of Cocin, with whom he hath long and intricate discords, not so easily to be terminated. The Portugals also demanded, that the Samorì would remove a Garri∣son which he had plac'd in certain Confines, where they for their own security, and the defence of the King of Cocin, were fain to keep a Fort continually, with a great Garrison and at much expence: And because he shew'd not much inclination there∣unto, it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices, to hold the Portugals in suspence; wherefore the Ge∣neral sent him word, That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours, and so long he would stay: If within that time the Samorì took a Re∣solution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions, he would carry his Ambassador with a good will; otherwise, he intended to depart the next night, all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine. With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco, honor'd with some small Presents, and the other Men that came with him, without sending any of his Portugals on purpose, or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samorì, as he was by him invited; the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far, because these Kings Samorì had never been very faithful towards the Portu∣gals. Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded, so that many of them went ashore, some to walk up and down, some to buy things, and some to do other business; as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats, partly, to sell things, and partly, out of curiosity to see the Portu∣gals, who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samorì, seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut.

[ VIII] The same day, (December the two and twentieth) whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut, I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe, and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes. The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary; whence according to my Canon of Declination, which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini, he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees Page  181 and 28 minutes, which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination; if it be not really so, the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours, if not more, that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe, according to which my Canon of Declination shall be cal∣culated; so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun, you substract the 23 degrees 28′. which I presup∣pose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South, the remainder is 11 degrees 22′. and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place; and consequently, the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′. distant from the Aequinoctial to∣wards the North. After dinner, I landed also with the Captain of my Ship, and some other Souldiers; we went to see the Bazar, which is near the shore; the Houses, or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's, being very low; the Streets also are very narrow, but indifferently long; the Market was full of all sorts of provision, and other things necessary to the liveli∣hood of that people, conformable to their Custom; for as for Clothing, they need little, both Men and Women going quite naked, saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees, and covering their shame; the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew, or white strip'd with Azure, or Azure and some other colour; a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them. Moreover, both Men and Women wear their hair long, and ty'd about the head; the Women, with a lock hanging on one side under the ear be∣commingly enough, as almost all Indian-Women do; the dres∣sing of whose head, is, in my opinion, the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation: The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head, sometimes a little inclin'd on one side; some of them use a small colour'd head-band, but the Wo∣men use none at all. Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets, their ears of pendants, and their necks of jewels; the Men com∣monly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers, or other Arms in their hands, as I said of those of Balagate.

The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut, and the In-land [ IX] parts, especially the better sort, are all Gentiles, of the Race Nairi for the most part, by profession Souldiers, sufficiently swashing and brave: But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari, an adventitious people, though of long standing; for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since, makes mention of them; they live confusedly with the Pagans, and speak the same Language, but yet are Mahometans in Religion. From them, all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar, fa∣mous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves; whence in the Bazar of Calecut, be∣sides the things above-mention'd, we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities, as Swords, Arms, Books, Clothes of Goa, and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels Page  182 at Sea; which things, because stollen, and in regard of the Ex∣communication which lyes upon us in that case, are not bought by our Christians. Having seen the Bazar, and stay'd there till it was late, we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City, and the out-side of the King's Palace; for to see the King at that hour we had no intention, nor did we come prepar'd for it, but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship. Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace, for the City is great, and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees, amongst the boughs whereof, a great many of wild Monkies; and within these close Groves, stand the Houses, for the most part at a distance from the com∣mon Wayes or Streets; they appear but little, few of their out∣sides being seen, besides the low walls made of a black stone sur∣rounding these plots, and dividing them from the Streets, which are much better than those of the Bazar, but without any orna∣ment of Windows; so that he that walks through the City, may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens, than of an inhabited City: Nevertheless it is well peopled, and hath many Inhabitants, whose being contented with narrow buildings, is the cause that it appears but small. As we walked in this manner, we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy; and because he saw us many together, and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us, or because he knew our General, he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace; and going before us as our guide, conducted us thither. He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming, and told us, we must by all means go to see him, because his Highness was de∣sirous to see us and talk with us: Wherefore, not to appear dis∣courteous, we were constrein'd to consent to his Request, notwithstanding the unexpectedness of, and our unpreparedness for, the visit.

[ X] The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little Piazza, which is beset with certain very great Trees, affording a delightful shadow. I saw no Guard before it, it was great and open; but before it, was a row of Balisters, about four or five foot from the ground, which serv'd to keep out not onely Horses and other Animals, but also Men upon occasion. In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the Gate leading into it, and another within on the other side. Yet, I believe, both the Stairs and the Balisters are moveable, because 'tis likely that when the King comes forth, the Gate is clearly open; otherwise it would not be handsome, but this is onely my conjecture. We enter'd this Gate, ascending the Stairs upon the Rails, where we were met by the Messenger whom the above-said person had sent to the King, and who again invited us into the Palace by the Kings Order. Within the Gate we found a great Court, of a long form, without any just and proportionate figure of Archite∣cture; on the sides, were many lodgings in several places, and Page  183 in the middle, were planted divers great Trees for shadow: The King's chief apartment, and (as I believe, by what I shall men∣tion hereafter) where his Women were, was at the end of the Court, opposite to the left side of the Entrance. The Edifice, in comparison of ours, was of little consideration; but, accord∣ing to their mode, both for greatness and appearance, capable of a Royal Family. It had a cover'd porch in that form, as all their structures have, and within that was a door of no great largeness leading into the House. Here we found Cicco the Portugal youth, become an Indian in Habit and Language, but, as himself told us, and as his Portugal Name, which he still retain'd among the Gen∣tiles, demonstrated, no Renegado but a Christian; which I ra∣ther believe, because indeed the Indian-Gentiles admit not, nor care to admit other strangers to their Religion, as I have else∣where noted; for conjoyning so inseparately, as they do, their Religion to the Descents or Races of Men, as a Man can never be of other Race then what he was born of; so they also think that he neither can nor ought to be of any other Religion, although in Habit, Language, and Customes, he accommodate himself to the people with whom he lives. With the said Cicco we found many other of the King's Courtiers who waited for us, and here we convers'd with them a good while before the Gate, expecting a new Message from the King, who, they told us, was now bathing himself, according to their custom, after supper. Nor was it long before Order came from the King for us to enter, and accordingly we were introduc'd into that second Gate; and passing by a close room like a chamber, (in which I saw the Image of Brahmà upon his Peacock, and other Idolets) we enter'd into a little open Court, surrounded with two rows of narrow and low Cloysters, to wit, one level with the ground, and the other somewhat higher. The pavement of the porch was also something rais'd above the plane of the Court, so much as might serve for a Man to sit after our manner. The King was not in this small Court, but they told us we must attend him here, and he would come presently: Whereupon we betook our selves to sit down upon that rais'd pavement of the porch, the Courtiers standing round about us; amongst which, the Portugal Cicco, and ano∣ther Indian Man, (who, as they said, was a Christian, and being sometimes a slave to the Portugals, had fled hither for Liberty, and was entertain'd in the King's Guard) serv'd us for Interpre∣ters; but not well, because the Man spoke not the Portugal Tongue so much as tolerably, and Cicco having been taken when he was very young, remembred but little of his own Language.

No sooner were we seated in this place, but two Girls about [ XI] twelve years old enter'd at the same Gate whereat we came in; they were all naked, (as, I said above, the Women generally go) saving that they had a very small blew cloth wrap'd about their immodesties, and their Arms, Ears, and Necks, were full of or∣naments Page  184 of Gold and very rich Jewels. Their colour was some∣what swarthy, as all these Nations are, but in respect of others of the same Country, clear enough; and their shape no less pro∣portionable and comely, than their aspect was handsome and wel-favour'd. They were both the Daughters, as they told us, of the Queen, that is, not of the King but of his Sister, who is styl'd, and in effect is, Queen; for these Gentiles using to derive the descent and inheritance by the line of the Women, though the Government is allow'd to Men, as more fit for it, and he that governes is call'd King; yet the King's Sister, and, amongst them, (if there be more then one) she to whom, by reason of Age, or for other respects it belongs, is call'd, and properly is Queen, and not any Wife or Concubine of the King, who ha's many. So also when the King, (who governes upon the account of being Son of the Queen-Mother) happens to dye, his own Sons suc∣ceed him not, (because they are not the Sons of the Queen) but the Sons of his Sister; or in defect of such, those of the nearest Kins-women by the same Female line: So that these two Girls, whom I call the Nieces of the Samorì, were right Princesses or Infantaes of the Kingdom of Calecut. Upon their entrance where we were, all the Courtiers present shew'd great Reverence to them; and we, understanding who they were, arose from our seat, and having saluted them, stood all the time afterwards be∣fore them bare-headed. For want of Language we spoke not to them, because the above-said Indian-slave was retir'd at a distance upon their coming, giving place to other more noble Courtiers: And Cicco stood so demurely by us, that he durst not lift up his eyes to behold them, much less speak; having already learnt the Court-fashions and good manners of the place. Ne∣vertheless they talk'd much together concerning us, as they stood, and we also of them, and all smil'd without understand∣ing one another. One of them being more forward could not contain, but approaching gently towards me, almost touch'd the Sleeve of my Coat with her hand, making a sign of wonder to her Sister, how we could go so wrap'd up and intangled in clothes as we seem'd to her to be: Such is the power of Custom, that their going naked seem'd no more strange to us, than our being cloth'd appear'd extravagant to them. After a short space the King came in at the same door, accompany'd with many others. He was a young Man of thirty or five and thirty years of Age, to my thinking; of a large bulk of body, sufficiently fair for an Indian, and of a handsome presence. He is call'd (as a principal Courtier, whom I afterwards ask'd, told me) by the proper name of Vikirà. His Beard was somewhat long, and equally round about his Face; he was naked, having onely a piece of fine changeable cotten cloth, blew and white, hanging from the girdle to the middle of the Leg. He had divers bracelets on his Arms, pendants at his Ears, and other ornaments with many Jewels and rubies of value. In his Hand he carry'd a painted Page  185 staff, (if it were not an Indian Cane) like a Shep-herd's staff, upon which fix'd in the earth, just as Shep-herds are represented in our Comedies, he stood leaning for a while. When he was saluted by us, he receiv'd us smiling, and with much courtesie; and whilst his two Neeces stood by him leaning against a high banck to sit upon, we stood orderly in the Court just before the King; and the whole Court and the Porches being full of other Courtiers who came in, partly, with the King, and partly, by some other little entrances. I will not omit the manner how those that entred saluted the King; for I saw more then one do it, and particularly, a Youth who enter'd a good while after the King by one of those little Gates; to whom in parti∣cular the King spake much, and of whom he seemed to make great account. In his salutation he advanced his joyned Hands over his Head, then parting them a little, so extended and ex∣alted, he smote them lightly together twice or thrice, to wit, the palm of one Hand with the four longest Fingers of the other joyned together; which whole action he repeated twice or thrice. Such as had weapons, lifted up their joyned Hands above their Heads, with their Swords, Ponyards, Bucklers, or other Arms in them; and instead of striking with their Fingers, as by reason of their Arms they could not, they bowed down their Hands so conjoyned, and made the points of their Swords touch the ground. No less full were the higher Cloysters round about of Women, who stood there to behold us; amongst whom stood apart in the most eminent place the Queen, Sister to the King, a Woman of ripe Age, cloth'd in blew Cotton as to her lower parts, and abundantly adorned with Jewels.

The King desiring to talk with us, caused the youth Cicco to draw near, and afterwards called for the Indian Slave above-men∣tioned; [ XII] because Cicco, either out of excessive Reverence, or for that he had forgotten the Portugal-Tongue, durst not undertake to interpret. He asked our Captain who he was, and how called? The Captain would not confess himself Captain of a Ship, and so become known, but counterfeiting another Name, said, he was a private Souldier, and Companion to the rest of us; which the King seemed not to believe. He enquired likewise concerning the other Souldiers present; and above all, very particularly con∣cerning me, pointing at the pendant which I wore in my Ear, almost like their Custom of India, and looking upon me for it with some wonder, as a thing which he knew not-usual among the Portugals; whereupon I told him who I was, to wit, of what Country, and something I said briefly concerning the curiosity of my Travells; that I had run through so many Coun∣tries onely to see the world, and was at length come to his Court, being no Portugal, but of Rome, a different and remote Nation from Portugal; with all which he seem'd well pleas'd. He bid us several times put on our Hats; but our Captain, whose example 'twas fit for us to follow, being resolv'd not to make Page  186 himself known, not onely would not do it, but refus'd it both by gestures and words, which I liked not well; for shaking his Head and smiling, he answer'd that he would not, that they should not cause him to commit that false Latine, what ever else he did; that indeed it was not a thing to be jeasted in, with other such gallantries; he conceiving, as I believe, that herein consisted all the punctuality of this Audience on his part: So that none of the rest of us cover'd himself; but it would not have been ill done, if the favour had been with better Answers then by saying, as the Captain did twice or thrice, (with greater Courtship, as he thought) that it was hot, and therefore he would not put on his Hat, which his smiling betray'd to be but an excuse; though he conceiv'd he thereby shew'd himself an ex∣cellent Courtier, Then the King began to speak to our Cap∣tain, (whom he well perceiv'd to be the Chief of the company) concerning the Peace; yet saying no more then what he had sig∣nifi'd to our General, and desiring him to perswade the General not to depart so soon from Calecut, but to stay till he had con∣sulted better with his Ministers, and had time to give a better and more determinate Resolution. The Captain answer'd cuning∣ly, that these matters did not belong to him, who was a private Souldier, and was come thither onely to see the City and the Palace, whither he had been unexpectedly invited by his High∣ness; that as to the Peace, it was to be treated of with the Gene∣ral, who had already answered his Highness as far as he could, according to the Orders given him by the Vice-Roy; neverthe∣less that in Obedience to his Highness, he would deliver this Message to him in the Evening. The King saw that a Soul∣dier of ours had one of those Harquebuzes, which the Portugals call Baccamarti, which are very short, of a large bore, and with a Fire-lock after the English-fashion. He asked to have it brought to him to look upon; whereupon a Courtier taking it out of the Souldier's Hand reach'd it to the King, not giving it into his Hand, (for 'tis not lawful for them to touch a thing at the same time with the King) but (because it would neither have been handsome to have lay'd it down on the ground for the King to take it up) therefore he took this course; He set the but-end of the Harquebuz upon the ground at a little distance from the King, and then giving the bore-end a gentle cast from himself, made it fall into the Hands of the King, who held them ready for that purpose. The King taking the Harquebuz in his Hand, pre∣sently shaked the powder out of the pan upon the ground, lest any disaster should befall him, (for he perceived it was charged) then lifting it up to his Eye, he looked through the sight, shew∣ing thereby that he was a good markes-man, as they told us af∣terwards he was. He look'd much upon the Fire-lock as a thing unknown to them, for their Guns have onely match; and being he seemed much taken with this piece, I told the Captain it would be handsome to present it to him, and indeed had it been Page  187 mine, I should willingly have given it him. The Captain spoke to the Souldier, who, uncapable of such noble thoughts, answered that he would give it to the King if he might have forty Piasters for it, which was above twice the value. So that the King not offering to buy it, nor the Captain to lay out so much Money in order to present it to him, the pleasuring him there∣with was waved; nor was it otherwise offered to him, as in my opinion Civility required. Nevertheless the King never let it it go out of his Hand so long as we were with him. After∣wards he shewed us a little Parrot standing in an open Cage under the Cloyster, he endeavoured to cause it to speak in our presence; and because our Interpreters were not very good, he sent to call an eminent Servant of his, who spoke the Por∣tugal-Tongue better, to come and interpret in this Conver∣sation.

The Signori Portoghesi my Companions, little accustomed to [ XIII] Princes Courts, though otherwise well bred, gave me occasion to laugh within my self at two things. The first was, that it ap∣pearing to them unhandsome, that the King stood all the while he discoursed with us, as he did; or at most, leaned onely on the wall or his staff; they took upon them to speak to his Highness to sit down, and not put himself to such trouble. I disswaded the Captain from it by all means, because Kings are Kings, and sit or stand when they please, and do what they list, 'tis their part to command; nor are we to use those Comple∣ments with them which we do to our equals, but always leave them to their own will and pleasure, for this is the breeding of the Court: But my counsel prevailed little, for the Captain was resolved to speak and desire him to sit down, as he did, not once, but twice or thrice; of which, nevertheless the King made little account, and answered onely with a smile. The second thing that made me laugh, was, that when the King enter'd into the little Court, the door whereat he and we had enter'd before, was immediately made fast with an Iron barr, people also stand∣ing continually to guard it; and so likewise when any one came in, or was sent out by the King, it was presently shut with dili∣gence. The Captain and the other Portugals did not like this shutting of the door, and began presently to mutter amongst themselves, and to suspect that the King intended to detain them prisoners there, or to put some trick upon them; and what would the General and others say in Goa, for their coming to put themselves in a Cage thus, without the order and leave of their General, onely upon meer curiosity? I advis'd them to be quiet, telling them that it was not befitting a King to do such an act, nor was there any occasion why the King should be so treacherous; that we were not so many, nor so considerable that the doing thereof would be of any profit to him, or damage to the Portugal Nation. That it was fit the doors should be shut whilst the King was there in that manner giving Audience to so Page  188 many strangers together, arm'd, and of so little confidence with him as we were: That on the contrary, he had done us much Honour in inviting and admitting us to his presence with all our weapons, there being no Ambassador, nor publick person, or so much as known amongst us. This partly quieted them, although they very ill indur'd to see themselves shut up. I told them fur∣ther, that it belong'd to the King to dismiss us when he pleas'd, and that, should we be late, the General would excuse us for our delay, at least, if not for our too-great Curiosity, which yet was no high crime as the case stood, almost all the Souldiers be∣ing come a shore this day. Nevertheless they twice or thrice de∣manded of the King that he would let them go, alledging that it was already late to return aboard, as indeed it was; but the King alwayes excus'd it, and would not dismiss them, saying, That we must stay till the Man he had sent for was come, because he was desirous to talk a little better with us, and that he would send us aboard in his own Boats, at any time when it should be needful; for, there being no form'd Harbour at Calecut, but an open shoare, the Ships rode at a good distance from the Land.

[ XIV] At length came the expected Interpreter, who was a prime Brachman, and a Man of great Authority with the King; for I observed, that he alone of all that were present, leaned upon his staff as the King did, and, as himself said, he had sometimes treat∣ed of weighty affairs on his Kings behalf with the Portugals in the enterprize of Cognale, perhaps not in the dayes of this Samo∣rì, but of his Predecessor: So that he said, he was very well known to the Vice-Roy, and the chief Captains of Goa vers'd in those parts. Upon the entrance of this Man, the King call'd our Captain to come up to him upon the raised pavement of the Porch; he refused at first twice or thrice, but at length was prevailed with by the instances both of the King himself, and of this Brachman. Here the King fell largely to discourse with him, and with us about the Peace, about his desire to have the Fleet stay a while longer for establishing a firm Friendship with the Portugals, and about divers other things; many of which were the same that he had spoken before. In short, the Audience lasted till night, the two little Ladies his Neeces, being present almost all the time, (for they went and came now and then) and the Queen in the upper Cloyster; in beholding of whom, to speak truth, I was more attentive than in all hearing these discourses, which I well saw were of little importance, and therefore I can∣not relate more punctually. At length it growing dark, upon our Captain's importunity the King dismiss'd us, and the door being open'd, we were suffer'd to go forth; but first he caus'd many branches of Indian Figs and Lagne, to be brought and presented to us; the Courtiers giving them to our Captain and the other Souldiers, not by stretching forth the Hand, but by tossing them in the Air, as their custom is, I believe, to avoid being contami∣nated Page  189 by our contact. The King did the like, when at our departure he restor'd the Harquebuz to its owner; for he cast it after the same manner into the Hands of one of his Courtiers as it was cast to him, but gently, and with much care lest it should fall, bowing himself almost to the ground for that purpose, as it was necessary to do by reason of the shortness of the piece. These Ceremonies, of not being touch'd, and the like, of which in publick demonstration they are so rigorous, yet in secret and when they please, they do not so exactly observe. And 'twas told us of this King, that he is a great drinker of Wine, though rigorously prohibited by his Religion, and that he hath some∣times eaten and drunk at the same Table with Portugals very familiarly; and that he is a Man of very affable humour, and a great friend to a jovial life, as also his carriage towards us de∣monstrated. Besides the Lagne and Figs which he appointed some of his Servants to carry for us even to the Boats, he gave our Captain a wild Pig alive, which he caus'd to be brought from some inner rooms of the Court, and being ty'd with a rope to be carry'd likewise to the Sea-side, whither also he sent many, and some of the principal of his Courtiers, to accompany us. A little after us he sent again to the General, one of those two Men which had been at Goa, (to wit, he who conducted us to the Palace, and was present at the whole Audience) to visit the General in his Name, carry him new refreshments of Fruits, and desire him not to depart so soon. But before I proceed further, for the better understanding of what I have already written, I will here present to your view a rough and unmeasur'd Plat-form of the Samorì's Palace, and the place where he gave us Audience.

Page  190

[illustration]

  • 1. The little Piazza without the first Gate of the Palace.
  • 2. The first Gate guarded with Balisters.
  • 3. A great Court within the first Gate, which should be longer in proportion to the bredth, but is drawn thus in re∣gard of the scantness of the paper, it hath lodgings about it in se∣veral places.
  • 4. The King's House, and the Apartment of his Women.
  • 5. The Porch of the said House.
  • 6. The second Gate.
  • 7 A dark Room lock'd up
  • Page  1918. A Door leading into the little Court.
  • 9. Several Lodgings.
  • 10. The little Court.
  • 11. The place whence the wild Swine was brought.
  • 12. The King denoted in several places, according as he mov'd whilst he was speaking.
  • 13. The King's two Neeces.
  • 14. A great Man of the King's, who serv'd for Interpreter.
  • 15. The Queen in the higher Cloyster.
  • 16. Our Company, with a greater number of Courtiers on each side of us, than the place allows to be here denoted.
  • 17. Our Captain in the close of the Audience, and when he receiv'd the Lagne.

Being dismiss'd by the Samorì, as is above-said, we return'd to the Sea-side to go aboard, it being now night; but because there were but two or three very small boats, in each of which not above two or three could go at a time, in regard the Sea was some-what rough, and we were many, it came to be above one a clock in the night before we all got aboard. Our Captain was one of the first, and he went presently to give an account of what had pass'd this day between us and the Samorì to the General, who was minded to depart forth-with; but under∣standing that the Souldiers were not yet all embarqued, and particularly, the Captain telling him that I was still on shore, he gave order to move but slowly in expectation of me. In the mean time the Samorì's Messenger went to him to desire him to stay a little longer; whereupon the General, though he knew it would be of little importance in reference to the Treaty of Peace, yet not to appear discourteous, and perhaps also upon account of some expediency in order to our Navigation, he determined to stay all this night in the Port of Calecut. The Messenger returning ashoar with this answer, found me alone of all the Fleer, still there, where some of the principal Nairì kept me company all the while, and left me not till they saw me in the Boat, using much diligence, to dispatch all others as soon as possible; and in the mean time that we waited, which was above an hour, holding me by the hand, and expressing many other caresses and demonstrations of kindness to me.

Before I leave Calecut, I shall here observe one strange custom of the people of these parts. The Gentil Nairi have no pe∣culiar [ XV] Wives; but all Women are common amongst them; and when any man repairs to visit one of them, he leaves his weapons at the door, which sign sufficiently debars all others from en∣tring in to disturb him; nor does this course beget any disgust or jealousie. The Women are maintained by those men that have to do with them. The children neither seek nor many times know, who their Father is, but that descent by the Mo∣ther's side is alone considered, and according to that all inheri∣tances Page  192 are transferred. The same is observed among Princes and their Wives; the Queens, who are the King's Sisters, use to marry other neighbouring Kings, and go into their States to have children, who are to succeed in the Kingdoms of their Uncles, and by this means are of Royal blood both by Father and Mo∣ther. These Princesses are held in great esteem by the Kings their Husbands; yet if they are minded to try other men, they are not prohibited, but may and oftentimes do so, making use of whom they fancy for their pleasure, but especially of some Brachmans or other of their Husband's principal Courtiers, who with their privity and consent are wont to converse and practise with them most intrinsecally in the Palace. The King, and all others, as I have said, commonly go naked; only they have a cloth wherewith they are girded, reaching to the mid-leg. Yet when upon any occasion the King is minded to appear much in Majesty, he puts on only a white Vestment of very fine Cotton, never using either Cloth of Gold or Silk. Others also when they please may wear the like garment but not in the King's pre∣sence, in which 'tis not lawful for any to appear otherwise then naked, saving the Cloth above-mentioned. The Arms which every one wears, must not be laid aside at any time, especially not before the King; and, as I have elsewhere noted, every one keeps to one sort of Arms, which he first takes to, without ever changing. When two Kings happen to war together, each Ar∣my takes great heed not to kill the contrary King; nor so much as to strike his Umbrella wherever it goes, which is amongst them the Ensign of Royalty; because, besides that it would be a great sin to have a hand in Royal blood, the party or side which should kill or wound him, would expose themselves to great and irreparable mischiefs, in regard of the Obligation the whole Kingdom of the wounded or slain King hath to revenge him with the greatest destruction of their enemies, even with the certain loss of their own lives if it be needful. By how much such Kings are of greater dignity among them, so much longer this obligation of furious revenge endureth. So that if the Sa∣morì should be killed or wounded by the Army of the King of Cocin, who is his enemy, but of greater dignity; the people of the Samorì stand obliged to one day of revenge, (others say three days) during which, every one is obliged to act their ut∣most to the utter destruction of those of Cocin, even with the manifest hazard of their own. But if the King of Cocin, who hath a greater repute, for honour at least, if not for power, should happen to be slain or wounded, by the people of the Samorì; the fury of revenge is to last in those of Cocin all the time of their lives, (others say once a year) which would cause a great destruction of both sides. They call this term of time, or manner of revenge, Amocò; so that they say, the Amocò of the Samorì lasts one day; the Amocò of the King of Cocin lasts all the life, and so of others. Of the Malabars who live Page  193 mixt with the Nairi in the Maritime Parts, and are Moors in Re∣ligion and all other Customs; I heard onely this Remarkable, That by a receiv'd and universal practise amongst the Women, they will never lie under the Men in the Act of Coition; which, because a thing extraordinary, I would not omit to mention.

December the twenty third, A good while after Sun-rise we [ XVI] departed from Calecut, but had the wind all day against us, and made but little way. At night we cast Anchor, because there is seldom wind enough for sailing in the night time; and being we coasted along the shore, we might cast Anchor at any time we pleas'd.

December the twenty fourth, We had the wind contrary again, making very little way; so that we cast Anchor many times, and in the Evening, because it was Christmass-Eve, the Litanies were sung in all the Ships; and afterwards we had Collations of Sweet-meats, and celebrated the Feast as well as the place afford∣ed. In our Ship, some Souldiers, who were employ'd to make a sort of sweet fritters of Sugar, for sport put into many of them certain powders which caused giddiness; so that almost all the Souldiers that ate of them, after the Collation seem'd drunk, and were constrain'd to betake themselves to sleep, which they did all night much more then that time and place requir'd; for, had Enemies come, the greatest part of the Souldiers being in this manner, I know not how we should have done.

December the twenty fifth, By break of day we arriv'd at Ca∣nanòr, where we presently landed to hear the divine Offices. Cananòr is a little place upon the shore, but near a Promontory, which makes a kind of Haven. The City is surrounded with walls, not very strong and well made, but in some places I know not by what negligence decay'd. It hath four Churches, to wit, La Sede, or the Cathedral; La Misericordia, which is a Con∣fraternity, and much like our Monte della Pieta, Santo Spirito, and other such; it hath correspondence with an other: There are of them in all the Plantations of the Portugals, and they do many good works; for almost all the pious works, which amongst us are done by divers Houses and Societies, this one place of La Misericordia do's amongst the Portugals; as, keeping of things De∣posited; transmitting Bils of Exchange safe; relieving the poor, the sick, and imprisoned; maintaining expos'd Children; mar∣rying young Maids; keeping Women of ill Lives when con∣verted; redeeming Slaves; and, in short, all works of Mercy, whereof a City or Country can have need. A pious thing in∣deed, and of infinite benefit to the Publick; the rather because they are in all Territories of the Portugals, and hold correspon∣dence together, even those of India with those of Portugal; so that they all seem but one body extending its members and in∣fluences incredibly profitable to several Countries. This pious Place is govern'd by Secular Confreres; to which Confraternity none are admitted but worthy Persons, upon certain decent Page  194 Conditions, and to a set number. So that the good Works which they do, and the great sums expended therein every year, accrew to the benefit not only of the Confreres, but of the Publick in ge∣neral, with much Charity; so that I do not account my time lost in making this little Digression. The third Church of Cananòr is San Francesco, where the Fryers of that Order reside; and the fourth, if I remember right, is Santa Maria della Vittorià. With∣out Cananòr is an entrench'd Fort, contiguous to the walls of the City, and under the Portugals jurisdiction: But about a musket-shot distant, or more, is a great Village, which they call the Bazàr, where all sorts of Provisions and other Merchandizes are sold; the Building is like that of Calecut, and perhaps better; yet this is under the jurisdiction of the Gentiles, (though the Inhabitants are in great part Malabar-Moors) and by derivative Authority from a King of this Country whom they call the King of Cananòr, and who resides far from the Sea; 'tis govern'd by a famous Malabar-Moor, nam'd Agà Begel, whose House I saw, but not himself, having spent this whole day in walking up and down Cananòr, and the Bazar of the Gentiles; for I dined with our Captain on shore in the House of a Portugal married there: At night having viewed all, and bought abundance of dried Indian Figgs, and many Vessels of Conserves of the Pulp of young Indian Cane or Bambù, (which is very good to eat after this manner) of green Pepper, Cittrons, and other Fruits wont to be pickled by them in Vineger, and vendible here, very good, and in great plenty, at length we returned a Ship-board.

December the twenty sixth, We set sail from Cananòr; but for [ XVII] three dayes together sailed but little by reason of the accustom'd contrary wind, and our casting Anchor frequently as well in the day time as the night.

December the twenty ninth, We passed before Cagnarotto, whence some Men came in a Boat from the King of Banghel, (who lives there in Sanctuary with the King of that place his Friend and Kinsman) to visit and present our General in the Name of their Lord.

December the thirtieth, About noon we entred the Port of Mangalòr. I had a desire to go to Carnate to see that Queen, and had already given Money for a Boat to carry me thither, being I might sooner and better go so then with a Palanchino; but this journey was disappointed as well as my former, I know not by what unhappy destiny; for I understood that the Fleet was by all means to depart from Mangalòr the next day, so that I could not have time to go and return; and if I lost the opportunity of this Fleet, God knows when I should have another of passing to Goa, whither other considerations of my business required me to repair as soon as might be. So I deferr'd my going to Carnate, but with no small regret; for being deprived of the knowledge of that Queen, who was reported to me for a Lady of great Worth and Valour. Whilest we stayed ashore, I went to the Page  195 Church of San Francesco to visit those Fathers, where I found the General of our Fleet, Sig: Luis de Mendoza, whom I had never seen before. I found him a very compleat and gallant Cavalier, and, having been bred in the Court of Spain the Queens Page, a much better Courtier then other Portugal Cavaliers of India, who have not seen other Countries, are wont to be.

December the one and thirtieth, I heard Mass in the fore-noon and dined a shore with the Brother of Signor Tomè de Barrios, my Friend in Goa, at the House of the Padre Vicario of Mangalòr, named—, and known to me likewise at Goa. In the Even∣ing I went aboard, and when it was dark we went out of the mouth of the Port to put our selves before the whole Cafila, which here began to joyn with our Fleet, very numerous indeed, consist∣ing of above a hundred and fifty Ships, laden with Rice, which were going to Goa, from whence all that Provision is dispersed abroad; of which Cafila, our Ship being Captain of the Vant-guard, it behooved us to go first; but being the Cafila was so great, we cast Anchor just without the mouth of the Port, there expecting the day, and a sign to be given us by the General with his Canon: For it was requisite for all to keep as close together as possible, to the end that so many Ships of Merchandize, (disarmed and without Souldiers, saving the Convoy of the few Ships of our Fleet, some of which went before, some in the middle, and some alwayes behind) might go secure from the assaults and surprizes of Pirates; and indeed, to guard so many disarmed and laden Ships, that took up so much room at Sea, with so few armed Vessels, was no easie matter. But so it was, that we above all the rest were to take particular care that no Ship got before us, or separated from the Company, lest some disaster might befall them.

On the first of January, 1624. We set sail from Mangalòr to∣wards [ XVIII] Goa, with the whole Cafila, which encreased hourly; other Merchant Ships joyning with us at all the Ports by which we passed, we giving them a sign with our Canon, and many times waiting for them till they came out. This first day we sail∣ed not above three Leagues, and anchored under Carnate, but not in such a place and time that I could go to see the Queen as I desired.

January the second, We set forth again very early, but a con∣trary North-West wind arising caus'd us to anchor among the Rocks, which they call Scogli di Santa Maria; whence some Men that went on shore, brought me some Jasmen, of a very goodly Scarlet-colour, of which sort I had never seen any Jasmen before, in any other place of the world; but for smell, it had little or none at all.

January the third, We set forth again at our usual hour, and the wind began to blow from the land, which in that place is on the East. We pass'd by Barselòr, and, a League beyond, anchored at the Rock of Camboli, where we waited for the Page  196Cafila of Barselòr; we not entring there our selves, that it might dispatch the sooner.

January the fifth, Whilst we stay'd at Cambolì expecting the coming forth of all the Cafila of Barselòr, in the Morning we dis∣cover'd twelve Ships coming towards us from the South; and knowing that they were not Merchants but Men of War, and having no News of any Armado that was to come from Goa at this time, we judg'd them to be Paroes of Malabar-Pirats, as indeed they appear'd; for the said Paroes are almost like the Ships of the Portugals, but somewhat lighter. And because we saw them make directly up to us, we prepar'd for fight, and sailed forwards to meet them; assuring our selves, that if they were Paroes, they came to assault us; since they could not but know that the Ships of our Armado, which alone were fit for fight, were fewer then theirs, and that the other Merchants Ships of the Cafila, whom we convoy'd, could serve for nothing else but either to fly away, if they were able, or to increase their booty in case our few arm'd Vessels should be beaten. The Ship wherein I was, being the Captain of the Vant-guard, was far before the rest, and alone towards that part whence the abovesaid Ships were coming. Having betaken our selves to our Arms, (which yet was not done without some confusion, because the things in the Ship were out of order, and the Souldiers unprovided of Powder, which was to be fetch'd out of the place where it was kept and distributed thus hastily in small quantities, being our store was but small) we consulted a while what to do, whether to wait for our other Ships which were behind, and so joyn all to∣gether in encountring the Enemy; or else to begin the fight, as we were, alone, till the rest came up to us. The first course seem'd safest and most considerate; the latter was more magnanimous, but with-all temerarious, because we were so distant from our company, that before they could come to succor us, our Ship might be wholly destroy'd; as being but one it might very easily be by so many, especially in that extreme furious way of fighting practis'd here, wherein there is great use of fire-works. Yet our Captain and the rest of us thought it was no time to demurr longer and consult; because the Enemy was so near, that to wait for our Company would have little advantag'd, but might much have prejudic'd us, giving them thereby presumptions of our weakness and fear: Wherefore we all cry'd out to go on; that since we were come to this pinch, 'twas better to incurr our loss alone with a valorous temerity by doing our duty, then to hazard the loss of the whole Armado and its Reputation, if the Enemy per∣ceiving us timorous and weak should take heart against us from our imprudent fear: That as it was our duty to go forwards, so it was the duty of our Companions to follow us and succor us, and not let us perish alone; that this care belong'd to them; that if they did otherwise, the fault would lie upon them, not upon us; that (in fine) let us give the onset, and leave Heaven to take Page  197 can of the rest. Thus resolv'd, we desperately sail'd forward. Our Companions that were nearest would have done the like; but the General, who was far behind in another place of the Cafila, shot off a Piece to command all to stay for him, reasona∣bly conceiving it the best way to attaque the enemy altogether; whereupon all the other Ships of the Fleet which were behind us, stood still awhile; but we alone, seeing our selves so far en∣gag'd and so near the Enemy, whatever the others did, would by no means stay but continu'd our course. Which Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of one of the nearest Ships, beholding, and misliking that we should charge thus alone, and he quietly look on at a little distance, he lost all patience, and began again to make up after us, though a far off; the same did all the rest soon after, conceiving it the best way. We were now with∣in Falcon-shot (for greater Pieces then Falcons these Ships carry not) but forbore to fire till a nearer approach might make the shot more certain; which seem'd also to be the Enemie's design: when being come so neer as to speak and be heard, and standing ready to give fire both to the Ordnance and Musket, by the voi∣ces and cries on either side we found each other to be friends: for these Ships were an unexpected and extraordinary Fleet of Portugals sent to Cocìn to convey securely from thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia, and other Provisions. Hereupon the feud ceasing, the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations, with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets; at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up, seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray. I have mentioned this passage at large, to the end the successes, inconveniences, counsels and resolutions en∣suing suddenly thereupon may be known; from all which, pru∣dent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced; and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Por∣tugal Nation in these parts; who indeed, had they but as much order, discipline, and good government as they have valour, Or∣mùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented, but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters. But God gives not all things to all.

It being now broad day, we set sail with the whole Cafila; but [ XIX] by reason of contrary wind, sail'd no more then three leagues, and late in the evening came to anchor, in the place where we hapned to be; the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous.

January the sixth, We had the wind still contrary, and having saild three other leagues, at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà.

On the seventh, the said wind blowing somewhat favourably, about noon we pass'd by Onòr, and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port, if any were there that would accompany us; for greater Page  198 diligence was not needful, because few come from thence. In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising, we came to an anchor, a little distant from Mirizeo. At the second watch of the night, a good stiff South-wind arose; and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva, and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso.

January the ninth, the wind was contrary, our way short; and because we could not proceed forwards, we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale; also the next day, for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda (as they speak) or Bay, call'd Mor∣mogòn, in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South, but greater and divided from the same only by a River. This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns, and abundance of Houses. Above all, the Jesuits have the goodliest places, and 'tis counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs; for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them, they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs; they have Churches everywhere, Lands and store of Goods; and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority; whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage (upon the matter) to the Jesuits then to the King himself. The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos, adjacent also to that of Goa, but more Northward, which is under the government of the Franciscans. Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals; so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy∣men.

[ XX] Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time, and knowing that we were not to depart the night following, our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea, which they told us was hard by: yet we found it not so near, but that we walk't about a league to get to it, because we knew not the right way, but mistook it, and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water, into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall, to the great laughter of the rest, besides many other incon∣veniences. We found the Church large, neat and well built, with a fair square Court or Yard before it, surrounded with handsom Stone-walls, and within with some great Trees, under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow. On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore, who hath the present superintendency thereof; which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self. We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector, who told us sundry news from Goa, and invited us to Supper; but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here, we wav'd the Courte∣sie, Page  199 and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships; and though we had a Guide to con∣duct us by the best and nearest way, yet we got not thither to im∣barque till after two hours within night.

January the eleventh, at our departing from the Port of Mor∣mogòn this day, in which we were to arrive at Goa, the Gene∣ral, who was wont to go in the Rear-guard, being now mind∣ed to go in the middle of the Armada, commanded our Ship, (hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard) to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard: where great diligence was to to be us'd, both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of be∣ing surpriz'd by Rovers, or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa, and go to unlade in other places of Counterband. Wherefore having sail'd the little re∣mainder of the way, and caus'd all the other Ships to enter, which were in number more then two hundred and fifty; we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa, where we anchor'd under a Port hard by, without going further to the City; it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy. Here we found the Ship, which alone was to go this year to Portugal already la∣den and ready to sail; as also some Galeons in readiness likewise, whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not. Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship, having got leave of the Gene∣ral, went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose; and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship, Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompa∣ni'd him. We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night, because 'tis three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City, almost di∣rectly from South to North; so that there is a considerable diffe∣rence between the altitude of the Pole at Goa, and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed, every one went to his own home; and I, who had no house ready for me, nor yet any servant, went alone, as I was, to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend, according as himself & Sig: Ruy Gomes his Brother had pro∣mis'd I should when I departed from Goa. As I was going thither I was unexpectedly met by the said two Brothers, who receiv'd me with their wonted courtesie. My Bed and Goods which I had in the Ship were soon after brought to the same place by the pro∣curement of Sig. Ayres. I understood here that my quondam servant the honest Cacciatùr coming hither from Ikkerì to Goa after his false dealing with me, had attempted to put a trick up∣on Signora Maria also, but it did not succeed. He feign'd that I had sent him beforehand to take order for a house against my return, and was importunate for mony to prepare and provide things necessary. My letter he ventur'd not to present but pre∣tended a misfortune at Sea, whereby it was lost, with other such inventions. Hereupon Signora Maria suspected him, and, with∣out my Letters, gave no credit to him, as neither did Signora Page  200Maria da Cugna. So that seeing his devices to get mony from them, prov'd ineffectual, he came no more in sight; and we believe is gone into the Territories of the Moors amongst the Mahome∣tans, having heard no more news of him.

[ XXI] January the twentieth, a Proclamation was put forth by the Vice-roy for all Portugal Soldiers (they call all such as have not Wives, Soldati) and also all Dispacciati, though marri'd, to prepare to go to Ormùr; it being given out that the Vice-roy in∣tended to pass thither in person with a great Armada and Gale∣ons. Amongst the Portugals, those are call'd Dispacciati, who having ended their services, which every one is oblig'd to perform for eight years, only with that small pay and maintenance which is given to Servants (which indeed is very slender), upon petition to the King in Spain and representation of the faithfulness of their services, according as the same are greater or less, are dismiss'd by the King with some honourable and profitable Charge, as Cap∣tain of a Fort, and the like; to injoy the same for three years or some other determinate time. Which Charges they enter not upon as soon as the same are granted, but when it falls to them of course according to the time of their dismission: whereby it comes to pass that some never enjoy them as long as they live, nor yet their sons sometimes, unless very late, (in case the favour extend to their sons too) because all the said Charges or Offices go by seniority, every man' time beginning from the day of their dismission; and oftentimes it happens that for∣ty or fifty are dismiss'd at the same time with him, all who must first enjoy the same Office or else dy to make way for him. In brief, 'tis an invention of the Kings of Portugal, much for their own interest; for not having much to give in recompence of ser∣vices, they by this means pay the greatest part of those that serve them with hopes alone; which also prove very well to them; the men of this nation being of such an humor that they not only are contented with these bare hopes, and hold themselves well re∣quited for many great and toilsom service, but make great ac∣count thereof; for these Reversions, which are to fall God knows when, are the estate and support of many, the portions of many Daughters, and in brief, in respect of the little other estates they have in India, one of the best and most considerable advantages that they possess, besides their being of much reputation and ho∣nour. Now to all such as were in this manner dismiss'd was this Proclamation directed, obliging them to go to Ormùz with the Vice-roy under penalty of losing all their Reversions. But for all this, intelligent men did not believe that the Vice-roy would undertake this Expedition, both because they did not hold him a man likely to take up such a resolution, and because there were not such preparations made in Goa for his voyage, as was requisite.

[ XXII] January the two and twentieth, a Galeot under the command of Sig. Manoel de Paiva, our friend, arriv'd at Goa from Sindi, in which were many persons that had come to Sindi with other Page  201 Ships from Mascàt; amongst the rest there was a considerable Soldier belonging to Ruy Freira, who brought certain news of his own knowledge, how the said Ruy Freira having held Ormùz closely besieg'd for a long time, and brought the Defendants to great distress for want of all things; at length, no relief com∣ing to him, no provisions wherewith to continue the Siege, (his Victuals failing him) was constrain'd to raise the Siege and re∣turn to Mascàt with all his Army; yet with intention to make new provisions, and get new succours and ammunitions, and then to return again to besiege the place; which in the mean time the Moors omitted not to supply with all sort of necessaries for a long time, to repair the fortifications and re-inforce it with fresh Soldiers. All which consider'd, I hold the retaking of Ormùz very difficult, both in regard of the courage the enemy hath re∣sum'd by this action, and because the same scarcity of Victuals will happen frequently, and in a short time to the besiegers no less then to the besieged, being the Island affords nothing of it self, and our provisions must be fetcht from greater distance then those of the enemies: wherein not much diligence being us'd on our part, I doubt not but it will be very difficult for them to hold the Siege long; and when they intermit the same never so little, as they have done now, that short time is sufficient to secure the place from famine; because having the Continent so neer hand, and provisions there in much plenty, it may be in one day alone supply'd for many months. As for taking it by battery or otherwise; the Portugals being so few and little skill'd in such Arts, and on the other side the enemies so numerous and indefa∣tigable in undergoing toil and pains, I hold it very difficult. The Viceroy of Goa, who had been so cold in sending succours to Ruy Freira; because he would not that he should take Ormùz, but only hold it streightned till himself went in person to reap the fruit of others labours; that so he might with the glory of this victory cover the pass'd neglect he had committed in the shame∣ful loss of the Ships in the Voyage when he came into India: now hearing this news, and how Ormùz, which he thought he had in his clutches, was by the retreat of Ruy Freira (who would infallibly write into Spain of the wrong done him in not sending him any forces or succour during a year's time that he had been upon the attempt, and heinously charge the Viceroy for it) escap'd out of his hands, and become very difficult to be taken, was infinitely troubled thereat; and indeed I know not how he can excuse himself to his Master for so great negligences; and some have heard him lament himself much, and say that it was his own fault. However it were, the talk of his going to Ormùz be∣came very cold upon these news; and if it was not believ'd at first, after this it was held wholly desperate; although to encourage others to the expedition, he still kept up the report. The same Ship brought news, how Ruy Freira, whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships, sent two to the streight of Page  202Mecha, to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces; another to Sindi to fetch provisions, and ad∣vertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Per∣sia, otherwise he should take them; yet neither those of Mecha, nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him; neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschàt: so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters. Besides, during his being before Ormùz, he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù, living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostàn; and that this enterprize succeeded well enough▪ they having made great destruction, and taken much spoil: but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being gree∣dy of prey, contrary to the order of Ruy Freira, and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest (little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals, and causes infinite disorders) design'd to set upon another place, whose Go∣vernour, who was an Arabian Sceich, at first attempted to make them forbear with good words, saying that he was their Vassal, &c. but when he saw, that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapaci∣ty, he got his men together, and made head against them; so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order, he defeated them, killing many, and amongst those, di∣vers Captains and Soldiers of valour; which was no small loss. It was further related, that during the Siege of Ormùz, the be∣sieg'd being in great streights for all other things, and which was most important, of water also, which within fail'd them and was corrupted; yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison, which they call Trumbàk; where, not through want of Soldiers, (for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries) but for want of money to pay and support them, he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd. They said lastly, that Ruy Freira was at Massàt solici∣ting for aid, and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful.

[ XXIII] By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl, which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran, and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahàn. He was a sagacious person, and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians, and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea, and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels; and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War, but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran, because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes; and before this pass was open, he had no Page  203 profit at all. Yet this Jew could not tell me, whether this friend∣ship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian, was because the Prince, who raigned there, was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother, who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Sciàh, as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary; or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together, and that he who raigned still, either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's, or through fear since the taking of Or∣mùz, or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents, had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian.

January the twenty fifth, The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint [ XXIV] Paul, (this day being the Feast of their Colledge) began to make part of their Solemnities, which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier; the Ce∣lebration of which was deferred till now, that more time might be allotted for preparation. They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners, one of which represented the Asiaticks, one the Africans, and another the Europaeans; those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries. Before the Ca∣valcade, went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top, who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick, published the News of the said Canonization. Two other Chariots ac∣company'd the Cavalcade, the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church; the other in the middle was a Mount Par∣nassus, with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences pro∣fessed in the said Colledge; both which Chariots, were also full of very good Musick and many people. Moreover, they re∣mov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Py∣ramids upon wheels, drawn by Men on foot, well cloth'd after the Indian fashion. Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits; upon another, all the Doctors and Writers of Books; upon another, figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits, where the said Order hath foun∣dations, to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach: Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion; and lastly, another had all the Miracles both of Sant' Ignatio, and San Francesco Sciavier. All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs, Statues, and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top; so that passing in this man∣ner through the principal streets of the City, they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places; one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church; one before the profess'd House of Giesù; one before the Church of San Paolo, where at first they kept the Colledge; but by reason of the badness of the Air, remov'd it from thence, yet the Church remaining to them, which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent, but at this day is but meanly provided for; so that they are still in contest with the City about it, who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge.

Page  204The last they left before the new Colledge, the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco, and by the other Name also; but the Jesuts, resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place, notwithstanding the oppo∣sition of the Augustine Fryers, who by long and intricate suits, use their utmost endeavor to hinder them fro it, onely to the end not to have them Neighbours, under pretext that they de∣prive them of the fresh Air, and the prospect of the Sea: The Jesuits, I say, resolute to abide there, prevailing hitherto, both against the City, which re-calls them back to Sàn Paolo Vecchio, for greater convenience of the Students, and against the Au∣gustines, and against the King himself, who hath many times or∣dained their removal and the destruction of their new Colledge; nevertheless maintain themselves in possession of their new and sumptuous Fabrick, which also they daily inlarge, and nomi∣nate San Paolo Nuovo; for in India they will have all their Col∣ledges dedicated to Saint Paul, the Doctor of the Gentiles.

[ XXV] January the nine and twentieth, I went together with the Sig∣nori Baracci my entertainers and other friends, to see and spend a day at Guadalupe, which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa, distant from the City about two leagues, populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori, who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year, as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum. Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spa∣tious Lake, which at one time of the year is quite dry'd up and sown with Rice, so that the prospect is always very lovely; be∣cause the Lake is either full of water, in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatick Plants; or else 'tis all green with Rice, which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return; so that it makes a very pretty Shew, and the more because this Water being collected in great rain, is fed also by a small but constantly running River; and though so kept there for many months, yet causes not any bad affection of the Air; but through the goodness of the Cli∣mate the Air is always better here then any where else. Nor is the Sea far distant, to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City; and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour, where sometimes even the greatest Portu∣gal Ships ride, and in old time the City stood there, so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia, or old Goa. As we re∣turn'd, we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits, and many fair and well-kept Churches, as San Lo∣renzo, and others within a small distance; so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa.

January the thirtieth, Being in Guadalupe, in the Garden of the House where we were, which belong'd to Signor Simon Gomes our Friend, and Kinsman to the Sigg: Baracci, I saw a Page  205Canella, or Cinamon Tree, of which some are found in Goa, but strangers. 'Tis as big a Tree as any, not a shrub as I imagin'd; some of the leaves, which have a taste of Cinamon, and are pleasant to be masticated, I keep among my baggage, to shew the same in Italy; as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers, which blow every day and night, and fall at the ap∣proach of day, as I my self saw and observ'd of one that was planted before the Gate of our House. This Flower is very like the Jasmin of Catalonia, but the Canella—hath a yellow one, which is us'd by the Country-people instead of Saffron with their meats, and upon other occasions. Moreover, I saw and ob∣serv'd in the Lake two sorts of Flowers, one great, the other very small, both white, with something of yellow in the midst; the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen, and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Doun: The greater Flower hath smooth, long, and strait leaves, and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large, and almost perfectly round, swimming on the surface of the water, totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd. Both these Flowers have a strange pro∣perty; in the night they are alwayes clos'd, in the day alwayes open, displaying themselves at the rising, and closing at the setting of the Sun; besides, that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell. I could not keep any to shew, because they are so ten∣der and so full of moisture, especially the lesser sort which is the fairest, that they fade presently upon being kept in papers, as the Custom is. The Indians call them—and tell a Fable of Brahmà's being born of one of these Flowers, and afterwards re∣entring into one again, wherein he hath spent ten thousand years. You see what fine Stories we have here; I leave them with you and kiss your Hands.

LETTER VIII.

From GoaNovemb. 4. 1624.

MY last I writ to you by the Ship which departed from [ I] Goa to Portugal the first of February, and was the only Ship of that Kingdom that was sent hither this year: On which Day the Bells rung at Goa, and many rejoycings were made, particularly, in the Churches of the Jesuits, the Au∣gustines, the Dominicans, upon News brought of many Martyrs lately Martyred in Japan, amongst which were many Religious of the abovesaid Orders; and particularly of Jesuits, were Martyred three Italians, to wit, F. Carlo Spinola, a Genouese of principal quality: F. Camillo Costanzo, a Calabrese, or rather a Neapolitan, of a Family whose Estate lyes in Calabria: And F. Pietro Paolo, a Neapolitan likewise, if I mistake not.

Page  206February the eighth, A Council of State was held concerning the Vice-Roys going to Ormùz; in which, I know not what was resolved, because some talked one thing, and some another; but as for the Souldiers, it was determined that all should go, and he that refused was imprisoned, as some were to my knowledge.

February the tenth, As a beginning of the solemnities for the Canonization, the Jesuits sung a Vespers in the Church of the Profest-house of Giesù. The night following, they caused a nu∣merous Maskerade of young Students, not Collegians but Out∣liers, to pass through the streets on Horse-back, cloth'd in seve∣ral rich habits, and following a Standard whereon was pourtrayed the Effigies of the Saints. The next day there was a solemn Mass in the same Church, and a Sermon made by the F. Visitor, Andrea Palmuro, at which the Vice-Roy was present. In the Evening upon a very great Theatre, erected without the Church in the Piazza, for representing many dayes together the Life of San Francesco Sciavier; they caused a Squadron of young men mask'd in the habits of Peasants, to dance many gallant Balls with Musick.

On the twelfth of February, in the presence of the Vice-Roy and of all the Nobility and People of the City, (for whose conve∣niency scaffolds and seats were erected in the Piazza round about the Theatre both for Men and Women) the first Act of the above-said Comedy or Tragedy, (as they said) of the Life of Santo Sciavier was represented. Of which Tragedy, which was represented by about thirty persons, all very richly clothed and decked with Jewels; the vast and no less extravagant Ma∣chin whereinto they entered to act the rare Musick, gallant Dan∣ces, and various contrivances of Charriots, Ships, Gallies, Pageants, Heavens, Hells, Mountains, and Clouds, I forbear to speak, be∣cause I have the printed Relation by me.

On the eighteenth of February, The Vice-Roy being indispos'd, the proceedings were superseded. But in the three following dayes, by two Acts a day, the whole Tragedy was rehearsed. It comprehended not onely the whole Life, but also the Death of San Francesco Sciavier, the transportation of his Body to Goa, his ascension into Heaven; and lastly, his Canonization.

On the seventh of the same moneth, Mass was sung in the Colledge of San Paolo Nouvo, and a predication made by F. Flaminio Calò an Italian, upon the Beatification of the Blessed Luigi Gonzaga, who was also a Father of the Society. In the Evening, the Portugals of quality passed about the streets in a Maskerade, accompanyed with Chariots and Musick; about twelve of us went out of the House of Sig: Antonio Baraccio, all clothed in the same Livery, which I took care to get made according to my Phansie, and I ordered it after the fashion of the ancient Roman Warriers, just as the ancient Emperours use to be pictur'd; the colours were Carnation and White, with seve∣ral Impresses on the breast, every one after his own Phansie; Page  207 it appear'd very well by night, and was the best and greatest Body of the whole Maskerade. I bore for my Impress a Blaze of Flames, with this Italian Word of Tasso,

Men dolci sì, ma non men calde al core.
Which Impress I have been wont to use frequently since the death of my Wife Sitti Maani; the Work of my clothes was wholly together Flames, onely distinguished here and there with Tears which shewed my grief.

February the eighteenth, In the Morning solemn Mass was sung, and a Sermon made upon the Canonization of the Saints in San Paolo Vecchio. In the Afternoon, Lists and a Ring being prepared before the Church of Giesù, many great Portugal Gentlemen richly clothed, came as to run Carreers both at the one and the other, giving Divertisement to the Ladies who stood beholding them on Balconies and Scaffolds. The like they did afterwards in the street of San Paolo Vecchio.

February the nineteenth, A very solemn Procession was made from San Paolo Vecchio to Giesù, through the principal streets of the City; which Procession exceeded all the rest, in number of Pageants, Chariots, and Ships, and other Engins filled with people who represented several things, and good Musick, ac∣companyed with several Dances on Foot, and many other brave devices: Of all which things I speak not, because I have a print∣ed Relation thereof by me. In the end of the Procession, was carried by many of the Fathers in their Copes the Body of San Francesco Sciavier, inclos'd in a fair and rich Silver Coffin, with a Silver Canopie over it made very gallant, and the Effigies of the Saint behind: Then came a great Standard with the pourtray∣tures of the Saints, carry'd likewise by some of the Fathers; and after that, all the Crosses of their Parishes of Salsette, and onely one company of the Fryers of Saint Francis. Of the other Religions that are in Goa, none appear'd here; because they said they would not go in the Processions of the Jesuits, since the Jesuits went not in those of others. With this Procession, which ended about noon, ended also the solemnities for the above∣said Canonizations.

February the twenty fifth, Thi day being the first Sunday of Lent this year, the Augustine Fathers, according to custom made [ II] a solemn Procession, which they call de i Passi, in reference to the steps which our Lord made in his Passion, being carry'd to seve∣ral places. They carry'd in Procession a Christ with the Cross on his shoulders, and many went along disciplining themselves, being cloth'd with white sack-cloth, gallant and handsome, very gravely, according to the humor of the Nation. In seve∣ral places of the City certain Altars were plac'd, where the Pro∣cession stood still; and after some time spent in singing, the Christ turn'd backwards, representing that passage, Conversus ad Page  208 Filias Jerusalem, dixit illis, Nolite flere super me, &c. At which turning of the sacred Image, the people who were very numer∣ous, and fill'd the whole streets, lamented and utter'd very great cryes of Devotion. At length, the Procession being come to the Church, Della Gratia, where it ended; after the Augustine Nunns (whose Covent stands near that of the Fryers in the same Piazza) had sung a while, an Image of del volto Santo, of our Lord's Coun∣tenance like that at Rome, was shown to the people gather'd to∣gether in the said Piazza, from a window of one of the Bell-turrets which are on either side the front of the said Church; and so the Solemnity ended. But the above-mention'd Altars in the streets are every Fryday during Lent adorn'd in the same manner, and vi∣sited by the people every day, and also many hours of the night; just as the Church of Saint Peter at Rome is visited every Fryday of March; and they call this visiting, Corror os Passos, that is, go∣ing about and visiting the steps of our Lord; which serves the people, during this time of Lent, no less for devotion then for pastime.

March the first, There was also another Procession in Goa of the Disciplinanti, which I went not to see; the like is made every Fryday during all Lent, and therefore I shall not stand to describe it. I believe there is no City in the world, where there are more Processions made then in Goa all the year long; and the reason is, because the Religious are numerous, and much more then the City needs▪ they are also of great authority and very rich, and the People being naturally idle, and addicted to Shews, neglecting other Cares of more weight, and perhaps more profitable to the Publick, readily imploy themselves in these matters; which, however good, as sacred and parts of divine wor∣ship, yet in such a City as this which borders upon Enemies, and is the Meropolis of a Kingdom lying in the midst of Barbarians, and so alwayes at Warr, and where nothing else should be mind∣ed but Arms and Fleets, seem according to worldly Policy un∣profitable and too frequent, as also so great a number of Religi∣ous and Ecclesiastical persons is burdensome to the State, and prejudicial to the Militia. In the Evening of every Fryday of Lent, there is a Sermon upon the Passion, in the Church of Giesù; and so likewise in other Churches, but upon other dayes and hours. At the end of thes Sermons certain Tabernacles are open'd, and divers figures, representing some passages of the Pas∣sion, (according to the subject of the Sermon) are with lighted Tapers shew'd to the People; as one day that of the Ecce Homo; another day, Our Lord with the Cross upon his shoulders; and the last day, the Crucifix; and so every day, one thing sutable to the purpose. Oftentimes they make these figures move and turn, as they made the Robe fall off from the Ecce Homo, and discover the wounded Body; at which sight the devout People utter prodigious Cryes, and the Women force themselves to shreek out; and the Signore, or Gentlewomen, are so zealous, Page  209 that they not onely cry out themselves, but make their Maids do so too, and beat them even in the Church if they do not, and that very lowdly, whether they have a will to it or no. Strange devotion indeed!

Mar•• the third, Ten Ships of Warr were at length sent from [ III] Goa to the barr or mouth of the Sea, in order to depart (as they did) within two or three dayes towards Ormùz to Ruy Freira; the General of which was Sig: Sancho de Toar, Brother to Veedor da Fazenda, who was Treasurer and Captain of one of the Ships. Our Friend Sig: Michel Pereira Boralho, who was sometimes Captain of the Galeons, went also; his Brother Giovan Boralho, was kill'd under Ruy Freira, in the battle with the English at Giàsk last year, being Admiral of that Fleet, which next the General is the prime charge, having been many times before Capitan Maggiore, as they speak, or General, in the Streight of Ormùz; I make particular mention of him upon account of his relation to Sig: Michel our Friend. But such a succour for Ormuz after so long a time▪ is indeed a very inconsiderable matter. Yet, they say, other Ships are preparing to be sent after these.

March the one and twentieth, I took the Altitude of the Sun at Goa with my Astrolabe, and found him decline at noon from the Zenith towards the South fourteen degrees, and forty mi∣nutes. He was this day in the thirtieth degree of Pisces, and consequently, in the Aequinoctial without any Declination; so that without making any Substraction or Addition to this num∣ber, Goa, that is, the City, will lye just so many degrees (14. gr. 40′.) from the Aequinoctial towards the North, and also have the Northern Pole elevated as many.

March the eight and twentieth, News was brought to Goa how the great Moghòl had caus'd all the English that were at his Court to be slain, and imprisoned all the rest that were at Suràt. As for those that were slain, some say it was by the Moghòl's Order in way of punishment, and that they were hang'd and otherwise executed; Others say, it was by chance, as they endeavour'd to defend themselves by Arms, when he sent onely to arrest them prisoners, as he did those of Suràt; and this seems most likely. Be it as it will, this Accident may easily disturb their Commere something in that Country. The occasion is reported thus. A few dayes, or moneths agoe, the English in Suràt apprehending themselves aggriev'd to a considerable summ by the Mogòl's Mi∣nisters, (whether by exaction of Customs, or in Accounts, I know not) to repair the loss by force, since otherwise they could not, made reprisal of some of the Moghol's ships, which were come abroad full laden; and being the Mogòl's people were not able to deal with the English at Sea, they were constrain'd for reco∣vering their surpris'd Vessels, to grant the English every thing demanded, and satisfie them so far as they pretended to be ag∣grieved. Which thing coming afterwards to the King's know∣ledge, he caus'd all of that Nation to be apprehended where-ever Page  210 found in his Dominions, hereupon hapned the slaughter above∣mention'd. For my part, I think the English have not manag'd their business discreetly in this case; for how is it possible for a few strangers and inmates to contest with, and get the better of, a great King in his own Country? And upon rising 〈◊〉he like differences, I should account it the best course to accord them with good words, and amicably with the said King, by com∣plaining of his Ministers, and procuring him to provide in such cases as well as may be; and this course may succeed happily: Otherwise, if redress can be obtain'd, then, before a manifest feud, 'twere best to get out of his power, and warr upon him securely, not in his own Country where there are so many people, and the King, undoubtedly, hath more power then any other. I believe, the English made this attempt, upon supposition that the Moghòl hath great need of the Sea, and that to the end his Ships might have free passage therein, without being molested by the English, he would suffer what they pleas'd. But herein, in my opinion, they are grosly mistaken; because the Moghòl is a very great and wealthy King, whose Revenews arise from his own Lands, and not from the Sea; and to whom that little which is to be had from the Sea, (how great soever it may be) is no∣thing, and nothing he accounts it; because it accrues rather to some small Captain of his, as the Governour of Suràt, and the like, then to the King himself: So that, What is he concern'd for it? But indeed he will be concern'd for such an injury done to him in his own jurisdiction, as the English have done by making reprisal of Ships, which Princes much inferior to the Moghòl would not have suffer'd from any admitted as Friends into their Countries. Besides, the grievances alledg'd by the English were but pretences, and the Moghòl's Ministers had their Reasons for them; wherefore the case ought to have been heard before falling to violence; and let the matter be how it will, 'twas just for him to be Judge in his own Country, and that this respect should be shewn him, if the English would have taken this course; if not, or if he would not do them Justice, they were alwayes at liberty to go out of his power, and so make Warr against him by Sea upon better terms. Concerning the Affairs of the Moghòl with his Son, they said that Sultàn Chorròm having been twice routed, was at last retreated with some few followers into the Dominions of Cutab-Sciàh; and that his Father had given over pursuing him, and being retir'd to his own Court, left him there in quiet; that Cutab-Sciàh did not assist him out of awe to the Father, nor yet drive him out of his Territories out of re∣spect to himself, but let him enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to which he had retir'd.

[ IV] Concerning Persian affairs, we heard a while since, and it was verifi'd, that not only the English Ships were gone thither ac∣cording to their custom for the Trade of Silk, but also those of the Hollanders which come to Suràt; perhaps because the Hol∣landersPage  211 are minded to set up a Traffick thither too, as I under∣stood from a good hand last year at Suràt. In the mean time other Ships and Galeons are preparing at Goa to be sent to Ormùz.

April the tenth, Three Galeons fraighted with Victual de∣parted from Goa to Ruy Freira for the war of Ormùz, as two other Ships had done a few days before besides the above-men∣tion'd ten; and order was given for three other Galeons to go from Mozambique with people sufficient to arm all the six; because the former three of Goa carri'd no Soldiers but only Sea-men. They carri'd also from Goa a Petard, wherewith they said they in∣tended to attempt the little false Gate of Ormùz which stands to∣wards the Sea; and several other preparations of War.

On the twenty ninth of the same month, being the day of S. Pietro Martire, who, they say, was the Founder of the Inquisiti∣on against Hereticks, the Inquisitors of Goa made a Solemnity before their House of the Inquisition which is in the Piazza of the Cathedral, and was sometimes the Palace of Sabaio Prince of Goa when the Portugals took it, whence it is still call'd la Pi∣azza di Sabaio. After solemn Mass had been sung in the Church of San Dominico, as Vespers had been the day before, in pre∣sence of the Inquisitors, who coming to fetch the Fryers in Pro∣cession, repair'd thereunto in Pontificalibus; in the evening ma∣ny carreers were run on hors-back by the Portugal-Gentry, invi∣ted purposely by the Inquisitors; and a day or two after (for this Evening was not sufficient for so many things) there was in the same Piazza a Hunting or Baiting of Bulls after the Spanish fashion; but the Beasts being tame and spiritless afforded little sport; so that I had not the curiosity to be present at it. This is a new Festival lately instituted by the present Inquisitors, who, I believe, will continue it yearly hereafter.

May the tenth, a Packet-boat from Mascàt arriv'd at Goa with Letters dated April the twenty fourth, confirming what had some dayes before been rumor'd, that the King of Persia had taken Baghdàd, and the Persians were about to go against Bassorà by Sea, but were diverted from their design by the Portugal Fleet which they heard was preparing to succour that City; besides some Ships of theirs which they continually keep there in favour of the Turks against the Persians to guard the Mouth of the Ri∣ver, which is Euphrates and Tigris joyn'd together. The same Boat brought news also that twelve Ships were already departed from Mascàt under the conduct of my friend Sig. Michele Perei∣ra to begin a new Siege of Ormùz; and that Ruy Freira waited for the Galeons that he might go thither too with the greater Fleet. If it be true, that Sciah-Abbas ha's taken Baghdàd, I am confident that at the long run Bassorà will fall into his hands too: if the Portugals may hinder him by sea, they cannot by land; and 'tis a clear case, that if he hath Baghdàd, he intends also to have the port of Bassorà, which is of great importance. That Page  212 he ha's taken Baghdàd may very well be true, during the pre∣sent ill State of the Turkish Affairs, after the late tumults in that Court, and the death of Sultàn Suleiman who was lately mur∣der'd and his formerly depos'd Uncle Sultàn Mustafà restor'd to the Empire, as I was lately assur'd here, by an Armenian who told me that he was at Constantinople in the time of these Revolu∣tions; and that Sultàn Mustafà was very loth to re-assume the Government by reason of the ill deportment of the Ministers; and that he would have no more Women or Concubines, but had married and dismiss'd all that were in the Seraglio; that, if any woman came into his presence, he ran at her with his Ponyard, professing to lead a chast and religious life, not meaning to have other Successors then his Brother's two Sons, the elder of which is Sultàn Mahomad Son of Sultanà Kiosmè, who, I alwayes be∣liev'd, would by his Mother's Arts one day come to rule, and now without doubt, whether she be living or not, (if the above∣said relations be true) will at least reign after his Uncle Mustafà. Now forasmuch as in these violent mutations of Empires, the Government alwayes suffers deterioration, because with∣out some evil disposition of the Government such violen∣ces in Royal Families cannot arise; therefore, I say, perhaps this ill posture of affairs hath afforded the Sciàh occasions making himself Master of Baghdàd, especially if the Ty∣rant Bechir Subascì, who had in a manner usurp'd it to him∣self, have given it into his power; (which is an easie thing even in the good State of the Turkish Affairs) being perhaps afraid of Sultan Mustafà, who, they say, is very prudent and wholly intent to reform the Disorders of the Empire without caring to attend forreign enterprises; whence perhaps having an eye too up∣on the Disorders of Baghdàd, he was about to raise a strong Army for removing the said Tyrant, who by this means became ne∣cessitated to yield it to the Sciàh. Nevertheless in these matters I have some doubt, because the same Armenian told me, that Sul∣tan Mustafa had made peace with the Persian for twenty years; and if the taking of Baghdàd be true, it is a breaking of the peace; which amongst the Moors, and considering the Customs of Sciàh Abbas is not impossible. At present I suspend my belief, and desire to have more certain and particular informations of these matters, of which in Goa there is little plenty.

[ V] By the same Vessel came a Letter from Sig. Nicolao de Silva Ve∣ador da Jazenda, or Treasurer at Mascàt, to one of the Inquisitors, wherein he signifi'd to him that he understood by the Letters of the French Consul at Aleppo, that at Rome Gregory XV. was dead, and a new Pope already chosen, Card. Masseo Barberini, about fifty four years old, who had assumed the name of Vrban VIII. The same Letter further advertis'd that in Spain the Marriage between the Prince of England, and the Infanta was celebrated upon the day of our Ladie's Nativity in September; and that the Infante Don Carlo was to accompany her into England, and Page  213 from thence pass to his Government of Flanders; that in England the Catholicks had publick Churches open, and enjoy'd Liberty of Conscience: That in Italy the business of the Valtolin had been referr'd to his Holiness; but Pope Gregory dy'd without determining it: That the King of Spain kept a great Army rea∣dy in Milan about it; and that a League was made against him in Italy by other Princes; that some said Don Carlo of Spain was to marry the Heiress of Lorrain; and other like news, which being of things either uncertain or future, I make small ac∣count of, till I see the issue.

May the seventeenth, By a Merchants Ship from Bassora, we had more certain intelligence by Luigi Medices, of Ramiro the Venetian Consul at Aleppo, that Pope Gregory XV. dy'd on the twenty ninth of July 1623. having been sick only five dayes. The Relation of the Conclave saith that the Pope dy'd on the eight of July, the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave on the nineteenth, and that on the sixth of August Vrban VIII. was created Pope. That Card. Montato dy'd a little before the Pope, and Card. Ludovisio was made Vice-Chancellor in his stead; and the Chamberlainship, being vacant by the death of Aldobran∣dino, was conferr'd upon the young Cardinal of the same name. That the new Pope Vrban was sick for some dayes after his E∣lection; but afterwards recovering was crown'd upon the day of S. Michael the Archangel. That besides the Pope, almost all the Cardinals fell sick through the inconveniences of the Conclave in so hot a season; and many of them dy'd, as Pignatelli, Ser∣ra, Sauli, Gozzadino, and Sacrati; and the Card. Gherardi and Aldobrandino remaining still grievously sick; and that of the Conclavists there dy'd about sixty; which indeed was a great number, for a Conclave that lasted so short a while. That Tellì (Tilly) the Emperor's General, had given a great rout to Alber∣stat; and the Emperor's Affairs in Germany pass'd very well. That 'twas true, a confederacy was made against Spain about the business of the Valtolin between France, Venice, and Savoy, but that it will proceed no further, because Spain had deposited the Valtolin in the hands of the Pope. That the Prince of Vr∣bin was dead, and consequently that State would fall to the Church; which is a thing of much importance. That at Venice the Doge Pruili was dead, and a new Doge already elected, one Contarini an eminent Person. That there was a great Plague, and that the King of France had subdu'd almost all the Garrisons of the Hereticks, except Rochel, which he also hop'd shortly to reduce to obedience. That the Espousals were pass'd between the Infanta of Spain and the King of England's Son, with hope that he is already a Catholick. That they have given her in dower the pretensions of Holland and Zealand, and money, on condition that Liberty of Conscience be granted in England and four Churches for Catholicks built in London, which was already executed, publick Writings thereof going about in print; be∣sides Page  214 divers other Affairs of Europe of less consideration.

[ VI] May the nineteenth, One Ventura da Costa, a Native of Canara was married. He was a domestick servant to Sig: Alvaro da Costa, a Priest and our Friend, Lord of a Village near Goa; for whose sake, who was willing to honour his servant's wedding in his own House, I and some other Friends went thither to ac∣company the Bride and the Bride-groom to the Church of San Blagio, a little distant in another Village, which was the Parish of the Bride, where the Ceremonies were perform'd in the Even∣ing for coolness sake. The Company was very numerous, con∣sisting of many Portugal Gentlemen, such, perhaps, as few other Canarini have had at their Marriages. The Spouses came under Umbrella's of Silk garnish'd with silver, & in other particulars the Ceremonies were according to the custom of the Portugals; one∣ly I observ'd, that according to the use of the Country, in the Company before the Married Persons, there march'd a party of fourteen or sixteen men odly cloth'd after the Indian fashion, to wit, naked from the girdle upward, and their Bodies painted in works with white Sanders, and adorn'd with bracelets and neck∣laces of Gold and Silver, and also with flowers and turbants upon their heads, in several gallant fashions and streamers of se∣veral colours hanging behind them: From the girdle downwards, over the hose which these Canarini use to wear short like ours, they had variously colour'd clothes girt about them with stream∣ers, or flying laps, hanging down a little below the knee; the rest of the leg was naked, saving that they had sandals on their feet. These fine fellows danc'd all the way both going and re∣turning, accompanying their dances with chaunting many Ver∣ses in their own Language, and beating the little snappers which they carry'd in their hands, after the fashion of the Country, formerly taken notice of at Ikkerì. And indeed the dances of these Canarini are pleasant enough; so that in the Festivities made at Goa for the Canonization of the Saints Ignatio and Scia∣vier, though in other things they were most solemn and sumptu∣ous; yet, in my conceit, there was nothing more worthy to be seen for delight, then the many pretty and jovial dances which interven'd in the Tragedy. The Marry'd Couple being return'd from Church to the Bride's House, we were entertain'd with a handsome Collation of Sweet-meats in the yard, which was wholly cover'd over with a Tent, and adorn'd with Trees and green boughs, the Company sitting round, and the Marry'd Couple on one side at the upper end upon a great Carpet under a Canopy. After which we all return'd home, and the Husband stay'd that night to sleep in his Wife's House.

[ VII] May the twentieth, A Galley of the Fleet expected from Mo∣zambique arriv'd at Goa. It brought Sig: Don Nugro Alvares, (sometimes General there, and Supream Governour of all that Coast of Cafuria, comprising under his Government the Rivers of Coama, Mombace, and as much of Africk as the Portugals have Page  215 from Capo di Buono Esperanza, to the Steight of Meka) and with him a Jesuit that was a Bishop, one of those that were to go into Aethiopia. The Patriarch design'd thither, being also a Jesuit, remain'd behind in another Galeot, as likewise did the Ships of the last years Portugal Fleet, which came on by little and little. 〈◊〉 brought News of the miserable wrack of a Ship call'd San G••••nni, which two years before set forth from Goa for Portug••••ry rich; and meeting with the Dutch by the way, after a long fight being totally shatter'd, ran a ground upon the Coast of Cafuria; so that, saving the people remaining after the fight, and the Jewels, all was lost: Which people, after this disaster, refusing both the offer of good entertainment made them by the Lord of the place, who was a Friend to the Portu∣gals, all upon advice sent to Mozambique they might have passage thither; and also his counsel to travel far within Land, where he said, they would have less trouble in passing many Rivers, which otherwise they would meet with, and find an unarmed, and more hospitable people; but unadvisedly after the inconsi∣derate humor of the Portugals resolving to go by land to Mozam∣bique, and travel always far from the Sea amongst barbarous in∣hospitable people who eat humane flesh; and with-all, not e∣having themslves well with them in their passage, but out of a foolish temerity giving many occasions of disgusts, they were as∣saulted in many places by the said Cafiri, often spoyl'd and rob'd, and many of them kill'd; so that of the Women that were with them, some were taken, others strip'd naked, till, after a thousand inconveniences and sufferings, and, as some say, about eight moneths travelling on foot, during which they were fain to wade through abundance of Rivers, at last no more of the company arriv'd at Mozambique but twenty seven persons; all the rest be∣ing either slain by the way, or dead of hardships, excepting some few that were kept slaves by the Cafiri; amongst which, was a Portugal Gentlewoman of quality, whom they kept to present to their King, without hope, I believe, of ever being de∣liver'd. A misery indeed worthy of compassion. The Jewels sent from Goa to be sold in Portugal, were almost all sav'd and deposited at Mozambique in the Misericordia; some say to be restor'd to the owners, and others say, at the instance of the King's Officer, who pretends the King's Right to them as ship∣wrackt goods; yet most conclude, that the case will not be so judg'd, but that they will be restor'd to the owners, upon pay∣ment of some small matter to those that sav'd them.

May the three and twentieth, I visited the above-mention'd [ VIII] Bishop now arriv'd in Goa, at the Colledge of San Paolo Novo. He was call'd Dom Joanno da Rocha, and nominated but not consecrated Bishop of Heliopoli.

On the twenty sixth, I visited in the Covent of our Lady della Gratia, F. Fra: Manoel della Madre di Dio, formerly known to me in Persia, and now Prior of the Covent of Sphahan, who the Page  216 day before arrived at Goa in a Shallop which had been long ex∣pected and judg'd lost, having been seven moneths in coming from Mascat. He said, he came about Affairs of his Order and the Covents of Persia, (for besides that which I left at Sphahan, they have since made one at Sciraz, and another at Bassora, and daily multiply) yet with-all it was rumored, that he was sent by the King of Persia, to treat with the Vice-Roy about According the matters of Ormuz; and I believe it, although he spoke no∣thing of it himself; otherwise, me-thinks 'tis not likely they would have let him come out of Persia without the King's ex∣press Licence, or that the King would have granted it in time of Warr, unless he had come about some particular business of his. He informed me that all my friends in Persia were well, and so did a Letter of F: Fra: Giovanni to his Provincial at Goa, wherein mention was made of me, giving me intelligence of the well-fare of all my Friends, and how Sitti Laali my Cousin, had brought forth a Son whom she had nam'd Avedik, from Chogia Avedik his Father's Uncle; which News was stale, for I knew it before my coming out of Persia; and indeed, all the Letters F. Manoel brought were of a very old date; to me he brought none, be∣cause my Friends there conceiv'd I was gone out of India into Europe.

May the seven and twentieth, A Ship of the Portugal Fleet that was coming from Mozambique, arrived in the Port of Mor∣mogon; it entred not into the River of Goa, because the mouth of the River, by reason of the lateness of the season was unsecure, and began to be stopped; for every year all the mouths of the Rivers and Ports of this Coast are fill'd with sand during the time of Rain, wherein the West wind blows very tempestuously, and are open'd again in September when the Rain ends. The Port of Mormogon, as I have elswhere said, is in the same Island of Goa, in the other mouth of the more Southern River, where sometimes old Goa stood, by which goods are convey'd by Boat from the Ships to the City, but by a longer way, going behind round the Island.

May the twenty eighth, In the Evening at the time of Ave Maria, the Bells of almost all the Churches of Goa, saving that of the Jesuits, were rung for the Beatification of two Fryers, of the Order of San Domenico, whereof this Ship had brought News.

May the twenty ninth, Another Portugal Ship of the Fleet ar∣rived, and within two or three dayes after, all the other Ships expected from Mozambique; and in one of them, the Jesuit de∣sign'd Patriarch into Aethiopia, whither he with two Bishops, whereof one was dead by the way, and many other Jesuits, was sent at the instance of the King of the same Country, who, they say, is called Sultan Saghed, and professes himself a Roman-Ca∣tholick already, with great hopes of reducing all that Kingdom to the Church in short time. As for the progress which the Je∣suits Page  217 affirm daily to be made in those Countries, being I know nothing of them, but by the information of others, I refer you to their Annual Letters; and it suffices me to have touched here what I saw concerning the same, to wit, the expedition of this Patriarch, Bishops, and many Fathers who were sent thither by several wayes, attempting to open a passage into those Countries, lest such Commerce might be hindred by the Turks who are Masters of some of those Passes; So that the F. Visitor of the Jesuits told me, they had this year sent many people for Aethiopia, not onely by the Arabian Gulph, and the Territories of the Turks bordering upon it, but also by Cascem a Country of Arabia govern'd by Arabians themselves; by Mozambique and Mombaza, Countries of the Portugals, in the Coast of Africk; by Cafaria, Angola, and Congo; that so by these several wayes they might send enough, being the King demanded at least two hundred of their Fathers. And 'tis manifest, that if the Con∣version goes forward, as they presuppose, the Country is so large that there will be work enough for a greater number of Fathers and Religious Catholicks.

June the second, We accompany'd, with a solemn Cavalcade, [ IX] Sig: Andrea de Quadro, from the House of his God-father Sig: Gasparo di Melo, Captain of the City, to the Jesuits Colledg; where, by the hands of the same Fathers, was given him the de∣gree of Master of Arts, that is, of Philosophy; the said Fa∣thers having by Apostolical Authority jurisdiction in India to con∣fer the said degree, and that of Doctorate; for which reason I here have taken notice of this action.

June the seventh, I visited in the said Colledge the Patriarch of Aethiopia one of the society, nam'd Don Alfonso Luigi de Santi; he told me much News from Rome, and of several of my Rela∣tions whom he knew; but it was stale News. The Patriarch and his Fathers had been inform'd of me, both by the Fathers of Goa, and by a Portugal Souldier call'd Pero Lopez, whom I knew in Persia, and who went to Rome with my Letters, where he lodg'd many dayes in my House, from thence pass'd into Spain, and at length return'd into India; and came from Mo∣zambique to Goa, in the same Ship with the Patriarch. To gra∣tifie whose desires of seeing me, upon their informations, I vi∣sited him; he not onely shew'd me many courtesies, and offers of serving me, with like ceremonious words, but himself and all his Fathers enter'd into an intimate Friendship with me, con∣dition'd to hold mutual correspondence of Letters from Aethi∣pia to Rome, and where ever else I should happen to be. We discours'd of many things, and he inquir'd of me concerning his Voyage, and how Fathers might pass at any time into Aethiopia from other parts, particularly, from Aegypt. I inform'd him of the Aethiopick Language, and some good Books for learning it, &c.

June the sixteenth, If I mistake not in Computation, for Page  218 which I refer my self to better diligence (which I shall use with their Ephemerides of this year, in case I can procure the same) the Moors were to begin their Rasandhan or Fast of their 1633 year of the Hegira.

June the twenty fourth, Being in a Window to see the careers of the Cavaliers who ran in the Street before the Vice-roy ac∣cording to the yearly custom in Goa upon S. John's Day, I hap∣ned to meet with Sig. Luis de Mendoza General of the Fleet wherewith I went to Calecut, and Sig. Bento or Benedetto, or Freites Mascarenhas, in a Portugal Habit, who a few years be∣fore was taken by Pirats of Algiers, and carried a slave to Bar∣bary; whence being redeemed and return'd into his own Coun∣try, he was favourably look't upon by his King, and sent again into India Captain of a Galeon. This Cavalier, besides the re∣lation of his own misadventures told me how Qara Sultan (who in my time was sent Embassador from the King of Persia into Spain in answer to the Embassy of Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa, and travailed in the same Ship, before it was taken by the Pirats) died by the way, having first substituted another of his com∣pany to perform his charge; which other Embassador was taken with the said Ship, and carried a slave into Argiers; whereof notice being given to the Persian Embassador at Constantinople, order was expected from thence what to do with him; which not coming before this Gentleman was delivered he could not tell what the issue was, but left him still a prisoner in Argiers.

[ XI] August the fifth, The Indians were to celebrate their solemn Festival of Washing and other Ceremonies accustomed to be performed at Narva, and mentioned by me in the last years relation to be celebrated on the seventeenth of the same Month. And because this year the Feast-day fell twelve dayes sooner in our year then in the last, I perceived that the Indian year must be Lunar; or if it be Solar, as I think I have heard, it cannot be just or equal, but to be adjusted requires some great and extra∣vagant intercalation. I went not to Narva to see the Feast, be∣cause the place lies beyond the River in the Territory of the Moors, who at this time stood not upon good Terms with the Portugals. Neither did the Gentiles of Goa go thither, for the same reason; and if I was not mis-enformed, they expected a safe conduct from Idal-Sciah from Vidhiapor, to go thither ano∣ther day.

August the ninth, Two hours and forty minutes before Noon (if the Calculation and Observation of Christofero Borano or Bo∣ro be true) the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa, and began to de∣cline towards the South.

August the twenty fourth, On which day the Feast of StBartho∣lomew uses to be celebrated, certain Officers deputed for that purpose with other Principal Persons entrusted with the superin∣tendency of the Fields and Agriculture, offered to the Cathe∣dral Church, and afterwards also to the Vice-roy, the first-fruits Page  219 of the Fields, to wit, of Rice newly eared, which is the most substantial of the fruits of the Territory of Goa. I was told likewise that they made a Statue of an Elephant with Rice-straw, which I know not whether they carry'd about with them or set up in some Piazza. This custom is practis'd annually upon the said day, because at that time precisely the said fruit begins to ripen.

August the twenty seventh, One Galeon (of four that were coming from Mascat, whither they had been sent last April with Provisions) arriv'd at Goa; they came, by the Vice-roy's Order, to transport, if occasion requir'd, new succours to be sent to Ormuz. This Ship related, that the other three were possi∣bly return'd back again to the streight of Ormuz, for fear of some Dutch Vessels which hover'd thereabouts; but this being driven out to Sea, and having lost its company in the night, was forc'd to come directly forwards. It related further, that Ormuz had been again besieg'd a good while by the Captains of Ruy Freira, to wit, first by Michel Pereira Boraglio our friend, and after∣wards by another, whom he sent thither by turns, because there∣by the task would be easier to the besiegers: but that, at the part∣ing of these Galleys from Mascat, Ruy Freira himself was upon the point to go to the said Siege with all the Men and Vessels with oars he had, which were about twenty or twenty five Galeots, and many less Morisco Vessels call'd Ternata's: a small prepara∣tion indeed to take Ormuz withall.

September the second, a little before day-light, The safe arrival of the annual Portugal Fleet was congratulated by all the Bells of Goa. It consisted of two Merchant's Ships, lesser and lighter then the Carracks which use to come other years; one Galeon laden al∣so with Merchandize, and order'd to return with the same Ships, in case it should not be necessary at Goa for the war; and five other Galeons equip'd for war which were to remain at Goa with all the Soldiery which was numerous and good, to be im∣ploy'd as occasion should require. The General of this Armada was Sig. Nugno Alvares Botelho; the Admiral Sig. Giovan Perei∣ra Cortereal, to whose diligence the happy and speedy arrival of this Fleet is attributed; the like not having come to pass in ma∣ny years, and that through the fault and greediness both of the Pilots and Merchants: for before, without keeping order or rule in the voyage or obedience to the General, every one endea∣vor'd to have his Ship arrive first and alone. But this Sig. Gio. Perei∣ra Cortereal having written and presented a printed Discourse about this matter to the King, his Majesty approv'd the same and gave strict charge that his Prescription should be observ'd with all exactness; and hence proceeded the good success of this Voyage. This Fleet brought news, that the Prince of England was departed from Spain without effecting the marriage between the two Crowns, because the Parliament of Eng∣land would not consent to it: which considering all the preceding transactions seems to me a strange case, and perhaps the like Page  220 hath scarce hapned between Princes; unless possibly there be some unknown mysterie in the business: That the Frosts having obstructed the mouth of a River in Holland had caus'd a great inundation, which broke the banks or dikes whereby they keep out the sea, and done much damage to the Country: That twelve Ships which set forth from thence for India, being beset by the Spanish Fleet of Dunkirk, were partly sunk and partly shatter'd, so that they could not come to India. That the Catholicks, in August last, upon the precise day whereon Vrban VIII. was created Pope, had obtain'd a sig∣nal victory in Germany against the Hereticks. That great Fleets were preparing in England, Spain, and France, for unknown designs. That the King of Spain was at Sevil, and the Queen had brought him forth a Daughter who was dead; but the Daughter of the Conte di Vidigueira, present Vice-Roy here in India, had brought him forth a Son; at which the Queen was much dis∣pleas'd with the King. And that in Portugal it was expected that the Arch-Duke Leopold should go to govern that King∣dom.

[ XII] September the fifth, the other three Galeons, which I said were to come from Mascat, arriv'd at Goa. The cause of their delay was, as was rightly conjectur'd, that they had discover'd an English Ship upon those Coasts, and spent some time in giving her chase, but in vain, through the fault perhaps of the Portugal Captain who was loth to fight her: for one of them made up to her, and fought a while with her Artillery, but perceiving her companions came not to do the like, gave over, and having given and receiv'd many shots, let her go without doing her hurt, and return'd to her company. The English Ship shew'd much bravery; for seeing three Vessels coming against her, she waited to give them battle without flying. The above-said Galeons brought Letters which signifi'd that Mascat was molested with wars by the neighbouring Arabians; which, I conceive, may be upon some confederacy with the King of Persia, thereby to di∣vert the Portugals from the Siege of Ormuz. That Ormuz was well provided with Men and Victuals; that nevertheless they hop'd it would be taken, if good succour were sent from Goa, particularly of Galeons to fight with the Dutch Ships which were expected to come to the Ports of Persia to assist Ormuz, and re∣cruit it with fresh soldiers. Of the English there is no speech, because considering the late transactions in Spain, it is not known whether there will be War or Peace with them henceforward, though perhaps the Vice-roy may know something in private.

September the twenty ninth, A Jesuit, whose name I know not, was consecrated here in their Church of Giesu, Arch-Bishop of Angamali, and as they speak in the Portugal Language, da Serra, that is, of the Mountain, where live the Christians whom they call di San Tome, of the Chaldean Rite, and sometimes subject to the Schismatical Patriarks of Babylonia, but now of Page  221 late years (by the diligence of the Portugals) Catholicks, and obedient to Rome; his residence is in Cranganor, five leagues from Cocin Northwards.

October the one and twentieth, Proclamation was made by the Vice-Roy's Order for the Souldiers to come and receive Pay, in Order to their going to Ormuz. The Armado wherein they were to go, was very long in preparing through want of mony; which the Vice-Roy was very diligent to raise, both from the Merchants, and also from the Gentiles, who consented to pay a certain Annual Summ, (or else a greater once for all) that Li∣cence might be granted them to celebrate Marriages in Goa, ac∣cording to their own Rite, which ordinarily was not allowed them. But all these courses were not sufficient to dispatch the Fleet with that diligence which was desired; and in the mean time it was said, that many Dutch or English Ships infested the Ports of Ciaul, Bassaim, and Dabul, without controll; by all which it appears to me, that matters in India go every day from bad to worse.

October the one and thirtieth, News came to Goa that Melik [ XIII] Ambar, who a good while had succesfully warr'd against Adil-Sciah, at length in a victory had taken one Mulla Muhhamed, General of Adil-Sciah's Army, and much favor'd by him; who by his ill ••meanor towards the said Melik, (even so far as to en∣deavor to g•• him poyson'd) was the occasion of the present Warr, wherein Melik's chief intent was to revenge himself of the said Mulla Muhhamed: Whom being thus taken, they say, he beheaded and caus'd him in that manner to be carry'd about his Camp with this Proclamation; That this Traytor Mulla Muh∣hamed, the cause of the Warr, and present discords between Adil-Sciah and Nizam-Sciah, (to whom this Melik is Governour) otherwise Friends and Allies, was thus in the Name of his Lord Adil-Sciah, as a Traytor and disturber of the publick Peace, put to death. By which act Melik meant to signifie that he had no evil intention against Adil-Sciah, but onely took up Arms for the mischiefs done him by Mulla Muhhamed, whom he desir'd to re∣move from the Government of Adil-Sciah and the world. Yet it was not known how Adil-Sciah receiv'd this action, and what end the business would have. In this Warr, they say, the Moghol favor'd Adil-Sciah against Melik, and supply'd him with 20000. Horse: but, be that how it will, Adil-Sciah hath hitherto always gone by the worst, and some-times been in great danger; Melik, who is a brave Captain, having over-run all the State almost to the Gates of Vidhiapor, which is the Royal City of Adil-Sciah, where he hath sometimes been forc'd to shut himself up as 'twere besieg'd. A few moneths before, Adil-Sciah put one of his prin∣cipal Wives to death, for intelligence which she was said to hold with Melik, and for having been a party in promoting this Warr, out of design to remove Adil-Sciah from the Govern∣ment, as one become odious to his own people, either through Page  222 his covetousness or inability (being infirm) and place his Son in his room, who therefore was in danger too of being put to death by his Father, when the conspiracy was discover'd. Fur∣ther news came that Adil-Sciah had deposed from the govern∣ment, and imprison'd the Governour of the maritime Territo∣ries bordering upon Goa, who had lately given the Portugals so many disgusts; which seem'd to signifie that he was minded to give them some satisfaction: that he had given the place to Cho∣gia Riza or Rezeb a Persian, lately Governour of Dabul, who being in greater imployments at Court will send a Deputy, and from whom being prudent, and formerly a friend to the Portu∣gals, they hope better dealings.

November the first, The Confraternity della Misericordia made a solemn Procession in the evening (as they use to do yearly up∣on this day) going with two Biers from their own Church to the Church of our Lady de la Luz, to fetch the bones of all such as had been executed this year, and buried under the Gal∣lows; which they carry in Procession, first to this latter, and then to their own Church to bury, where also they make solemn Exe∣quies for them.

November the second, In the Evening the Dominicans made their solemn Procession del Rosario with much Solemnity, and so also the next morning, having deferr'd the same fr•• the first Week of October till now, because the rain 〈◊〉 disturb it in October. This day news came to Goa, that a Ship belonging to the Mogul's subjects, at her departing for Gidda from the Port of Diu, had there given security to return to the same Port to pay the usual Customs to the Portugals which would have amounted to above five thousand Scierifines; but the Ministers of Diu con∣tented with small security, which was no more then four thousand Scierifines: yet when the said Ship came back very rich, she would not touch at Diu, little caring to discharge the small security, but put in at a place upon that Coast belonging to the Mogul between Diu and Cambaia. The Portugals, understanding this, sent the Armada of Diu consisting of small Vessels with Oars, to fetch her in to Diu by force; and the Ship refusing to obey, they fell to fighting. In the fight those of the Ship kill'd amongst others the chief Commander of the Portugal Armada; yet the Arma∣da so beset the Ship that they first forc't her to run on shore, and then burn't her. It was not true that the General was slain; the Ship was taken indeed, but empty; the Moors having had time to save most of their wealth upon Land, but however they suf∣fer'd much dammage. By this accident it may be doubted whe∣ther some disgust be not likely to ensue between the Mogul and the Portugals; and I know not whether it may not somewhat re∣tard the Portugal Armada and Cafila which was ready to set sail for Cambaia.

November the fourth, The Armada of Colletta departed from Goa to fetch provision; it was to go to Cocin, and therefore the Page  223 newly consecrated Arch-Bishop of Serra, imbarqu'd in it to go to his residence; so also did F. Andrea Palmiero, Visitor of the Jesu∣its, my friend, to visit that his Province; and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian, with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there. The same day, an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arriv'd there from Mascat, and also a Ship from Bassora; both which report∣ted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege, so that many Moor's, soldiers, escap'd out of the Town to Ruy Freira; after whose arrival, the Siege proceeded prosperously for us, with good order and much hope; yet in case the succours were sent from Goa, which Ruy Freira very importunately desir'd. At Bassora, they said, all was quiet. This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa, being ready to depart out of In∣dia (if it please God) within a few dayes, and desirous to return to my Country, where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to my self at my revisiting our dear Ita∣ly. However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures, to the end my Letters may forerun me, and be the harbingers of my arrival. I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore, and Signor. Colletta, and those other Gentlemen my friends, who, I am confident, accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival; from whom wishing of you all happi∣ness, I rest, &c.

LETTER IX.

From MascatJanuary 19. 1625.

HAving determin'd to return to my Country, not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora, and from thence by land to A∣leppo, which seem'd to me the best and shortest; and having accord∣ingly obtain'd licence of the Viceroy, (who in this and other mat∣ters hath always done me many favours) which licence was neces∣sary, because in Goa 'tis rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europ by this way of Turky; and being prepared with every thing neces∣sary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia, in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora, I resolv'd to embarque in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul, intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora. In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends, and at last got the Viceroy's licence, who was then at Pangi, and gave me certain Letters of impor∣tance written to his King, which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome, that he might transmit the same to his Master; on the fifteenth of November about evening, I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea, and Page  224 there went aboard the Ship I had taken, whereof Francesco Gomez was Captain.

In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin, Eugenia Cingala her servant, a Venetian Merchant, my Friend nam'd Marc' Antonio Lanza, whom I took for my company, with his servant nam'd Giovanni, Michael a servant given me by Sig: An∣tonio Baracho, to accompany me to Rome, a trusty person, to whom he had therefore given liberty; and another ser∣vant of his, nam'd Giovan Boracho, who was to accompany me onely to Ciaul, whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him.

November the sixteenth, Before day we set sail, and met the Armada of Chebore, Diu Bossaria, and Ciaul, (Countries on the North of Goa) sailing to Goa; at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks, call'd Los Ilheos quemados. Our course was alwayes Northwards, the Land alwayes winding from us on the Right Hand.

November the twentieth, We set sail about day-break, and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul, be∣cause the wind was contrary, in a Bay, where there is a Vil∣lage call'd Pascet; here we stay'd three dayes in expectation of some ill-arm'd Vessels of the Cafila, which lagg'd behind.

On the four and twentieth at night, We enter'd the Port of Ciaul, which is within the jaws of a fair River. I sent my servant to look for a House, and in the mean time remain'd for this night in the Ship, but the next day we landed with all our Goods.

November the nine and twentieth, News came to Ciaul that [ II] Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz, with intent to help the Persians against the Portugals; it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia, to have a share of that place, and to inhabit it. Some said the Ships were four; others, that seven more were preparing at Surat, with a Petache for the same design, either all Dutch, or Dutch and Eng∣lish together. Be it as it will, the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz, before the Portugal Armada, I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place; for 'tis difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it, which may be done in one day; and being done, 'tis suf∣ficient to prolong the Warr and the Siege for another year. And if it be true, that so many Ships of those Hereticks are going not onely to Ormuz, but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India, I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence; it being rumor'd not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make Warr upon Mascat, and to do great matters against the Portugals, which God forbid.

December the second, I went to view a Town of the Moors, subject to Nizam-Sciah, and his Governour Melik Ambar, and because near Ciaul, call'd Ciaul di Riba, that is, Upper Ciaul. The way leading to it is fair and handsome, amongst Groves of Page  225 Palms and other Fruit-trees, and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals. 'Tis a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles, espe∣cially near the Bazar or Market-place, where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing, according to the fashion of the Country, as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts, with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts. Beyond the Bazar, the Houses stand not so close together, but scatter'd here and there amongst Gardens, or rather woods of Palmes and other Fruit-trees, which are very thick, tall, and handsome, affording shadow to the streets all the way, which are broad, long, green, and very delightful. A little distant from the Bazar is a great Artificial Lake or Cistern, surrounded, as their custom is, with stone stairs; they call it Tanle Nave Nagher. The Moors for the most part dwell near the Bazar towards the River, which passes not far off, and is navigable seven or eight leagues upwards: Here also the Mahometans have their Meschita's, hot Baths, (which the Gentiles use not, because they wash themselves publickly in their Cisterns), and places of Sepulture; a Dogana, or Custom-house; and lastly, a Divan, or Court of Justice, and what-ever belongs to their Government.

Most of the Gentiles, who are the greatest part, live in Houses re∣mote [ III] from the Bazar, amongst Gardens and Trees, where in several places they have sundry Temples of their Idols, as one principal, which I saw, of Zagadanba a Goddess, who, they say, is the same with Leksemi, Wife of Visenu; another good one dedicated to Amrut Suer, who, they say, is the same with Maha∣deu, and is figur'd by a round stone like him of Cambaia. Other Temples I saw of Neraiena, and others of their Idols; but the greatest and chiefest of all, both for esteem and devotion, stands remote from the Bazar upon the way to Ciaul of the Portugals, and is dedicated to Rami, or Ramisuer; it adjoynes to a great Artificial Lake or Cistern, each side whereof is about 73 of my paces, environ'd after the usual fashion with banks and stairs of stone, leading down to the surface of the water; there are also round about it very broad walks shadow'd with high, thick, and goodly Trees, which make the place opacous and very lovely. In the front of the Temple next the Cistern, under a Cupolet supported by four Pilasters, is the statue of an Ox or Bull sitting with all the four Legs gather'd under it, being the same that I saw in Canara, call'd Basuana, but here Nandi; they told me, it was a Male, and different from Gaietry Vasca, which was the Wife of Rama. The head and breast of this figure looks towards the Gate of the Temple, the back and tayl towards the Cistern; and the Gentiles who come to visit this Temple, first go down to wash their Face, Hands, and feet in the Cistern, and then come to kiss and touch with their Head in token of Reverence, (or at least with their Hands reverently bow'd down after their man∣ner) Page  226 the tayle of the said Nandi; after which they put off their Pantofles, and so enter the Temple bare-foot to pray and worship after their manner; of which I have else-where spoken. Some go round about the Temple before they enter, beginning from the right side, and coming about to the left, as I said before they did also at Canara in their Processions and Ceremonies. Others offer Fruits and other things to the Idols, or else strew grains of Rice before them in Oblation: The like they do to the Statue of the Ox Nandi, and also to a Sprig of Basil, planted there upon a square Pedestal of earth, on one side of the little Chap∣pel of Nandi. There stand also upon the Lake, and other-where about the Temple, many other little Chappels inclos'd with walls, having several Idols in them. In one behind the Temple stands the Idol of the Scimione Haniment, in his usual and ridi∣culous Figure of an Ape, and sitting like a Man; and indeed, 'tis strange that these wretched people are not asham'd to wor∣ship such things. This Haniment was one of those Scimioni, or Apes which helped Rama to recover his Wife, for which service they merited Divine Honours; and therefore 'twas reason he should here have a place near the Temple of Rama, which re∣sembles the subjoyned Plat-form.

Page  227

[illustration]

    Page  228
  • 1. The Street or High-way.
  • 2. The Gate leading to the Cistern.
  • 3. The place about the same.
  • 4. Gardens and Groves about the said Street.
  • 5. The Cistern or Artificial Lake.
  • 6. Stairs about it.
  • 7. Another Gate leading out of the Street or High-way to the Temple.
  • 8. The open space where the Temple stands, enclos'd towards the Street with walls, and else-where with Gardens.
  • 9. The Statue of Bue Nandi, under his Cupolet upon a pave∣ment some-what rais'd from the ground.
  • 10. A Pedestal with a sprig of Basil.
  • 11. The Entrance of the Temple.
  • 12. A little Porch of the same.
  • 13. The Temple-Gate.
  • 14. The Temple, empty within, saving that it hath a few wooden figures of Idolets, or other things.
  • 15. A wall'd Inclosure or Penetral within the Temple, which I saw not, wherein is the Statue of Rama.
  • 16. The little Chappel of the Idol Haniment.
  • 17. Little Chappels of other Idols, to which certain Gioghi, who stand there to beg Alms, sometimes repair.
  • 18. Other little Houses, perhaps, belonging to the Ministers of the Temple.
  • 19. A great Tree with a round bank of Earth about it, where oftentimes some Gioghi sit reading and contemplating after their manner; of which sort of Trees many are planted in this inclos'd space.

I was one day at this Temple, (whither I often went for [ IV] Recreation) and I saw many Men and Women come to worship, and wash themselves in the Lake; some of the Women were young and handsome, yet shun'd not being seen by any one that pass'd by. There came also many Mainati, that is, Washers, both Men and Women to wash their clothes here, and, in brief, I took much pleasure, and sometimes dined and spent the whole day here, enjoying the shadow of the Trees, and the coolness of the Lake. It would be too long to speak here of the Idols of these Gentiles, how many, and what they are; perhaps I shall one day communicate something to the world about the princi∣pal of them in another Language.

December the seventh, My Friend Sig: Antonio Baracho arrived at [ V] Ciaul as I expected; he came by the Vice-Roy's Order to make provision for the Galeoons which were sending to Ormuz, being seven well armed Ships, daily expected to arrive there.

December the ninth, Sig: Antonio having dispatched his busi∣ness at Ciaul, and taken Order for my imbarquing in the above Page  229 mentiond Vessel that was going to Bassora, whereof one Antonio Giovanni was Captain; and his much business which he had to do for the Armada at Bassaim, requiring haste in the Evening he departed in the same Almadia or Shallop wherein he came: Our separation was not without tears, and much regret on both sides; but I was something comforted, by his promise of vi∣siting me at Rome as soon as he could get leave to go to Portugal about his other Affairs.

December the fifteenth, The Galeoons of the Armada of Goa arrived at Ciaul; they were but six, and said that two more were coming after them, and that they had Orders, in case they un∣derstood the Ships of the Enemies were already departed from Surat to Ormuz, (as indeed they were) not to go after them, (be∣cause it would be a vain thing to think of hindering the sup∣plying of Ormuz with Victuals, since it might be done if they arrived there but one day before the Portugals) but to go directly to Surat to try what dammage they could do there. But in case the Enemies Ship were not yet gone from Surat to Ormuz, then to go directly to Ormuz as speedily as they could, and get thither before them, and hinder the besieged place from being succoured; which 'twas impossible for Ruy Freira to do only with his small Vessels of Oars. Now according to these orders (the Dutch Ships being already gone from Surat to Or∣muz, as is abovesaid) it was held fit at Ciaul that the Galeoons should without more ado go to Surat, and after they had there done what mischief they could to the Enemies, then sail to Ormuz.

December the sixteenth, The Ship wherein I was to imbarque, being to set sail the night following, I put my Goods aboard, and having taken leave of my Friends, I was accompanied to the Sea-side by Sig. Luigi Cabreira, from whom I separated with ma∣ny embraces, and much regret on either side. As soon as I was in the Ship the Captain weighed Anchor, intending to set sail as soon as we should have a good wind, although the Captain of Ciaul sent a publick Notary to the Captain of our Ship not to go out of the Port this night, the service of the King so requiring; I believe it was, that we might stay for some other Ships which were to go out the next morning, to the end we might go alto∣gether more secure from the Malabars, the greatest dangers of whom is at the going out of Ports, about which they lie wai∣ting, and near the Land where they ply up and down, more then in the main Sea. We had no wind in the night, and there∣fore went not out of the Port.

December the seventeenth, In the morning we set out of the [ VI] Port with a small gale, and at the same time three or four other Ships set forth for several parts. We had not sail'd far, but we descry'd some Vessels coming towards us, which we took for Pirats, and therefore prepar'd to fight them; but at length we lost sight of them, and hois'd the great sail, directing our course Page  230 almost Northwest; having first rehears'd the Litanies of our La∣dy, and invok'd the Divine Assistance, and her's, propitious to our Voyage.

December the twenty third, Having hitherto sail'd prosperously, we came to the altitude of twenty three degrees and a half, un∣der the Tropick of Cancer, leaving the Torrid Zone, under which I had been travelling in sundry parts for about a year and ten Months. Here the wind fail'd us, and we had as quiet a Sea as uses to be at the shores of Italy in the Month of August. We began to find the Sky, which hitherto we had seen constantly clear, (as it uses to be in India during these Months) now inter∣stinguish'd with clouds: and, in short, the mutation of the Climate was manifest. The Coast of Arabia, for which we were bound, could not be far off; but we could not get to discover it for want of wind.

December the twenty seventh, Having hitherto been becalm'd, without advancing but rather being driven backwards by the contrary current of the water; the Portugals, as their custom is, after reciting the Litanies, and praying to God, and Sant' Antonio of Padua, (to whom they bear great devotion) to give us a good wind, intended to bind a little Image of the said S. Anthony which they carry'd in the Ship, as if to imprison it: for thus they use to do, when they would obtain any favour, as if they meant to force it, threatning not to loose it till he grant them what they demand. They intended, I say, to bind S. Anthony that he might give us a good wind; but forbore to do it upon the Pilot's instance, who pass'd his word for the Saint, telling them that he was so honest that without being bound or captivated, he would do what they desir'd. This manner of demanding of fa∣vours of S. Antonio of Padua, is much in use amongst the Portu∣gals, especially the meaner sort of ignorant and superstitious Mariners; though amongst us 'tis a vain thing. A barbarous Su∣perstition indeed; but yet such as sometimes, through the faith and simplicity of those that practise it, uses to be heard.

December the twenty eighth, We had a wind sufficiently brisk and impetuous, yet not only not favourable but altogether con∣trary; so that we could neither bear up against it, nor yet cast anchor because we were in the main Sea, which growing rough and tempestuous, we were forc't to furl our sails, and suffer the Ship to be driven whither the wind pleas'd, which was South∣wards, not without fear falling upon Mombaza, or some other remote Coast of Africk, and consequently suffering shipwrack, and a thousand other Dysasters.

December the twenty ninth, The Captain, with the others of the Ship resolv'd at length to bind S. Anthony, and as chance would have it, it prov'd well; for the wind chang'd, and we sail'd prosperously in our right course all day, and part of the night. A little before mid-night we discover'd the Coast of A∣rabia so neer that we cast anchor in haste for fear of the Shallows Page  231 which are thereabouts. In the morning we saw the Land naked both of Trees and Grass, but rather stony in appearance and De∣sart, although it was part of that Arabia which they call Happy.

December the thirtieth, We began to move forward East South-East, having the Land on the left hand; but a sudden contrary wind arising forc't us to cast anchor again in the place where we were, not without danger; for in the furling of the sail, through the negligence of the Sea-men, it wrapt about the Mast, the wind blowing very furiously against the fore-deck; so that had the Vessel been less sound and strong-sided, or some of the Passengers less diligent to help, it had been overturn'd and sunk, like the Ship of Orontes in the shipwrack of Aeneas, which Virgil describes to have been lost by the like casualty. At night, the contrary wind ceasing, we proceeded in our intended course.

December the one and thirtieth, The wind failing, we cast an∣chor, but in an unsecure place, not without danger of being split upon the shore, whither in spight of our anchors the wind hurri'd us; but tacking about, we got to a more secure place, near that from whence we had mov'd the day before.

On the first of January, and of the year 1625, We stood at [ VII] anchor till night, and then made a little progress; but all the next day we stood at anchor again, and took very good fish; and at night a little wind blowing from the Land, we went forwards now and then, but very little.

January the eighth, Having all the preceding days been about the Coast of Arabia, casting anchor every day, and weighing again at night; (during which, a Boat of Arabians brought us much fresh fish, and an Arabian came swimming to us a great way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket, which we gave him) at length having a good wind this day after noon, we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso, because 'tis neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad, but is not it. At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad, that is, the Cape of the Confine, because 'tis the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia, being, as they say, in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards, and distant from Mascat, whither we were going, forty leagues; the Portugals call it cor∣ruptly Capo di Rosalgate. Having pass'd this Cape, we steer'd Northwest, still upon the coast of Arabia which lies all the way on the left hand, and enter'd the Persian Gulph, but saw not the opposite Continent of Persia, because for a good way inwards the Gulph is very broad.

January the seventh, Having in the night foregoing had a good wind, by day-light we were got eighteen leagues beyond the Cape, near the place where the City of Calatat, which Al∣buquerque destroy'd, sometimes stood, upon a good River, at the foot of certain little Mountains, of which almost the whole coast consists. Here the wind fail'd us, and having labour'd with the oar all day, we got no further then Teive, a place inhabited Page  232 by Arabians. At night we were troubled with rain, which pas∣sing through all covers, wetted us sufficiently, and kept us from sleeping. The next day we hois'd sail, and had scarce dry'd our Clothes, but more rain surpriz'd us; and through want of wind all the day, we did not get so far as Curiat, which lyes eight Leagues forward, and twelve short of Mascat.

On the eleventh of the same Moneth, having no wind, we made use of Oars, till we came to an Anchor a little beyond Curiat; and the next day hoising sail, we pass'd by an Island call'd Scoglio di Curiat, sailing through a narrow arm of the Sea which divides it from the Continent, which is all stony and full of Cliffs, like the fair Mountain Posilippo near Naples in Italy. Before night we cast Anchor a little beyond; for our Oars helpt the Ship but little; being only serviceable to such heavy Vessels to sur∣pass a Cape, or get into a Port, or the like, in case of need for a short way. At night we weigh'd Anchor, and soon afterwards cast it again, having made but little way.

January the thirteenth, Having sail'd all day, and pass'd the Tropick of Cancer, we enter'd the Northern Temperate Region, and towards night arriv'd at the Port of Mascat, which is well clos'd and encompass'd about with little Mountains, but lyes open to the North-west, whereby it receives much dammage. The Town, whereof the least part are wall'd Houses, and the greatest onely sheds made of Palm-boughs, stands directly in the innermost recess of the Port, surrounded behind with Moun∣tains; amongst which, nevertheless, there want not wayes of access to it from the in-land parts; so that, to secure their Houses from the incursions of the Arabians, they had in my time begun to raise an earthern wall, but plain and weak, with a few Basti∣ons, very distant one from another; which wall, drawn from Mountain to Mountain, incloses and secures their Houses on that side, as the Sea doth on the opposite and inaccessible little Moun∣tains on the two other sides. On the top of one of these Moun∣tains, on the right hand as you enter the Port, stands the Castle, difficult indeed to be taken by assault or otherwise then by Fa∣mine, if well defended; for though the wall be not very strong, yet the natural situation secures it, and it hath a Plat-form le∣vell'd to the Sea, whereby it defends the Port with Artillery, and is descended to from the Castle by a cover'd Ladder, which is very good. On the other side of the Port, upon another Mountain stands another Port of less consideration, having been anciently the Castle; yet it hath Artillery, and may be of some advantage. The Town is small, but for its bigness sufficiently peopled, especially since the loss of Ormuz, from whence many repair hither. The people is mix'd of Portugals, Arabians, In∣dians, Gentiles, and Jews. It hath onely two Churches; one which is the See of the Vicar, who is no Priest but an Augustine Fryer; one of their Covent, alwayes coming to officiate there, and to discharge the place of Vicar and Parish-Priest: the other Page  233 is of Augustine Fryers, where live about four of that Order, and both are dedicated to our Lady, with several Titles; to wit, that of the Fryers Della Gratia; and the other, Del Rosario. The Captain lives not always in the Castle by reason of the incon∣venience of its situation, but onely during the hotter monthes of Summer for coolness; for upon the lower ground the heat is insupportable, both because the Climate is of it self hot, and because the dwellings lie in a low and inclos'd place, encompas∣sed, as I said, with Mountains, which keep off all wind, and re∣verberate the Sun more strongly; besides that, the Soil is dry and saltish, which consequently increases the heat. The Cap∣tain whom I found there, was call'd Sig: Martino Alfonso de Melo. I also found dwelling here a Nephew, or Brother's Son of the Captive King of Ormuz, whose Father was also King of the same place before this Brother of his, who is at this day prisoner in Persia. This Nephew, they told me, was call'd after his Uncle's Name Muhhamed-Sciah; and the Portugals make him be acknowledg'd Prince in Arabia by all the Arabians that were lately subject to the King of Ormuz, and are now exempt from the oppression of the Persians or Rebellion, as nearest Kinsman and lawfullest Heir (of any now at liberty) to the imprison'd King. At the same time of our Arrival, there was also at Mascat upon his journey Hhabese-Chan, Ambassador of the King of Dacan, Nizam-Sciah, who was returning to his Master from Persia, where he had been many years with Sciah-Abbas. It being night when we arriv'd at Mascat, we went not ashore; onely the Captain of the Ship was sent for by the Governour to speak with him, and give him account of his purposes.

Remaining in the Ship this night, and for my Recreation ob∣serving [ VIII] the Stars a little before day, I beheld (as I had at other times in India) the Austral Cross, which the Spaniards call Crucero, and is the nearest visible Constellation to the Southern Pole, ser∣ving in the other Hemisphere as the Pole-Star of the North doth in ours; so that this Cross is discerned even in the parallel of Mascat, which is in the Elevation of 23 derees 36′.7″. Indeed it appears low, but a little above the Horizon. I noted here that in these Indian Seas this Cross is seen at the time above-said, (to wit, a little before day, very erect; for it rises late in the night, and at first appears a-thwart, till the Heaven wheeling about with a short circle, a little before day it appears in its erect Figure, which is of this form,

[illustration]
consisting of 4 stars dispos'd in this manner, three of which are greater and more luminous, and one, to wit, that of the Western arm, is less and more obscure when the Cross is erect. The Canopus which is not visible in our Countries, we had here very high above the Hori∣zon, and it appear'd in the beginning of the night.

January the fourteenth, Having procur'd a Lodging, about Page  234 noon I landed with my people, and went to possess it. In the Evening I visited the Veador de Fazenda, or Treasurer, Sig: Ni∣colo da Silva my Friend, and known to me many years in Persia; who at first not knowing me, was afterwards much pleas'd to see me here safe and sound.

January the fifteenth, I visited the Captain or Governour of Mascat, in whose House I found lodg'd Sig: Don Francesco Contigno Covacio, my Friend, at Goa, who upon some disgusts be∣tween himself and the Vice-Roy, came in the same Armada that I did to Ciaul, and from thence hither, in Order to go to the siege of Ormuz.

January the seventeenth, I was visited by the F. Provincial of the Augustines in Manil, whom I had seen, but not convers'd with at Goa, and who was going onely to Bassora. His conver∣sation was very pleasing to me, because he was a person of much and various Erudition, both in Mathematicks and History; be∣sides that he was also an excellent Preacher.

January the eighteenth, At noon I took the Altitude of the Sun, whom I found forty four degrees distant from the Zenith, being this day in the 27th degree of Capricorn, according to Ori∣ganus, and declining from the Aequinoctial towards the South 20 degrees 23′.53″. which taken from 44 degrees, leave 23 de∣grees 36′.7″. So that Mascat lyes 23 degrees 36′.7″. distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North; and consequently, hath the North-Pole so much elevated. The same day a Petache arriv'd from Ormuz, bringing News of the Arrival there of ten Ships from Surat, namely, six Europaean Men of War, and four Merchant Ships of Moors and other people; so that with those formerly arriv'd, there were at Ormuz between English and Dutch ten Ships of War, and the Portugal Armada not yet arriv'd. This Petache, they say, Ruy Freira sent to Mascat, to avoid falling amongst so many Enemies, being alone. He stay'd still there with his Vessels of Oars, yet with no hope of hindring Ormuz from being reliev'd both with Men, Ammunition, and Victual at their pleasure.

January the nineteenth, I went to see a Village of the Arabi∣ans, a little distant from Mascat, and call'd Kelbuh; it lyes without the Mountains that incompass the Castle and Houses of Mascat on the side towards Sohar; the way that leads to it, is a nar∣row passage, and because dangerous for the letting in of Enemies, the Portugals have wisely guarded it with a rampart, and some few pieces of Artillery. The Town is small, consisting onely of cottages or sheds made of Palm-boughs, and so low that one cannot stand upright in them, but onely sitting upon the ground after the manner of the Moors: yet for its bigness, it hath people enough; because this miserable sort of Men very wretchedly, but easily accommodate themselves to their own mode in any little place.

Page  235

LETTER X.

From Bassora,May 20. 1625.

OUr Ship being ready to depart for Bassora, and being to [ I] touch by the way about Ormuz, in order to consign some things to the General Ruy Freira, pertaining to the ser∣vice of the Armada; after all the rest that were to go were im∣barqu'd, (amongst which were Don Francesco Contigno Covacio, who intended for Ormuz; two bare-footed Carmelites, who were for Bassora; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia in the Philippine Islands, who was passing into Europe) I went aboard with my people at night, January the six and twentieth. Yet the Vessel went not off till the next day, and with no favourable wind we sail'd about six Leagues, casting Anchor at night not far from the shore.

January the eight and twentieth, Having sail'd a while, a con∣trary wind forc'd us to Anchor again; and indeed in this Persian Gulph, the wind is so inconstant, and with-all so strong, that if it happen to be contrary, there is little good to be done by con∣testing against it in this narrow Sea, but those that sail in it must in such case either cast Anchor, or be driven backwards. We anchor'd so near land, and in so little water, under a place call'd Sibo, about seven Leagues from Mascat, that the contrary wind increasing, and the Anchor not sufficing to retain the Ship, we were in great danger of being split upon the shore, to the loss of all our goods and perhaps lives too, the Coast being very craggy, and the Sea extremely rough. We were so near being lost, that the Ship almost toucht the ground; but a small sail, hanging on the rope which runs from the top of the Mast to the Stern, and is call'd by the Portugal's Sabaco sav'd us; which sail alone we could make use of, to keep off the shore; though it being small, and the Vessel heavy, it suffic'd not to move it much. The A∣rabians were already gathered together in great number upon the shore to get the booty, and perhaps also to take our persons in case the Ship should be split; for in these troublesom times of war they were here but little friends to the Portugals of Mascat. But at length, as it pleas'd God, by the help of Oars and the diligence of Sig. Franc. Contigno Covacio (who in many things supply'd the ignorance or negligence of other Officers of the Ship) we turn'd-about the Stern of the Ship to the Sea, and being deliver'd from imminent danger, had time to hoise the Trinket to the wind, as before we could not, because it was on the other side of the Mast, which they call Under-the-wind, and could not be brought about without more time then our sudden and present danger permitted. After which, because the wind so requir'd, and it was dangerous going ashore for water among the Arabians,Page  236 we determin'd to return to Mascat; and having pass'd the Island della Vittoria, (so call'd from a notable Victory obtain'd by the Portugals against an Armada of Turkish Galleys which came to make war upon Mascat) about-evening we re-entred the port of Mascat; where our Ship falling foul upon another Ship that rode there at anchor, we became in a new danger of suffering shipwrack or at least, some considerable dammage. Many went ashore to sleep there all night; but being our departure was to be spee∣dily, I only sent my servants to fetch me some refreshment.

January the thirtieth, The Ship having taken water, and all our company imbarqu'd, at four a clock afternoon we set sail again from Mascat, and about Ave-Mary-time repass'd the Island della Vittoria (which lies only two leagues from Mascat) sailing between it and the Continent: as we had done before.

[ II] January the one and thirtieth, As we were sailing with a small wind, we descry'd a Sail a far off, which seeing us, discharg'd a Gun, as a sign for us to stay till it came up to us: whence we un∣derstood it to be one of Ruy Freira's Fleet; for by custom the Ships of war in India do thus, and other Merchant-Ships are oblig'd to stay and obey; if not, the War-ship may sink them. Accordingly we stay'd, and by the help of Oars it presently made towards us. Wherein I observ'd the little Military Discipline, and good or∣der practis'd by the Portugals in India; for there was all the reason in the world, that, if we stay'd the coming up of this Ship, according to the custom, yet we should not have trusted it till we knew what it was; for it might have been an Enemy or a Rover, as there are many in these Seas, who being Portugals by Nation, and banish'd for some misdemeanors, betake themselves to carry Pepper, Arms, and other prohibited things to the Territories of the Moors. Wherefore to secure our selves from all deceit and dammage, which such a Ship feigning to be of Ruy Freira's Armada might have done us, we should have stay'd in∣deed, but it ought to have been with our Arms in our Hands, Falcons, Corchabuses, and Muskets loaden; and, in short, in a posture of defence and fighting, as occasion requir'd. On the contrary, this good Discipline was observ'd neither on our part, nor by the Vessel which came to see who we were; which im∣prudent confidence, though it succeeded well in this case, yet was undeniably a great and perillous error; and had the event been ill, it could not have been excus'd otherwise then by saying, Non putaram, a word) (according to Cicero, very little besitting Prudent Men. This Vessel of the Armada demanded of us water and Mariners. Now amongst the Portugals, tis a custom for these War-ships to take from Merchants which they meet what they please, either by fair means or by foul; although 'tis but a disorderly thing, and many inconveniences happen by it. Of water we gave them two barrels, but no Mariners, because we had few enough for our selves, and they took them not by force, (as they would perhaps have done from others) out of respect to Page  237 Sig: Coutigno, who was in the Ship with us; and the rather be∣cause we told them, we were going to carry Provisions to Ruy Freira, who, they informed us, was retreated into the Island of Larek, and that the Armada of Goa was not yet arriv'd, and also that themselves were going to Mascat for Provisions. In the Evening, we met a Terrada, or Bark of Ruy Freira's Fleet, going likewise to Mascat, by which we understood the same News.

February the first, The wind turning contrary, we cast anchor at distance from land for more security, the shore being all the way on our left hand.

February the second, Though the wind became somewhat fa∣vourable, [ III] we weigh'd not anchor, because we were to land an Augustine Fryer at Sohar, of which place he was Curate; and neither we nor the Pilot knowing whether we had pass'd Sohar, or not; nor yet what Land it was where we were, therefore we sent our Boat ashore to inquire; it brought word that Sohar lay a little more forward, and thereupon it was remitted to carry the said Fryer on shore, that so he might ride thither on a Camel by Land. This business took up all the day. At night we set sail, but with no favourable wind, so that we were constrain'd to anchor again a little further; till about midnight, the wind ••∣sing a little in our favour we set forwards. The land in this place is a low Plain, as the word Sohar signifies; yet we saw abun∣dance of hills at a great distance from the shore. Sohar is four and twenty leagues from Mascat.

February the sixth, Having by the help of Oars with much dif∣ficulty come to Chursakan, which is twelve leagues beyond Sohar, in the morning we sail'd under Doba which lies three leagues further. The Portugals had not so much confidence in the people as to think fit to enter into the Port, but resolv'd to go three leagues onwards to a secure place of friendly Arabians call'd Lima. The coast of Doba is mountainous, and the Town stands behind a Promontory which runs far into the Sea. Here we first discern'd the opposite coast of the Persian Gulph, from whence rather rowing then sailing, by Sun-set we came to an an∣chor under Lima. Many of our Ships went ashore, some to fetch provisions, of which they found but little store, and others to refresh themselves.

I was not in a condition to do the like, being in bed under deck by reason of an Ague; as also was Mariam Tinatim; so that nei∣ther of us could so much as look up to behold the Land.

February the seventh, We pass'd by the Cape of Mosendom, at the point of which stand two or three Rocks one further then another into the Sea. That nearest the Cape is greatest, and the remotest is the least, which they call Baba Selam; the Moorish Sea-men when they pass by it, salute it with many shouts of joy.

Page  238 [ IV] Having pass'd by this Cape, (which is, as I believe within ten or twelve leagues of Ormuz) leaving Ormuz and Bender di Kombra on the right hand, (because we presum'd the Dutch and English Ships to be there) we directed our course towards Larek, hoping to find Ruy Freira there, as we had understood by the way; but a little after, we descry'd two Ships of Ruy Freira's Ar∣mada (as we suppos'd) in two several places towards the Land; each of which gave us a Gun; whereby we apprehended that they intended either to receive or give us some necessary Ad∣vertisement. Wherefore quitting our course to Larek, we turn'd the Stern to the coast of Arabia, towards which one of the said Ships about Sun-set seem to be retir'd. We approach't near the Land about Evening, and passing amidst certain Rocks, went to cast anchor within a little bay which was there; but in the narrow streight between a Rock and the Continent, a most im∣petuous current of the Sea hurri'd us away so furiously, that without giving us time to let down the sail, it had almost dash't us against the foot of certain high Rocks, where, if we had touch't, without doubt our Ship had been split in a thousand pieces, nor had any one of us escap't with life unless by miracle: nevertheless by plying our Oars stoutly, and at length letting down the sail, by God's mercy we were delivered from this im∣minent and manifest danger. Yet not so fully, but that we had like to have been cast upon another Rock, not so much through the violence of the Current, as the negligence of the Sea-men who did not govern the Sails and Helm well. But at length, be∣ing by the Divine Assistance freed from both dangers, we got to the place we design'd, and there found one of Ruy Freira's Ships which had given us a Warning-piece in the preceding day; and also an armed Bark of that sort which they call Terrankim, and are almost such as our Caichi or Shallops; which Bark Ruy Freira sent to the Rock Baba Selam there to wait for the Armada of Goa, and advertise him when it arriv'd. In the Ship was Sig. Sancho di Toar, who the last year had been sent from Goa Gene∣ral of certain Ships to assist Ruy Freira, and being weary of the war, now with his licence (obtain'd, as may be thought, by importunity) was returning to Mascat, and so to Goa, with se∣venty or eighty soldiers that accompani'd him. After we had cast anchor, although it was very dark, yet some of the said soldiers, and the Captain of the Terranquim came to our Ship to speak with Don Francesco Cavacio; so also did the Captain of the Ship, the abovesaid di Toar, next morning. Don Francesco dis∣swaded the soldiers from deserting the war in a time of so great need, and of so fair an occasion as would be at the coming of the Armada of Goa, which was approaching hourly; telling them that at Goa it would be held an action little honourable, and that the Vice-Roy would severely punish whoever return'd thither abandoning Ruy Freira: In short, he said so much to them, that being assur'd of the coming of the Fleet of Goa,Page  239 which before they disbeliev'd and accounted only a report to keep the soldiers in suspence) almost all of them chang'd their purpose, and resolv'd to continue at the war, after they had been at Mascat only to provide themselves some necessaries. Of such moment to the publick good is the authority and prudent dis∣course of a worthy person amongst people. We had news from them, that Ruy Freira had quitted Larek, because the English at the instance of the Persians had gone thither with their Ships to drive him thence; whereupon having first destroy'd certain Shops of Provision, which he had made there for convenience of the soldiers, and a weak Trench, he remov'd with his Ar∣mada of Oars to a desart station of Arabia a little beyond the place where we were, and there we should find him; that if we had gone to Larek, we should have incurr'd the danger of fal∣ling into the enemies hands; and therefore, as soon as they saw us, they shot off a Warning-piece to recall us from that bad way. They told us moreover, that before the Portugals were driven from Larek, Ruy Freira going one day with the greatest part of his Ships to make an appearance about Ormuz, a great Tempest arose, by which four Ships which he left at Larek, were driven upon the Rocks of the Island, and lost, with the death of many people; and that it was a great mercy of God that Ruy Freira was not there with his other Ships, because they would have been all lost, although they wanted not a share of trouble too by the tempest in the place where they were. Hence I concluded that misfortunes every day increas'd upon'the Portugals in India, so that I know not what good judgment can be made of their affairs for the future.

February the eighth, in the morning, We departed from the place where we were, and coasting along in less then an hour, we arriv'd at a little Island which they call delle Capre or delle Ga∣zelle, near the Continent of Arabia, almost within a Bay which affords an ample and secure Port for small Vessels. This place lies almost directly over against Ormuz, so that Ormuz will come to be sixty leagues distant from Mascat, and consequently eighteen from Lima. Here we found Ruy Freira with part of his Ships, of which some were mending; I say, Part, because he had sent some to the Cape of Giask to wait for the Armada of Goa, some to Mascat for Provision (of which he had but small store) and some to the Port of Guadel to scout, and some about other services. Assoon as we had cast anchor, Ruy Freira came in person to our Ship acompani'd by some of his Captains, and stay'd there between two and three hours receiving and distribu∣ting amongst them certain small provisions of Victual and Arms which were brought him; reading the Viceroy's Letters and many other which came to him from Goa, and discoursing with Don Francesco Contigno Cavacio, and others, giving them account of all his successes, and inquiring concerning the Armada and other things which we knew. And because we assur'd him, the Armada Page  240 could not be long before it arriv'd, since we came all together from Ciaul at the same time; he sent forth another Ship to meet it, with order to inform them where he was, and presently to re∣turn and advertise him of his arrival, that he might go out and joyn with it. I could not be present at all the Conversation, be∣cause I had my Ague and was in bed. Yet upon his coming, I arose and dress'd my self to wait upon him, as I did so long as I was able; but at length I was forc'd to retire, and only return'd to take leave of him when he departed. He made many com∣plements to me, telling me that he had long since had knowledg of my person by fame, and should always be ready to serve me upon any occasion; with other like Civilities. I offer'd him to shew him the Pass I had from the Viceroy, because I had heard him say in discourse how strictly the Viceroy had charg'd him not to let any one pass into the Territories of the Turks without his licence; but he would not look upon it, and told me it needed not for me, re-iterating that he was ready to serve me; to which civil language I answer'd in the best terms I could, signifying to him how great a while I had been desirous to see his person, and to serve him; The fame of his actions testifi'd to me by the mouths of his very enemies, and how he was spoken of at Goa both by the Viceroy and all others; all which he receiv'd as kindly as I did his obliging expressions. At length he return'd to his own Ship, taking with him Don Francesco Contigno Cavaccio, the F. Provincial of Maniglia, and divers others, to be enter∣tain'd there with him all the day; but I remain'd in bed with my Ague.

February the ninth, Having taken a Persian Pilot which Ruy [ VI] Freira gave us, (because the Portugal Pilots are not very skilful in the Persian Gulph, by reason of the multitude of shelves, and the inconstancy of the winds, which make it needful to have a Pilot of the Country) at night we put off from the abovesaid Island steering our course outwards. Almost at the same time Ruy Freira went with some of his Ships, leaving order for the rest to follow him as soon as they should be repair'd; and by the in∣ner way, to wit, by the channel between the Island and the Continent, went I know not where to take in water, intending afterwards to see how matters were at Ormuz, where there rode ten Ships of War, Dutch and English, partly under the Castle, and partly in Bender di Kombru, having already put what relief they pleas'd into the place.

February the tenth at evening, We arriv'd at a Bay which they call de 'i Limoni, from the multitude of Lemons growing in a Village hard by. And on the fifteenth of the same Month, having pass'd the Island call'd Tombo, another call'd by the Portugals Piloro, that is, the Ball; and lastly that which they call Cais, once famous for its competition with Ormuz, both in War, and the Traffick of India, but now altogether desolated by war, we wereby a con∣trary wind forc't to return somwhat backwards, and cast anchor Page  241 under the said Island Cais, which is forty Leagues from Ormuz. Some of our people went ashore to refresh themselves, but found nothing except a few Herbs, and a fruit like Goos-berries; which yet to us that were ill furnish'd with Provision were not unwel∣come. I must not omit here, that when we pass'd by the Bay of Lemons, we left the Coast of Arabia, and crost over to sail along the opposite Coast of Persia, which is the better way from from thence forward.

February the sixteenth, We departed from Cais, and at night certain Armenians who were in our Ship, were set a shore on the Persian side, in order to go to Nachilu, which was not far from thence, to meet certain companions of theirs who had gone before Mascat in another Ship with much common Merchandize.

February the seventeenth, A contrary wind repell'd our course backwards, so that we anchor'd under an uninhabited Island call'd Andreve, where we stay'd till the twentieth of the same Moneth, when the above-said Armenians, not finding their com∣panions at Nachilu, return'd to the Ship, and brought two Let∣ters from the Governour of that place; one to the Captain and all the rest in general, offering the Ship a free Port, and desiring us to sell our Merchandize there, because they had suffer'd much by war; that they would shew all good usage to the Portugals as Merchants; and in case we trusted him not so much as to go a shore, we might ride at Anchor in the open Sea, and they would send people and money to buy many things. The other Letter was directed to the Religious that were in the Ship, some of whom he had understood were minded to go to Sphahan; and therefore he promis'd them good and secure passage with all cour∣tesie. But neither did the Ship stay to sell any thing, nor the Religious think good to land in that place, for all those promises.

February the two and twentieth, Being at Anchor in a certain place, at night we descry'd some Vessels afar off, which we knew not what they were; and therefore weighing Anchor, and put∣ting our selves in a posture for fight, we row'd up to them. When we came near, we found them to be of those Persian Ves∣sels, which they call Terrats, (a kind of great bark, frequent in these Seas) laden with Dates and Victuals. Yet because they neither stay'd for us nor obey'd, we discharg'd some Falcons and many Muskets at them, without doing any hurt, because of those that shot none knew how to do it as they ought, but all was done with great confusion and disorder, as is usual amongst the Portugals, especially in our Ship, which was a Merchant and not a Man of War. So that the Persian Terrats went away un∣touch'd, and we not onely took them not, as we might easily have done, had our Ships been well arm'd and well-govern'd; but it seem'd also, that, had those Vessels had armed people, and a mind to assault us, they might easily have taken us, consider∣ng the little order and preparation for fight that I saw in our Sihip.

Page  242February the seven and twentieth, The wind not being good, [ VII] our Marriners, who were Indians, but of the Mahometan Religion, ty'd a bundle of clothes, which they said was the Old Man (but I know not what Old Man they meant) to one of the Ropes of the sails , and there fell to beat it vehemently, crying out to it, to give them a good wind; in the mean time, other Mariners desir'd him that beat it, to desist, saying that it would give them a good wind. This superstitious Ceremony, not unlike that above-mention'd of the Portugals binding S. Anthony of Padua, I was willing to insert for its strangeness; although through the ignorance of the Mariners themselves, who could give no other reason for it but that the custom was so; or because they would not tell us; I could not understand what Old Man it was that they beatt, under the figure of a bundle of Clothes, or from whom they demanded a good wind.

February the eight and twentieth, We were minded to take in water in the Country of Verdistan (a part of Persia), of which we had great need; but the people of the place prohibited us, repelling the boat from the shore with many Musket-shots. And being we had not Souldiers to land and take water by force, it behov'd us to have patience and depart without.

March the first, We put out to Sea, to avoid certain shelves that were neer the Persian shore, which here we found low and flat, whereas hitherto it had been all mountainous; at night, we came under Riscel, a Port of Persia in the state of Siraz, but no good one.

March the second, A little before night we came to an Anchor under the Island of Charg, which lyes distant from Cais 24 Giam. (A Giam is a measure us'd by the Arabian and Persian Pilots in the Per∣sian Gulph, containing three leagues; so that from Cais to Charg we had sayl'd 70 Leagues.) From Charg to Bassora, they told us, there remain'd eight Giam, and as many from Charg to Bahhaerein: The part of the Continent nearest Charg, is Bender Rich, belong∣ing, as I conceive, to the Country of Loristan, from which this Island is distant two Giam. We cast Anchor between Charg and another little Island which lyes to the North-west, and is call'd Chargia. Charg is a little Island having a Town of forty or fifty Houses, wherein there is a Meschita with the Sepulchre (vene∣rated by the Moors) of one Muhhammed Anefia, who, the people of the Island say, was one of the Descendents of Muhhammed. Because the Sea was very rough we did not go a shore; but a Por∣tugal Ship belonging to the Captain of Ciaul and bound for Bas∣sora, put in at the same Island.

March the fourth, We went on the other side of the Island to get water, of which we stood in great need; and my Ague having left me, I landed with the rest upon the Island, where I saw little besides the above-said Sepulchre, and others less venerable, which they said were of some of the familiars of him that was buried in the greater; there was also a Grotta cut out by hand in stone, Page  243 which by some carv'd work of the Frontis-piece, and the form within, seems to have been made for a Temple or place of burial, but now 'tis used onely as a stall for Cattel. The Island it self is low and plain; the Peasants sow it with Corn, Onyons, and a few other such things; but 'tis poor enough, the wealth of the Inhabitants consisting for the most part in the fish which they take. They speak the Persian Language, and indeed are Vassals of Persia, though by reason of their poverty they pay no Tribute to the Persians. They told me, that they are govern'd by a Chief, called, according the custom of the Arabians, Sceich, which dig∣nity descends from Father to Son; that in the war between the Persians and the Portugals, the former had intended to have built a Fort here, whereby to hinder the Portugal Ships from watering here as they passed by; but the Inhabitants excused themselves from it by their poverty; and by treating all parties alike friendly, they have escaped unmolested by any, and enjoy their sweet Liberty upon no other account but their poverty. They told me also, that free Trade was granted to all the Inhabitants of this Persian Coast between Charg and Bassora, both by the Portugals and the people of Bassora, so that they were not molested by any party; the ground of which I take to be, because Bassora hath not sufficient Victuals, the greatest part being brought thi∣ther from these Lands of Persia; and on the other side, the Por∣tugals need Provision for their Fleet which they keep at Bassora, to assist the place against the Persians. At night we return'd aboard, having exchanged the Persian Pilot, which Ruy Freira gave us for one of Charg, it being the custom so to do. It rained in the night, and the Sea grew high; wherefore for more se∣curity, we put off from the land further to Sea.

March the sixth, Very early in the Morning we departed from Charg, together with the other Ship of Ciaul, yet each taking its own way; and we proceeded coasting along Persia, which lay on the right hand: The next day the wind failing we cast Anchor, so far from the Persian shore that it was out of sight; yet we found no more water than about ten fathom; and in∣deed, we were fain to sail when the wind arose, with plummet constantly in hand, by reason of the shallow which are here∣abouts.

March the eighth, We sailed still out of sight of land, yet had but four fathom of water; and because the shallow is equal in this place for a great way together, the Persian Pilots call it Mei∣dan, that is, the Plain. The next day we sailed a little, but most of the day lay at Anchor, because the Pilots could not find the mouth of the River of Bassora, although it seem'd to us to be very near; and indeed, 'tis no easie matter to find it, the shore being so low that it is not discerned, unless very near hand; and to approach so near the shore as to discern the River, is not safe by reason of the shallows.

March the eleventh, In seeking the mouth of the River, opinions [ VIII] Page  244 were so various, and consequently the Ship governed with such confusion, that the rudder strook on ground, not without some danger; but at length with much diligence we freed the Ship, and got into more water (the Ship of Ciaul, which, as lighter, drew less water, going before us as guide, and entring into the River's mouth before we knew it.) The River of Bassora (which is Euphrates and Tygris joyned together) is call'd by the Arabians Sciat d' Arab, that is, the Arabian River, and falls into the Sea with two great Mouths about twelve Leagues distant one from the other. The most Easterly, which is the biggest and securest, lyes on the side of Ormuz and Persia, whose name it borrows: The more Westerly, and less frequented by great Ships, lyes on the side of Buhhreim, or Cutifu of Arabia, from whence it assumes a name. And because the division of the River into two Branches happens within the land a little below Bassora, I know not how many leagues from the Sea; hence it forms a no small Trianguler Iland, called at this day Cheder; which I hold to be the gift of the River (like the Delta of Egypt) and that it will increase eve∣ry day by the sand brought down by the River, considering the many flats and shallows, which as I said above are found in these places. Now we being entred by the Eastern mouth, and having sailed a good way against the stream, at length came to the place of the division; and leaving the more Westerly branch on the left hand, continued our course amongst the verdures of Date-trees and cultivated Fields, which on both sides the River down to the Sea are very fertile. At length we came to the place from whence up to the City of Bassora, (which lies on the west bank a good way from the River) is drawn an artificial Dike capable even of Portugal Galliots, which pass up to the Dogana or Custom-house, where a bridg of planks laid upon boats, and fortified with Iron chains crosseth the Dike; on the South-part of which bridg stands a Castle, and strong Bulwark for guard of the City and passage. The water of this trench ebbs and flows with the Sea, and at high Tide runs up I known not how far beyond the bridg; yet Ships go no further then the bridg, where they ride as in a secure Haven. From this trench are derived some other little channels on either side to several places of the City; and in some of them they make use of small Boats, which they call Do∣ne, with great convenience to the houses; besides that they want not little bridges upon the said channels to walk over on foot.

[ IX] The City of Bassora is large and populous, but ill built, and till of late without walls; for by reason of these wars with the Persians they have almost inclosed it with an earthen Rampart; within which is the Bazar of Goldsmiths, and for linnen Cloth, and all the best things that are sold. Before the Castle is an in∣different large Piazza, where there are some great Pieces of Ordnance, amongst which we saw certain Portugal Pieces which had been taken many years ago by the Turks of Bassora from Mas∣catPage  245 when they infested the seas with their Galleys, which after∣wards were destroy'd by the Portugals. Another Piazza there is before the Basha's House, which is always full of heaps of Corn, Rice, and other Fruits, which are to be sold here; being kept night and day without other shops or inclosure then ordinary mats, without fear of stealing in regard of the strict justice exer∣cis'd by the Turks in matter of Theft. The people are Arabians with some Turks intermix'd, so that the Arabian Language is most spoken, although the Turkish and Persian are not unfre∣quent. As for Religion, the Moors are partly Sonai's, and part∣ly Scinai's, with Liberty of Conscience to both; yet in the Meschita's the Service is after the manner of the Sonai's, and al∣so all publick Ceremonies are perform'd after the Rite of the So∣nai's, which is that which the Great Turk, who is King of this Country, observes at Constantinople. There are also some Hou∣ses of Chaldean Christians, call'd Christians of S. John, or Sabe∣ans; though I believe they have little more besides the name of Christians; for they have no Church except the House of one single Priest, who was there in my time, and he a very Idiot; nor could I learn that they ever assembled there to be present at any Divine Service. They have no Fast or abstinence from Flesh, but eat every day alike. Nor have they any Sacraments, ex∣cept some shadow of them; and 'tis a question whether their Baptism be such as it ought to be, and not rather the Baptism of S. John then of Christ. And because in this, and many other things, they observe S. John Baptist more then any other, and have him in greatest Veneration, therefore they are call'd Christians of S. John, with no small suspition of being the remainder of those Jews whom S. John baptiz'd with the Baptism of Repentance, and who, without caring for any thing else, have continu'd in that Rite ever since. The Gospels, and other sacred Books, 'tis not known (at least) in Bassora, that they have or use; but they have a Book which they call Sidra, according whereunto they govern themselves in matters of Religion; but who is the Au∣thor of it, I know not. They speak a harsh Chaldee, besides A∣rabick which is generally in use; which Language of theirs they call Mendai, as also for the most part amongst themselves they are styl'd Mendai, besides the two other names of Christians of S. John and Sabeans, by the first of which they are known to us Europaeans, and by the latter to the Moors. What Mendai sig∣nifies, and whence it is deriv'd, I could not learn. They have also particular Characters different from the ordinary Chaldaick and Syrian, both ancient and modern, wherewith they transcribe their sacred Books, but commonly none can either read or write this character besides the Priest, who by an Arabick word is usually styl'd Sceich, that is, Old Man. I could not learn any thing more concerning them, because they are few and very Idiots; only I think they may be those Sabean Heretick mention'd in Histories, and particularly in the Elenchus Alphabeticus Haereticorum of Ga∣briel Page  246 Prateolus, who relates their Original and Rites. Besides these of Bassora, there are other at Hhaveiza, which is neer Bas∣sora, at Durec, Sciuscter, and many other places of Persia; a∣mounting, as they say, to many thousand Families: yet in Hha∣veiza there are more then in any place else, where they have a place inhabited only by themselves, call'd Kiumalava, or, as themselves pronounce it, Chiumalava, reading the Letter K with the sound of Ch. Here live certain of their chief Priests, Monks, and Bishops, whom they all Chanzaba, and by whom they are govern'd in Religion. I believe they have there some kind of Church, Sacrifice, and all other things better then at Bassora; yet because I cannot speak either upon my own knowledg, or any sufficient & credible information, I shall not relate any thing more of them; although I had once a servant of the same Nation, born in Kiumalava near Hhaveiza, who amongst them was call'd Ro∣heh, but being afterwards re-baptiz'd by our Religious, was nam'd Giovanni Robeh. I shall only add concerning Bassora, that of late dayes the City hath been more frequented with the trade of the Portugals of India, (to wit, since the loss of Ormuz) five of whose Ships at my being there continually rode in the River to defend the place from the attempts of the common enemy the Persian. Upon the conflux of many Europaean Christians hither, the bare-footed Carmelite-Fathers of Persia first, and af∣terwards the Portugal Augustines of Goa have built two Churches, either Order one, wherein the Catholick and Roman Rite is pub∣lickly observ'd. That of the Carmelites, the Seat whereof was partly given them by the Basha, and partly bought by themselves, I found already finish't with a small Cloister, and some Cells for the Fathers that live there: of its Dedication which hapned in my time, I shall speak below. The Church of the Augustines had not its foundation yet fully laid, and they were in suspense whether to go on with the building or no, for fear lest the Persi∣ans should one day take Bassora in these wars which were on foot. So that in my time the said Fathers lived in an hired house, which the Basha paid for; yet they had a Church, or rather an Oratory there, wherein Mass, and all Divine Offices were publickly cele∣brated. Of Augustines, there were two at Bassora; one with the Title of Prior, was also Vicar to the Archbishop of Goa; likewise an Augustine Fryer, who, for the sake of the Portugals that resort to the City of Arabia, pretends to a Jurisdiction, which he usurps not without some intrusion upon the Bare-footed Carmelites, notwithstanding the Briefs of most ample Authority which they have obtain'd of the Pope for that purpose; inso∣much that in my time the said Augustine-Vicar publish't an Ex∣communication against all such as should not confess at Easter in their Church, although they did it in that of the Carmelites; and publish'd his Church to be the Parish-Church, and not the other, besides other like contentions between them; not with∣out some prejudice to the Affairs of Religion. The Basha, Page  247 who for the assistance which he had of the Portugals in the war, us'd not only them, but all Europaeans that came thither, very well; gave a Pension or Alms to either Church every Month sufficient for Provision; and he also well paid the five Portugal Ships which lay at Bassora for his service in the War.

Having entred the above-mention'd Dike, and cast anchor for fear of being carri'd back again by the violence of the ebbing water; we met with two of the said Portugal Ships at anchor, in one of which was the General himself: the other three were abroad in the great River near the place where the Basha had pitch't his camp to make head against the Persian Army, which was upon the Confines, and was rumor'd to intend an at∣tempt against Bassora.

Marcch the twelfth, Early in the morning, before we stir'd, I was visited in the Ship by F. Basilio a Bare-footed Carmelite, and by F. Fra. Paolo di Giesu an Italian Franciscan whom I had known at Goa, and who was now in his passage to Italy, lodg'd at Bas∣sora by the Carmelites. At night, upon the coming in of the Tide, we tow'd the Ship up to the City. On either side of the Dike, were abundance of Houses and Gardens, which render the passage very delightful. Having cast anchor within the Ci∣ty, near the Southern bank, which is most inhabited, I went a∣shore after dinner to seek a House; but not finding one to my mind return'd back to rest all night in the Ship.

March the thirteenth, Not finding a House to my content, upon further search, I got one to speak to Chogia Negem, the chiefest Christian of S. John then amongst them, being also Scibender of the Dogana; who, as a Christian and a Person of much huma∣nity, contracting an intimate friendship with me, did me a thou∣sand courtesies whilst I staid at Bassora. In the morning his Wife in person went about seeking a House for us; and at night I ac∣companied her to see one adjoyning to her own, which for that reason, and because it was somewhat better then the rest, al∣though far from good, I made choice of, and she promis'd to get it prepar'd for me against the next day; whereupon I return'd aboard this night also. This day Proclamation was made in Bas∣sora for every house to send out a man with Arms to the camp to aid the Basha in the War against the Persians, who were said to approach.

March the fourteenth, I took possession of the House pre∣par'd for me, and afterwards visited Sig. Consalvo Martino da Castelbranco, chief of the Portugals in Bassora, to deliver him a Letter which I had brought from the Viceroy of Goa, the ef∣fect whereof was only an earnest recommendation of me; upon which and other letters of friends which inform'd him of me, he very courteously offer'd me all his service. He told me good news (being one that might well know the same) of the affairs of Bassora, Persia, and Hhaveiza; namely, that Mansur, Brother to the deceased Mubarek, being some years ago sent by Sciah-AbbasPage  248 to Hhaveiza as Prince thereof, after he was well possess'd of the State, became not well affected to the King of Persia, though his Benefactor, (and indeed the Arabians cannot indure to be subject, but desire liberty above all things.) Now in order to recovering his Liberty, he held much correspondence with the neighboring Basha of Bassora, the Turk's Vassal, and of a contrary faction to the Persian, who was then Efrasiab Basha, who from Aga of Segmeni, as he was at first in the same City his native place, had made himself Basha by force, and endeavour'd to establish the dominion of that State in his own House, being tolerated, and indeed favour'd by the Turk, although half a Rebel; both because he carry'd himself well in the Government, and because he might not proceed to deny him that little obe∣dience which he gave him in words: Nor was it easie to chastise him in these Confines of the Enemies at such a distance from Con∣stantinople, or to make any other change in the City of Bassora, where he was so powerful. The Persian, understanding the friend∣ship which Mansur held with him, contrary to the custom of the o∣ther Princes of Haveiza, who us'd to make war against Bassora, and that (in short) Mansur was not obsequious and devoted to him as he desir'd; when he went upon the Expedition of Baghdad, he sent for him to come with his people to the Persian Camp to that war, and appointed Imamculi Chan Sciraz to march to Baghdad by Hhaveiza, and by all means to bring Mansur with him. The Chan perform'd the command of the Sciah, and coming near Hhaveiza, stay'd many dayes for Mansur, importuning him fre∣quently to come forth and go along with him. Mansur put him off so long with words and promises, that at length the Chan thought good to go away without him; yet arriv'd at Baghdad so late, that the Sciah had taken the City before; but, in conclu∣sion, Mansur stirr'd not. Thereupon the Sciah, after his re∣turn from the enterprize of Baghdad to Sphahan, sent several Messengers to Mansur to come to his Court; to all which Mansur answer'd that he would go speedily, but never went: Where∣fore the Sciah being incens'd against him, sent him word to come speedily by all means, otherwise he would send to take off his Head. To which Mansur answer'd, that if the Sciah were minded to cut off his Head, he might come in person to do it; That he knew very well how to defend it with his sword; That he was resolv'd not to go into Persia; and, That if the Sciah was King in Persia, himself was King in Hhaveiza; and that he did not value him. Hereupon the Sciah commanded the said Imam∣culi Chan to march into Hhaveiza with a great power, taking with him Mubhammed the Son of Mubarek, who had been educated in the Persian Court, and establishing him Prince there, either to bring away Mansur Prisoner, or else to kill him: Accordingly, a little before our arrival at Bassora, the Chan enter'd Hhaveiza with an Army, and the said Muhhammed. Mansur apprehending that most of the Grandees and the People would obey the Sciah,Page  249 and accept of Muhhamed for their Prince, to avoid being taken or slain, fled with about 500 that were faithful to him to Bassora, where Ali Basha the Son of Efrasiab, (who had succeeded his dead Father, or rather intruded into the Government by force before his Father expir'd) receiv'd him courteously, and gave him a piece of Territory belonging to the jurisdiction of Bassora, in the Confines of Hhaveiza, where he might live with his followers. The people of Hhaveiza in the mean time agreed with the Chan, and receiv'd Muhhamed for their Prince, being ready to obey the Chan in this, and what-ever else he should command; yet upon condition that no Qizilbasci should enter into Hhave∣iza, whereunto the Chan assented. Concerning Occurrences since our arrival at Bassora, News came that the Chan, after he had established Muhhamed in Hhaveiza, was advanc'd forwards with his Army towards Bassora, and was already enter'd into the State by a place which they call Qarna; intending, perhaps, to take certain Garrisons in those borders, and also to make fur∣ther progress: Whereupon the Basha went out against him with all his Forces, and three of the five Portugal Ships, which, as I said, he kept in Pay; the City of Bassora in the mean while being in great fear of the Persian Army.

As for other things more particularly pertaining to the State of this City, he told me, that after the taking of Ormuz, the [ XI] Sciah sent an Embassage to the then Basha of Bassora Efrasiab, to tell him, that he requir'd no more from Bassora but onely to have his Coyn stamp'd there, his Name us'd in the Acclamations of the People, and in the Prayers of the Meschita's, as King of the Country, instead of that of the Great Turk; and that the People of Bassora should wear their Turbants after the Persian manner; that as for the rest he should leave Efrasiab to rule in that State as absolute Lord, have the same confirm'd to his Issue, and be pro∣tected against the Turk or any other, without paying any Tri∣bute, but remaining in perfect Liberty. Efrasiab, who was a pru∣dent man, well knowing the wayes of the King of Persia, made no account of these offers, and thought not fit to adventure the safety of the State which he possess'd, upon uncertain hopes; but trusting in the aid of the Portugals, whose Ships might be of great use to him in that place, which the Persians in order to offend Bassora must pass by force, namely, either the Sea, or at least the great River, (the Persians having no Vessels fit to contest with such Ships) he rejected the Proposition of the Sciah, and presently re-manded the Ambassador with a strict Order imme∣diately to depart both the City and the State, lest he should se∣cretly corrupt some of the Grandees, who might afterwards pervert the people, who are half Sciani's, of the sect of the Sciah; telling him in brief, that he was the Great Turk's Vassal and so would die, and that he was prepar'd for War, is the Sciah pre∣tended any thing from him. The Sciah finding he could do no∣thing upon Bassora by fair means, commanded the Chan of Sciraz,Page  250 as his nearest Minister to that Country, and the most potent, to march thither with an Army, and attempt to take the same by force. Accordingly the Chan's Army came, (in which I know not whether himself was in person, or some other General) and by the way of Sciuscter, and other places belonging to the Sciah near Hhaveiza, enter'd into the State of Bassora; which entrance was the year before my arrival there, to wit, 1624. Yet he did not besiege the City, (as it was reported at Goa) nor yet come near it, but only besieg'd a Garrison in the Frontiers call'd Qaban, which was in danger of being lost, to the great hazard of all the rest of the Country, and the fear of Bassora it self; for the Persians fought valorously, and slew many of the Defendants; but at length, by the help of the Portugals, who from the adjoyning River did great mischief with the Artillery of their Ships to the Persian Camp, the Qizilbasci were repuls'd with loss, or rather, of themselves, (being wearied with the length of the attempt, or else re-call'd into Persia for other ser∣vices) they drew off and departed. Nor did they return again till the following year, as I have said, about the time of my arri∣val at Bassora, upon the occasion of displacing Mansur, and establishing Muhhamed the Son of Mubarek, Prince of Hhaveiza; when I found the new Ali Basha abroad with his Army, and three Portugal Ships to with-stand them, and the City of Bassora not without fear, because the Persian Army much exceeded theirs, both in number and quality of Souldiers.

March the sixteenth, News came to Bassora that the Armies [ XII] were very near, and almost fac'd one another; and Sig: Con∣salvo de Silveira, Chief Commander of the Portugal Squadron of Ships at Bassora, told me, that having heard that the Persians intended to bring seven pieces of Artillery by Sea to Durec, (a neighboring Port of theirs to Bassora) to be imploy'd in the War, he had sent forth two of his Ships, and one of those lighter Frigots which they call Sanguisei, to meet and intercept those Gunns, which would be a notable piece of service.

March the seventeenth, Chogia Negem, (who might well know things, as he that was imploy'd in much business by the Basha) in∣form'd me that the Persian Army consisted of 30000 men, and that there were seven Chans in it; which to me seem'd not pro∣bable, because if the Chan of Sciraz with his people was not suf∣ficient, 'twas possible his Brother Dand Chan, whose Govern∣ment is near him, and the Chan of Locistan, might be come; but that others more distant should be there for the sole war of Bas∣sora, there was no necessity, and consequently, no ground o believe. He told me further, that now the waters were high there was no danger, nor could the Persians make much progress, by reason of the great River which they were to pass, and many over-flow'd Lands and Trenches full of water, wherewith Bas∣sora was now fortified: But when the waters came to be low, as they would be within three moneths, then Bassora would be in Page  251 danger: that as for defence by the Portugal Ships, the Persians might pass over the great River by a Bridge much higher and further from Bassora, either at Hhella, which is in their Hands, or at Baghdad it self, or some where else, without the Portugals being able to hinder them; that if they came but with Provision for a few dayes, the Country on the West side of the River on which Bassora stands, was not so desart but they might have forrage enough for a great Army: If this be true, as it may be, then considering the power of the Persians, their manner of warring, the situation, strength, and forces of the City of Bassora, I am confident, that at the long run it will not scape the Persians Hands, so long as he holds Baghdad, although in case of need the Grand Emir of the Desart (who is now Mudleg, surnamed as all his Predecessors were, Aburisc, that is, he of the Plume or Feather) should come to assist the Basha; who can now hope for no aid from the Turk, since the taking of Baghdad. He also related to me concerning Baghdad, that the place was betray'd to the Sciah by Bekir Subasci, call'd otherwise Dervise Mahhammed, whose Father (who pretended to render himself Tyrant there∣of) the Sciah caused publickly to be slain upon his entrance into it, but kept the Traytor with him, and us'd him well: That besides Baghdad, he took Kierkuc and Mousul by his Captains, and march'd beyond Hhella into the Country of Emir Aburisc, even to Anna and Taiba, within a little way of Aleppo, which was thereupon in great fear; and that he left a Garrison at Anna. But after the Sciah, and the main of his Army was retir'd into Persia, Emir Aburisc, who was alwayes confederate with the Turk, making an excursion with his People about the Desart, recover'd Taiba and Anna, killing seventy Qizilbasci whom he found there in Garrison; after which he turn'd his arms against Emir Nasir ben Mahanna, Lord of Mesched Hussein, (but not so great a Prince as himself) and made great destruction of his People and Country. Finally, He added, that a potent Army of Turks had since fallen upon Persia and Baghdad, and had already recover'd Mousul and Kierkuc; which last News I rather suspect to be di∣spers'd to animate the People of Bassora, then hold for true; be∣cause, on the other side, it was reported for certain, that the Sciah was reposing his Forces at Ferhabad, which could not consist with the so near approach of the Turks against him.

March the nineteenth, An eminent man of Bassora, nam'd [ XIII] Scaich Abdassalam, muster'd a great company of his kindred, friends, and followers, with whom he intended to go to the as∣sistance of the Basha. Amongst them were muster'd about 200 Christians of S. John, arm'd with Arquebuzes, and other wea∣pons like the rest; but all, in my judgment, as much Moors as Christians, little Souldiers, and of no esteem in comparison of the Qizilbasci.

March the two and twentieth, In the Piazza before the Basha's House , I saw a wild Ass, or little Onager, which was Page  252 kept there for pleasure. It was of the shape of other Asses, but of a brighter colour, and had a ridge of white hair from the head to the tail, like the mane of a Horse; in running and leap∣ing, it seem'd much nimbler then the ordinary sort of Asses.

March the three and twentieth, A Portugal came from the Basha's Camp to Bassora, bringing News that the Qizilbasci were return'd home to their own Countries, and that in such haste that they had left much Cattel, Goods, and Meat ready dress'd in the Camp where they had quarter'd: Which so unexpected departure of the Persian Army, could not happen through any disturbance given them by that of the Basha; but, perhaps, they were re-call'd for some other war, or service of greater ne∣cessity, as that of Ormuz, or against the Turks, or against the Moghol at Candahar, which the Sciah had lately taken.

March the four and twentieth, I took the height of the Sun in Bassora at noon, and found him decline 28 degrees 48 minutes from the Zenith. He was this day, according to the Epheme∣rides of David Origanus, in 4 degrees, 4 minutes, 57 seconds of Aries, and according to the Meridian of the said Ephemerides, declin'd from the Aequinoctial North-wards—degrees; but according to our Meridian of Bassora, calculating by proportion∣all parts, 1 degree, 38 minutes, and 32 seconds, which, added to the 28 degrees 48 minutes of the Sun's Declination from the Zenith, amount to 30 degrees, 26 minutes, 32 seconds. So that the Zenith of Bassora is distant from the Aequinoctial 30 degrees, 26 minutes, 32 seconds, to which the Elevation of the North-Pole at the same is equal.

March the one and thirtieth, Return'd the two Portugal Ships above-mention'd to have been sent abroad by the General to intercept the Persian Artillery; of which design they fail'd, be∣cause the Persians having notice thereof, stirr'd them not of the Port. Yet they took three Persian Barques call'd Terrats, with much wealth in them; and a rich Moor, who offer'd a thousand Patacches for his Ransome, but they would not accept it. All the other Moors in the Vessels they killed, with two young children, lest, as they said, if they should have carry'd them into a Coun∣try of Moors, the Basha would have releas'd them: However, in seem'd to me a great Cruelty, although it be no new thing among the Portugals, who upon all occasions commit the like and greater in India.

April the seventh, The Basha return'd with all his Army to Bassora, the fear and danger of the war being now over by the departure of the Persians. He enter'd into the City betimes in the Morning with great pomp, and the salutations of the Ar∣tillery.

April the thirteenth, F. Basilio di San Franceso, a Bare-footed Carmelite, having finish'd the building of the little Church and Covent of his Order which he had founded at Bassora, made a solemn Feast, adorning both the Church, and the whole Orato∣ry Page  253 of the Covent very sumptuously: and with a great concourse of Christians both Europeans and Orientals of several Nations, he celebrated the dedication of the said Church, intitling it Nostra Signora de 'i remedii: The evening before, he had caused many Bone-fires to be made, all the Portugal Soldiers contribu∣ting to the joy with many volleys of Arquebusses. Moreover, to honour the said Father, the Basha sent about five hundred Moorish Soldiers to the Covent to do the like, and caus'd many great Pieces to be shot off at the Castle; so that the Feast was celebrated generally by the whole City, both Christians and Moors, with great concourse and applause. The next night, the Basha himself with all his Court went to see the Church and the Covent, where also at his departure he left an Alms; the Fa∣ther receiv'd him with all due honour, and gave him a sumptu∣ous Banquet; with which, both as to the manner and ceremo∣nies according to the fashion of the Country, both the Basha and all the rest were much satisfi'd. The General of the Portugals, with all the Captains of Ships, and most principal Persons of the Fleet, and (in short) all the Europaeans then in Bassora, were present at this entertainment: only I, by reason of an indisposi∣tion, had the displeasure to be absent. Mass was sung by the F. Prior of the Augustines, who assisted all the day to honour the feast; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia, who was a Passenger with us, preacht. The same day there came to Bassora, to the Basha a Capigi from the Serdar or Vezir of Constantinople newly created (whose Predecessor was said to have been put to death by the Great Turk for having us'd little diligence in the affairs of Baghdad.) The said Capigi brought the Basha a Robe or Vest∣ment (as their custom is) as a Present from the Vezir, and news that the Turkish Army was already moving towards Baghdad, and was very near it, having re-taken Mousul and Kierkuc, which are open places, and expos'd to the force of any Attempter. But that this should happen so soon, to me seem'd very strange; espe∣cially, if the new Serdar was sent from Constantinople the same year, as he could not be before May or April at the soonest; and being of necessity to pass by Aleppo, and get together not only much provision, but also Soldiers from very remote Countries, and wait for them (besides, providing grass and hay for the horses, as every year they are wont to do in May) it was not possible that he should be so foward by this time. Considering too, that in all the Expeditions of late years, it hath been seen that the Turkish Army never arrives at the Confines of Persia the same year that it is dispatch't from Constantinople, but must always win∣ter the first year either at Aleppo, or in Mesopotamia, or, at most, when it is nearest in Erzirna; the second year it arrives at the confines of Persia to make War; yea it oftentimes arrives there so late in the year, and so near Winter, that it scarce do's any thing. Now that this new Serdar was dispatcht from Constantinople the same year, and not the preceding, seem'd credible, because I never heard of his Page  254 wintring at Aleppo, or any where else; 'twas likely that the new Serdar lately created at Constantinople (as he uses to be in March, and sometimes sooner) understanding the danger of Bassora, presently dispatch't the said Capigi to confirm the mind and courage of the Basha; which Capigi travelling by the shortest ways, and with great speed, as the business requir'd, might well arrive at Bassora from Constantinople by the time above-men∣tion'd. In brief, I suspected the credit of so near approach of the Turkish Army, waiting till effects should manifest the truth of the matter.

[ XV] April the twenty third, News came to Bassora, that the King of Persia had straitly charg'd the Chan, who governs Bagdad for him, and also his friend in the Desart Emir Nasir, by all means to intercept the Cafila which was preparing at Bassora to go to Aleppo, or at least to hinder its going. This intelligence so terrifi'd the Merchants who were upon the point to depart, that they deferr'd their journey, and in their own name dis∣patch't a Messenger to Emir Nasir, to know whether it was true, and whether he would permit them secure passage or no. That it was true, on one hand I conceiv'd not unlike∣ly; for it being of great importance to the Sciah to have the trade of India by Sea brought into his own Country, (which, since the taking of Ormuz, he hath lost) and the said trade being diverted to Bassora, where (for want of Ships to contest with the Portugals) he cannot hinder it (which is the reason why he was so desirous to take Bassora, namely, that so the Portugals might be depriv'd of all ports and passes, and be necessitated to come with the traffick of India to some place of his Territories, without his rendring Ormuz to them) I say, it seem'd likely that he should endeavour to hinder the traffick of Bassora to Aleppo by land, which would amount to the same thing: for the Merchandises of India cannot be all absum'd at Bassora, but remaining there little or nothing must be from thence dispers'd to Aleppo and elsewhere: Upon this account the Sciah rais'd a great War both against the Portugals and the people of Bassora, whose chiefest subsistence is from this trade. On the other side I conceiv'd it might not be true, because Emir Nasir draws great profit from the Cafila's which pass from Bassora to Aleppo; and though at the taking of Bagdad he sided with the Sciah for some end of his own, yet I believe, that as an Arabian and a free Prince he is not so devoted to the Sciah as to serve him with the prejudice of his proper interests; and the rather because at the same time he keeps some Agents and Ministers at Bassora to receive the said Imposts, and without the Emir's assistance the Sciah can do nothing in those Desarts. Moreover, this Emir Na∣sir hath lately been much mortifi'd by the losses he receiv'd from Emir Aburisc, and 'tis likely would rather endeavour to re-in∣gratiate with Aburisc and the Turk (from whom he may suffer much) for avoiding a total ruine, than expose himself to new Page  255 dangers for the Sciah, from whom he can hope little good or hurt so long as he is not Master of all as far as Aleppo; which is not a thing to be brought to pass suddenly or easily. But of this also time will show the truth.

May the ninth, Another Capigi arriv'd at Bassora from the Ser∣dar, [ XVI] and was receiv'd with great solemnity and salutations of Artillery. He brought a Robe to the Basha, and intelligence that he had left the Serdar at Mardin, which lies within a few dayes journey of Baghdad, confirming the recovery of Mousul and Kierkuc; (whereof, supposing the Serdar at Mardin, I made no scruple) and adding that the Serdar was then upon removing from Mardin, and by this time had march't much forwards. This is what was given out; for more intrinsick and secret news I could not know, having no acquaintance with any considerable Turk from whom to learn the same: nor was any more then this signifi'd to the chief Commander of the Portugal Ships. Only I judg'd that the Turks well considering the danger wherein Bas∣sora was of being lost, might possibly by these successive Mes∣sengers, and good tidings endeavour to confirm the minds of the Basha, and the people, as much as they could.

May the eleventh, The Cafila design'd for Aleppo, which had many days waited some leagues, without the City, at length set forth and departed; either because they had receiv'd a good an∣swer from Emir Nasir, or rather, (as I believe) because they re∣ly'd upon other fresh tidings, how that Emir Nasir was reconcil'd to Emir Aburisc, and return'd into the favour and devotion of the Great Turk, so that the Desart was all in peace; and perhaps also they trusted to the common report of the nearness of the Turkish Army. I purposed to depart from Bassora the same way and upon the same day (though alone, and not with the Cafila) having hired Camels and certain Beduni Arabians to conduct me. But Ali Aga, the chief Captain of the Militia, gave notice to my Camelier that I must not depart within three days. Whereupon being desirous to go with all speed by reason that the hot weather came on, I got Sig. Consalvo Martins, a Portugal Father, to speak to the said Aga to know wherefore he detain'd us, and if there were no cause, to dispatch us and let us go. The Aga answer'd that I must by all means have patience for this week, that so the Cafila might have time to get a little more onwards; and that he did this because he mistrusted my Camelier as a Beduin Arabian (although he had a House and Wife at Bassora) lest for some interest of his own, departing at the same time with the Cafila, he should out∣go it, and by other ways of the Desart (wherein he was well skil'd) give notice thereof to Emir Nasir, or else to some other Beduin Arabians who might rob it, or perhaps also to the Qizilbasci themselves. Wherefore since my going so soon might prove to my own damage, he desir'd for my security, and the publick good of the Cafila, that I would stay those few days; to the end that the Cafila advancing before out of all suspected places, my Ca∣melier Page  256 might not have time to do any villany either to it or to me. The truth is, I did not conceive my Camelier likely to do any such thing, having had good information and assurance of him from Chogia Negem, to whom he was well known, and who recommended him to me: Nevertheless, since he that govern'd would have it so, I had patience to wait as long as he desir'd. Yet from hence I gather'd that the above-mention'd news, now that the Persians and Emir Nasir conspir'd against the Cafila, was not altogether vain; being Ali Aga, a man of so great place in Bassora, had such apprehensions about it. And it might consist well enough with the Cafila's departing; for perhaps it went out upon a venture, the Merchants being unwilling to suffer longer de∣lay, (for it was above eight months since this Cafila began to unite) I say, at a venture; because the Desart is like the Sea, where' tis a chance to meet or not meet enemies; and as men forbear not to sail upon the Sea through fear of Pirats or Ene∣mies, so neither do they cease to pass through the Desart. The F. Provincial of Maniglia with his Companion, (a Castilian too but not a Fryer of his Order) Marc' Antonio Lanza a Venetian (who came with me from Goa to Bassora) and I know not how many other Europaeans, went along with the Cafila: I alone would not, but staid with my Servants to go by my self, and to travel more hazardously indeed, but yet with more speed, and undoubt∣edly with more convenience then they.

May the thirteenth, Another Capigi sent from the Serdar to the Basha arriv'd at Bassora, bringing a Robe and a Scimiter as Presents, and the confirmation of the Government of Bassora in his person, which hitherto he had not had. As for news, 'twas dispers'd amongst the people that the Turkish Army was very neer, and almost upon Baghdad; yet Letters from our Aleppo Merchants to the Carmelites brought by a Moor of the company of the said Capigi, inform'd us for certain that according to my above-mention'd Prophecy the Serdar was not yet come to A∣leppo. 'Tis true, they writ that perhaps to make his voyage more compendious he would not come to Aleppo, but march di∣rectly to Mesopotamia and Baghdad by another way; which yet was uncertain when the said Letters were written: whence 'tis clear that one way or other he could not be further then Aleppo, and perhaps, according to my opinion, was scarce departed from Constantinople. So that it was not possible for Baghdad and Per∣sia to have wars this current year 1625; since it would have been no small Summer's work to have march't to the Frontiers: yet that war will follow the next year, unless some other chance in∣tervene, I no-wise doubt. The said Letters further told us news from Turkie, mamely that the Emir of Saida, anew rebelling against the Turk, had taken and sackt Tripoli, driving away the Basha that was there: but afterwards the Basha of Aleppo march∣ing out with his people, had recover'd Tripoli, and restor'd the said expell'd Basha to the government. From Christendom, Page  257 That Italy was all in wars about the Valtoline, which the French had surpriz'd out of the hands of the Pope's Officers, wherewith his Holiness was much offended. That the Prince of England was to marry a Sister of the King of France: That the Dutch had taken an important City from the Portugals in Brasile: That Marquiss Spinola had lay'd siege to another considerable one of the Dutch in Flanders; that the Emperor's affairs in Germany proceeded very prosperously; and other particulars of less moment, which for brevity I omit.

May the twentieth, Upon the return of Emir Zambar, owner of the House where I liv'd, I resign'd the possession to him, and withdrew to the Covent of the Carmelites, till my departure, in which the Capigi intends to accompany me, we having pro∣vided us arms and resolutions not to fear meeting Arabian Thieves. I declin'd the Cafila, not only that I might go as I pleas'd, but also to avoid prolonging the voyage by the slowness of the Carriages in the Desart, which affords nothing but bare earth, void of water and grass. If it please God, I will write to you again at Aleppo, from whence you shall receive the next.

LETTER XI.

From Aleppo,August 5. 1625.

HAving obtain'd licence of the Aga to depart, on the one and twentieth of May, in the Evening I caus'd my goods to be [ I] carri'd to a Field without the City, call'd Mascraqa, where the Camels were to take their burdens; and having order'd a little Tent to be pitcht there, I repair'd thither with Marian Tinatim, and all my servants.

May the twenty second, Having in the day dispatcht some small business which remain'd for me to do in order to my de∣parture, and paid a Custom, usually demanded of such as go out of Bassora; about midnight I departed the City, and tra∣vell'd all night (having presently enter'd into the Desart, which is altogether level) first in clayie and something dirty ways, and afterwards in dry with very little grass for Camels.

May the twenty third, After we had travell'd about six leagues, we arriv'd at a Town of the Arabians call'd Cuvebeda, where an Arabian Sceich resides, who receives a Gabel of the Caravans and Burdens that pass that way; at my time he was call'd Sceich Abdullah. Here we pitch't a tent in a field without the Town in expectation of our chief Camelier, who was to follow us with one of those Capigi's that had been sent from the Serdar to the Basha of Bassora. But on May the twenty fifth, because he came not, and it was tedious to me to abide longer in that place where the wind and the dust much molested us; in the Evening I dispatcht Page  258 my servant Michel to Bassora, with Letters to F. Fra: Basilio, Sig: Consalvo Martins de Castelbranco, Factor of the Portugals, and Chogia Negem, earnestly entreating them to procure that the chief Camelier might come away forth-with; or, in case he must stay yet longer for the Capigi, that he would give order to his under-Cameliers to conduct us forwards, and I would go without him; if not, I would return to Bassora. Two dayes after, my Servant return'd from Bassora with this account, That the Capigi would come away the next day without fail; and that F. Fra: Gregorio Orsino, a Dominican, formerly known to me, and Vicar General at Constantinople ten years before, was arriv'd at Bassora from Armenia, (where he had been Apostolical Visitor) in order to go speedily into Italy; and hearing of my being upon the way to Aleppo, intended to come along with the chief Came∣lier: Which last News was so welcome to me, that I accounted all the time of my pass'd, and yet future, waiting at Cuvebeda well spent; for I imagin'd the Capigi would not come so soon as they said, because the Moors never speak truth.

May the thirtieth, At dark night the above-said F. Fra: Gre∣gorio Orsino arriv'd with the chief Camelier Hhaggi Ahhamed. I receiv'd him with such contentment as you may imagine; and, though he civilly declin'd it, caus'd him to lodg with me in my Tent. The Capigi came not; and though they said, he would come presently after, yet I conceiv'd we were to wait for him yet a good while, and, perhaps, till the New Moon; it being the custom of the Moors almost ever to begin their journeys at the New Moon.

June the third, Early in the Morning the Capigi arriv'd at the place where we waited for him; whereupon, in order to our further progress, we discharg'd such duties of Gabels or Customs as were to be paid at this Town.

[ II] You must know that in the whole way of this Desart, we were to pay four Tolls or Customs, (if he that conducted us did not deceive us) namely, to Sceich Abdullah, Lord of Cuvebeda, for every Camel's load of fine Merchandize, valu'd at the rate of Indian Cloth, five Piastres; for every like load of any other Goods whatsoever, valu'd at the rate of Tobacco, a much lesser summ, but I know not how much. Another Gabel was to be paid to a Chieftain of the Arabians of the Desart, whom they call Ben Chaled; he takes for every load, be it what it will, five Lari, which amount to one Piastre and a Sciahi be∣sides, of which eight and a third part go for a Piastre at Bassora, but at Aleppo onely eight. The third Gabel was to be paid to another Head of the Arabians, sirnamed il Cieco, who takes for every load what soever, six Sciahi; and lastly, six other Sciahi, were in like manner to be paid for every load to another Captain of Arabians, Cousin to the fore-said Cieco. Scich Abdullah, Lord of Cuvebeda, said, he would take nothing of me, in regard of two Letters which I brought him; one from the Basha of Bassora,Page  259 and the other from the Factor of the Portugals his Friend; both of them having much recommended me to him. The other three were not themselves at Cuvebeda, but had their Agents or Officers there, to whom we paid what they said was due; and they gave us an Acquittance for it, that it might not be demand∣ed of us again by any other of their Officers in the Desart.

June the fourth, Sceich Abdullah, it seems alter'd his mind con∣cerning the Gabel which he had remitted, and requir'd the same of me, taking for my two Trunks ten Piastres; which was a most rigorous rate. I mention this to give notice of the manner of proceeding, and little punctualness observ'd by these Bar∣barians.

June the fifth, We departed very early from Cuvebeda, and before noon arriv'd at certain Wells or Pits, which they call Gane∣miat, (importing their use for Cattel) where we found many Arabians lodg'd. At a distant view of them, we betook our selves to our Arms, against what-ever should happen; but upon nearer approach, we perceiv'd them to be poor peaceable people; whereupon we lodg'd all together in that place. Yet here we had News that a band of Arabian Thieves had way-lay'd us at another Pass a little further off, with intent to assault us. For discovering the truth whereof, our chief Camelier went to Cuve∣beda, where the Spies of these Thieves use to reside; and at night he brought us word that it was true, and that therefore it be∣hov'd us to go back again. Whether it was true, or onely an Invention of his for some end of his own, I cannot affirm; but the next day early we return'd to Cuvebeda, and lodg'd without the Town at some distance from the place where we had been be∣fore. Two dayes after, we were perswaded to lodg within the Town, for more security from the Thieves, and to deceive their Spies, by making shew as if we resolv'd not to go further, which might divert them from their design. The same did the two Capigi that were with us; for, besides the former, whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga, there came another with him call'd Mahhmad Aga, who had been sent by the preceding Ser∣dar to Bassora, Lahhsa, and divers other adjacent places, and had not dispatch'd his business in order to his return before now.

June the thirteenth, After a long contest with our chief Came∣lier, about hiring certain Arabian Guides, which he pretended necessary, (to get money of us) and I refus'd as superfluous; since we knew the way without them, and they could do us no good against the Thieves: At length, the business resting half undecided, being, I said, if he would not go without those Guides, I would return back to Bassora, (which he was loth to hear of, because of restoring my money) without speaking a word more about it, he determin'd to proceed from Cavebeda; and travelling all night we pass'd by the Pits of Ganeniat.

June the fourteenth, Three hours before noon, (having Page  260 travell'd till then) we rested a while near certain Pits; and set∣ting forwards again in the Evening, travell'd till mid-night, and then we rested. The next day rising early, we travell'd till about noon; till coming to a little bitter water, we stay'd there to repose. Here the great wind, which blows continually in the Desart, allaying the great heat of the Season, having before much shatter'd our little Pavilions, now broke them all in pieces, so that we could no more make use of them: Which indeed, was a great inconvenience; but for the future, we had no other remedy but when we rested, to ward off the Sun-beams with little sheds made of our Cloths, fastned upon three Chairs where∣in the Women and I were carry'd, though they scarce suffic'd to cover three or four persons: Yet in the night, when there was no need of shadow, we slept more pleasantly and coolely under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven. After noon, we proceed∣ed further till an hour before night, and then took up our lodging near another water.

June the sixteenth, Having travell'd from break of day till noon, and then rested two hours, we proceeded again till night, lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffer'd us to sleep but little. The next Morning early, we pass'd by a great dry Lake, (which yet seem'd to have water in it at some time of the year) and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Horn∣ets, very troublesome both to Men and beasts. At the usual hour we set forwards again, and journey'd till night.

June the eighteenth, Rising before day-break, we pass'd by, at [ III] a distance (leaving it on the right hand), a place inhabited by Arabians, which they call Argia, govern'd by one Hhasan Aga Curdo, a Fugitive from his own Country, and, by Alliance with the Arabians, become great amongst them. The Capigi Ibrahim Aga, had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar; but being we could not go to Argia, by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water, and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be requir'd there of us, we re∣pos'd our selves about noon in the place where we were. Having pass'd Argia a good way, the Capigi got one to swim over the waters, and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him, and would have deliver'd himself, had the way been passable; he also desir'd some Arquebusiers to accompa∣ny us over the Desart. In expectation of an Answer, we stay'd in this place all day, where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels, shining within, like Mother-of-Pearl, some whole, and some broken; I wonder'd how they came there so far from Sea. I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scatter'd up and down, which is produc'd in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year: I have a piece of it by me to shew.

Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's, that is, Vagrants or [ IV] Vagabonds, (so call'd because they abide with Droves of Buffles, sometimes in the Desarts, and sometimes in Cities, and are differ∣ent Page  261 from the Bedavi; or Beduvi, that is, Deserticolae, who are the noblest amongst them, never residing in walled places, but wandring about the Fields with black Tents; as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses, and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest, but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts) for more secu∣rity we remov'd a mile further, and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building, which we discover'd afar off, and I walkt on foot to behold near hand. In the revolutions of Baghdad, the above-said Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia, was visited by the Persians, the Sciah sending a Tag to him, as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be, or declare them∣selves of his Party: and he carri'd himself in such sort that his fi∣delity became something suspected to the Turks; insomuch that a Basha had an intention to kill him, but did not do it, perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose: wherefore to keep him still faithful, as I believe, since it was not possible to punish him, the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the above-mention'd Present.

June the nineteenth, Our removal hence being still deferr'd in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga, I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the above-said an∣cient building. What it had been I could not understand; but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks, most of which were stampt in the midst with certain unknown letters which appear'd very ancient. I observ'd that they had been cemented together in the Fabrick, not with lime, but with bitumen or pitch, which, as I said▪ is generated in these Desarts: whence the Hill, upon which these ruins are, is call'd by the Arabians, Mu∣qeijer, that is, Pitchy. In the evening two men came from Hha∣san Aga, to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions; but they departed discontented be∣cause the Capigi gave them nothing.

June the twentieth, Surveying the above-said ruins again, I found on the ground some pieces of black Marble, hard and fine, ingraven with the same Letters as the Bricks; which seem'd to me to be a kind of Seal like what the Orientals use at this day: for their Seals are only letters or written words containing the name of him whose Seal it is, together with some Epithet of humility and devotion, Titles of Honour, or other words according as every one pleases; not being perpetual to the Fami∣ly, as ours are. Amongst other letters which I discover'd in that short time, two I found in many places, one of which was like a jacent Pyramid thus,

[illustration]
, and the other resembled a Star of eight points in this form
[illustration]
. Of the Provisions promis'd to the Capigi by Hhasan Aga, some few came this day; but he sent no more; and they said, he was angry that the Capigi had not sent him the Serdar's Present; which he forbore to do, because he knew he had absolutely declar'd himself of the Persian Party. Where∣fore Page  262 doubting lest he might send to do us some displeasure, al∣though it was night, we remov'd our Quarters, and travell'd in haste till midnight.

June the twenty first, We set forth by day-light, and journied till Noon, and after two hours rest, continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish with abundance of little canes, sometimes whitish with salt, and sometimes cover'd with thick∣ets of Shrubs.

June the twenty second, We travell'd again till Noon; and as we were reposing in these Plains which were all cover'd with small dry grass, a little sparkle falling from some of the Came∣liers, who, according to their custom, stood sucking the smoke of Tobacco, set this grass on fire, and the flame increas'd so sud∣denly that we had much ado to save our Goods from burning; but at length we extinguish't it by casting cloths and thick cover∣ings upon it; for water the place afforded none, and we had only enough for drink. Departing thence two or three hours before night, we quarter'd in another place call'd Ehathuer, where two or three men whom we met with their laden Camels, inform'd us that the great Cafila, which went so many days before us from Bassora, had incounter'd many difficulties, and was stopt by Emir Nasir, who, besides taking a great sum of money from them, also constrain'd many of the people to go to Mesched Hhus∣sein to fight with the Qizilbasci, with whom he was now at en∣mity; in which conflict, which prov'd little successful to the Arabians, the chief Leader of the Cafila was slain, his Son suc∣ceeding him in his Charge; with other like news, which made me doubt of the good estate of our Francks who went along with that Cafila.

June the twenty third▪ the twenty fourth, and the twenty fifth, [ V] We travelled and rested at our usual hours, during which dayes, we had the Iland Geuazir of the Chaldean Lake on our right hand; and on the last of them, we reposed at a place wherein grew certain low and thin plants, which to me seemed to be Ju∣niper.

June the twenty sixth, We travelled from day-break till two hours before Noon, and then rested near certain Pits, where we had on the right hand afar off Mesched-Ali, the place where an∣ciently stood the City of Kufa, and where Ali the Son-in-law of Mahhammed was slain; the name Mesched-Ali signifying the place of the Martyrdom of Ali, whom they hold a Martyr. And though the City of Kufa is no longer in being, yet, upon account of the said Sepulchre, venerated by Mahometans, and adorned with a noble Fabrick, the place is frequented and inhabited: when we passed by, it was in the power of the Qizilbasci, where∣as it used to be in that of the Turks whilst they were Masters of Baghdad. From hence we continued our Journey till two hours within night.

June the twenty seventh, We set forth by day-light, and at Page  263 Noon rested near a water, which rising out of the ground, runs under a thicket of Canes, where we stayed all day. The next day setting forth, and resting at our accustomed hours, we pas∣sed over many dry Lakes, which seem'd to have had water in them at some time of the year.

June the nine and twentieth, Two or three hours before Noon, we rested by a water near the ruines of an ancient great Fabrick, perfectly square with thirteen Pillasters, or round Columns on each side without, and other compartiments of Arches; within which were many Chambers, with a Court of no great bigness, and uncover'd. The Arabians call this Fabrick Casr Chaider. I could not conjecture whether it had been a Pal∣lace, or Temple, or Castle; but I incline to believe it a Palace rather then any thing else. In this place we had within half a dayes journey on the Right Hand Mesched-Hhussein, which signi∣fies the place of the Martyrdom of Hhussein, and where Hhussan the Son of Ali and Fatima, Muhhammed's Daughter, was slain, and buried by his Emulators; which place, in the Country call'd Kierbela, being inhabited and adorn'd with the said Sepulchre, which the Moors visit as Holy, (a very sumptuous Fabrick after their mode) was now in the Hands of the Qizilbasci, into which it fell with the other Territories of Baghdad, which is but a little distant from thence. Here we stay'd to pay a Gabel to Emir Nasir∣ben-Mahhanna, Lord of these Desarts, or rather, to Sceich Abitaleb his Son; for Sceich Nasir being now old, and devoted to a Spiritual Life, (as he that had been in pilgrimage at Meka) had resign'd the Government to his Son; and both of them were now remaining in Tents about a League from the place, where we rested to∣wards the North-East.

June the thirtieth, In the Morning the two Capigi's that were [ VI] in our company, went separately to carry their Letters and Pre∣sents from the Serdar to the Sceich; namely, Ibrahim Aga to the present, and Mahhmud Aga to the preceding Serdar; who, as they said, was poyson'd either by others, or by himself for fear of worse, because he had not been diligent enough in the war of Baghdad; yet this his Capigi, having been sent to several other places, could not come hither sooner to the Sceich. After dinner, in the absence of the Capigi, the Sceich's Men came to demand a Gabel; and after I had pay'd them as much as they requir'd, to wit, twelve Piastres, for onely two Chests, and two or three more Piastres of free-gift; nevertheless they open'd all my Trunks, breaking some for haste, turning all things topsie-turvy, and taking away for the Sceich and themselves some things of value which they lik'd, a rich Persian Turbant of Silk and Gold, a piece of fine checker'd Silk to make Cassocks with∣all, after the Persian Mode; many dishes of rare Porcellane, beautifi'd with Gold and colours; an Harquebuse belonging to my Servant; much curious Paper of Japan and India; besides, many other toyes which I remember not, telling me that they Page  264 would buy them; notwithstanding that I told them that they were not things to be sold, but onely such as I carry'd for my own use and service. Moreover, they made me by force (that is, refusing to hear any of my Reasons to the contrary, but saying, that the Sceich commanded so, though, in truth, I ought not) pay twenty Piastres to my chief Camelier their Friend, alledging that the same were for the Guide which he would have hired at Cuvebeda; which Guide, I neither hir'd nor made use of; and if I had, I ought to have pay'd onely half at most, the said Ca∣melier having other Carriages besides mine, and all of Merchan∣dize. But they were resolv'd to do a kindness to the Camelier, who was an Arabian, and a Thief like themselves, and gave not this money to any Guide, but kept it for his own use. Hereby the Readers may observe, how we Christians are us'd by these Barbarians in their own jurisdictions. At length, they would have taken for the Sceich a Sword, and Changiar or Arabian Pony∣ard, the hilts and garniture whereof were Silver-gilt, and which belong'd sometimes to Sitti Maani my Wife: Whereupon being no longer able to suffer so many insolencies, I resolv'd to go to the Sceich my self, and present him a Letter from the Basha of Bassora, which he had writ to him in commendation of me. Ac∣cordingly leaping upon a Mule of Ibrahim Aga's, who was already return'd, and highly angry with the proceeding of the Arabians, both towards me, the rest, and himself; I rid in haste with the Notary of the Sceich, and our cheating Camelier, (who was partly the cause of this bad usage, although I dissembled my re∣sentment thereof to him.) By the way I found many black Tents of his Arabians dispers'd in several places, and an hour within night I came to the Tent of Sceich Abitaleb, a little distant from that of his Father Sceich Nasir; which Tents differ'd from the rest, neither in colour nor stuff, (being all of coarse black Goats-hair) but onely in bigness, which shew'd them to be the princi∣pal. We enter'd not into the Tent, because we saw many of his chief Arabians sitting in a round on one side thereof, upon cer∣tain colour'd and coarse woollen clothes spread on the ground; and the Sceich was not there. Yet he came presently after, and we all rising up at his coming, he went and sat down in the midst of the circle, and so also did we in our places round about him. Then a Candle-stick with a light being plac'd before him, he per∣form'd his Orisons according to their manner; after which, sit∣ting down again, he began to read and subscribe certain Letters, giving dispatch to several businesses; and, amongst others, to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga, who was there, and waited for Licence to return. These things being over, I arose and presented him the Basha's Letter. He ask'd, whether I was the Frank, (or Christian) of the Cafila? Whereupon the Camelier answer'd that I was, and declar'd to him the cause of my coming; whereunto I ad∣ded in Arabick what I thought fit. He desir'd to see my Hat nearer Hand, and caus'd it to be brought before him; and being Page  265 inform'd that I understood the Be••in-Language, he told me, that I must excuse what his Officers had done, for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war; that the Turbant and piece of Silk much pleas'd him, but he would pay for them; whereto I an∣swer'd, that I did not value his payment, but would give him both the one and the other. Then he call'd for the Turbant, and having view'd and highly commended it, though I told him it had been us'd, (as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia) he enter'd into the Tent with it where his Women were, and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils, where-with to make Meal for Bread; it being the custom amongst the Ara∣bians, for even the noblest Women to do such services: By and by he came out again with the Turbant upon his Head, where∣upon his people congratulated him for his new bravery, saying to him, Mubarek, that is, Blessed, to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos. Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes, and we being all call'd about him, he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes, which were very sweet and good, and the first that I had eaten this year. This ended, we retir'd to our places, and after a short stay, I took leave and departed with Mahhmd Aga to the Cafila; one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order, who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them.

July the first, The Camelier return'd with an Answer, that the Sceich would not take the Sword, and the Changier or Ponyard from me; and for the Turbant and piece of Silk, he sent me 29 Piastres, whereof the Camelier said he had expended five; to wit, two to the Officer that pay'd him, and three to I know not who else, so that he brought me but 24; which were not a third part of what the things were worth. However I took them, because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserv'd not that I should correspond with him with better courtesie. I have related this Adventure, that thereby the dealings of these un∣civil Barbarians may be known.

July the second, We departed from this Station early in the [ VII] Morning, continuing our journey, but were detain'd near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir, who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel. We arriv'd late to bait near a water, where we found many Ara∣bian Tents, from which, and a neighbouring Village, we had plenty both of sweet and sower Milk, and also of Grapes. Here we stay'd all day, and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam, and Eugenia my Indian Maid, at night the said Maid ran away from us in these desarts, yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind; so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasion'd her flight. I had much adoe to recover her again, and was in great danger of lo∣sing her, in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian, Page  266 who, undoubtedly, would have hid her; and, perhaps, carry'd her afar off, and made her a slave for ever. I mention this, to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into de∣spair by too much rigor, which may redound to the prejudice of themselves, as well as of them.

July the third, Setting sorth early, we baited before noon [ VIII] near a Lake of Water, streaming there amongst certain Reeds and verdant Fields, about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres, some of which we took and eat. F. Gregorio Orsino, who was with me, bathing himself here, (as he was wont often to do for the heat) and being unskilful of swimming, was in great danger of being drowned; hapning unawares to go into a much deep∣er place of the Lake then he imagin'd. We travell'd no further this day, but onely at night went to joyn with the Capigi's, who had pitch'd a Tent a little further from the Water, to avoid the Gnats there, which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts. The two next dayes we travell'd but little, because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier, who went back to the Sceich about it.

July the sixth, We travell'd this day over Lands full of a white and shining Mineral, which was either Talk, or Salt-petre, or some such thing. I brought a good quantity of it away with me.

July the seventh, We travell'd from day-break till noon, pas∣sing over a clayie and slippery ground, where the Camels went with much difficulty. We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs, the leavs whereof are less then a Man's naile, and of the shape of a heart; the fruit was round and red, like small coral-beads, of taste sweet, mixt with a little sharpness, having little stones in them; it was very pleasant to the taste, and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Desarts. The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam, the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended.

July the eighth, We came to several places of stagnant waters, and baited at one, two or three hours before noon; but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted, as most of the rest were also, in regard of the many Minerals where-with the Earth of the Desart abounds. We departed not from this place at night, because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc, whose Territory here-abouts begins. Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta; and this Prince, (whose proper name is Mudleg) succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad, who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before, having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg, who was very young at the time of his Father's decease. At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians, who finding us prepar'd with our Arms, betook themselves to their heels, and escap'd unhurt from us, though we pursu'd them a while.

July the ninth, The Morning was spent in paying Gabels: I pay'd for my part for a load and half of portage, as they reckon'd Page  267 it, fifteen Piastres, and two more towards the abovemention'd Gabel of the Camels to Emir Nasir's Brother, besides other fees. They open'd my Trunks, and took away two Velvet Caps, much good Paper, and several other things; and had it not been more for the Capigi Ibrahim entreaties than authority, they would also have broken open the Chest, wherein I carri'd the Body of Sitti Maani my Wife. Three hours before night, we put our selves upon the way, and travell'd till about an hour before night, when we came to a place of water.

July the tenth, We travell'd till Noon, and rested in a great Plain surrounded with certain Hills, in the midst whereof stands erected a Stone, fashion'd at the Top like the bowl of a Foun∣tain. After which, we proceeded till an hour after Sun-set, and came to a place where we found good water between two little Hills. Here we staid to refresh our selves and our Camels till three hours before night; the Capigi's, who were to go by the way of Anna to find the Serdar at Mardin, or elsewhere, depart∣ing before us: but we, who intended to go to Aleppo without touching at Anna, for compendiousness of the way, and for avoiding payment of some kind of Gabel there, left the way to Anna on the right hand, and took that within the Desart more Southward. We travell'd all the remainder of this day, and all the night, with part also of the next day, without staying; to the end we might the sooner arrive at water, of which we had no less desire then need.

July the twelfth, About three hours after Sun-rise we baited, being weary, at the foot of certain little Hills, without finding water; so that we were fain to drink that little which remain'd in the Goat-skin borachoes which we carri'd with us. About three hours before Sun-set, we proceeded again till almost Noon the next day, when we arriv'd at water, to wit, the famous Ri∣ver Euphrates, lighting upon a place of the ordinary way to A∣leppo, where I had formerly pass'd when I went from thence to Baghdad, and where the road between the River and certain little Hills full of that Talk or shining Mineral is very narrow. Our further stirring at night was prevented by the supervening of some Soldiers, sent by the Officers of Anna, (whom the Capi∣gi's had inform'd of our passage) to demand those Tolls or Ga∣bels which we had sought to avoid, although we pass'd not through that City.

July the fourteenth, Most part of this day was spent in paying the said Gabel. I paid for my part six Piasters, and gave two more as a gratuity to the Soldiers; besides which, I was oblig'd to pay twenty to the chief Camelier, whose money was all gone; and in this manner I was constrain'd both to profit and pleasure him who never did me other than disprofit and displeasure. But for all this, they afterwards open'd the two greatest Trunks I had, and tumbled all my Goods about, treating me with all rigor and discourtesie. Only I took it well (and upon that account wil∣lingly Page  268 pardon'd them all the rest) that seeing the Chest wherein the body of Sitti Maani was, and understanding what it was (for I was glad to tell them, lest they should have broken it open) they not only gave me no trouble about it, as I thought they would, (being a thing contrary to custom and their Laws) but rather accounted it a picce of piety that I carri'd her with me to bury her in my own Country, both pitying and commending me for it: which hapning beyond all expectation I attributed to God's particular favour, and to her own effectual prayers, which undoubtedly helpt me therein.

[ IX] This being over, about three hours before night, We set forth and travell'd till night. Some of the above-mention'd Soldiers return'd to Anna, but others, who were carrying I know not what moneys to their Emir Mudleg, accompani'd with us. In the Evening the Leader or Chieftain of these Soldiers made me open my Trunks once again, (namely the two little ones which they had omitted in the day) and putting all my Goods in dis∣order, took away many things, as a Mantle of Sitti Maani of deep azure silk, according to the mode of Assyria, a Ball of Amber, an Alabaster Vessel curiously wrought, and consign'd to me in India by Sig. Antonio Baracho, to present in his name to Sig. Francesco del Drago at Rome; many exquisite Porcellane Dishes miniated with Gold; an Arabick Book, though of little importance; a great watchet Cloke or Mantle to keep off rain after the Persian mode; much paper besides other such things. At night we staid to rest, but the Soldiers went onwards; before their going, I redeem'd from them the Mantle of Sitti Maani, and Sig. Francesco del Drago's Alabaster Vessel, giving them in exchange two Abe's, or Arabian Surcoats which I bought of one of our company for seven Piastres; the Amber and other things I could not recover, but they carri'd them away; for they would neither restore them freely, nor take money for them, and our Cafila was so small that I could find nothing to give them instead thereof which pleas'd them. It was no small good luck that I sav'd the Sword and Ponyard of Sitti Maani, with many of her jewels, bracelets, & other ornaments of Gold from their rapacious hands; hiding them under a trunk: for, if they had seen them, 'tis ten to one but they would have taken them from me. I relate these things that it may be known what Tyranny these Barbarians exercise in their own Countries towards us, who in ours very often, with ill-employ'd courtesie, are wont to be undeservedly caress'd and honour'd when they come thither.

[ X] July the fifteenth, We travell'd from Day-break till Noon, and three hours after till night, when we took up our Station not far from the River, amongst many shrubs which to me seem'd to be Juniper, or else that plant which in Persia they call Ghiez. The next two days we travell'd and rested at our usual hours, and on the latter, we rested near a Pit or Well of bitter and stinking water in a mineral Soil, all full of Talk, of which I brought Page  269 away a parcel with me. In like manner we proceeded the two next days; and on the twenty first, we pass'd by a ruinous Castle call'd Hheir, which I had formerly seen only by night when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad. I took a better view of it now, and found it to be a great Building, all of good and large white Marble Stones; the form of it is a long Square, with walls round about, here and there distinguish'd with small round Turrets; within are many contrivances of Rooms, all likewise of white stone, but so rui∣nous that it cannot be known what they were. From hence we travell'd about three hours further, and at night arriv'd at Ta∣iba, a Town which I had formerly seen, and lodg'd in a by-place amongst the walls of the Houses near the Gate.

July the twenty second, This day was spent in paying the usu∣al Gabels, which every day are enhaunc'd in these Countries, and are now become insupportable. Though I had nothing of Merchandise, but only goods for my own use; yet I could not come off under twenty Piastres between Gabels and Donatives to the Officers, which they demanded as equally due. Here I found an Arabian nam'd Berekiet, who spoke a little Italian, and pass'd for Factor or Procurator of the Franks, saying, he had authority so to be from the Consuls of Aleppo. He present∣ly offer'd himself to speak to the Officers in our behalf, gave us an Entertainment, and invited us to lodg in his House, and, if we had been so minded, would have conducted us thither; but his services tended only to get some money of us, and by his speak∣ing with the Officers to make us pay more then perhaps we should otherwise have done.

July the twenty third, Two hours after Sun-rise, we departed from Taiba, whence the said Officer sent an Arabian with us, to conduct us first to Emir Mudleg (who they said was at Hhamah, between Aleppo and Damascus) and afterwards to Aleppo; they having done the same to the great Cafila of Bassora which had pass'd by Taiba a little before us. This going to the Emir, was a troublesom thing, both in regard of the great diversion out of the way, and the inconveniences we imagin'd the Emir himself would put us to, after all the Tyrannies we had hitherto met with in the Desart. We travell'd till past Noon, and after a short rest till Sun-set, having a continu'd ridg of little Hills al∣ways on the left hand.

July the twenty fourth, We travell'd again from day-light till past Noon, and two hours more in the Evening, taking up our Quarters an hour before Sun-set.

July twenty fifth, We set forth an hour before Sun-rise, tra∣velling till Noon, when the Arabian, assign'd to us by the Offi∣cers of Taiba to conduct us to the Emir, being so perswaded, as I believe, by the Cameliers, who alledg'd that the Camels were very weary (as indeed they were, and ovet-laden, in regard that many of them dy'd by the way, so that they could travel but gently) resolv'd to go alone before us by a neerer way over Page  270 the mountains, and leave us to follow him leisurely, as the Came∣liers said they would. I was glad of his going, and intended to take a different course from what the Cameliers imagin'd; but because it was not yet seasonable, I held my peace. After two hours rest, we travell'd till an hour before night, when we took up our Sta∣tion neer certain Pits, a little distant from the reliques of certain ancient Fabricks call'd Siria by me formerly seen and describ'd in my journey to Baghdad.

July the twenty sixth, Setting forth by day-light, we came to rest after Noon near a water which springs up in a place full of small Canes, whence we remov'd not this night, partly, that ourt ir'd and over-laden Camels might recover themselves a little, and partly, because the Cameliers were minded to eat a Camel there conveniently, which falling lame of one leg they knockt on the head in the morning; and indeed they had eaten all the others which fail'd by the way, either through Disease or other∣wise. Of this, which was not infirm, I was willing to take a trial, and lik'd the roasted flesh well enough, only it was some∣thing hard.

July the twenty seventh, Setting forth early, we wav'd the directest way to Aleppo, (which was by the Town of Achila) and took another more Southwards, and to the left hand, which led to the place where the Emir resided; intending to leave the Ca∣melier at a certain Town upon the way, from whence he was to go alone to the Emir, to carry him a Present, and excuse our go∣ing to him by alledging the death and weariness of our Camels. Hereby we endeavour'd to avoid (if possible) the troubles and disgusts which we were likely to meet with from the Emir and his Arabians, in case we should have gone to him our selves. At Noon, we came to the defign'd Village, call'd Haila; they ac∣count it a Mezar, that is, a place to be visited, and of devotion, in regard of some persons buried there whom the Mahometans hold for Saints: yet it consisted only of four poor Cottages, and those un-inhabited and abandoned, as is credible, by reason of the Tyrannies which the Arabians of the Desart, especially the Soldiers, exercis'd in these troublesom times upon the poor Pea∣sants. The Camelier, because he could not leave us here, by reason the Village was without people, purposed to carry us to the Emir; doubting, lest if he did otherwise, it might turn to his prejudice. Whereupon, considering what disgusts and per∣haps dangers too I might meet with there, both by reason of the women whom I carri'd with me, and of whom the Mahometans use to be very greedy; and also by reason of the body of Sitti Maani, and upon other accounts; I set my foot against the wall, and resolutely told the Camelier, that I would by no means go to Emir Mudleg, with whom I had nothing to do, now I had pay'd all his Gabels; I would go directly to Aleppo; whither if he would not carry me with his Camels, I would go on foot with my people, leaving all my Goods there on the ground to his Page  271 care; of which, if any were lost, he should be responsible to me for the same at Aleppo: And, indeed, had the Camelier been obstinate, I was resolv'd to do as I said, having little heart to trust to the mischievousness of the Emir, (which was very in∣famous); or to expose to so great danger, not onely the few goods I had, but also the body of Sitti Maani, our lives, and the Wo∣men's both Liberty and Souls (which was a great consideration); and little caring to present to the Emir the Letter which I had for him from the Basha of Bassora in my recommendation, because I had found by experience what little good the two former did me, which I had presented to Sceich Abdullah at Cuvebeda, and to Sceich Abitaleb the Son of Nasir in the Desart. The chief Came∣lier try'd a good while to prevail with me to go with him to the Emir; but at length seeing me obstinate, and some other Came∣liers of his companions of the same mind, he resolv'd at last to leave the Camels with me to carry my Goods directly to Aleppo, together with some few other companions of the journey, and to go himself alone with all his loads to the Emir, purposing also to tell him, that we by force, and against his will, had freed our selves from going to him; with which I was very well con∣tented.

After he was gone his own way, we took ours directly to [ XI] Aleppo, and after two hours travel, took up our station in a bare champian place, where night had over-taken us.

July the eight and twentieth, From Sun-rise we travell'd al∣most till noon, but the Camels being few, weary, and over-laden, made no great progress. After three hours baiting, we journey'd again till almost night, and lodg'd by a water near the Tents of some Arabian Beguin shepherds who were there.

July the nine and twentieth, Setting forth early, we saw some number of Horse cross the way before us at a good distance, and finding the place a Plain inclos'd with Hills, and consequently, fit for Ambuscades and Treacheries, we suspected that they were Thieves, and that they went to wait at some Pass to assault us. Wherefore we put our selves in order, and march'd a good while on foot with our Arms ready to defend our selves by fight: But at length these suspitions vanish'd, and we met no body; and, peradventure, they were people that were afraid of us, and fled. Such encounters we frequently had in the Desart, and many times betook our selves to our Arms; some times too in the night we were visited by Pilferers, who attempted to steal something clandestinely; but, God be thanked, no mischief ever befell us, and the Thieves finding us upon our guard, went away always frustrated; and sometimes too, either hurt or terri∣fy'd by our Arms. On this occasion I will not omit, (now we are near the end of this journey), that the Desart between Bassora and Aleppo, is a great Plain with very few inequalities; and some of the soil is dry, some saltish and full of other Minerals, little stony, and less moorish with Reeds; but the greatest part was green Page  272 with grass at the time of my passing through it, yet with grass most commonly thorney, and good onely for Camels to eat. The heat, even in these Summer-months, was alwayes supportable, and, provided a Man were shelter'd from the Sun, the wind was continually so great and constant that it caus'd coolness, though sometimes it molested us with the dust. The nights were always sufficiently cool, and, to avoid catching cold, it was requisite to be very well cover'd. But to return to my purpose, on the day above-said, a good while before noon we stay'd to rest in a little Village of Arabians, (not subject to the Emir, but Vassals of Aleppo) call'd Ludehi, lying in a fertile Valley irrigated with a running water. From hence I dispatch'd my Servant Giovanni Rubehh with a Camelier to Aleppo, which was about a League off; and I writ Letters by him to the most Illustrious Sig: Aluyse da Ca, the Venetian Consul in that City; and also to Doctor Luigi Ramiro his Physitian, a Roman both by Birth and Education, (upon which account I hop'd, that though I was unknown by sight, he would nevertheless be favourable to me) giving them account of my coming, and desiring the Doctor to provide me a convenient re∣sidence for my self and the Women with me. The Consul sent some of his servants to introduce us into the City, without disturb∣ance from the Turks or Custom-Officers; which to me, in re∣gard of the Coffin wherein I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani, was a great happiness; for if it had been seen, I might have found much trouble from the Turks; as also by reason of the Books which I had in their Language, some about matters of Religion, which, (as it had hapned to some others at Aleppo) 'tis likely would have been taken from me. After my Servant was gone, we follow'd him till within a mile of Aleppo, where we stay'd his return in a Meschita or Sepulchre, upon the way, of one Sceich Saadi, venerated for a Saint; and because either the Consul's Servants miss'd of me and took another way, or else my Servant arriv'd there late; therefore hearing of no Answer, we remain'd in this place all night.

July the thirtieth, In the Morning I writ again to the Consul, [ XII] and to Sig: Giovan Maria de Bona, his chief Interpreter, and my ancient Friend, to whom I had not written the day before, because I beliv'd him dead, as was falsely reported at Bassora; but understanding in the said Meschita by certain Women that he was alive and well, I would not omit to write to him also. I gave account both to the Consul and to him where I was, and desir'd of both the same favours of being met and provided of a habitation, as I had done the day before. As soon as my Letters arriv'd at Aleppo, the Consul sent several persons to fetch me, who the Evening before had sought me a good while, but in vain, and went to look for me at the Town of Ludehi, whence I sent the first advice. There came from the Consul's House Sig: Andrea Buonanimi his Factor, some Janizaries, and other servants; with whom came also some Officers of the Doganier, or Chief-Customer Page  273Abedik, an Armenian Christian; the Consul intend∣ing by their means to render my entrance more facile, and less su∣spected. All of them conducted us to the Consul's House, where by all means he would have me lodg, having invited me so to do by a most courteous Letter, which he had written the day before, and his Factor presented to me before my entrance, with many good Reasons now urging the same; whereunto I knew not in civility how to gain-say. The Customers came to search my Goods, and to see whether we had any jewels conceal'd; which they did civilly enough: As for the Chest wherein the Body of Sitti Maani w