The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those Oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described : in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.
Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652., Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644., Havers, G. (George)
Page  144


From Mangalòr,Decemb. 9. 1623.

[ I] HAving already seen in Ikkerì as much as was there remark∣able and being very desirous of seeing Barselòr, Mangalòr, and also principally the Q. of Olaza, whose Dominion and Residence is contiguous to Mangalòr; as well for that she is So∣vereign of those parts, (a matter in other Countries not ordina∣ry) and a Princess famous in our dayes, even in the Indian Hi∣stories of the Portugals, as because she is a Gentile in Religion, as likewise all her Subjects are; (whence, I conceiv'd, I might possibly see some considerable curiosity there) I lay'd hold of the occasion of going thither in company of these Men who are sent by the Ambassador, by whose favour, being provided of a good Horse, (in regard there were no Palanchino's to be hir'd in Ikkerì) and a Man to carry my baggage upon his Head, I pre∣par'd to set forth the next Morning.

November the three and twentieth, Before my departure from Ikkerì, I was presented from Vitulà Sinay, (of whom I had before taken leave) with a little Book written in the Canara-Language, which is the vulgar in Ikkerì and all that State. It is made after the custom of the Country, not of paper, (which they seldom use) but of Palm-leavs, to wit, of that Palm which the Portu∣gals call Palmum brama, i. e. Wild-palm, and is of that sort which produces the Indian Nut; for so do those commonly in India, where Palms that produce Dates are very rare. In the leavs of these Palms they write, or rather, ingrave the Letters with an Iron style made for the purpose of an uncouth form; and, that the writing may be more apparent, they streak it over with a coal, and tye the leavs together, to make a Book of them after a manner sufficiently strange. I being desirous to have one of these Books to carry, as a curiosity, to my own Country for or∣nament of my Library, and not finding any to be sold in the City, had entreated Vitulà Sinay to help me to one; but he, not find∣ing any vendible therein, caus'd a small one to be purposely transcrib'd for me, (there being not time enough for a greater) and sent it to me as a gift just as I was ready to take Horse. What the Book contains, I know not, but I imagine 'tis Verses in their Language, and I carry it with me, as I do also (to shew to the curious) divers leavs not written, and a style or Iron Pen, such as they use, together with one leaf containing a Letter Missive after their manner, which was written by I know not who to our Ambassador; of whom taking leave with many complements, as also of Sig: Carvaglio, the Chaplain, Montegro, and all the company, I departed from Ikkerì a little before noon, going out at the same Gate whereat I had enter'd; and having no Page  145 other company but a Veturino, or Hackney-man, and a Pulià who carry'd my luggage, without any other servant; for as for Galàl the Persian, aliàs Cacciatùr, I was constrain'd to dismiss him for some uncommendable actions, and send him back from Ikkerì to Goa. I will not omit to tell you, that this my brave God-son, (whom I had brought so carefully out of Persia, and trusted so much, and who alone of all my ancient servants re∣main'd with me) one day cunningly open'd a light box or basket, (Canestri the Portugals call them) wherein I kept my Clothes, and which, after the fashion of the Country, was not of wood, but of hoops lin'd with leather, and clos'd with little Pad-locks, like those which are us'd at Rome for Plate; and they are thus contriv'd that they may be of little weight, because in these parts, carriages and baggages for travel are more fre∣quently transported upon Mens shoulders then upon beasts backs; and one of these baskets or Canestri is just a Man's load. Now the good Cacciatùr having open'd mine, without hurting the lock, or medling with the linnen which he found therein, took out onely all the little mony which I then had, and had put into it, to avoid carrying its weight about me; it was in one of those long leathern purses, which are made to wear round the waste like a girdle, and was full of Spanish Rialls, a Coyn in these parts, and almost in all the world current enough. His intention, I conceive, was to leave me (as they say) naked in the Mountains in the center of India, and peradventure, to go into some Territory of the Gentiles or Mahometans, there to pass a jovial life upon my expence. But it pleas'd God, the theft being done in my Chamber, where none but he resorted, we had vehement suspition of him; and therefore the Ambassador making use of his Authority, caus'd him to be laid hold on, and we found the theft in his breeches ty'd to his naked flesh; and thus I recover'd my money. I was unwilling any hurt should be done to him, and withall, to keep him longer; nevertheless that he might not go into the Infidel-Countries, lest thereby he should lose his Religion and turn to his native errors, I sent him away with some trusty persons to Goa, giving him Letters also to Signora Maria, but such as whereby they might know that I had dismis'd him, and that he was not to be entertain'd there, though otherwise indempnifi'd. By this Story you may see how much a Man may be deceiv'd in his trusting; how little benefits prevail upon an unworthy nature; and withall, you may con∣sider to what misfortunes a Stranger is subject in strange Coun∣tries; so that if I had had nothing else, being thus depriv'd of all, I should have been left to perish miserably amongst Bar∣barians.

But leaving him to his Voyage, I departed from Ikkerì, and [ II] having pass'd the Town Badrapor, I left the road of Ahinelì, and by another way more towards the left hand, went to dine under certain Trees near a small Village of four Houses, which they Page  146 call Bamanen coppa. After dinner we continu'd our way, and foarded a River call'd Irihalè, not without being wet, by reason of the smallness of my Horse; and having travell'd near two Gau's (one Gau consists of two Cos, and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues) we lodg'd at night in a competent Town, the name whereof is Dermapora. In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant, as well because I understood not the Language of the Country, (for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal, yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter, be∣cause being by Race a Pulià, which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean, they would not suffer him to come into their Houses, nor touch their things; though they were not shie of me, albeit of a different Religion, because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race); as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet: For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles, there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them; one must be contented onely with Rice, Butter, or Milk, and other such inanimate things, wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes; but, which is worse, they will cook every thing themselves, and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels; wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victu∣als in great Palm leavs, which yet are smooth enough, and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels: Besides, one must entreat them three hours for this, and account it a great favor; so that, in brief, to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience. The truth is, 'tis a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ, to put it so in the heads of these people, that they are polluted and become un∣clean, even by touching others of a different Religion; of which superstition, they are so rigorous observers, that they will soon∣er see a person whom they account vile and unclean, (though a Gentile) dye, then go near him to relieve him.

November the four and twentieth, In the Morning before day, the Brachman Nangasà, and the Ambassador's other Men, being in haste, advanc'd before; but I, desirous to go more at my own ease, remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master; as I might well enough do, since the High-ways of Venk-tapà Naieka's Country are very secure. The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills, and through Woods, many great streams likewise occurring. I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice, some of which I was fain to walk a foot, my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster, and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces. I din'd, after I had travelled one Gau and a half, in a good Town called Colùr, where there is a great Temple, the Idol whereof, if I mis-understood not, is the Image of a Woman; the place is much venerated, and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage. After dinner, my Horse be∣ing tired, I travelled not above half another Gau; and having Page  147 gone in all this day but two Gau's, went to lodg at a certain little village, which they said was called Nalcàl. Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands, courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses, and prepared supper for us. This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns, but, like the Mazandran in Persia, with abun∣dance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods. The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice; their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water, which abounds in all places; but they pay, as they told me, very large Tributes to the King, so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves, and live in great Poverty.

November the twenty fifth, I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former, and foarded many deep Rivers. Having gone three Cos, we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice, whereof the whole Country is full, at a place call'd Kelidì. In the Evening, my Pulià being very weary, and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further, we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnàr, about a mile forwards; so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau.

November the twenty sixth, I pass'd over clifts of Hills and un∣eeven and woody places. At noon I came to a great River, on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvarì, near which, the River makes a little Island. We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side. Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr, call'd the Higher, i. e. within Land, belonging to the Indians, and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka, to difference it from the Lower Barselòr, at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals. For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast, there happens to be two places of the same Name, one call'd the Higher, or In-land, belonging to the Natives; the other, the Lower near the Sea, to the Portugals, where∣ever they have footing. Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side, I came into a fair, long, broad, and strait Street, having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand. The soil is fruitful and well peopled, encompass'd with weak walls and ditches, which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones, which shew that there is good and fair Marble here, whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry, or are the re∣mains of ancient Fabricks. It stands on the South side of the River, which from the Town Gulvàn fetches a great circuit, seeming to return backwards; and many Travellers, without touching at the Upper Barselòr, are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat, which is soon done; but I was desirous to see both places, and therefore came hither.

Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr, I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream; for a [ III] Page  148 little below the said Town, it is divided into many branches, and forms divers little fruitful Islands. About an hour and half before night, I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals, which also stands on the Southern bank of the River, distant two good Can∣non-shot from the mouth of the Sea; having travell'd this day in all, one Gau and a half. The Fort of the Portugals is very small, built almost in form of a Star, having no bad walls, but wanting ditches, in a Plain, and much expos'd to all sort of assaults. Such Portugals as are married, have Houses without the Fort in the Town, which is prety large, and hath good buildings. I went directly to the House of Sig: Antonio Borges, a former acquaint∣ance, who came from Goa to Onòr, together with us, and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkerì had recommended me. I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr, call'd Sig: Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while, and he seem'd a gallant man, though but young. Here was an Armado, and a Cafila of Ships, which came from Goa, and went to Mangalòr and Cocìn, or further; they were to depart the next day, and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr. This night I supp'd at the House of Sig: An∣tonio Borges, with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet; and went to lodg by his direction in another good House, toge∣ther with some Souldiers of the same.

November the seven and twentieth, That I might not go alone, without any body to serve me in the Ship, I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr, recommended to me by Sig: Antonio, and nam'd Manoel de Matos, with whom alone I went aboard about noon, having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig: Rocco Gomes, the chief Portugal in Barselòr, who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well. Among others that din'd with us, there was one Sig: Neittor Fernandez, by me elsewhere mention'd, who came from Goa to Onòr with us; the Captain Major of the whole Armado, Sig: Francesco de Lobo Faria, who commanded a Galley and six other Ships, be∣sides the Cafila of Merchants. I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig: Neittor Fernandez, who in the street express'd much courtesie to me. Being gone a good way upon the Sea, and it being now night, the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men, and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr; whereinto we designing to enter in the dark, and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept, struck upon land, and, the wind growing prety stiff, were in great danger of being over-set and lost; and the more, for that when we perceiv'd it, and went to strike fail, we could not for a good while, because the ropes, either through moistness, or some other fault, would not slip; so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground, not onely became very leaky, but gave two or three such violent knocks, that had she not been new, without doubt she had been split. The Sea-men Page  149 were not onely confounded but all amaz'd, nothing was heard but disorderly cryes; the voice of him that commanded could not be heard, every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety; many of the Souldiers had already strip'd them∣selves to leap into the Sea; some ty'd their Money at their backs, to endeavour to save the same together with their lives, making little account of their other goods; divers made vows and pro∣mises of Alms, all heartily recommended themselves to God; one embrac'd the Image of our Lady, and plac'd his hope in that alone. I could not induce my self to believe, that God had re∣serv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end, so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart; nevertheless seeing the danger extream great, I fail'd not to commend my self to God, his most Holy Mother, and all the Saints. By whose favour at length, the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope, and the Sea not rough, (for, if it had, it would have done us greater mischief) the Mariners freed the Ship, having cast themselves into the Sea, and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm; the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven, soliciting the other Ships out, and mending our own.

The whole Fleet being set forth before day, we return'd, [ IV] where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us; and thence we set sail all together.

November the eight and twentieth, We sail'd constantly Southwards, coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us. Half way to Mangalòr, to wit, six Leagues from Barselòr, we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands, which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria; one of which we ap∣proach'd with our Ship, and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons, (of whose nests there is great abundance) wherewith we made a good supper. Afterwards continuing our course, we pass'd by Carnate; and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr. This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers, one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel; the other more Southern from those of Olaza, which stands beyond the River Southwards, or rather beyond the bay of salt-water; which is form'd round and large like a great Haven, by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea, whose flowing fills the same with salt water. Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel, and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor, into which the Fort extends it self, being almost en∣compass'd with water on three sides. 'Tis but small, the worst built of any I have seen in India, and, as the Captain told me one day when I visited him, may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither, conti∣guous to the Fort, and encompass'd with weak walls; within which, the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd. There are Page  150 three Churches; namely, the See or Cathedral within the Fort; our Lady Del Rosario, La Misericordia, and San Francesco without. Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Per∣sons in all; two Franciscan Fryers, and one Vicar Priest, to whose charge, with very small revenews belong all the other Churches. I went not ashore because it was night, but slept in the Ship.

November the nine and twentieth, Early in the Morning I land∣ed at Mangalòr, and went together with Sig: Neittor Fernandez, and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig: Ascentio Veira, a Notary of the City. After which, I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his, by Sig: Paolo Sodrino, who was married in Mangalòr, and came for Goa, in our Ship. The next night the Fleet departed from Cocìn, but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza.

November the thirtieth, After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario, I visited the Captain of Mangalòr, not in the Fort, but in a cover'd place without the Gate, which is built to re∣ceive the cool Air of the Sea, and where he was then in con∣versation. He was an old Man all gray, by Name Sig: Pero Go∣mes Pasagna.

[ V] The first of December, in the Morning I went to see Banghel, by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher, or Banghervarì; 'tis a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr, towards the South and upon the Sea; and the King that rul'd there, and in the circum∣jacent lands being at this day driven out, 'tis subject to Venk-tapà Naieka. A Musket-shot without Mangalòr, on that side, is a small River which is pass'd over by a ruinous stone bridg, and may likewise be forded; 'tis the boundary of the Portugals jurisdicti∣on. The above-said mile is through cultivated fields, and then you come to Banghel, which is a rich soil, and sometimes better peopled then at present; whence the Houses are poor Cottages of earth and straw. It hath been but one strait street, of good length, with Houses and Shops continu'd on both sides, and many other sheds dispers'd among the Palme-to's. The King's House stood upon a rais'd ground, almost like a Fort, but is now wholly destroy'd, so that there is nothing left standing but the posts of the Gate; for when Venk-tapà Naieka took this Territo∣ry, he demolish'd what-ever was strong in it. The Bazàr, or Market-place remains, although not so stor'd with goods as it was in the time of its own King; yet it affords what is necessary, and much Areca or Fofel, whereof they make Merchandize, send∣ing the same into divers parts, that of this place being better then others; here are also in the Bazàr, some Gold-smiths who make knives and cizzers adorn'd with Silver very cheap, and other like toys, of which I bought some, and having seen all that was to be seen return'd on foot, as I came, though somewhat late, to Mangalòr.

Page  151December the second, This Morning I went to see Olaza, which is about the same distance from Mangalòr as Banghel is, but the contrary way towards the South, and stands on the other side of a great River, which was to be pass'd over by boat. The Queen was not here, and seldom is, but keeps her Court commonly in another place more within land; yet I would not omit to see Olaza, the rather because in the Portugal Histories it gives name to that Queen, as being that Land of hers which is nearest and best known to the Portugals, and perhaps, the richest and fruitfullest which she now enjoyes. I found it to be a fat soil, the City lying between two Seas, to wit, the Main-sea and the Bay, upon an arm of Land which the Port incloses; so that the situation is not onely pleasant, but might also be made very strong if it were in the hands of people that knew how to do it. It is all open, saving on one side towards the mouth of the Haven between the one Sea and the other, where there is drawn a weak wall with a ditch and two inconsiderable bastions. The Bazàr is indifferent, and besides necessaries for provisions, affords abundance of white and strip'd linnen cloth, which is made in Olaza, but course, such as the people of that Country use. At the Towns end is a very pleasant Grove, and at the end thereof a great Temple, handsomely built for this Country, and much esteem'd. Olaza is inhabited confusedly, both by Gentiles who burn themselves, and also by Malabar-Moors. About a mile off Southwards, stands the Royal House or Palace amongst the above-said Groves, where the Queen resides when she comes hither sometimes. 'Tis large, enclos'd with a wall and trench, but of little moment. In the first entrance it hath a Gate with an open Porch, where the Guard is to stand; and within that a great void place like a very large Court, on the far side where∣of stands the House, whose inside I saw not, because the Court was not there; yet for this place, it seem'd to have something of wild Majesty; behind, it joyns to a very thick wood, serving both for delight and security in time of necessity. The way from the Palace to the City is almost wholly beset with Houses. Having seen as much as I desir'd, I stay'd not to dine, but return'd to Mangalòr; there being always a passage-boat ready to carry people backwards and forwards.

December the third, Arriving not timely enough to hear Mass [ VI] in the Church Del Rosario, I went to San Francesco, where I heard Mass, and a tolerably good Sermon, made by an old Father call'd Francesco dos Neves. In the Evening, I prepar'd to go to see the Queen of Olaza at her Court, which was the design of this litle peregrination. And not finding Sig: Paolo Sodrino my friend at Mangalòr, I was help'd to a boat by Sig: Luis Gomes a Native of Cananòr, but who had liv'd long at Mangalòr. I went up the River which comes from the Territories of Olaza, but another more Northern, different from the above-mention'd little one, over which I pass'd by a bridg to Banghel, and falling into the Port Page  152 of Mangalòr. I took with me also a Brachman call'd Narsù, a Native of Mangalòr, to serve me for an Interpreter with the Queen, (although my Christian Servant spoke the Language well) partly, that I might have more persons with me to serve me, and partly, because the Bachman being a Gentile, known and vers'd in this Court, might be more serviceable to me in many things: than my own Servant; so having provided what was needful, and prepar'd victuals to dine with upon the River by the way, which is somewhat long, I determin'd to set forth the next Morning.

December the fourth, Before day-light I took boat at Mangalòr, in which there were three Water-men, two of which row'd at the Prow, and one at the Poop with a broad Oar, which serv'd both for an Oare and a Helm. Having pass'd by Bronghel, we enter'd into the great Northern River, in which on the left hand is a place where passage-boats laden with Merchandize pay a Tole to the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka, to whom the circum∣jacent Region is subject. Rowing a great way against the stream, the water whereof for a good space is salt, at length we stay'd to dine at a Town call'd Salè, inhabited for the most part by Moors, and situate on the right bank as you go up the River. This Town with others round it, is subject to an Indian-Gentile Lord, call'd Ramo Rau, who in all hath not above 2000 Pay-gods of yearly Revenew, of which he payes about 800. to Venk-tapà Naieka, to whom he is Tributary. Nevertheless he wears the Title of King, and they call him Omgiu Arsù, that is, King of Omgiù, which is his chief place. Having din'd and rested a while, we continu'd our Voyage, and after a good space enter'd into the State of the Queen of Oloza, to whom the Country on either side the River belongs. The River is here very shallow, so that though our boat was but small, yet in many places we struck against the ground; at length about Evening we arriv'd at Manèl, so they call the place where the Queen of Olaza now resides, which is onely a Street of a few Cottages or Sheds rather then Houses; but the Country is open, fair and fruitful, inhabited by abundance of little Houses and Cottages here and there of Husband-men, besides those united to the great Street call'd the Bazàr, or Market; all which are comprehended under the name of Manèl, which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream.

[ VII] Having landed, and going towards the Bazàr to get a Lodg∣ing in some House, we beheld the Queen coming alone in the same way without any other Woman, on foot, accompany'd onely with four or six foot-Souldiers before her, all which were quite naked after their manner, saving that they had a cloth over their shame, and another like a sheet worn cross the shoulders like a belt; each of them had a Sword in his hand, or at most a Sword and Buckler; there were also as many behind her of the same sort, one of which carry'd over her a very ordinary Umbrella made Page  153 of Palm-leavs. Her Complexion was as black as that of a natural Aethiopian; she was corpulent and gross, but not heavy, for she seem'd to walk nimbly enough; her Age may be about forty years, although the Portugals had describ'd her to me much elder. She was cloth'd, or rather girded at the waste with a plain piece of thick white Cotton, and bare-foot, which is the custom of the Indian-Gentile Women, both high and low, in the house and abroad; and of Men too, the most and the most ordi∣nary go unshod; some of the more grave wear Sandals or Slippers, very few use whole Shoos covering all the Foot. From the waste upwards the Queen was naked, saving that she had a cloth ty'd round about her Head, and hanging a little down upon her Breast and Shoulders. In brief, her aspect and habit represented rather a dirty Kitchin-wench or Laundress, then a delicate and noble Queen; whereupon, I said within my self, Behold by whom are routed in India the Armies of the King of Spain, which in Europe is so great a matter! Yet the Queen shew'd her quality much more in speaking then by her presence; for her voice was very graceful in respect of her Person, and she spoke like a prudent and judicious Woman. They had told me that she had no teeth, and therefore was wont to go with half her Face cover'd; yet I could not discover any such defect in her, either by my Eye or by my Ear; and, I rather believe, that this covering the Mouth, or half the Face, as she sometimes doth, is agreeable to the mo∣dest custom which I know to be common to almost all Women in the East. I will not omit, that though she were so corpulent as I have mention'd, yet she seems not deform'd, but I imagine she was handsome in her Youth; and indeed, the report is, that she hath been a brave Lady, though rather of a rough then a delicate handsomeness. As soon as we saw her coming, we stood still, lay'd down our baggage upon the ground, and went on one side to leave her the way to pass. Which she taking no∣tice of, and of my strange habit, presently ask'd, Whether there was any among us that could speak the Language? Whereupon my Brachman Narsù step'd forth and answer'd, Yes; and I, after I had saluted her according to our manner, went near to speak to her, she standing still in the way with all her people to give us Audience. She ask'd who I was, (being already in∣form'd, as one of her Souldiers told me, by a Portugal who was come about his businesses before me from Mangalòr to Manel, that I was come thither to see her) I caus'd my Interpreter to tell her, that I was Vn Cavaliero Ponentino, A Gentleman of the West, who came from very farr Countries; and because other Europaeans than Portugals were not usually seen in her Domini∣ons, I caus'd her to be told, that I was not a Portugal but a Ro∣man, specifying too that I was not of the Turks of Constantinople, who in all the East are styl'd and known by the Name of Rumì; but a Christian of Rome, where is the See of the Pope who is the Head of the Christians. That it was almost ten years since my Page  154 first coming from home and wandring about the world, having seen divers Countries and Courts of great Princes; and that be∣ing mov'd by the fame of her worth, which had long ago arriv'd at my Ears, I was come into this place purposely to see her, and offer her my service. She ask'd, What Countries and Courts of Princes I had seen? I gave her a brief account of all; and she hearing the Great Turk, the Persian, the Moghol, and Venk-tapà Naieka nam'd, ask'd, What then I came to see in these Woods of hers? Intimating that her State was not worth seeing, after so many other great things as I said I had seen. I reply'd to her, that it was enough for me to see her Person, which I knew to be of great worth; for which purpose alone I had taken the pains to come thither, and accounted the same very well imploy'd. After some courteous words of thanks, she ask'd me, If any sickness or other disaster had hapned to me in so remote and strange Countries, How I could have done being alone, without any to take care of me? (a tender Affection, and inci∣dent to the compassionate nature of Women). I answer'd, that in every place I went into, I had God with me, and that I trusted in him. She ask'd me, Whether I left my Country upon any disgust, the death of any kindred or beloved person, and there∣fore wander'd so about the world, (for in India and all the East some are wont to do so upon discontents either of Love, or for the death of some dear persons, or for other unfortunate acci∣dents; and if Gentiles, they become Gioghies; if Mahometans, Dervises and Abdales; all which are a sort of vagabonds, or de∣spisers of the world, going almost naked, onely with a skin upon their Shoulders, and a staff in their Hands, through divers Countries, like our Pilgrims; living upon Alms, little caring what befalls them, and leading a Life suitable to the bad dispo∣sition of their hearts). I conceal'd my first misadventures, and told the Queen that I left not my Country upon any such cause, but onely out of a desire to see divers Countries and customs, and to learn many things, which are learnt by travelling the World; men who had seen and convers'd with many several Na∣tions, being much esteem'd in our parts: That indeed for some time since, upon the death of my Wife, whom I lov'd much, though I were not in habit, yet in mind I was more then a Gioghi, and little car'd what could betide me in the World. She ask'd me, What my design was now, and whither I directed my way? I answer'd, that I thought of returning to my Country, if it should please God to give me life to arrive there. Many other questions she ask'd, which I do not now remember, talking with me standing a good while; to all which, I answer'd the best I could: At length she bid me go and lodg in some house, and afterwards she would talk with me again at more convenience. Whereupon I took my leave, and she proceeded on her way, and, as I was afterwards told, she went about a mile off to see a work which she had in hand of certain Trenches to convey water Page  155 to certain places, whereby to improve them. I spoke to the Queen with my head uncover'd all the while; which courtesie, it being my custom to use to all Ladies my equals, onely upon the account of being such, I thought ought much rather to be us'd to this who was a Queen, and in her own Dominions, where I was come to visit and to do her Honour.

After she was gone her way, I with my people enter'd into a [ VIII] little village, and there took a lodging in an empty house belong∣ing to a Moor of the Country, and near the Palace; but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor, that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh, or what I pleas'd; which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suf∣fer'd. The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles, and partly Malabar-Moors, who have also their Meschita's there; which was of much convenience to me. The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deuì-Ciautrù; of which words, Abag is her proper Name; Deuì signifies as much as Lady, and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods; nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù, or Deurù, which are both one, and equally attributed to Princes; whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world, and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths; as likewise (which is my ancient opinion) that the word [God] where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator, doth not properly signifie that First Cause, who alone ought to be ador'd by the World, but signifi'd at first, either Great Lord, or the like; whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world, suitable to that of the Holy Scripture, Filii Deorum, Filii Hominum; and consequently, that the gods of the Gentiles, though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times, were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe, and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him; (some calling him, Causa Prima; others, Anima Mundi; others, Perabrahmi, as the Gentiles at this day in India:) But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us; of the truth whereof, I have great Argu∣ments, at least amongst the Indian-Gentiles; or if more then Saints, yet at least Deifi'd by favour, and made afterwards Divi, as Hercules, Romulus, Augustus, &c. were amongst the Ro∣mans. But to return to our purpose, they told me the word Ciautrù, (the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name) was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza; and therefore possibly signifies either Prince, or King, and Queen, or the like. As for this Countries being subject to a Woman, I understood from intelligent persons of the Country, that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign, and that 'tis a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gen∣tiles, the Sons do not succeed the Fathers, but the Sons of their Page  156 Sisters; they accounting the Female-line more certain, as indeed it is, than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza, having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs, his Wife succeeded him; and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deuì, who was her Sister to succeed her. To whom, because she is a Woman and the descent is certain, is to succeed a Son of hers, of whom I shall hereafter make mention; but to him, being a Man, not his own Sons, but the Son of one of his Sisters, here∣after likewise mention'd, is to succeed.

Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen, I [ IX] shall add, that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister, she was married for many years to the King of Banghel, who now is a fugitive, depriv'd of his Dominions, but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers. Yet, though they were Husband and Wife, (more for Honors sake then any thing else) they liv'd not together, but apart each in their own Lands: in the Confines whereof, either upon Rivers, where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats, or in other places of delight, they came to see and converse with one another; Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women, who accompa∣ny'd him where-ever he went. 'Tis reported, that this Queen had the Children, which she hath, by this Banghel, if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover; for, they say, she wants not such. The Matrimony and good Friend∣ship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen, I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them, and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel, sending back to him, (as the custom is in such case) all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife. For this, and perhaps for other causes, Banghel became much offended with the Queen, and the rupture proceeded to a War: during which, it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers, not very well guarded, he sending his people with other boats in better order, took her and had her in his power: Yet, with fair carri∣age and good words, she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country. In revenge of this injury, she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel, who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals, because he was confederate with them, and (as they say of many Royolets of India) Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal, the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel, and the Portugals who fa∣vour'd him, the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka, who was already become very potent, and fear'd by all the Neigh∣bours, and under his protection and obedience she put her self. Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen, took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own, destroying the Fort which was there; he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts, demolishing their strength, and rendring them his Tributaries; one of which was the Queen of Curnat,Page  157 who was also confedrate with the Portugals, and no friend to her of Olaza: he came against Mangalòr, where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals, he defeated a great number; and, (in short) the flower and strength of India, carrying the En∣signs, Arms, and Heads of the slain to Ikkerì in triumph. He did not take Mangalòr, because he would not, answering the Queen of Olaza, who urg'd him to it; That they could do that at any time with much facility, and that 'twas best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place, (which was rather a House then a Fortress) in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries: After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals, by which he re∣stor'd the Colours he had taken from them, and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort, which Venk-tapà, as I said before, demolish'd; besides other conditions which are now under con∣sideration, according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkerì. This was the War of Banghel, in which the Queen got the better of him and the Portugals, of which she was very proud; yet with-all, her Protector Venk-tapà Naieka who is very rapacious and little faithful, sufficiently humbled her, and she got not much benefit by him, saving quiet living; for besides his subjecting her to his obedience in a manner, she was necessitated, whether by agreement or violence I know not, to resign to him Berdrete, which is the best and richest City she had, together with much Land in those Confines of Venk-tapà, and of the inner part of her Country, which amounted to a good part of her Dominions; however, at present she lives and governs her Country in Peace, being respected by all her Neighbours. This Queen had an elder Son then him that now lives; he was call'd Cic-Rau Ciauerù, and dy'd a while since. The Portugals say, that she her self caus'd poyson to be given him, because the young man being grown up, and of much spirit, aspir'd to de∣prive her of the Government, and make himself Master: Which is possible enough: for divers other Princes in the world have procur'd the death of their own Children upon jealousie of State; so prevalent is that cursed enormous Ambition of ruling. Yet such an impiety not being evident to me concerning the Queen, I will not wrongfully defame her, but rather believe, that the young man dy'd a natural death, and with regret to her. So neither do I believe what the Portugals incens'd against her fur∣ther report, namely, that she hath attempted to poyson this second Son; but it succeeded not, he being advertis'd thereof by his Nurse who was to give him the poyson; since I see that this Son lives with her in the same place and house peaceably, which would not be, if there were any such matter: Nor can I conceive, why she should go about to extinguish all her own Issue in this manner, having now no other Heir born of her self.

December the fifth, The Queen of Olaza's Son, who though he [ X] Page  158 govern not, (for the Mother administers all alone, and will do as long as she lives) yet for honor's sake is styl'd King, and call'd Celuuà Rairù, (of which words, Celuuà is his proper name, and Rairù his title) sent for the Brachman my Interpreter in the Morning, and discoursing long with him, took a particular in∣formation of me, telling him that he understood I was much whiter then the Portugals who us'd to trade in that Country, and of a very good presence, and consequently, must needs be a per∣son of quality. In conclusion, he bid him bring me to him when my conveniency serv'd; for he was very desirous to see me and speak with me. This Message being related to me, I let pass the hour of dinner, (because, having no appetite, and finding my stomack heavy, I would not dine this day) and when it seem'd a convenient time, I went (with my Interpreter) cloth'd in black after my custom; yet not with such large Breeches down to the heels, as the Portugals for the most part are wont to wear in India, in regard of the heat, (for they are very commo∣dious, covering all the Leg, and saving the trouble of Stockins, so that the Leg is naked and loose) but with Stockins and Garters and ordinary Breeches, without a Cloak, (though us'd by the Portugal-Souldiers in India, even of greatest quality) but with a large Coat or Cassock, open at the sides, after the Coun∣try fashion. The Palace, (which may rather be call'd Capanna Reale, a Royal Lodge) is entred into by a Gate like the grate or lat∣tice of our Vine-yards at Rome, ordinary enough, seated in the midst of a field, which like them is divided by a small hedge from the neighbouring fields. Within the Gate is a broad Walk or Alley, on the right side whereof is a spacious plot sown, at the end of which, the Walk turns to the right hand, and there upon the same plot stands the Royal Mansion, having a prospect over all the said great green field. In the middle of this second Walk, you enter into the House, ascending seven or eight wooden stairs, which lead into a large Porch, the length of which is equal to the whole fore-part of the House. This Porch was pav'd with Cow-dung after their manner, the walls about shining, and painted with a bad red colour much us'd by them. The fore-part of it, which is all open, is up-held by great square posts, of no great height, (for 'tis their custom to make all buildings, especially Porches, but low in respect of the breadth and length, with very broad Pent-houses; which is, I believe, by reason of the great heat of the Country, where they have more need of shadow and coolness, than of air or light. Directly opposite to the stairs in the middle of the Porch, was another small Porch, which was all the entrance into the inner part of the building. Within the little Porch was a small room long and narrow, where the King sate near the wall on the left side; and he sate upon the ground after the Eastern manner upon one of those coarse clothes, which in Persia and Turkie are call'd Kielim, and serve for poor people; nor was it large, but Page  159 onely so much as to contain the Person of the King, the rest of the room being bare, saving that it was pollish'd with Cow-dung. Beside the King, but a little farther on his left hand, sate upon a little matt, sufficient onely to contain him, a Youth of about fifteen or eighteen years of age, call'd Balè Rairù, who was his Nephew, and is to succeed him, being the Son of his deceased Sister, who was Daughter to the present Queen. The Father of this Youth was a neighbour Gentile Prince, whom they call the King of Cumbià, (or perhaps more correctly, Kunblè) call'd by his proper name Ramò-Nàto Arì; of which words, Ramò-Nàto is the proper name, and Arì the title. They said he was still living, though others at Goa told me afterwards that he was dead. But being this young Balè Rairù was not to succeed his Father, but had Right of Inheritance in Olaza, therefore he liv'd not in his Father's Country, but here at Manèl with his Grand-mother and his Uncle. None other sate with the King, but three or four of his more considerable servants stood in the room talking with him; and in the great Porch, without the little one, stood in files on either side other servants of inferior de∣gree, two of which nearest the entrance ventilated the Air with fans of green Taffeta in their Hands, as if to drive away the flyes from the King or the entrance; a Ceremony us'd, as I have said elsewhere by Indian Princes for Grandeur; and they told me, the green colour was a Ceremony too, and the proper badg of the King of Olaza, for the King of Banghel uses Crimson; other Princes, white, as I saw us'd by Venk-tapà Naieka; and others, perhaps other colours: A small company indeed, and a poor ap∣pearance for a King; which call'd to my remembrance those ancient Kings, Latinus, Turnus, and Evander, who, 'tis likely, were Princes of the same sort. Such as came to speak with the King, stood without in the Porch, either on one side, or in the middle of the little Porch; either because the room was very small, and not sufficient for many people; or rather, as I believe, for more State. The King was young, not above seventeen years of age, as they told me, yet his aspect spoke him elder; for he was very fat and lusty, as I could conjecture of him sitting, and besides, he had long hairs of a beard upon his cheeks, which he suffer'd to grow without cutting, though they appeared to be but the first down. Of Complexion he was dusky, not black, as his Mother is, but rather of an earthy colour, as almost all the Malabars use to be. He had a lowder and bigger voice then Youths of his age use to have, and in his speaking, gestures, and all other things he shew'd Judgment and manly gravity. From the girdle upwards he was all naked, saving that he had a thin cloth painted with several colours cast cross his shoul∣ders. The hair of his head was long after their manner, and ty'd in one great knot, which hung on one side wrapt up in a little plain linnen, which looks like a night-cap fallen on one side. From the girdle downwards I saw not what he wore, because he Page  160 never rose from his seat, and the Chamber was something dark; besides that, the painted cloth on his shoulders hung down very low. His Nephew who sate beside him was not naked, but clad in a whole white garment; and his Head was wrapt up in a greater volume, white, like a little Turbant.

When I came before the King, his Men made me come near to [ XI] the little Porch in the midst of them, where standing by my self, after the first salutations, the King presently bid me cover my head; which I forth-with did without further intreaty; though with the Mother, because a Lady, I was willing to super-abound in Courtesie, speaking to her all the time uncover'd: But with the Son who was a Man, I was minded to enjoy the priviledg of my descent, and receive the favour which he did me, as due to my quality. To sit upon at first they offer'd me nothing, nor was it fitting to sit down upon the bare ground: Yet to shew some difference between my self and the by-standers, after I had put on my Hat, I lean'd upon my Sword, and so talk'd as long as I was standing, which was not long; the King, who at first sat side-wise, turning himself directly towards me, although by so doing he turn'd his back to his Nephew. He ask'd me almost all the same questions as his Mother had done; Whence I came? What Countries I had travell'd through? What Princes I had seen? Whether I had left my own Country upon any misfortune? Or why? How I would have done thus alone in strange Countries, in case of sickness or other accidents? To all which I answer'd, as I had done to his Mother; and upon my saying, that I wander'd thus alone up and down trusting in the help of God; He ask't me, Who was my God? I answer'd him, (pointing upwards) the God of Heaven, the Creator of the Uni∣verse; whereupon certain Souldiers there present, (in all likely∣hood Moors) as if applauding me, said, Ah Chodia, Chodia, which in the Persian Tongue signifies Lord, and is meant of God; inferring that I worship'd the true God, whom they Moors pretended to know, in opposition to the Idols of the Gentiles of the Country; And they us'd the Persian word Chodia, because that probably the Sect of Mahomet came into these parts from Persia, (which is not very remote from India) as also from Arabia; or perhaps, because the Indians of the Territory of Idal-Sciàh and Dacàn, being in great part Moors, use much the Persian Tongue which is spoken in the Courts of those Princes no less then their natural Language; whence these other Indians more inwards to the South have, by reason of neighbourhood, communication both in Religion and Speech. The King told me several times that he had very great contentment in seeing me, and that no Euro∣paean of my quality had ever been in his Country; that my per∣son well shew'd of what quality I was: Nor was he mistaken herein; for what other would ever go out of Europe into his Country? unless some Portugal Merchantello of those who come hither for the most part to seek wood to make masts and sails Page  161 for Ships; these Woods abounding with very goodly Trees. I told him, I was sorry I had nothing worthy to present to him; that in my Country there wanted not gallant things for his Highness; but it being so many years since my departure thence, and my Travels so far, I had nothing left as I desir'd; yet, as a memo∣rial of my service, I should venture to give him a small trifle of my Country: Whereupon I caus'd my Interpreter, (who car∣ried it) to offer him a little Map of the World, which I had brought with me out of Italy; telling him what it was, and how all the Countries, Lands, Seas, and Islands of the world were exact∣ly delineated in it, with their Names set to each place in our Tongue, and all that was necessary to make him understand what it was. The King was hugely pleas'd with it, and desir'd to see several Countries, where they lay, and how great they were, asking me sundry questions about them; but being he understood not our Letters written therein, he satisfi'd him∣self with the sight onely, and with shewing it to all the by-standers as a curious and ingenious piece of Art. Then he ask'd me, whe∣ther I could eat in their Houses, or of their meats; for he desir'd to give me something to eat: I answer'd that I could, and that the purity of our Religion consisted not in the eating or touch∣ing of things, but in doing good works. He earnestly desir'd me, that I would stay a while till some meat were prepar'd for me; for by all means he would have me eat something in his House, and himself see me eating. I told him, that if his inten∣tion were onely to give me meat, the time was already past, nor was I dispos'd to eat; but if it were to see me eat, I could not eat in that place after the fashion of my Country, not having there the preparations necessary thereunto, so that his Highness should not see what, perhaps, he desir'd; and therefore I beseech'd him to excuse me: Nevertheless he was so urgent for it, that, not to appear discourteous, I consented to obey him. And, till the meat came, the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch, where I might sit after our manner, but not in the King's sight.

Hereupon I with-drew with some of his Men to entertain me, and in the mean time the King remain'd talking with the rest of them concerning me, commending me much for several things, but above all, for a good presence, for speaking truly and discreetly, like a Gentleman, and for my civil deportment. But before I proceed further, I will here present you with a rough and unmeasur'd draught of the King's House, and the place wherein he was; so far as may suffice for the better under∣standing of what is already spoken, and is to follow after.

Page  162


  • 1. At the foot of this design is the Gate of the Palace.
  • 2. The Walk leading to it, and included within the House.
  • 3. A great plain and sown field.
  • 4. The turning of the Walk before the House, where the short lines intersecting the outward line towards the field, re∣present Page  163 the Trees planted at equal distances and in order.
  • 5. Seven or eight wooden Stairs leading up to the Porch.
  • 6. The Porch of the House, in which the little squares near the outer lines are the wooden pillars which support it, and the ambient lines the walls.
  • 7. The King's Servants standing on either side without the little Porch of the Chamber.
  • 8. I Pietro Della Valle, when I first talk'd with that King, standing.
  • 9. The Room wherein the King was.
  • 10. The King sitting on the ground upon a little coarse Cloth.
  • 11. The King's Nephew sitting on the ground upon a little matt.
  • 12. The King's Servants standing.
  • 13. I Pietro Della Valle sitting in the said room on the ground upon a little low Table, whilst I eat and discours'd with the King a very long time together; the place mark'd with the number 13, being that where they set the meat before me.
  • 14. A small open Court.
  • 15. A small mount or bank in the said Court, leading from the more inward Chambers to that where the King was.
  • 16. Inner Chambers and Lodgings, which, what they were, I saw not; but they were of very bad earthen buildings, low, and coverd with thatch-like Cottages, that is, with Palm-leavs; which are always to be understood when I speak of Cottages or Houses cover'd with thatch in India.
  • 17. I Pietro Della Valle sitting between two of the King's Ser∣vants upon the side of the Porch, (after having spoken the first time with the King) entertaining me while the meat was pre∣paring.

The meat was not long in preparing, and being now in order, the [ XII] King call'd for me again to enter into the room where it stood rea∣dy; and one of the Brachmans who spoke Portugal, and was wont to accompany me, ask'd me, Whether it would not be more con∣venient for me to ungird my Sword, and put off my Cassack? I answer'd, that my Cassack gave me no trouble, nor was there occasion to lay it off; but my Sword might be laid aside, and therewith ungirding it, I gave it him to hold: which I did, the rather because all Princes being commonly suspicious, I imagin'd the King would not like my entring in with Arms; and he that goes into another's House, to visit him and do him honour, is not to disgust, but to comply with him in all points. So I enter'd without a Sword, but yet with shoes and stockins on, though with them it be unusual; for none should enter into that place but bare-foot, and the King himself is so there, according to their custum: Nor did I scruple their taxing me of unclean∣liness, as undoubtedly they would have done in Turkie and Persia, if I had enter'd into their rooms with shoes or slippers on, because Page  164 there all the rooms are cover'd with Carpets, but there was not any in these of the King, onely the pavement was gloss'd with Cow-dung. Wherefore as to have put off my shoes, (besides that they are not so easily slip'd off as Pantofles, nor does it shew well) would have been an exorbitant and unnecessary humility; so to enter with them on, was to me convenient and decorous, without any lyableness to be accus'd of uncleanliness, being the floore was not cover'd; if it had been so with Carpets or the like, as 'tis usual in Turkie and Persia, then, (to avoid seeming slovenly by soiling the place with my dirty shoes, and my self by sitting upon them, which indeed is not handsome) I should have caus'd my shoes to be pull'd off; for which purpose, I had accordingly caus'd a pair of slippers of our fashion to be brought along with me, in case there should have been need of them; our kind of shoes being not so easie to be put off by shaking the foot alone without the help of the hand, as those which for this end are us'd by all the Eastern people. Entring in this manner, and saluting the King as I pass'd, I went to sit down at the upper end of the Chamber, (as tis above describ'd) where they had prepar'd a little square board of the bigness of an ordinary stool, which might serve for a single person, but rais'd no more then four fingers above the ground; upon this I sat down, crossing my Legs, one over the other; and that little elevation help'd me to keep them out from under me, with such decency as I desir'd. Right be∣fore the seat upon the bare floor, (the Indians not using any Ta∣bles they had spread instead of a dish, (as their custom is, especi∣aly to us Christians, with whom they will not defile their own vessels; it not being lawful for them ever to eat again in those wherein we have eaten) a great Leaf of that Tree, which the Arabians and Persians call Mouz; the Portugals in India, Fichi d' India, Indian Fig-trees; and upon the said leaf they had lay'd a good quantity of Rice boyl'd after their manner, onely with water and salt; but for sauce to it, there stood on one side a little vessel made of Palm-leavs, full of very good butter melted. There lay also upon another Leaf one of those Indian Figgs, clean and par'd; and hard by it a quantity of a certain red herb, commonly eaten in India, and call'd by the Portugals Brèdo, (which yet is the general appellation of all sort of herbs). In another place lay several fruits us'd by them, and, amongst the rest, seven of the Bambù, or great Indian Cane; all of them preserv'd in no bad manner, which they call Acciaò; besides one sort pickled with Vinegar, as our Olives are. Bread there was none, because they use none, but the Rice is instead of it; which was no great defect to me, because I am now accustom'd to want it, and eat very little. The King very earnestly pray'd me to eat, excusing himself often that he gave me so small an entertainment on the sudden; for if he had known my coming before-hand, he would have prepar'd many Carìl, and divers other more pleasing meats. Carìl is a name which in India they give to certain Broths made Page  165 with Butter, the Pulp of Indian Nuts, (instead of which, in our Countries Almond Milk may be us'd, being equally good, and of the same virtue) and all sorts of Spices, particularly, Carda∣moms and Ginger, (which we use but little) besides herbs, fruits, and a thousand other condiments. The Christians who eat every thing, add Flesh or Fish of all sorts, sometimes Eggs, which, without doubt, make it more savory, especially, Hens or Chickens cut in small pieces: With all which things, is made a kind of Broth, like our Guazzetti, or Pottages, and may be made many several ways; this Broth with all the abovesaid ingredi∣ents, is afterwards poured in good quantity upon the boyled Rice, whereby is made a well-tasted mixture, of much sub∣stance and light digestion, as also of very little pains; for it is presently boyled, and serves both for meat and bread together. I found it very good for me, and used it often, as also the Pilào else-where spoken of, and made of Rice boyled with butter and flesh fryed therein, besides a thousand other preparations of several sorts which are so common to every body in Asia; and I account it one of the best and wholsomest meats that can be eaten in the world, without so many Artificial Inventions as our gutlings of Europe (withall, procuring to themselves a thousand infirmities of Gouts, Catarrhs, and other Maladies, little known to the Orientals) daily devise to the publick damage. But to re∣turn to my Relation, the King told me, he would have given me a better entertainment, but yet desired me to receive this small extemporary one, and eat without any respect or shiness of those that were present; for thereby he should understand that I liked it. I answer'd, that the Favour and Courtesie which his High∣ness shew'd me, was sufficient: But as for eating, the time being now past, I did it onely to obey him; and so, to comply with him, although I had little will to eat, I tasted lightly here and there of those fruits and herbs, where-with my Hand was but little soiled, which upon occasion I wiped with my handkerchief, being they use no other Table-linnen, nor had laid any for me. The King seeing that I touched not the Rice, spoke to me several times to eat of it, and to powre upon it some of that butter which stood by it prepared. I did not, because I would not grease my self, there being no spoon; for the Indians eat every thing with the Hand alone, and so do the Portugals; I know not, whether as having learnt so to do in India of the Indians; or, whether it be their own natural custom; but they too, for the most part eat with the Hand alone, using no spoon, and that very ill-favoured∣ly; for with the same Hand, if need be, they mingle together the Rice, the Butter, the Carìl, and all other things how greasie soever, daubing themselves up to the wrist, or rather washing their Hands in their meat before they eat it; (a fashion indeed sufficiently coarse for people of Europe): and thought at their Tables, which are handsome enough, there want not knives, spoons, and silver forks, and some few sometimes make use Page  166 thereof; yet the universal custom is such, that few use them, even when they lie before them. The truth is, they wash their Hands many times during one dinner, to wit, as often as they grease them, but they wipe them not first; for neither do they make use of napkins, whether they have any before them (as for the most part they have) or not; but bsides the trouble of washing so often, in my judgment, there is but little neat∣nesse in washing their anointed Hand after that manner; and, I know not, whether the washing cleanses or de∣files more: I being inur'd to the neatness of Italy, could not conform to slovenliness: and, let them cover this barbarous custom with what pretence they please, either of military man∣ners, or what else they think fit; 'tis little trouble for a civil Man to carry, even in the Warr and Travels, amongst other ne∣cessary things, a spoon, knife, and fork, where-with to eat hand∣somely: The Turks themselves, as barbarous as they are, yet are so much observers of this, that amongst them there is not the meanest Souldier, but who, if he hath not other better conve∣nience, at least carries his spoon ty'd to the belt of his sword. In short, the King frequently urg'd me to eat of the Rice, and I as often deny'd with several excuses; at last he was so importunate, that I was fain to tell him, I could not eat that meat in that manner, because I had not my Instruments. The King told me, I might eat after my own way, and take what Instruments I would, which should be fetch'd from my House. I reply'd divers times, that there was no need, and that my tasting of it was enough to testifie my Obedience: However, by all means he would have what was necessary fetch'd from my House. So I sent my Brachman and my Christian Servant with my key, and they, the King so enjoyning, went; and return'd in a moment, for my House was directly over against the Palace. They brought me a spoon, a silver-fork and a clean and fine napkin, very handsome∣ly folded in small plaits; this I spread upon my knees which it cover'd down to my feet, and so I began to eat Rice, powring the butter upon it with a spoon; and the other things with the fork, after a very cleanly manner, without greasing my self, or touching any thing with my Hands, as 'tis my custom. The King and all the rest admir'd these exquisite, and to them unusual, modes; crying out with wonder Deuru, Deuru, that I was a Deuru, that is, a great Man, a God, as they speak. I told the King, that to eating according to my custom, there needed much preparation of a table, linnen, plates, dishes, cups, and other things; but I was now travelling through strange Countries, and treated my self, alla Soldatescae, after the Soul∣diers fashion, leading the life of a Gioghi, and consequently, had not with me such things as were necessary. The King answer'd, that it suffic'd him to see thus much, since thereby he easily imagin'd how all my other things would be; and that, in brief, he had never seen any Europaean like me; and that it was a great Page  167 contentment to him to see me. He desir'd me several times to eat more, perceiving that I rather tasted of things to please him, than to satiate my self. He caus'd divers other Fruits pickled with Vinegar and Salt to be brought me, by a Woman who came from the inner rooms through the little Court; as also for my drink, (in a cup made likewise of Palm-leavs) a kind of warm Milk, to which they are accustom'd, and which seem'd to me very good.

Both before and after, and whilst I was eating, I had much [ XIII] discourse with the King, who entertain'd me sitting there above two long hours; but not remembring it all, I shall onely set down some of the most remarkable particulars. He ask'd me concerning our Countries, all the Christian Princes, with the other Moors and Pagan-Princes whom I had seen; concerning the power and Armies of each, and their Grandeur in compari∣son of others. On which occasion I told him, that amongst us Christians the prime Prince was the Pope my Lord, the Head of the Church, and the High-Priest, to whom all others gave Obedience; the next, was the Emperour, in dignity the first of Souldiers, or secular Princes; that the first Nation was France; and that for Territory and Riches, Spain had most of all; with many other circumstances too long to be rehearsed. Which discourse led me to tell him, as I did, that the King of Portugal, as they speak, that is, the King of Spain, so much esteem'd in India, pay'd Tribute to our Lord the Pope for the Kingdom of Naples, which he held of his Holiness in homage; for which he had a great conceit of the Pope. Amongst the Moorish Princes, I said concerning the Moghòl, whom he much cryed up to me, that we held him indeed for the richest in treasure, but other∣wise had greater esteem of the Turk and the Persian▪ because though the Moghòl hath not an infinite number of people, and, without doubt, more then others, yet they were not people fit for war; and that Sciàh, amongst the rest, did not value him at all, as manifestly appear'd in the late war. Of Sciàh Abbas, the King profess'd to account him a great Prince, a great Souldier, and a great Captain; and I related to him, how I had been for a great while together very familiar with him, and that he had done me many favours, having me with him in divers notable occasions: whereto he answer'd, that he did not doubt it, and that, being such a person as I was, there was no Prince but would highly favour me. He ask'd me also concerning the commodi∣ties of our Countries, and of those which are brought from thence into these Oriental parts; and (being that in India they are accustom'd to the Portugals, who, how great Personages so∣ever they be, are all Merchants, nor is it any disparagement amongst them) he ask'd me, whether I had brought from my Country any thing to bargain with all, either Pearls or Jewels, for I knew very good ones came from thence? I answer'd him, that in my Country the Nobles of my rank never practis'd Page  168 Merchandize, but onely convers'd with Arms or Books, and that I addicted my self to the latter, and medled not with the former. He ask'd me, how I was supply'd with Money for my Travels, in so remote Countries? I answer'd, that I had brought some along with me, and more was sent me from time to time by my Agents, either in Bills or in ready Money, accord∣ing as was most expedient in reference to the diversity of places. He ask'd me, whether I had either a Father or a Mother, Brothers or Sisters, Wife or Children, remaining by that Wife, who, I said, was pass'd to a better life? I answer'd, that I had not; whereupon he said, it was no wonder then that I pleas'd my self in wandring thus about the World, being so alone and destitute of all Kinred. And indeed, the King did not ill inferr; for had any of my dearest Relations been living, as they are not, per∣haps, I should not have gone from home, nor ever seen Manèl or Olaza; but since 'tis God's Will to have it so, I must have pati∣ence. The King told me, that if I could procure a good Horse out of my Country, he would pay very well for it, for the Indians have none good of their own breed; and the good they have, are brought to them either from Arabia or Persia, and the Portugals make a Trade of carrying them thither to sell, even the greatest Persons, as Governours of places, and Captains Gene∣ral, not disdaining to do the same. I standing upon the point of my Italian Nobility, which allows not such things, answer'd the King, that to sell Horses was the Office of Merchants, not my profession; that I might present some good one to his High∣ness, there being in my Country very good ones, and would gladly do it, if it were possible. The King was much pleas'd with this Answer of mine, and said to his Men, that I spoke like a right Gentleman, plainly and truly; and did not, like many, who promise and say they will do many things, which afterwards they perform not, nor are able to do. He ask'd me concerning Saffron, which is much esteemed among them; they use it mix'd with Sanders to paint their fore-heads withall, as also for Perfumes, for Meats, and for a thousand other uses. I answer'd, that I might be able to serve his Highness, that it was a thing that might be transported; and that in my Country, there was enough, and that, if it pleas'd God I arrived there alive, I would send him a Present of it, with other fine things of my Coun∣try, which perhaps, would be acceptable to him. And indeed, if I arrive in Italy, I intend to make many Complements, with this and divers other Princes, whom I know in these parts; for by what I have seen, I may get my self a great deal of Honour amongst them with no great charge. Ever now and then, the King would talk with his Servants, and all was in commendation of me and my discreet speaking, and especially of my white com∣plexion, which they much admired, although in Italy I was ne∣ver counted one of the fair, and, after so many Travels, and so many sufferings both of Body and Mind, I am so changed that I Page  169 can scarce acknowledge my self an Italian any longer. He prayed me once with much earnestnesse and courtesie, (out of a juvenile curiosity) to unbrace one of my sleeves a little and my breast, that he might see whether my body were correspondent to my face. I laughed, and, to please him, did so: When they saw that I was whiter under my clothes (where the Air and Sun had not so much injured me) than in the face, they all remained astonished, and began to cry out again that I was a Deurù, that I was a Heroe, a god, and that bles∣sed was the hour when I entered into their House, (I took my self to be Hercules, lodged in the Country of Evander) and the King being much satisfied with my courtesie, said, that he knew me to be a Noble Man by my civil compliance with his de∣mands; that if I had been some coarser person, I would not have done so, but perhaps, have taken ill, and been offended with those their curious Questions.

As for the Ceremonies of eating, I must not omit, that after he saw that I had done eating, notwithstanding his many instan∣ces [ XIV] to me to eat more, he was contented that I should make an end; and because most of the meat remained untouch'd, and it was not lawful for them to touch it or keep it in the House, they caused my Christian Servant to come in and carry it all a∣way (that he might eat it); which he did in the napkin which I had used before: for to fling it away, in regard of the discourte∣sie it would be to me, they judged not convenient. At length when I rose up from my seat and took leave of the King, they caused my said Servant to strew a little Cow-dung, (which they had got ready for the purpose) upon the place where I had sat, which, according to their Religion, was to be purified. In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King, he caused to be pre∣sented to me, (for they were ready prepared in the Chamber) and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne, (so they call in India, especially the Portugals, the Indian Nuts be∣fore they be ripe, when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet re∣freshing water, which is drunk for delight; and if the Pulp, (for of this water it is made) be begun to be congealed, yet that little is very tender, and is eaten with much delight, and is accounted cooling; whereas when it is hard and fully congealed, the Nut remaining without water within, and in the inner part some∣what empty, that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone, is, in my opinion; hot, and not of so good taste, as before when it was more tender.) Of these Lagne he caus'd four to be given me, besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl, or Indian Figs, which, though a small matter, are nevertheless the delights of this Country; wherefore as such I received them, and thanking the King for them, (who also thank'd me much for my visit, testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me) at length taking my leave, I departed about an hour or little more before night.

Page  170I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time, but I [ XV] understood she was gone abroad, whilst I was with her Son, to the above-mention'd place of her Works. Wherefore being de∣sirous to make but little stay in Manel, both that I might dispatch as soon as possible, and withall not shew any dis-esteem of the Queen by visiting her, not onely after her Son, but also on a different day, I resolv'd to go and find her where she was, although it were late; being also perswaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat, and who sometimes waited upon the Queen; and the rather, be∣cause they told me, she was little at home, but rising at break of day, went forth-with to her Works, and there stayed till dinner; and as soon as dinner was done, return'd thither again, and re∣main'd there till night. By which action, I observ'd something in her of the spirit of Sciàh Abbas King of Persia, and concluded it no wonder that she hath alwayes shew'd her self like him, that is, active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs. Moreover, they said that at night she was employ'd a good while in giving Audience, and doing Justice to her Subjects: so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Work-men, then in the house. Accordingly I went, and, drawing near her saw her, standing in the field, with a few Servants about her, clad as the other time, and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches. When she saw us, she sent to know wherefore I came, whether it were about any business? And the Messenger being answer'd that it was onely to visit her, brought me word again that it was late and time to go home; and therefore I should do so, and when she came home she would send for me. I did as she commanded, and return'd to my house, expecting to be call'd when she thought fit; but she call'd not for me this night, the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home, as I un∣derstood she did.

December the sixth, I understood the Queen was gone abroad very early to her Works before I was up, without sending for me. Wherefore desiring to dispatch, I sent the Brachman my Interpreter to her, to remember her, that I desir'd to do her Reverence, having come into her Country onely for that pur∣pose, and to know when she pleas'd the time should be: The Brachman did the Message, and she answer'd, that I should not wonder at this delay, being she was employ'd all the day at those works; but however, she would send for me when she came home. She ask'd the Brachman many questions concern∣ing me; and because some of her people extolled me much, and particularly, for Liberality, saying, that I had given so much for a House, so much for Hens, so much for other things; She wondring thereat, said, Do we here toil and moil so much for a fanò, (which is a small piece of Mony) and does he spend in this manner? The Brachman returned with this Answer, and I waited Page  171 all this day for the Queens sending, but in vain. In the mean while, not to lose time, I went to see a Temple at the end of the Town, standing on a high place, and ascended to by some few ill-favour'd stairs; they told me it was dedicated to Naràina, yet very ill built, like the rest of the Edifices, being covered with Palm-leavs for the roof; and, in short, such as suited with such a Town. Then descending down the street, which leads to the neighbouring River, I saw likewise upon another Hill a little square Chappel, which instead of walls was inclosed with pales of wood, and cover'd with a roof. My Interpreter told me, it was built by this Queen, and that there was in it an Idol dedicated to the Devil, to whom out of their fear of him, that he may do them no evil, these wretched people do reverence. I hearing of a thing so strange, though not new to my ears, said, I would go see it, that I might affirm with truth I had with my own eyes seen the Devil worship'd. The Brachman, my Inter∣preter, disswaded me as much as he could, alledging that many Devils dwelt in that place, and might do me some mischief. I told him, that I was not afraid of the Devil, who had no power over me, that himself needed to fear him as little as I; and therefore I desired him to go along with me cheerfully. When he saw me resolute, he accompanyed me to the foot of the Hill, and shew'd me the way; but it was not possible for me to get him further: he remained at a distance, and said he would by no means approach near that place, for he was afraid of the Devil. Wherefore I went forward alone, and said, If that Caitif the Devil could do any thing, let him hurt me: for I was his Enemy, and did not value him; and that if he did not, it was a sign he had no power. Speaking thus, and invoking the Name of Jesus, (at which Heaven, Earth, and Hell ought to bow the knee) I mounted up the Hill, and being come to the Chappel, and finding no body there, I opened the door and went in. I saw the Idol standing in the middle upon the plain ground, made of white unpolish'd stone, exceeding a humane stature, and not of that shape as we paint the Devil, but like a hand∣some Young Man, with a high round Diadem upon his Head af∣ter their fashion. From each Arm issu'd two Hands, one of which was stretch'd out, the other bended to the body. In the an∣terior right Hand, he had a kind of weapon, which, I believe, was one of those Indian Ponyards of this form (

) of which I keep one by me: In the Interior left Hand he had a round thing, which I know not what it was, and in the other two Hands, I cannot tell what. Between the Legs was another Sta∣tue of a naked Man with a long beard, and his Hands upon the ground, as if he had been going upon them like Animals; and upon this Image the Devil seem'd to ride. On the right Hand of the Idol was a great trunk of a Tree, dead but adhering to the root, low, and seeming to be the remains of a great Tree that had grown there. I imagine that this Tree was the habitation of Page  172 the Devils, who are wont to be in this place, and to do much mis∣chief; to remedy which the Queen founded this Chappel here, and dedicated this Idol to Brimòr, (which they say is the name of a great Devil, King of many thousands of Devils) who dwelt here: The same was afterwards confirm'd to me by others of the Country, all confessing that it was Buto, i. e. the Devil; for so they tearm him in their Language. When I had seen all, and spit several times in the Idol's face, I came away and re∣turn'd home, upbraiding the Brachman with his Cowardize, and telling him that he might see whether my Religion were good or no; since so powerful and fear'd a Devil could not hurt me when I went to his very house, and did him such injuries: Whereunto the Brachman knew not what to answer. Concerning Idols, they told me, at Manèl, that the Queen of Olaza and all her Family, as 'twere upon an Hereditary Account, ador'd and held for her principal God, an Idol call'd Putià Somnàta, which they said was the same with Mahadeu, and which they delineated also of a round figure, like the little pillar of a Land-mark, circular at the top after this manner
, as I have else-where noted that they pourtray Mahadeu in Cambaia, and the Sun in other places.

The same day, December the seventh, Being return'd home before noon, I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe. I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees; he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary. His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′.34″. which substracted from 35 degrees, (the Altitude which I took, leave 12 degrees 29′.36″. which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial, South∣wards from the Zenith of Manèl, and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place. So that Manèl, where the Queen of Olaza now resides, lyes 12 degrees 29′.36″. distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night, having waited all the day, and not hearing of the Queens sending for me, as she had promis'd, I thought not good to importune her further, but imagin'd she was not willing to be visited more by me. Where∣fore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day. Of the Queens not suffering her self to be visited more by me, certain Men of the Country who convers'd with me, gave sundry Reasons: Some said, the Queen imagin'd I would have given her some Present, as indeed I should, which would require a requital; but, perhaps, she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places, or was loath to give: So that to avoid the shame, she thought best to decline the visit. Others said, there was no other decent place to give Audience in, but that where her Son was; and for her to come thither, did not shew well; as neither to send for me into some other unhand∣some place, nor yet to give me Audience in the Street, when it Page  173 was no unexpected meeting but design'd, for which reason she avoided speaking with me. The Brachman, not my Interpre∣ter, but the other who held my Sword, had a more extrava∣gant, and (in my opinion) impertinent conceit, to wit, that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence, fairness, and handsome manner of conversation, that the Queen would not speak with me, for fear she should become enamor'd of me, and be guilty of some unbecomming action, at which I heartily laugh'd. 'Twas more probable, that she intended to avoid gi∣ving people occasion to talk of her, for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them. But let the Cause be what it will, I perceiv'd she declin'd my visit, and therefore caus'd a Boat to be provided, which (there being no other) was not row'd with Oars, but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu, which serv'd well enough for that shallow River.

The next day, December the eighth, A little before Noon, without having seen the Queen or any other, I departed from Manèl. In a place some-what lower, on the left bank of the River, where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by, (which for the most part are onely Rice, which is carried out, and brought into her Country) I stay'd a while to dine. Then continuing my way, I arriv'd very late at Mangalòr, where the Shops being shut up, and nothing to be got, I was fain to go supperless to bed. Occasion being offer'd for sending this Letter to Goa, whence the Fleet will depart next January, I would not omit it; so that where-ever I may happen to reside, the Letter may at least arrive safe to you, whose Hands I kiss with my old Affection.