The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those Oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described : in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.
Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652., Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644., Havers, G. (George)

LETTER II.

From Goa,April 27. 1623.

I Now salute you (my dear Sig: Mario) from Goa; in India indeed I am, but no Indian. Having pass'd through the [ I] Syrian, and afterwards the Persian Garb, I am again trans∣vested into our Europaean. In Turkie and Persia you would not have known me, but could not mistake me in India, where I have almost resum'd my first shape. This is the third transforma∣tion which my Beard hath undergone, having here met with an odd Barber, who hath advanc'd my mustachios according to the Portugal Mode, and in the middle of my chin shaven after the Persian Mode, he hath left the Europaean tuft. But to con∣tinue my Diary, where I left off in my last Letter, which was about my departure from Suràt. March the three and twentieth, Having taken leave of all Friends, a little after Dinner I set forth to depart, but met with so many obstacles in the Dogana, or Custom-house, that they detain'd me till almost night before I could get away. The occasion was this; In the Pass given me, (without which none can depart) the Governour three times expresly prohibited my Persian Servant Cacciatùr to go with me; and this for no other cause but for that himself, (foolishly, or rather cunningly, as appear'd afterwards) out of a pretended vain fear, as he said, when we came first to Suràt, lest he should be known what he was by some of the Persians, who are there in the service of the Great Moghòl, and not knowing that in India there is Liberty of Conscience, and that a Man may hold or change what Faith he pleases, not the least trouble being given to any person touching Religion in the Dominions of the Moghòl; not knowing these things, I say, and fearing to con∣fess himself a Christian before any that might know him in Persia for a Moor, had declar'd in the Dogana, when he was examin'd thereupon, that he was a Musliman, which they interpret a Moor, although the word properly signifies safe or saved, that is, of the right Faith; and therefore by Christians (understanding it in Page  66 their own sense) when considerable respects oblige them to con∣ceal themselves, perhaps is not unlawful to be assum'd. Now Cacciatùr being hereupon taken for a Moor, and not daring to deny it or discover himself more clearly, but, as I believe, intend∣ing to be a Moor really, and to do what afterwards he did; they would not suffer that he should go along with me into the juris∣diction of Christians, where they conceiv'd he would be in danger of being perverted. And although innumerable Moors go daily into the neighbouring Territories of the Portugals, nor are they wont to be forbidden; yet, my Cacciatùr, I know not upon what account, they prohibited very strictly, I believe by his own procurement. When I had read this prohibition in my Pass, I sent him out of the City before-hand, with order to cross the River at another place a good way off, and meet me at the Sea-side, where being among the English, he would be out of all all danger; but through the negligence of a Man of the Coun∣try whom he took to direct him, either by his own will, as 'tis most likely, because he knew not the way; or else, not having found Boats to pass the River elsewhere, as he said, he was di∣rected to cross it at the same place near the Custom-house, where we did; whereupon being seen by the Officers, he was seiz'd upon, and they would not suffer him to come by any means. I us'd much instance, and try'd divers wayes, alledging by a writing that he was bound to serve me longer, and was to go to Goa to be paid his wages there, according to agreement: But all to no purpose, they still answering, (though with great courtesie indeed) that the accord was good, and that Cacciatùr did not break it, being for his part ready to go, but that they made him stay by force, as in zeal for Religon 'twas reasonable for them to do; that, had I been going into some Territory of Moors as I was of Christians, they should not have kept him from me; and therefore, in short, I must be contented to leave him behind, and pay him for his service done in Suràt; other∣wise they could not give a Pass to my self. Perceiving there was no remedy, I return'd to the Dutch-House, and having con∣sulted with the Commendator what to do, I agreed with Cacciatùr, (who was willing not to be left at Suràt, after I had threatned to cause him to be slain there, in case he stay'd to turn Moor) that he should shew himself desirous to stay at Suràt, and in the Governour's own House too if he pleas'd, assuring him under his Hand, that I had fully satisfi'd him, that so my journey might not be stopt; and after I was gone without him, the Dutch Commendator, who took this care upon him, should procure his escape, and send him by another way to the Sea-side where I took Boat; or if he could not be sent timely enough to find me there, then he should come to Daman by Land, where he should certainly find me. Upon this agreement we went before the Governour, with the discharges of his Arrears in writing, and the Governour was contented to let me go, after Page  67 he had narrowly examin'd, whether it was true that he was pay'd by me, and that his agreeing to stay in Suràt was not a fiction. But we had laid all things so together, that he did not discover the truth, or perhaps did not care much to find it out. Wherefore leaving Cacciatùr in the Governours House, where he caus'd him to stay with sundry promises, about night I de∣parted the City, and cross'd the River with Sebastian Luis in my company, who having sent his Vessel down the River, went along with me by Land. On the other side of the River, we waited some hours for Coaches to carry us to the Sea-side, which we were fain to hire at a Town some distance off, and were slow in coming. But as soon as they came we got into them, and travell'd the rest of the night to the Sea-side.

March the four and twentieth, At Day-break we got to the [ II] shore side, where we found the English President attended with all the Merchants of his Nations, who were giving order for di∣spatching their Ships which were ready to set sail to Muchà, or Muchàr, in the Red Sea; namely, the two Ships, the Whale and Dolphin, wherewith I came into India; for of the other three which I left in Bender of Kombrù, they had sold the little Fri∣gat which was in ill plight, to the Persians, who design'd to make use of her in the enterprize of Arabia, whither they had deter∣min'd to pass alone, now the English plainly refus'd to joyn with them in the War; and the other two great Ships having put in likewise at Suràt, were soon after sent out again with Master Thompson, who came with them from Persia, it not being known in Suràt whither. I was receiv'd by the President in his Tent, together with my Mary Tinatìm; and soon after came Cacciatùr my Servant, and two Moors of Suràt, by the favour of the Com∣mendator of the Dutch; but I know not whether it were with his own good liking, though to us he pretended that it was. After my departure the Commendator went to visit the Govern∣our, and since I was gone, and, as he said, could not carry Cac∣ciatùr out of Suràt, he desir'd that he would give him to him, to the end he might live in his House with other Friends; which the Governour readily granting, the same night, by the help of certain persons purposely disguis'd in Indian Habit, he sent him by a secure way to the Sea-side, where he found me in the Tent of the English President. The same Morning I went aboard the Ship call the Whale, (wherein I came) to visit the Captain and take leave of my Friends, with whom also I din'd; afterwards I went aboard the Dolphin, to visit not onely the Captain who was my Friend, but especially my good Companion Sig: Alberto Schilling, who was aboard there in order to go to the Red Sea, in∣tending to pass from thence into Aethiopia to the Court of the Abissins, in case he could get Transportation, and were not hindred in the Turkish Ports where he was to pass, upon account of being a Christian; the Turks not willingly granting passage to Christians (especially Europaeans) towards Hhabese, in regard of Page  68 the suspitions they have of the intelligences and converse with our Compatriots may have to their prejudice with that Prince. Wherefore taking leave of Sig: Alberto with many embraces, of Master Rosel, (whom I had known in Persia, and who being come from thence after me, was here shipt for a Trading Voy∣age) and of all my other Friends in the two Ships, I came back to sup and lye on Land in the Tent of the President. March the twenty fifth, Early in the Morning I put my Goods into the Shallop of Sebastian Luis, and also going aboard my self, whilst the President went to his own Ships to dispatch them, set sail for Daman; at night we cast Anchor in a narrow arm of the Sea, which enters far into the Land, of which sort of inlets there are many all along the coast of India, which encompassing good portions of Land make many little Islands; and because the said arms of the Sea are long and narrow like Rivers, and some of them have little Rivers falling into them from the continent, (although the water is salt, and they have no current but the ebbing and flowing of the Sea) the Portugals term them in their Language Rios, Rivers; which I take notice of, that it may be understood that all the Rios, or Rivers, which I shall name in the coast of India, and not specifie that they are streams of fresh water, are such arms of the Sea as this, improperly call'd Rivers. This, where we staid this night, is call'd Rio di Colek, or Coleque. I have better understood that all the aforesaid inlets are not arms of the Sea, but really Rivers of fresh water; and the Tide of the Sea at ebbing and flowing being here very strong and overcoming that of the Rivers; hence it comes to pass that 'tis hardly perceiv'd whether they have any stream or no; and the water going far into the Land comes like∣wise to be salt; but indeed they are Rivers, and form Islands by their entring into the Sea with many mouths. They are almost innumerable upon all the coast of India, and the Portugals very truly call them Rios, Rivers. Wonder not at these doubts and various informations, for I could not understand things thoroughly at first, for want of converse with intelligent persons; nor was it easie for me to judge right in the beginning, the first appearance of things oftentimes deceiving even the wisest, as the saltness of the water did me, in my judgement of these Rivers; making me take them for arms of the Sea; which mistake, was further'd by the affirmation of most of the ignorant Portugals, who not knowing more of this coast then the shore where the water is salt, think that the Rivers are salt water; but Time and better informations assist my diligence in discovering the truth of things. March the twenty sixth, About noon we arriv'd at Daman, but unseasonably, the Cafila and Fleet of the Portugals being gone in the Morning, and we discern'd them sailing afar off, but it was not possible to overtake them, I advertis'd F. Antonio Albertino, Rector of the Jesuits Colledge, of my com∣ing, and he very courteously came forthwith to the Sea-side to Page  69 receive me, and carry'd me to lodge in the Colledge, which in reference to that small City is large enough and well built. He sent Mariam Tenatim, in a Palanchino, or Indian Litter, (wherein people are carry'd lying along as 'twere in a Couch, and those of Women are cover'd) to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman, and advis'd me that since the Cafila was departed, I should go in the same Vessel to meet it at Bassaim, where it was to touch; and for that day rest a little in Daman as accordingly I did.

The City of Daman is small, but of good building and hath [ III] long, large, and strait streets. It hath no Bishop, as neither have the other Cities of the Portugals upon this coast, being subject in spirituals to the Arch-Bishop of Goa; but in every one of them resides a Vicar, whom they call da Vara, that is, of the Vierge or Mace, (which is the badg of Authority) with su∣pream power. Besides the Jesuits and the Church of the See, (as they call the Duomo, or Cathedral) here are Dominicans, Franciscans, and, as I remember, Augustines too; all, who have good Churches and Covents. The City is environ'd with strong walls of good fortification, and hath a large Territory and many Towns under it; and because they are frequently at war with Nizamsciah, whose State (being govern'd at this day by his famous Abissine-Slave Melik Ambar) borders upon it by Land; there∣fore the Portugals here are all Horse-men, and keep many good Arabian Horses, as they are oblig'd to do, going frequently out to war in defence of their Territory when occasion requires, though during my time here they were at peace. In Daman I first tasted at the Father Rector's Table many strange Indian Fruits, some of which are describ'd by Carolus Clusius, and others not, which, as I was told, were after the writing of his Books brought into East India from Brasil, or New Spain; namely, Pa∣paia, Casu or Cagiu, Giambo, Manga or Amba, and Ananas; all which seem'd to me passibly good, and, though of different tasts, not inferior to ours of Europe, especially Papaia, which is little esteem'd in India; and, if I mistake not, is not mention'd by the abovesaid Writer; in shape and taste, it much resembles our Melons, but is sweeter, and consequently to me seem'd bet∣ter. Ananas is justly esteem'd, being of a laudable taste, though something uncouth, inclining more to sharpness, which, with a mixture of sweetness renders it pleasant. And because the said Books mention it not, I shall briefly add, that to the out∣ward view it seems, when it is whole, to resemble our Pine-Apple, both in the divisions and the colour; saving that at the top it hath a kind of tuft of long strait leaves between green and white, which the Pine-Apple hath not, and which render it prety to look upon; 'tis also different from the Pine-Apple, in that the husks are not hard, but tender like the common skin of Fruits; nor is it needful to take them off one by one, neither is any seed eaten, as the Pine-Nuts, which are within the husks, Page  70 but the whole Fruit is all pulp, which is cut with the knife; and within 'tis of somewhat a greenish colour. Of tempera∣ment, 'tis held to be hot, and good to promote digestion, having, in my opinion, somewhat of a winish taste and strength; which virtue of helping digestion, is likewise ascrib'd in a higher degree to Caju, whence it always uses to be eaten with fish; but of this and the rest, because I suppose others have written of them, I shall forbear further to speak. In Daman, I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News. First, that the two English Ships, which, as I said, were sent from Suràt before my depar∣ture thence, upon some unknown design, went to Dabul, under pretext of Peace and Friendship, as if to traffick in that Port; and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets, and prepar'd a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore: but the English having fairly landed, suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there, and nail'd them up; then putting their hands to their Arms, began to fall upon the people of the Ci∣ty; who upon this sudden unexpected onset, betook themselves to flight, and were likely to receive great dammage; but at length a Portugal Factor, and some few others making head against the English, and animating the Citizens to do the like, turn'd the scale of the victory, and in a short time beat out all the English, killing many of them, and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships; who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul, which were in the Port richly laden, but un∣provided, as in a secure place; which was no small dammage to the City, and afforded a rich booty to the English. This action, I conceive, was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul, or perhaps, onely to force it to permit them free Trade; and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto. The other News, was that Prete Janni, King of Aethiopia and the Abissins, was by means of the Jesuits reconcil'd to the Roman Church, and be∣come a good Catholick, intending that his whole Country should do the same; which if true, is indeed a thing of great con∣sequence.

[ IV] March the seven and twentieth, About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim, in the same Barque or Almadia, and sail'd all the day; at night, in regard of the contrary cur∣rent and danger of Pirats, who cannot easily be seen and avoid∣ed in the dark, we cast Anchor under a place call'd Daniè. March the eight and twentieth, Continuing our course, in the Morning we espy'd some Ships, which we suspected to be Pirats of Malabar, and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards. At night, we cast Anchor in a Bay call'd Kielme-Mahi, from two Towns situate upon it, one call'd Kielme, the other Mahi. On the nine and twentieth of the same moneth, we sail'd forward again; but the Tide turning contrary, we cast Anchor about noon, and stay'd a while in a little Island near the Page  71 Continent. The sails being mended, and the current become favourable, we set forward again; and having pass'd by some Vessels, which we doubted to be Pirats of Malabar, about night we arriv'd at Bassaim. But, lest the people of the Fleet, which we found there with the Cafila, should molest our Boat, as some∣times 'tis usual, and take away the Sea-men for the service of the Navy, we stay'd a while without the City, casting Anchor a little wide of the shore; and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez, Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits at Bassaim, for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their Col∣ledge at Daman, and some also for others from the Brother of theirs, whom I saw in Cambaia. The F. Rector sent presently to the Sea-side where I was, F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator, who because 'twas said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa, immediately without entring into the City, procur'd me passage in a Merchants Frigat, as more commodi∣ous for passengers, in regard 'twas free from the trouble of Soul∣diers which went in the Men of War, appointed to convoy the Merchants Ships. The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embark'd, was call'd Diego Carvaglio, with whom having agreed for my passage, I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship, together with Mariam Tinatin, in the most convenient Cabin, and Cacci∣atùr to take care of them. It being now night, I went alone with F. Govea to their Colledge, to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers, who very courteously retain'd me at Supper; which ended, to avoid the danger of being left behind, I forthwith return'd to repose in the Ship. Of the City Bassaim, I cannot say any thing, because it was night both at my entrance, stay, and coming away; I can onely intimate, that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls, and, if I took good notice, seems to me greater then Daman; but of late years many buildings were destroy'd by a horrible tempest, and are not yet re-edifi'd. I found in the Colledge of Bassaim, F. Paolo Giovio an Italian. March the thirtieth, In the Morning the Fleet set sail, and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City, in view at a little distance, which they call Salsette; and the place where we stay'd (being a large and populous Island) is call'd in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada; and here we stay'd all day, because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land; and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigats built to be sent and arm'd in Goa, were not in order to depart, and we were forc'd to stay their preparation. March the one and thirtieth, At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa, but were slow in getting forth to the Main be∣fore we could set sail; because the Tide was still going out, and there was so little water left that our Frigat run a ground. At length the Tide turning, we row'd out of the streit between the City and the Island; and being come into the broad Sea hois'd all our sails. About mid-night following, we arriv'd at Page  72Ciaùl, but enter'd not into the Port, because it stands much within Land upon a precipice, where the Sea entring far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore, (into which also is descharg'd the mouth of a River) makes an ample and secure harbour; wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night, which in this place is no seasonable time, the Fleet would not enter, but we rode at the Rivers mouth till break of day.

[ V] April the first, Entring into the Port in the Morning, we cast Anchor under the City upon the shore, where nevertheless the water is so deep, and our Galeots came so near the bank, that we went ashore by a bridge. In the entrance of the City and Haven, on the right hand, almost Southwards, we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl, command∣ing the Harbour and all the adjacent City; on the top of it stands a strong Castle, which was sometimes possess'd by the Moors of Dacàn; namely, by Nizam-Schiah, to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs; and when the said King made war with the Portugals, the Moors did great mischief to them from the top of this Mountain, and another which stands near the Harbour, but something more inwardly, discharging great Ar∣tillery from thence upon the City and the mouth of the Port, so that no Ship could enter. But at last a small number of Por∣tugals having routed with a signal, and almost miraculous victo∣ry, a very great body of Moors, the same day they likewise took the said Morro; whither the routed-Moors flying, it hap∣ned that in the entrance of the Fortress, an Elephant wounded by the Portugals, in its flight fell down in the Gate, so that the Moors could not shut it; and the victorious Portugals in that fury of pursuing the Enemy, had occasion and convenience of entring: so that they took it, and still hold it, (having improv'd the for∣tifications) and consequently, deliver'd the City of Ciaùl from the continual molestations, which it suffer'd from thence by the Moors; and now the Citizens live in peace, and more secure. Having landed a little way from the Dogana, or Custom-house, which stands without the walls; the first thing I saw was the Cathedral Church, which stands likewise without the walls upon the shore, and is the See not of a Bishop but of a Vicar, as Daman, Bassaim, Ormuz, and other places are; which though they enjoy the title of Cities, are nevertheless all subject to the Arch-Bishop of Goa. I went next into the Colledge of the Je∣suits, whose Church here, as also in Daman, Bassaim, and almost all Cities belonging to the Portugals in India, is call'd Saint Paul's; whence in India the said Fathers are more known by the name of Paulists then Jesuits. Here I visited F. Antonio Pe∣reira, who was come from Bassaim, where I fell acquainted with him in our Fleet, in order to go likewise to Goa. I likewise vi∣sited the F. Rector of the said Colledge, who caus'd me to stay dinner with him; and being the Fleet departed not that day, I Page  73 also lodg'd in the said Colledge at night. April the second, I heard Mass early in the Jesuits Church, and taking leave of them went to embark, but found that my Galeot was remov'd to the other side of the Port under the Mountain to be mended; and having found Sig: Manuel d' Oliveira, one of our Companions embark'd in the same Galeot, and understanding that the fleet did not depart that day neither, I went with him to hear a Sermon in the Cathe∣dral Church; after which, we went to dine in the House of F. Francesco Fernandez, Priest and Vicar, who liv'd sometimes at Or∣muz, and after the loss of that Island was retir'd hither. The Por∣tugals call Secular Priests, Fathers, as we do the Religious or Monasticks. In the same House dwelt Signor—a worthy and grave Souldier, who being a Friend to my said Companion, we convers'd together till it was late, and then our Galeot being come back we went to embark; but neither did the fleet depart this night, as we suppos'd it would. April the third, A rumor of de∣parting being spread abroad about noon, we put out to Sea, and cast Anchor at the mouth of the Harbour, where many other Ga∣leots were gather'd, expecting the setting forth of the whole fleet; but neither did we depart this day nor the night ensuing.

April the fourth, The fleet being at length in readiness, and the Sun a good height, we set sail and departed from the Port of Ciaùl. [ VI] In the Afternoon we sail'd by a Fort, which is the onely one pos∣sess'd near the Sea by the Moors of Daman, that is, by Nizàm Sci∣àh, which Fort is call'd Danda Ragiaporì; and at night we cast Anchor under a steep shore call'd Kelsi. We did not sail in the night time, because the Cafila was numerous, consisting, by my conje∣cture, of above 200. Vessels, and in the dark some unwary Ship might easily have been taken by the Rovers of Malabar. The next day we sail'd gently along, onely with the sail call'd the Trinket, making but little way, that so we might go altogether and not leave many Ships behind, which being ill provided of Tackle could not sail fast. We cast Anchor again early in the Evening, to avoid the confusion which might arise by so many Ships casting Anchor together; besides the danger of falling foul one upon ano∣ther in the dark. Our course was always Southerly, and the Coast along which we pass'd on the left hand was all mountainous; till having got out of the dominion of Nizam-Sciah, we began to coast along that of Adil-Sciàh. Now that it may be understood who these Princes are, I shall tell you that on the South of the States of the Great Moghòl, in the Confines whereof India begins to be distended into a great Tongue of Land like a Triangle, a great way Southwards into the Sea, between the Gulph of Cam∣baia, and the Gulph of Bengala; the first Province of India joyn∣ing to the States of the Moghòl, is the Kingdom of Daman, whereof some part is still possess'd by the Moghòl. Next follows the Kingdom of Telengone, or Telengà, and many other Provinces divided under several Princes into little Kingdoms, which they say were anciently but one or two, and that the others who are now absolute Princes, Page  74 were sometimes his Captains or Ministers, who having by de∣grees pull'd down the Principal (who was, if I mistake not, the King of Bisnagà on the South, and the King of Sceherbeder) are become equal, and all without superiority sovereign Princes. Amongst these, the nearest to the Moghòl are three Reguli, or pety Kings, all which yet have great dominion and strength, and are at this day of the Sect of the Moors; for the Moors having at first been brought into India to serve as slaves, are by degrees become Masters, and by oppressing the Gentiles in many places have much propagated their Religion. Of these three Princes, the nearest to the Moghòl, whose Territory lyes toward the Sea on the West, and Confines with the Portugals at Giaùl and other places, and who is properly styl'd King of Dacàn, (from the greatest Province) is call'd by the name, or rather sirname, hereditary to all that reign in this State, Nizam Sciàh, which many interpret Rè della Lancia, King of the Lance, alluding to the Persian word Nizè, which signifies a Lance; but I conceive they are mistaken, because his name is Nizam Sciàh, and not Nizè Sciah, as according to this interpretation it should be: Wherefore I have heard others, perhaps, better interpret it, Rè de' Falconi, King of Falcons, or Hawks, from the word Nizàm, which in the Indian Tongue, they say, signifies a Hawk or other Bird of Prey. And whosoever reigns here, always retains this sirname; because whilest he was not an absolute Prince, but a Minister of that other great King of India, this was his Title and Office under that King. The Nizam Sciàh now reigning, is a Boy of twelve years old, who therefore doth not govern it, but an Abyssine Slave of the Moors Religion, call'd Melik Amber, administers the State in his stead, and that with such authority, that at this day this Territory is more generally known and call'd by the name of Melick's Country, then the Kingdom of Nizam-Sciàh. Nevertheless this Melik Amber governs not fraudulently, and with design to usurp, by keeping the King shut up, as I have sometimes heard; but according as I have better understood since from persons inform'd nearer hand, he administers with great fidelity and submission towards the young King; to whom nevertheless, they say, he hath provided, or already given to Wife a Daughter of his own, upon security that himself shall be Governour of the whole State as long as he lives. This Melik Amber is a Man of great parts, and fit for government, but, as they say, very impious, addicted to Sorcery; whereby 'tis thought that he keeps himself in favour with his King, and that for works of Inchantments, (as to make prodigious buildings, and with good luck, that the same may last perpetually and succeed well) he hath with certain Superstitions us'd in those Countries committed most horrid impieties and cruelties, killing hundreds of his Slave's Children, and others; and offering them as in Sacrifice to the invok'd Devils, with other abominable stories which I have heard related; but because not seen by my Page  75 self, I affirm not for true. The Ambassador of this Nizam-Sciàh in Persia, is that Hhabese Chan, an Abyssine also, whom I saw at my being there. Of strange things, they relate that Nizam-Sciàh, hath I know not where in his Country a piece of Ordnance so vast, that they say it requires 15000. pound of Powder to charge it; that the Ball it carries, almost equals the height of a Man, that the metal of the piece is about two spans thick, and that it requires I know not how many thousand Oxen, besides Elephants to move it; which therefore is useless for war, and serves onely for vain pomp. Nevertheless this King so esteems it, that he keeps it continually cover'd with rich cloth of Gold, and once a year comes in person to do it reverence, almost adoring it; and indeed, although these Kings are Moors, yet they still retain much of the ancient Idolatry of the Countries, wherein Ma∣hometism is little, or not yet universally setled. The second of the three pety Kings, whose Country joyns to that of the Moghòl, but borders upon the Sea Eastward in the Gulph of Bengala, is he who (for the same reasons mention'd concerning Nizam-Sciàh) is call'd by the hereditary sirname of Cutb-Sciàh, which some errone∣ously expound Polo d' i Rè, the Pole of Kings, being deceiv'd by the Arabick word Cutb, which signifies the Pole, and is us'd by the Arabians and Persians, to denote supream excellency; un∣derstanding (e. g.) by Polo de i Savii, ò di Sapienza, The Pole of Wise-men, or of Wisdom, the wisest Man in the world; by Polo di Santità o della Legge, The Pole of Sanctity and the Law, the greatest pitch, and the highest observer of the divine Law; and so in all other like Cases; but, I say, I believe they are mistaken; and there seems to me more truth in the exposition of others, who interpret Rè de i Cani, King of Dogs, from Cutb, which in the Language of India signifies a Dog, because he was Master of the Dogs to that supream King. Under his jurisdiction is Gulcondalàr, where, I think, he hath his Royal Seat, and Misli∣patan, a famous Port in the Gulph of Bengala. Lastly, the third of the three Reguli, is he who hath his Seat in Visapor, and reigns in the Country of Telongane, bordering upon the Portu∣gals Territories at Goa, more Southwards then the two before mention'd. Some will have Visapor and Goa belong to the Pro∣vince of Dacàn, and that Telenga much more remote toward the South. The truth is, India and the Provinces thereof is very confus'd; forasmuch as the Indians themselves being illiterate cannot distinguish it aright, and the Portugals have all their knowledge thereof from the vulgar of the ignorant Indians, whose Language they understand not well, and extreamly cor∣rupt in pronuntiations; therefore I cannot speak any thing cer∣tain concerning the same, as neither have the Portugal Writers been able to do, though persons very exact and sufficient. But to return to my purpose, the proper name of him that now reigns is Ibrahim, but his hereditary sirname (as the others) is Adil-Sciàh, or Idal Sciàh, which signifies not giusto Rè, a Just Page  76 King, as some think from the Arabick word Adil, denoting Just; but rather, in my opinion, as some others say, Rè delle Chiavi, King of the Keys, from Adil or Idal, an Indian word importing Keys, he having been in times pass'd Superintendent of the Keys, (of the Treasury perhaps, or Archives) under the supream King. Sometimes these Princes have been call'd Nizam-maluk, Adil-Chan, and so the others with the words, either Melek or Chan, in stead of Sciàh, which is all one; for Melek or Maluk, (as some corruptly read) signifies a King in Arabick, as Chan doth also in Turkish, and Sciàh in Persian: And because these three Languages are sufficiently familiar, and almost common to the Moors, therefore they have us'd sometimes one word, sometimes another; but in later times it seems that those who now rule, rejecting the words Melek and Chan, are better pleas'd with the Persian Title Sciàh, as being, perhaps, more modern to them; whence they are ordinarily call'd now Nizam-Sciàh, Cutb-Sciàh, and Adil-Sciàh, which are the three Princes of whom I undertook to give an account, as persons whom I shall have fre∣quent occasion to mention in these Writings. And to leave no∣thing unsaid, I shall add, that Nizam-Sciàh, or rather his Governour Melik-Ambar, makes war frequently and brave∣ly against the Great Moghòl, upon whom he borders: Cutb-Sciàh, I know not whether he actually makes publick war against him, but at least he fails not to assist his Neighbour Nizam-Sciàh with money. The same doth also Adil-Sciàh, but secretly and by under-hand; not daring through I know not what mean fear declare himself an enemy to the Moghòl; I say, mean fear, because not bordering upon him, (for the two other Princes lye between them) and being able, as they say, upon occasion to bring into the field a hundred thousand men, he seems justly chargeable with timerousness and cowardice; since, me-thinks, he that hath a hundred thousand men at his command ought not to fear the whole world; or, if he doth, he is a very Poltron: But indeed, Adil Sciàh fears the Moghòl, yea, he fears and ob∣serves him so much that he payes him an annual Tribute; and when the Moghòl sends any Letter to him, which is always brought by some very ordinary common Souldier or Slave, he goeth forth with his whole Army to meet the Letter and him that brings it, who being conducted to the Palace sits down there, whilst Adil-Sciàh stands all the time, and the Letter being lay'd upon a Carpet on the pavement, before he offers to put forth his hand to take it up, he bows himself three times to the earth, do∣ing reverence to it after their manner. Moreover, I have heard that this Ibrahim Adil-Sciah who now reigns, some years ago poyson'd his own eldest Son, as suspected of being likely to be∣come one day a disturber of the Common-wealth and the pub∣lick quiet, being displeas'd with him onely because he once with too much freedom perswaded him to deny the Moghòl the ac∣custom'd Tribute; saying, that with the Tribute alone which he Page  77 pay'd voluntarily he durst undertake to make a mighty war up∣on him and never pay him Tribute more; which, if true, was cer∣tainly in this Prince a strange effect of fear. This Adil-Sciah hath marry'd one of his Daughters to Cutb-Sciah, and with Nizam-Sciah he constantly maintains, and frequently renews alliance; so that they are all three fast friends, and firmly united together. I have also heard that Adil-Sciah uses to wear his Beard very long, contrary to the other two, who are shaven after the mode of Persia and India. They say the present Ibrahim Adil-Sciah is in∣firm, by reason of a great hurt receiv'd by a Wolf in his hips, so that he cannot ride on Horse-back; and hence perhaps it is that he is so peaceable and timerous, infirmities undoubtedly much dejecting the spirits of Men. All these three Princes are Moors, as I said before, although their Countries abound with innume∣rable Gentiles. Cutb-Sciah alone, as I have heard, is Sciani, of the Sect of the Persians; but the other two, I conceive, are Sonni, as the Turks and the Moghòl; which yet I affirm not, because I have not perfect certainty thereof. The King of Persia cherishes all these three Princes sufficiently, and they have great correspon∣dence by interchangeable Ambassies and Presents; all which is onely in reference to make greater opposition to the Moghòl upon whom they border, and whose greatness is equally pre∣judiciall to them all. And so much may suffice concerning them.

April the fifth, We set sail again, and in the Afternoon pass'd [ VII] by the City Dabùl, which belongs to the Dominions of Adil-Sciah, and stands hid amongst Hills in a low Plain; so that 'tis scarcely seen. After which, we pass'd within two Leagues of a Point or Promontory which the Portugals call Dabùl falso, because it deceives such as come from far by Sea, making them take it for the Point of Dabùl, to which it resembles. At Night we cast Anchor near another shore which they call the Gulph or Bay, or, as the Portugals speak, A Enceada dos Bramanes, because the Country thereabouts is inhabited by many Brachmans. April the sixth, We set sail, and first pass'd by Ragiapùr, then by Cara∣petan. About two hours before night, we cast Anchor in an Enceada, or Bay, which they call Calosì, or Caloscì, not far from the Point of Carapetan. April the seventh, In the Morning we pass'd by Tambona, which was the Country of the Mariners of our Ship, and toward Evening by the Rocks which the Portugals call Los Illeos quemados, that is, The burnt Rocks, because they appear such by their colour and inequality; and we continu'd sail∣ing all Night, every Ship going as they pleas'd, without caring for the company of the Fleet; now that by reason of the great nearness of Goa, we were in safety. April the eighth, Arriving before Day at the shore of Goa, we began to enter into the salt River, or Rio, as they speak, of salt water which the Portugals call Barra di Goa; upon the mouth of which River, which is suf∣ficiently broad, stand two Forts, one on each side, with good Page  78 pieces of Artillery planted upon them to defend the En∣trance.

[ VIII] 'Tis to be known that the City of Goa, at this day the Head of all the Dominion of the Portugals in India, is situate here in one of these Islands, of which, as I said before, there are innume∣rable upon all the Coast of India, made by the several Rivers which divide them from the main-land. The City is built in the inmost part of the Island toward the Continent; and therefore the whole Island is plentifully inhabited with Towns and places of Recreation, and particularly, upon the River; which is on either side, adorn'd with Buildings and Houses, surrounded with Groves of Palm-Trees, and delightful Gardens. The greatest part of the Island is inclos'd with a Wall, with Gates at the places for passage, continually guarded for security against the attempts of Neighbours, and also to prevent the flight of Slaves and Thefts; since onely that River being cross'd, you enter presently into the Territory of Adil-Sciah and the Moors; but 'tis otherwise toward the Sea-side, for all the Coast which is beset with other small Islands and Pen-insula's, for a good space belongs to the Portugals, being inhabited with Towns and di∣vers Churches. The City which lyes on the right hand of the River, as you enter into the inmost recess is sufficiently large, built, partly, on a Plain, and, partly, upon certain pleasant Hills, from the tops whereof the whole Island and the Sea are discover'd with a very delightful prospect. The buildings of the City are good, large and convenient, contriv'd for the most part for the benefit of the wind and fresh Air, which is very ne∣cessary in regard of the great heats, and also for reception of the great Rains of the three Moneths of Pausecal, which are June, July, and August; which not upon account of the heat (although it be very great at that time, but greatest of all in May, when the Sun is in the Zenith) but of the great Rain, the Portugals call the Winter of the Earth. Nevertheless the buildings have not much ornament or exquisiteness of Art, but are rather plain, and almost all without beautifyings. The best are the Churches, of which many are held here by several Religions, as Augustines, Dominicans, Franciscans, discalceated Carmelites and Jesuits, with double, and very numerous Covents; and indeed, half of the Religious that are here, would suffice for a City bigger then Goa: But besides these, there are also many of Secular Priests, and Parishes, and Chappels; and lastly, the See or Cathedral, which nevertheless is neither the fairest, nor the greatest Church of that City, there being many others that exceed it. The See of Goa at the time of my being there was not finish'd, but scarce above half built, and thence seem'd to me small and less stately; but having since seen the intire design of the structure, I conceive, that when 'tis finish'd 'twill be a very goodly Church. The people is numerous, but the greatest part are slaves, a black and lewd generation, going naked for the Page  79 most part, or else very ill clad, seeming to me rather a disparage∣ment then an ornament to the City. Portugals there are not many, they us'd to be sufficiently rich; but of late, by reason of many losses, by the incursions of the Dutch and English in these Seas, they have not much wealth, but are rather poor. Nevertheless they live in outward appearance with splendor enough, which they may easily do, both in regard of the plenti∣fulness of the Country, and because they make a shew of all that they have: however, in secret they indure many hardships; and some there are, who, to avoid submitting to such Employ∣ments as they judge unbecomming their gravity, being all desi∣rous to be accounted Gentlemen here, lead very wretched lives, undergoing much distress, and being put to beg every Day in the Evening; a thing which in other Countries would be accounted unhappy and more indecent, not to say shameful, then to under∣take any laudable profession of a Mechanick Art. They all pro∣fess Arms, and are Souldiers although marry'd; and few, except Priests and Doctors of Law and Physick, are seen without a Sword; even so the Artificers and meanest Plebeians: as also silk clothes, are the general wear almost of every body. Which I take notice of, because to see a Merchant and a Mechanick in a dress fit for an Amorato, is a very extravagant thing; yet amongst them, very ordinary; the sole dignity of being Portu∣gals sufficing them (as they say) to value themselves as much as Kings and more.

But returning to my purpose, whilst we were coming to the [ IX] City by the River betimes in the Morning, we met the Vice-Roy who was going to the mouth of the Barra, to dispatch away Ruy Freira de Andrada, whom with five or six Ships (a small prepa∣ration indeed) he sent to the relief of Mascàt, and to make war against the Persians; having likewise appointed divers other Ships to be sent after him from Ciaùl, Dio, and other Ports of the Por∣tugals; which if they go, may be sufficient for some considerable exploit: but the Orders of the Vice-Roy in other places, God knows how they will be executed in his absence. The sudden departure of Ruy Freira, made me sorry that I had not the op∣portunity to see him and speak with him, as I extreamly desir'd, and perhaps, it would not have been unacceptable to him. Ar∣riving at the City, we cast Anchor under the Dogana, or Custom-house, where all Ships commonly ride, to wit, such as are not very great; for these stay either at the barr in the mouth of the River, or in some other place thereof where they have the deepest water. Being come thither, I presently gave notice of my arrival to F. Fra: Leandro of the Anuntiation, whom I had known in Persia, and who was here Provincial Vicar of the discalceated Carmelites of India and Persia. I also advertis'd the Fathers Jesuits thereof, for whom I brought sundry of their Gene∣rals Letters from Rome, written affectionately to recommend me to them. F. Fra: Leandro came forth-with to visit me in the Page  80 Ship, where after some discourse for a while together, he un∣dertook to procure us a House and so departed; having also offer'd me his own Covent with that same courtesie and confi∣dence as was formerly between us. A little after, it was very great contentment to me to see and know F. Antonio Schipano, your Kinsman, now a very old man, who was saluted by me upon your account; and so for this time I gave him a succinct Relation of you, puting him in mind of your Child-hood. He came to visit me with F. Vincenzo Sorrentino of Ischia, whom I had formerly seen in Persia, and who not living then with the Jesuits, came with the Spanish Ambassador as his Chaplain in that Voyage. These two Fathers being Italians, were sent by F. Andrea Palmeiro, Visitor of the Jesuits, and then their Supe∣rior in Goa, both to complement me in his Name, and to give him more exact information of me, whom he had never seen, nor so much as known by Fame, saving what his General's Let∣ters signifi'd to him. Wherefore after they had visited me, and understood what was my intention to do, they went to give account thereof to the Father Visitor, saying, that they would return again, as accordingly they did a good while after, offering me in the Name of the F. Visitor their Covent of Profess'd House, where they pray'd me to go and lodge, at least till I were provided of a House; adding, that they would also provide a convenient residence for Mariam Tinatin, who was with me. I thank'd them, and accepted the favour as to my self, and this with the approbation also of F. Frà: Leandro, whom I acquainted therewith. But because it was late that day, and there was not time to dispatch my Goods at the Dogana, I did not land, but remain'd in the Ship with intention to do so the next day. April the ninth, Early in the Morning F. Frà: Lean∣dro sent a Palanchino, or Sedan, to fetch Mariam Tinatin, that she might go to Mass at his Church, and afterwards repair to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman, call'd SigraLena da Cugna, living near the discalceated Carmelites, and much devoted to them, whose House also stood right over against that which he intended to take for me. And this was done, because the Portugals who in matter of Goverment look with great diligence upon the least motes, without making much reckoning afterwards of great beams, held it inconvenient for the said Mariam Tinatin to live with me in the same House; although she had been brought up always in our House from a very little Child and as our own Daughter. For being themselves in these matters very unrestrain'd, (not sparing their nearest Kindred, nor, as I have heard their own Sisters, much less Foster-children in their Houses they conceive that all other Nations are like themselves; wherefore in conformity to the use of the Country, and not to give offence, it was necessary for us to be separated; the rather too, because strangers who amongst the Portugals are not very well look'd upon, and through their ignorance held worse then Page  81 in our Countries Hereticks are, may easily expect that all evil is thought of them, and that all evil may easily befall them in these parts; so that 'tis requisite to live with circumspection. And this may serve for advice to whoever shall travel into these Regions. F. Fra: Leandro sent also to invite me to Mass at his Church; and being it was a Holy Day, and the Jesuits were not yet come to fetch me, as they said they would, I determin'd to go thither, leaving Cacciatùr in the Ship to look to the goods. I was no sooner landed, but I met F. Sorrentino, who in the Name of his Jesuits was coming to fetch me, and also with a Palanchino to carry Mariam Tinatin I know not whither. She was gone already, and so I made an excuse for her, and like∣wise for my self to the Jesuits, onely for that day, being I was upon the way with the Carmelites; and although it somewhat troubled them, yet I went to F. Leandro, having agreed to re∣turn to the Ship; and the next day after my Goods were di∣spatch'd at the Dogana, which could not be done now because it was Sunday, I should then go to receive the favour of the Je∣suits as they commanded me. Wherefore proceeding to the Church of the Carmelites, which stands at the edge of the City upon a pleasant Hill, with a very delightful prospect, I heard Mass there, and stay'd both to dine, sup, and lodg with them. April the tenth, Early in the Morning I went to the Ship, landed my Goods, dispatch'd them at the Custom-house, and having carry'd them to the House of SigraLena da Cugna, where Mariam Tinatin was, I went to quarter (till the House taken for me were emptied, clean'd, and prepar'd) in the Covent of the Profess'd House of the Jesuits, where I was receiv'd by the Visitor, the Provincial, the Provost, and the rest, with much courtesie, and with their accustomed Charity and Civility. I found there many Italian Fathers, of which Nation the Society makes frequent use, especially in the Missions of China, Japan, India, and many other places of the East; besides the two above-nam'd, I found of Italians F. Christoforo Boro, a Milanese, call'd Brono in India, (not to offend the Portugal's ears with the word Boro, which in their Language do's not sound well) a great Mathematician; and another young Father who was afterwards my Confessor; F. Giuliano Baldinotti of Pistoia, design'd for Japan, whither he went afterwards. Moreover, in the Colledge which is another Church, and a distinct Covent, F. Alessandro Leni, an ancient Roman, and Friend of my Uncles, with whom, especially with Sig: Alessandro, he had studied in our Casa Instituta, or Aca∣demy; F. Giacinto Franceschi a Florentine; all who, with infinite others of several Nations, Portugals, Castilians, and others, were all my Friends; and particularly, F. Pantaleon Vincislao a German, well skill'd in Mathematicks, and a great wit, Procu∣rator of China; F. Per Moryad, the Vice-Roy's Confessor, and F. Francesco Vergara, both Castilians; F. Christoforo di Giavanni a Portugal, learned in Greek and Arabick; F. Flaminio Carlo of Page  82Otranto, Master in Divinity. Of Fryers I also found many Ita∣lians, namely, in the Colledge of Fryer Joseph Masagna, a famous Spicerer, and a Man of much business in the Profess'd House, a Neapolitan, a Venetian, and a Thuscan, call'd Fryer Bartolomeo Pontebuoni, a good Painter, and also a Man of much employ∣ment, who were all my great Friends. April the eleventh, my Birth-day, The Jesuits shew'd me all their Covent, which is in∣deed a large and goodly Building, and though not much adorn'd according to our custom, yet perhaps, is the best thing that is in Goa; as also the front of their Church. April the fourteenth, which was Holy Fryday, Being present at Holy Service in the Quire of the Jesuits, (because I was still in my Persian Habit, the Portugal Clothes which I had bespoken being not yet made, and therefore I appear'd not in publick) Sig: Constantino da Sà, (a Portugal Cavalier, or Hidalgo, design'd General for the Island of Zeilan, whither he was preparing to go speedily with his Fleet) coming also to hear the Office in the Quire, saw me there, and understanding who I was, was pleas'd to take notice of me, and after the Office was ended, came together with the Fathers very courteously to complement me, offering himself to serve me, (as he said) in the Island of Zeiland, if I pleas'd to go thither: Whereunto I also answer'd with the best and most cour∣teous words I could. This Sig: Constantino had been sent with an Armado of many Ships to relieve Ormuz when it was besiedg'd; but not arriving there till after the place was taken, he return'd back with his Fleet to Goa.

April the sixteenth, being Easter-Day, I first resum'd an Eu∣ropaean, to wit, a Portugal Habit, as 'tis the fashion at Goa, amongst the graver sort, after I had worn strange garbs for many years together, and ever since the death of my SigraSitti Maani, cloath'd my self and my servant in mourning. April the seventeenth, F. Vincislao Pantaleon, my Friend above-nam'd, (who was skill'd in the China Language, having been many years in these parts, and intended to return thither) shew'd me the Geo∣graphical Description of all China, written very small, or rather printed in a China Character after their way very handsomely. On which occasion, I must not omit to note that the Chineses, as the said Father shew'd me in their Books, are wont in writing to draw the line or verse of their writing, not as we and the He∣brews do cross the paper, but (contrary to both) from the top to the bottom, beginning to write at the right side of the pa∣per, and ending at the left; which to all other Nations seems a very strange way. Moreover, their Letters are not properly Letters, but great Characters, each of which denotes an intire word; whence the Characters are as many as there are words in the Language, and they reckon to the number of eighty thou∣sand; a thing indeed not onely strange and superfluous, but also, in my opinion, unprofitable; yea, disadvantageous, and onely for vain pomp; for in learning these Characters they spend many Page  83 years unprofitably, which might be imploy'd in the acquisition of other better Sciences, without being always Children, (as Hermes Trismegistus said of the Greeks;) yea, in their whole life they cannot learn them all; so that there are none among themselves, or, if any, they are very rare and miraculous, who can write and read all the words, and know all the Characters of their own Tongue, which is certainly a great imperfection; although they say, that he who knows four thousand Characters, may speak and write well enough; and he that knows six or eight thousand, may pass for eloquent. The Japoneses seem to me more judicious in this point, having for ordinary, and more facile use, invented a Alphabet of few Letters, written like∣wise from the top downwards, wherewith they write all words, and all their own Language, and also that of China: But in the Sciences and more weighty matters, the learned amongst them most commonly make use of the China-Characters, which, as mysterious and sacred, are venerable to all these Nations; and although they have all several Languages, yet they do and can make use of the same writing; because being the said Characters are not Letters, but significative of words; and the words al∣though different in sound, yet in all these Languages are of the same signification and number; it comes to pass that divers Na∣tions adjacent to China, as these of Japan, Cauchin-China, and other, (although different in Language) yet in writing, making use of the China-Characters, at least in matters of greatest moment, understand one another when they read these Characters each in their own Tongue, with the different words of their proper Language; which indeed, in reference to the commerce and communication of Nations, is a great convenience. April the seven and twentieth, This Morning, being the first Thursday af∣ter the Dominica in Albis, there was a solemn Procession at Goa of the most Holy Sacrament, for the Annual Feast of Corpus Christi, as the custom is. But in Goa it is kept out of the right time upon such a day, because the right day of the Feast falls in the Moneths of great Rain; so that at that time the Procession cannot be perform'd, and therefore they anticipate it in this manner. The Procession was made by the whole Clergy, with a greater shew of green boughs then clothes, and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguis'd, fictitious ani∣mals, dances and maskerades; things which in our Countries would more sute with Villages then great Cities. Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias, and therefore I have made use of this opportunity; favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name, amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina, SigrAndrea, Sig: Dottore, and Sig: Coletta; upon whom, and your self, I pray Heaven for all felicity; recom∣mending my self to your prayers also for my safety.

From Goa, April 27. 1623.