The annals of the world deduced from the origin of time, and continued to the beginning of the Emperour Vespasians reign, and the totall destruction and abolition of the temple and common-wealth of the Jews : containing the historie of the Old and New Testament, with that of the Macchabees, also the most memorable affairs of Asia and Egypt, and the rise of the empire of the Roman Caesars under C. Julius, and Octavianus : collected from all history, as well sacred, as prophane, and methodically digested / by ... James Ussher ...

A CHRONICLE OF The Asiatic and Egyptian Affaires, carried on from the beginning of the times of the MACCHABEES, untill the Destruction of the Jewish Com∣mon-wealth under Vespasian.

WHen Antiochus, [Year of the World 3829] son of Antiochus the Great, [The Julian Period. 4539] re∣turning from Rome (where he was hostage) came unto Athens; [Year before Christ 175] his brother Seleucus, by the trea∣chery of Heliodorus was taken out of the way. Howbeit, Eumenes and Attalus expelled H••lio∣dorus, who aimed at the kingdom of Syria, pla∣cing Antiochus in the possession thereof, that by this good turn, they might obliege him to be their friend: for now by reason of some petty injury, even they began to grow jealous of the Romans. [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 116, 117.]

Demetrius, son of Seleucus, to whom the king∣dom did of right belong, having then entered in∣to the tenth year of his age, remained at that time hostage at Rome. But Apollonius, who was brought up with him, upon the death of Seleucus, whose great favourite he was, de∣parted from Court to Miletum, [Polyb. Legat. 114.] But the Syrians stiled their new King Antiochus, Epiphanes, or Illustrious, because upon strangers usurpation of the kingdom, he appeared bravely to his people, in vindication of his ancestours title, [Appia. in Syria••. pag. 177.] who notwithstanding, by reason of his mad conversation, Polybius thought might more justly be called Epimanes, or the Frantick, [apud Atheneum lib. 2. cap. 2. lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12.]

For having obtained the kingdom of Syria, he entered into a new, and, to other Kings, unusual course of life: first going out of his Royall Palace privately, his servants know∣ing nothing of it, he unadvisedly wandred about the City, taking but one or two asso∣ciates with him. Moreover he accounted it an honour to converse and drink with the common people, and with aliants and strangers of the meanest condition. And if per∣chance, he heard of any young men that had a merry meeting, he presently with his pot and musick, came to the revels: Insumuch, That most of the company being start∣led at the strangenesse of the thing, upon his coming thither, betook themselves to their heels, or else out of fear sat still and spake not a word. Lastly, laying aside his royall garment, and being clad with a coat, such as he saw used by the Candidates at Rome, he saluted and took hold of every ordinary fellow that he met with, and some∣times sued for a place of the Edilis; sometimes for the Tribune-ship of the people. At last having, by the suffrages of the people, obtained the place of a magistrate, fixing, according to the Roman custom, his ivory chair, he gave judgement, and took cognisance of the law suits, and controversies of the Citizens with that indu∣stry,

and diligence that every one of the sager sort doubted what he meant: Some interpreted it to be indiscretion, some imprudence, others madnesse. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 305, 306.] Atheneus also relateth the same things (in the fore-cited fifth book, and 14 chap. and tenth book, and 12. chap. out of the 26 book of Polybius his histories; which Livie also translated into his 41 book, as one may see in that fragment, which Charles Sigonius falsly interpreted of Perseus.

That Antiochus began his reign the 137. and dyed in the 149 year of the kingdom of the Greeks (or of the Macedonians, from Seleucus.) The writer of the first book of the Maccabees teacheth us. [cap. 1. 10. & 6. 16.] Whence also Johannes Malela Anti∣ochenus, in his Chronicle ascribeth unto him 12 years, which are termed by Porphyrie, Eusebius, Jerom, Sulpitius Severus and others, to be 11 onely: for the reconciling of whom we must say, that at the end of the 137 year Antiochus began, and at the be∣ginning of the 149 year (from the spring season, as this author useth to reckon) he ended his reign, (viz.) eleven years, and some moneths over and above.

That Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged King by those that favoured Ptole∣mei Philometor: but that some whiles after he obtained the title under the guarb of clemency, Jerom affirms in his commentary upon the 11 chapter of Daniel; but en∣tring into society with Eumenes, he powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations: the government of Babylon being committed to Timarchus, but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas his brother, two brethren linked one to another by filthy commerce, [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 117.]

Hircanus, the son of Joseph, and Grandchild of Tobias, seeing Antiochus very pre∣valent, and fearing, least being reduced under his power, he should suffer for what he had attempted against the Arabians, laid violent hands upon himself: howbeit Antio∣chus seized upon his whole estate. [Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 5.]

Jason, son of Simon the second, High Priest, being weary of the continued High priesthood of Onias the third his brother, that he might obtain it himself, promised unto Antiochus 360 talents of silver, and of another revenue 80 talents; adding moreover 150 others, if power might be granted unto him to settle a place of exercise, and of training up of youth at Jerusalem, and of reducing the Hierosolymitans into the condition of the Citizens of Antioch: which terms being willingly admitted by the covetous King. Jason, removeing his brother Onias, invaded the High-priesthod, and obtaining the government, began to reduce his own Country-men to the fashion of the Greeks, and the royall privileges, granted of special favour to the Jews, by the means of John the fa∣ther of Eupolemus (who afterward went Ambassador to Rome) he took away, and putting down the governments which were according to Law, he brought up new customs, contrary to the Law, [2 Maccab. 4. 7, 11.] Josephus affirms, that unto Onias the third, dying about the time, his brother Jesus, who desired rather to be called Jason, was substituted, and at length (after three years) Jason being removed from the High-priesthood, by the endeavour of Menelaus, the new High Priest, and Tobias his sons (or grandchildren of Hyrcanus his brother) the Grecian rites were introduced, [in lib. 2. Antiq. cap. 6.] Howbeit the same writer, in his small treatise of the Macchabees, declareth the businesse far otherwise, and suitable enough to the mind of the Maccha∣baick Historian (if you except the vast sum of the annual pension) in this sort. Antio∣chus, abrogating the High-priesthood of Onias, substituted Jason his brother; who promised to pay yearly unto him 3660 talents: who being made Priest and leader of the people, reduced the nation, being estranged from their ancient manners and institutions, into all iniquity: inso∣much as he did not onely establish a place of exercise in the fortresse of our Country, but abolisted also the care of the Temple.

The seventh year of Philometor, [Year of the World 3830] of Nabonasier, [The Julian Period 4540] the 574, [Year before Christ 174] the 27 of Phamenoth, ac∣cording to the Egyptians, (on the beginning of the first of May, (according to the Julian reckoning) two hours after mid-night, there was an eclipse of the Moon observed at A∣lexandria, [Ptol. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Between the Grecians tearing themselves with mutual fury, there was a truce made for six moneths; but afterwards a more grievous war burst out: howbeit, by the coming of Q Minutius the Legate, who with ten ships was sent from the Ro∣mans to compose their strifes, they came into hopes of peace. [Livie, lib. 41.]

The Lycians also, about the same time, Eumenes inciting them, revolting from the Rhodians, were infested with a war by them. Certain Castles, and the field Scituated in the utmost bounds of the opposite continent of the Rhodians, were annoyed by the garrisons of Eumenes. [Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Liv. lib. 41. and 42.]

Certain apostate Jews, agreeing with Onias the false high priest, having procured power from King Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles, erected a place of exercise under the very Tower of Sion, forced the chief young men to submit to the laws of the school, by wearing an hat, and by art reduced their fore∣skin,

becoming uncircumcised; that they might not even when they were naked be unlike the Greeks: and such was the height of Greek fashions and increase of heathen∣ish manners, that the Priests had no courage to serve any more at the Altar, but de∣spising the Temple, and neglecting the Sacrifices, hastned to be pertakers of the un∣lawfull allowance which in the place of exercise after the game of Discus, was exhibi∣ted, [1 Maccab. 1. 11, 15. & 2 Maccab. 4. 12, 15. compared with Josephus lib. 12. chap. 6.]

When the game that was used every fifth year was celebrated at Tyrus, King An∣tiochus being present at it; impious Jason sent special Messengers thither from Jerusa∣lem, such as were free Denisons of the City of Antioch, to carry three hundred, or (as it is much more truely in the Manuscript book of the Earle of Arundels Library) three thousand three hundred drachmes of Silver to the sacrifice of Hercules: which not∣witstanding the bearers procured to be laid out upon the building of Gallies, [2 Mac∣cab. 4. 18, 19, 20.]

The Embassadors sent from King Antiochus, [Year of the World 3831] came to Rome: [The Julian Period. 4541] the chief whereof Apollonius (whom the Ambassadors of the Romans, [Year before Christ 173] which were in Syria, reported to be in chief esteem with the King, and most friendly to the Roman people) being brought into the Senate, besides the stipend due from the King (the late payment whereof he did excuse upon divers and just reasons) delivered also by way of gift, ves∣sels of Gold, to the value of five hundred pound weight: He added, That the King request∣ed that the society, and friendship which was with his father, should be renewed with himself: and that the Roman people should lay such injunctions upon him, as were to be imposed on a faith∣ful and confederate King; That he should in no wise, be wanting in any service: That the me∣rits of the Senate were so great towards him whilst he was at Rome, and such the civility of the youth; that he was entreated by all Orders of persons, as a King, not as an hostage. The Em∣bassadors received a kind answer, and A. Attilius, Major of the City, was enjoyned to renew with Antiochus, that league which was with his father. The Treasurers of the City received the stipend, the Censers, the Golden Vessels: and it was committed to their charge to dispose of them in such Temples as should be thought fitting. To the Embassador was sent a reward of an hundred thousand pieces of coin; his house was given him freely, and his charges ordered to be defrayed, during his continuace in Italy, [Liv. lib. 42.]

Unto Antiochus was born a son, Antiochus Eupator; whom himself dying, left nine years of age, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 117. & 131.]

Cleopatra, the beloved mother of Ptolemei Philometor the daughter of Antiochus the Great, and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes, being dead, to whom her father had given for the Dowry, Coelosyria (or at least a great part of it) Eulaius the Eunuch, foster-father of Philometor, and Lomus governing Egypt, re-demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes, as fraudulently seized upon: which afforded a ground of a war between the Uncle and the Youth, as Porphyrie relates out of the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius, [in Hierom, on the 11 chap. of Daniel] For the right of Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria, it was alledged, that Antiochus the Great, father of Epiphanes, against justice and right, first took away Coelosyria from Ptole∣mei Epiphanes, father of Philometor, when he was in his non-age; and afterwards restored the same unto him with his daughter Cleopatra, upon the account of her por∣tion, Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserting, that from the time when his fa∣ther overcame the father of Philometor, at Parium, Coelosyria was ever subject to the Kings of Syria, and stifly denying, that it was given by his father unto Cleopatra the mother of Philometor for her Dowry, [Polyb. Legat. 72. & 82.]

At that time Philometor began first to sit in his Throne, and the solemnity of his Coronation was performed, [2 Maccab. 4. 21.] and then the prudence of Ptolemei (son of Dorymenis, who was sirnamed Macron) shone forth: who when he had re∣ceived the government of Cyprus, the Island, at what time the King was a child, and had delivered nothing of the Kings monies unto the Stewards; when the King had attained unto his youthful estate, sent a vast collection of monies unto Alexandria: the King and all Courtiers thereupon very highly commending his former parcimony, [Polyb. book 27. in the Collections of Valesius, pag. 126.]

Antiochus, having sent into Egypt Apollonius, son of Menestheus, to the solemni∣zation of the Coronation of Philometor the King, perceiving him not to be well af∣fected to his affairs, took care to be fortified against him; whereupon, coming to Joppe, he took his journey to Hierusalem; where, being honourably received by Ja∣son and the City, he was brought in with Torch-light, and with great shoutings, and from thence he went into Phoenicia with his host, [2 Maccab. 4. 21. 22.]

Jason three years after that he had bought the High-Priest-hood from Antiochus, sent Menelaus brother of Simon the Benjamite a traytor, that he might bring unto the King the promised money, and advise him of necessary affairs: but making use of the

opportunity of his Embassie to his own advantage, by the same devices wherewith Ja∣son circumvented Onias his brother, he also circumvented Jason; and promising unto the King 300 talents of silver above all that was to be performed by Jason, conveyed the High-Priest-hood unto himself, [2 Maccab. 4. 23, 24, 25. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] That this Menelaus was first named Onias, and was brother unto Onias the third, and to Jason himself, and the youngest son of Simon, the second, the High Priest, Josephus affirmeth, [Antiquit lib. 12. cap. 6. cum lib. 15. cap. 3.]

Menelaus, having gotten the Principality by the Kings Mandate, expelled Jason in∣to the Country of the Ammonites; but took no care to pay any of the monies which he had promised to the King, [2 Maccab. 4. 25, 26, 27.]

Cius Popilius Lenas, and Publius Aelius Ligur, being Consuls, Valerius Antias writes, that Attalus brother of Eumenes came to Rome, to lay crimes to the charge of Perseus king of the Macedonians, & to discover his provisions for war. The Annals of the most, and such unto whom thou would give the better credit, affirm Eumenes to have come in person himself, Eumenes therefore, as soon as he came to Rome, being entertained with the highest honour, and brought into the Senate; said, That the reason of his coming to Rome, besides the desire of seeing the gods and men, by whose benefit he was in such a fortune, above which he durst not wish any higher, was, that he might openly advise the Senate to oppose the proceedings of Perseus, [Liv. lib. 42. Appian. Legat, 25. a Fulv. Vrsino. edit.] And there was so great secrecy herein of all men, that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner, it could not be know, what either he spake, or the fathers answered, [Liv. ibid. Valer. Maximus, lib. 2. cap. 2.]

Some certain dayes afterward, Satyrus a principal person among the Ambassadors of the Rhodians, inveighing more liberally in presence of the Senate against Eumenes, because he had stirred up the nation of the Lycians against the Rhodians, and was more vexatious unto Asia than Antiochus, made a plausible, and, to the people of Asia, (for even so far the esteem of Perseus had reached) an acceptable Oration: which notwithstanding procured from amongst the Romans greater respect unto Eumenes; so that all honours were conferred upon, and most ample rewards given unto, him, with a Chariot of state, and an Ivory staff, [Liv. ut sup. Diodor. Sicul. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Vrsino, edit.]

Eumenes, returning from Rome into his Realme, and going up from Cirra to the Delphic Temple, that he might sacrifice to Apollo, liers in wait, suborned by Perseus, tumbled down two vast stones, with one whereof the head of the King was smitten, with the other his shoulder benumbed; many stones being heaped on him after he fell from a steep place downward. His friends, the next day, being come to himself, brought him to the ship: from thence they passe to Corinch, from Corinth, their ships being conveyed over the neck of the Isthmos, to Aegina; where his cure was so private, none being admitted, that the report of his death was carried into Asia, and Rome, [Liv. lib. 42. Appian. Legat. 25.]

Attalus, crediting more hastily than beseemed brotherly concord, that Eumenes was dead, did not onely confer with the Governour of the Castle of Pergamus as the unquestionable heir of the Crown, but the Diadem also being assumed, and espousing to himself Stratonice his brothers wife (daughter of Ariarathes King of the Cappa∣docians) rushed too hotly into her embraces: but not long afterwards, hearing that his brother lived, and was coming to Pergamus, laying his Diadem aside, he with the Guard, according to custom, went to meet him, bearing an halbert; whom Eumenes both friendly embraced, and also honourably, and cheefuly saluted the Queen; whispering neverthelesse into his brothers ear,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vntill thou seest that I am dead, Approach not rashly to my bed.

Neither thorough his whole life did he do or speak any thing that might have a shew of distaste: but entreated him with the same friendship as before, [Liv. lib. 42. Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 306. Plutarch in Apophthegm. & lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.]

Eumenes, the late wickednesse of Perseus, besides the ancient hatred, inviting him thereunto, prepared a war with his uttermost strength. Ambassadors came to him from Rome, gratulating unto him his escape from so great a danger, [Liv. lib. 42.]

After that, Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians had born unto him of his wife An∣tiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great, two daughters, and one son (first named Mithridates, and then Ariarathes) of the two sons which his wife (supposing that she should have been barren) had before suborned unto him, he sent Ariarathes the elder

with a competent estate to Rome, the younger called Olophernes, or Orophernes, into lonia; least they should contend with his Jenuine son about the kingdom, [Diodor. Sicul. lib. 31. in Photii. Bibliothec. cod. 244.] This year therefore he sent Ariarathes his son to be educated at Rome, that from a child he might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome: requesting, that they would permit him to be, not under the custody of hosts, after the manner of private persons, but under the charge of publick care and tuition. That Embassie of the Kings was very acceptable unto the Senate; and they decreed that Cieius Sicinius the Major, should appoint a furnished house where the Kings son and his Retinue might inhabit, [Liv. lib. 42.]

The Romans sent Ambassadors to their confederate Kings, Eumenes, Antiochus, Ariarathes, Masanissa, and Ptolemei, King of Egypt; and others also into Greece, Thessal••e, Epirus, Acarnania, and the Islands: that they would unite themselves in war against Perseus, [Appian. Legat. 25.] T. Claudius Nero, and M. Decimius, were sent to make trial of Asia, and the Islands, and commanded also to go into Creet and Rhodes, to renew amity also, and likewise to discover whether the minds of their con∣federates had been courted by King Perseus, [Year of the World 3833] [Liv. lib. 42.]

The Legates that had been sent unto the confederate Kings, returning out of Asia, declared how that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in Syria, Ptolemei in Alexandria, That all of them had been sollicited by the Embassies of Perseus; but had eminently continued constant in their fidelity, and had promised to perform whatever the people of Rome should command them. That they had also been with the confederate Cities: that the rest continued faithful enough, onely that they found the Rhodians wavering and seasoned with the devices of Perseus. The Rhodian Ambassadors came to acquit themselves of those reports, which they knew openly bruited concerning their City; and it was thought fitting, that when the new Consuls entered upon their Magistracy, a Senate should be called for them, [Liv. ibid.]

P. Licinius, [The Julian Period. 4543] and C. Cassius, [Year before Christ 171] being Consuls, all the Kings and Cities which were in Asia and Europe, set their thoughts on the care of the Macedonian and Roman war: both an ancient hatred did exasperate Eumenes, and also a new anger, because by the wickednesse of Perseus, he was almost, like a Sacrifice, slain at Delphos. Prusias King of Bithynia, resolved to abstain from armes, and expect the event: for he thought it not equal, to bear armes for the Romans against his wives brother, and if Perseus should be Conqueror, pardon might easily be procured by his sister. Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians, besides that he promised assistance to the Romans upon his own ac∣count; from the time that he became united unto Eumenes by affinity, associated himself into all Councils both of war and peace. Antiochus surely had an eye upon the kingdom of Egypt, despising both the youth of the King, and the sloath of his Tu∣tors; and by debating about Coelosyria, he thought that he should find ground for a war, and manage it, without any impediment, whilst the Romans were imployed about the Macedonian war: howbeit, he largely promised all Kings, both by his own Legates to the Senate, and to their Ambassadors himself. Ptolemei by reason of his youth, was even then at the disposing of others: his Governours did both prepare war against Antiochus, whereby they might defend Coelosyria, and also made liberal promise for the Macedonian war, [Liv. lib. 42.] And thus Ptolemei King of Egypt, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Eumenes of Asia, and Masanissa of Numidia, were assistants unto the Romans, [Oros. lib. 4. cap. 20.]

Three Embassadors, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Decius, and A. Licinius Nerva, were sent from the Romans to the Grecians: who afforded unto them the assistance of Archers, [Liv. lib. 42.]

Three other Ambassadors, T. Claudius Tiberius, P. Posthuminus, and M. Junius were dispatcht unto the Islands, and the Cities of Asia. These going about, did exhort their confederates to undertake against Perscus, the war for the Romans; and by how much every City was better stored with wealth, by so much they did their businesse there the more diligently, because the smaller would follow the greater. The Rhodi∣ans were esteemed of greatest reckoning for all poynts, because they were able not one∣ly to countenance the war, but to assist it, 40 ships being provided by the authority of Hegesilochus, who was at that time in the chief magistracy, called by them Prytanis. This man even before, as soon as the war to be waged by the Romans with Perseus was known, did with many reasons exhort his Citizens, that they should joyn their hopes with the Romans, That they would want the same provision of shipping which lately they had seen in the war of Antiochus, and formerly in that of Philip. That the Rhodians would be amazed in the providing a Fleet, at that time when it should be to be sent, unlesse they began with their Navy-Confederates; That therefore they were to acquit themselves more industriously; That by the truth of things they might con∣fute the accusations alledged by Eumenes. Hereby being incited, they shewed unto the Embassadors of Rome, upon their coming, a Fleet of 40 sail of ships, built and

rigg'd, that it might appear that exhortation was not expected: and this Embassie was of great influence to engage the mindes of the Cities of Asia, [Idem, ibid. Polyb. Legat. 64.]

Perseus, after conference had with the Romans, comprized all reason of his cause in the form of one Epistle, and what was aledged on either side: so contrived, that he might seem to have the better in the debate: and unto other Cities he sent letters copied out, by Carriers; but unto Rhodes, he commanded Antenor and Philip to go Embassadors: who being come thither, deliver the letters to the Magistrates; and then after a few dayes come into the Senate, request of the Rhodians, that for the pre∣sent they should not move any thing, but, as from a watch-tower, behold what was done; but if the Romans should undertake against the laws of the league to provoke Perseus and the Macedonians, that they should endeavour to bring them to terms of agreement; for that that should be done, was the common interresse of all, and especially behoofull for the Rhodians; for by how much they should be more in∣tent than others, upon the fair dispensation of law and liberty (as such who were not the conservators and assertors of their own liberty onely, but of the rest of the Grecians) by so much ought they more diligently to observe and provide, to their uttermost en∣deavours, for themselves against them, whose mind and counsels were contrarily incli∣ned. When the Ambassadors had spoken these things, and more to the same effect, though their speech gave content unto all; yet because their minds were prepossessed with the benevolence of the Romans, and the authority of the better side did prevail; in other poynts they yielded themselves courteous toward the Ambassadors: but in place of an answer, they requested Perseus, not to demand any thing of that nature whereby they might be thought to do any thing against the will of the Romans: which answer Antenor accepted not, but making use of the rest of the civility and courtesie of the Rhodians, he returned into Macedonia. [Polyb. Legat. 65. Livie lib. 42.]

Caius Lucretius the Roman Pretor, whilst the navy stayed about Cephalenia, treat∣ed by letters with the Romans, requesting the ships to be sent to him; and he deliver∣ed that epistle to Socrates the anointer of the wrestlers to be conveyed. This came to Rhodes at the same time, when Strutocles was president of the Councel, or Prytanis, for the later half year. When a debate was had of that matter, it seemed meet unto Agathagetus, and Rhodophon and Astymedes, and many more, That the Rhodians without any tergiversation or evasion should send the ships, and that they should even from the beginning of the war joyn themselves with the Romans. But Dino and Po∣lycratus; who did not approve of those things, which had before been decreed in favour of the Romans, cavelled that that Epistle was not sent from the Romans, but from Eumenes the enemy of the Rhodians; who was wholy bent upon this, that he might induce them into a war, and engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles: for it was brought by one obscure person, an anoynter of wrestles unto Rhodes: where∣as the Romans use with great care to pick out men of the choycest rank, for such an employment. When Strutocles, the chief officer, or Prytanis, had buckled himself against these men, and had spoken largely against Perseus; but on the contrary liberally com∣mended the Romans, he prevailed with the Rhodians, that a decree of sending the ships should be established: wherefore six Gallies being immediately built, they sent five un∣der the conduct of Timagoras to Chalcis; one to Tenedo••, under the government of the other Timagoras. This man could not take Diophanes himself, whom he found at Tenedos, being sent from Perseus to Tenedos, but he took the ship with all her fur∣niture. [Polyb. Legat. 67.]

The Romans, having heard the Embassies that came from Asia, the state of the Rhodians, and the rest of the Cities being understood, indicted a Senate for the Am∣bassadors of Perseus. [Id. Legat, 68.] At that time therefore, Solon and Hippias endea∣voured to discourse of all affairs, and to deprecate the anger of the fathers. But yet the crime of the trechery contrived against Eumenes was defended with especial industry: howbeit, (for the matter was evident) without any probability at all. When they had finished their speech, the Senate, who had before decreed the war, denounced unto them, that both themselves, and whosoever else had happily then come from the nation of the Macedonians to Rome, should immediatly depart out of the walls of the Roman City, and within thirty dayes out of Italy. [Id. ibid. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 17. Liv. lib. 42.]

When notice was given unto Eumenes, that he should with his uttermost strength assist the war against Perseus (as we read in Justin, lib. 33. cap. 1.) he came to Chalcis in Baeotia, by sea, with Attalus and Atheneus his brethren; his brother Philetaetus, be∣ing left at Pergamus for the safeguard of the kingdom: from thence with Attalus and four thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, he came into Thessalia, unto Licinius the Consul. Atheneus was left at Chalcis with two thousand Foot: which Marius Lucre∣tius,

coming thither with an army of sea souldiers, consisting of then thousand, took along with him to the siege of Holiartus. [Liv. lib, 42.]

About the same time allmost, there came to Chalcis, ships from their other confede∣rates, two Punick Gallies, of five orders of oars, and two from Heraclea out of Pontus of three orders of oars, four from Chalcedon, and as many from Samos; and moreover five Rhodian Gallies, of four orders of oars, [Id. Ib.] But these C. Leucretius, the Pre∣tor Brother of Marcus, upon his approach, there being no sea-war re-del ver'd unto the confederates. [Id. Ib. cum Polyb. Legat. 67. fin.] But the Pretor himself, together with his brother assaulting Haliartus, when he had taken it by surrender, leveld it the foun∣dation, and without any opposition took Thebes. [Liv. ut. sup.]

Whilest these affairs were transacted in Baeotia, Licinius the Consul, Eumenes and Attalus in Thessalia, encountred with Perseus; the first conflict between them was ended without knowledge who had the better therein: about 38 men were slain of Eu∣menes his side, amongst whom fell Cassignatus Captain of the Galls: but in the second dispute Perseus got the victory. [Id. ib.] Who notwithstanding, being conqueror, upon his request to Licinius for peace, could not procure it. [Id. Ib. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian. Legat. 26.]

Perseus the conqueror, sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the Cap∣tives that sailed with Diophanes: in which businesse, there was a long demurre made by them, which governed the Common-wealth, what ought to be done, for it seemed meet unto Philophron and Theae••etus, that the Rhodians should by no means engage themselves in the affairs of Perseus: but Dinon, and Polyaratus liked it; and at last they came to an agreement with Perseus, touching the redemption of the captives, [Polyb. Legat, 70.]

Antiochus, seeing now clearly the Alexandrians preparing themselves to a war far Coelosyria, sent Meleager Ambassador to Rome; who by his command might declare it to the Senate, and alleaging their confederacy might say, that against all right he was invaded by Ptolemei, [Id. Legat. 71.]

When now the war was began by Antiochus and Ptolemei, upon the account of Coelosyria; the Ambassadors of both Kings came to Rome: of Antiochus, Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heraclides; of Ptolemei, Timotheus and Damon. Meleager came, that he might declare unto the Senate, that Ptolemei did first provoke Antiochus against all justice; and that he would justle him out of the possession of that Country, whereof he was Lord; but Timotheus, to renew friendship; howbeit, especially to observe Meleager his transactions with the Romans. When therefore he had renewed friendship, and received answers agreeable to his demands, he returned to Alexandria, But unto Meleager the Senate answered, That they would imploy Quintus Marcius, to write unto Ptolemei about those matters, as he should see expedient for the interesse of the people of Rome, and his own trust. [Id. Legat. 72. Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 18.]

Antiochus, engaging in a fight, between Peleusium, and the mountain Casius, with Ptolemeis Commanders, overcame them; but sparing the King a youth, and pretend∣ing friendship, he went up to Memphis; and there, according to custom, entring upon the kingdom, and saying, That he would be carefull of the affairs of the land, with a small company of people, he brought all Egypt into subjection unto himself, [Porphyrius, ex Callinco sutorio, apud Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11.] at what time also Ptolomei Macron, son of Dorymenes, to whom Philometor had committed the go∣vernment of Cyprus, seemeth to have gone over to Antiochus side, and delivered unto him the Island, as we read in the [2 of Macchab. 10. 13.] whereupon the care of Cyprus being committed unto Crates, [2 Maccab. 4. 29.] he made Ptolemei Governour of Coelosyria and Phaenicia, [Ib. 8. 8.] and admitted him into the number of his principal friends. [1 Maccab. 3. 38.]

Jubilaeus 26. [Year of the World 3834]

Perseus, being put to flight by Lycinius the consul, Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes Duke of the Numidians, when he came to Pella, sent his army into their winter quar∣ters. The Consul, returning to Latissa, having from thence sent home Eumenes and Attalus, disposed Misagenes with his Numidians, and the rest of his army in their winter quarters through Thessaly, [Liv. lib. 42.]

When Sostratus Governour of the Castle of Jerusalem, to whom the exaction of such things as were collected, as customs out of mens estates, belonged, did request and de∣mand the mony, promised unto Antiochus by Menelaus; both of them were summoned by the Knig to Antioch: and Menelaus left Deputy in the administration of the High-Priest-hood, Lysimachus his brother; but Sostratus in his place, Crates, who was Go∣vernour of the Cypriotes, [2 Maccab. 4. 27, 28, 29.]

In Cilicia, they of Tarsus and Mallos, moving sedition because Antiochus had given the Revenue of their Cities to Antiochis his Concubine: The King in all haste came to appease it; leaving at Antioch Andronicus for his Deputy, [2 Maccab. 4. 30, 31.]

Menelaus, taking the opportunity of the Kings absence, (by the assistance of Lysi∣machus, his Deputy) stole certain vessels of Gold out of the Temple at Jerusalem: whereof some he gave to Andronicus, and some he fold into Tyrus, and the Cities round about: which Onias 3. the Legal High Priest well knowing, he impeached him for sacrilege, and withdrew himself into a sanctuary at Daphne, that lieth by Antioch, [Ibid, 32, 33.] for there was in the middle of the wood a sanctuary, and a place dedi∣cated to Apollo, [Strabo lib. 16. pag. 750.] which most ample Church of Daphneus Appollo, that wrathful and raging King Antiochus erected, [Ammia. Marcellin. lib. 22.]

Andronicus, at the suite of Menelaus, having cunningly drawn forth Onias out of the sanctuary, against his faith pledged and sworn unto him, perfidiously put him to death, [2 Maccab. 4. 34.]

King Antiochus, being returned out of Cilicia into Antioch, the Jewes which were in the City, and many of other Nations, made complaint unto him of the unworthy murder of the most holy old man; who being afflicted at it, and testifying his grief by shedding of tears, he commanded Andronicus, being disrobed of his purple, to be lead about the City, and to be slain in the same place where himself had slain Onias, [Ib. 35. 38.]

Now when many Sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus, with the consent of Menelaus; the multitude gathered themselves together against Lysi∣machus, many golden vessels being carried away: in resistance of whom, he drew forth about three thousand armed men, appointing one Tyrannus for their Leader, a person far gone in years, and no lesse in folly; but of the Rout, some caught stones, some great clubs, some filling their hands with the dust that lay before them, cast them alltogether upon Lysimachus and his souldiers: in that tumult many were wounded, some fell to the ground, the rest put to flight; but the Church-robber himself Lysi∣machus, was slain near the Treasury, [Ib. 39, 42.]

When Antiochus the King came to Tyre, three men being sent from the Senate at Jerusalem against Menelaus, as a pertaker of the sacrileges and wickednesses of Lysi∣machus, framed an accusation before him. Howbeit Menelaus being convicted, upon large summes of monies promised to Ptolemei, son of Dorymenes for the pacification of the King, thorough his assistance prevailed, not onely that himself being accquitted, should continue in the High-Priest-hood, but also, that those three innocent persons, who pleaded for the City, and people, and holy vessels, should be condemned to die: Whose condition the Tyrians themselves commiserating, took care that they should be magnificently interred, [Ib. 44. 50.]

About that time, Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt: and it fell out at Jerusalem, that for 40 dayes space together, strange apparitions of armed Horse∣men, and of Foot-Companies, encountring one another, were seen in the aire, presa∣ges of ensuing evils, [2 Maccab. 5. 1, 4.]

Antiochus, coveting to joyn the kingdom of Egypt to his own, entered it with a numerous company, with Chariots, with Elephants, with Horsemen, and a great Navy, and made war against Ptolemei King of Egypt: who turning himself from his presence, fled away, and many fell down wounded to death. Afterwards the seized upon the fenced Cities in the land, and Antiochus took the spoiles of Egypt, [1 Mac∣cab. 1. 16, 19.]

The false rumor of Antiochus his death being spread abroad, Jason taking with him no lesse than a thousand men, made a sudden assault upon the City of Jerusalem: the City being surprized, Menelaus fled into the Castle; but Jason made slaughter of his own Citizen; not considering, that successe against his own alliances was the greatest infelicity. Neverthelesse he could not recover the Principality; but fleeing away with shame, he returned back into the Country of the Ammonites: where being accused before Aretus, the King of the Arabians, and not daring to make his appearance there, he was forced to flee from one City to another; being hated of all men as a forsaker of the laws, and a publick enemy of his own Country, [2 Maccab. 5. 5, 8.]

Antiochus hearing in Egypt, that upon the spreading of the rumor of his death, the people of Jerusalem were exceeding joyful, and suspecting by the sedition stirred up by Jason, that Judea would revolt, was much enraged in mind, [2 Maccab. 5. 10. Joseph. in l••bello de Mccabaeis,] And returning after that he had smitten Egypt in the 143 year of the Greeks, or Seleucus, he went up against Israel, and Jerusalem, with a great mul∣titude, [1 Maccab. 1. 21. 22.]

Josephus in his 12 book of Antiquities, seventh Chapter, writeth, That in the 143

year of the Seleucians he took the City: but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without stroke; the men of his own faction opening the Gates unto him: but in the [2 of Maccab. 7.] the City is said to have been 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, taken by force of armes: and Josephus himself, in his first book, first Chap. of the wars of the Jews, doth not onely say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that he took the City by force; but also addeth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that he was enraged with the remembrance of those things which he had endured in the siege. Moreover, that they of Jerusalem, whilst Antiochus besieged the City, made a sally out in arme••, and were slain in the dispute; as the same Josephus affirmeth, in the sixth book of the same Works, [pag. 929.]

The City then being taken, and the souldiers commanded to put all that they met to the sword, they cruelly raged against all sorts, of whatsoever Sex or Age: so that in the space of three dayes, there were 80 thousand men missing: whereof 40 thou∣sand were slain, and as many others sold, [2 Maccab. 5. 11, 14.]

Antiochus, not contented herewith, presumed also to go into the Temple, having Menelaus that Traytor to the Laws and his own Country, for his guide; and with wicked hands, to seize upon the holy vessels, and whatsoever else was dedicated by o∣ther Kings to the glory and honour of the place, [Ib. 15, 16.] as the golden altar, the candlesticks of light, with all the vessels thereof; the table of the shew-bread, and the pouring vessels, and the vials, and the censers of gold, and the vail, and the crowns, and the golden ornaments that were fastned to the Temple doors: he pulled o•• the gold from every thing that was covered with gold, and likewise took the silver, and lovely vessels, and all the hidden treasures which he found, [1 Maccab. 23, 24.]

Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo Cappadox, Nicolaus Damascenus, Timagenes Ca∣stor Chronographus, and Apollodorus, have written, that Antiochus being indigent of monies, brak his league, and assaulted the Jews his confederates and friends, and spoiled the Temple that was full of gold and silver, and found nothing there worthy of deci∣sion, [Joseph. contr. Apion. lib. 2.] For paying a great stipend to the Romans, he was almost necessarily compelled himself with great expences to gather monies by pillag∣ing, and to omit no opportunity of spoiling. [Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2.] (Such notwithstanding as are enemies of the Jews) affirm, that many other things were here done by him in hatred of the Nation, and contempt of Religion; in the 34 book of Diodorus his Bibliotheca, and from thence in Photii. Bibliotheca (cod. 244.) thus re∣peated. Antiochus Epiphanes, having overcome the Jews, entred into the holy Oracle of God, whither the Priests onely might lawfully have accesse: there he found a stone Statue of a man, with a long beard, holding a book in his hand, and sitting upon an Asse; which he thought to have been Moses, who built Jerusalem, and founded the Nation, and established those laws that are hateful unto all Nations. But he desiring to take away the odium of the Nations, endea∣voured to abrogate the laws. Therefore he sacrificed a great Sowe to the Statue of the Founder (Moses) and the Altar of God, that stood in the open aire, nnd poured blood upon them: and seething the flesh, commanded the holy bookes that conteined their laws, to be marred and oblite∣rated with the broth: but the immortal taper, as they term it, which alwayes burned in the Tem∣ple, he commanded to be put out: and compelled (Menelaus) the Chief Priest, and other Jews, to eat swines flesh. Howbeit we oppose unto all the Calumnies of adversaries, that evi∣dent testimony of Strabo the Cappadocian, in the 16 book of his Geographie, where he commendeth the Jews, as just and religious persons. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pag. 761.]

But that Antiochus, upon the taking of the City, did sacrifice swine upon the Altar, and with the pottage made of their flesh, did sprinkle the Temple, even Josephus wit∣nesseth, [lib. 13. cap. 16.]

Antiochus carrying 1800 talents out of the Temple, speedily repaired to Antioch; leaving Governours to afflict the Nation; at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian, by manners a Barbarian: at Garizim in Samaria, Andronicus. Besides whom, Me∣nelaus more proudly than all the rest, insulted over the Citizens; carrying a most ma∣licious mind against the Jews, [2 Maccab. 5. 21, 21, 23.]

The Embassadors of Asia, were heard in a Senate at Rome: the Milesians re∣membring that they had done nothing, promised that they were in a readinesse to per∣form whatsoever the Senate should command them in furthering the war against Per∣seus. The Alabandenses remembred that they had erected the Temple of the City of Rome, and instituted anniversary Games unto that Godesse: that they brought a gol∣den Crown of 50 pound weight, as a gift unto Jupiter, which they might place in the Capitol, and 300 shields for Horsemen, which they would deliver to whom they would command them. The same also the Lampsaceni, bringing a Crown of 80 pound weight, requested: declaring, how that they departed from Perseus, after the Roman army came in∣to Macedonia, whereas they were under the jurisdiction of Perseus, and before of Philip: in requi∣tal whereof, and for that they had yeilded all things to the Roman Commanders, they requested, this onely, that they might be received into the friendship of the Roman people; and if a peace

sshould be concluded with Perseus, that they might be excepted from being reduced into the power of the King. There was a civil answer returned unto the rest of the Legares. Quintus Moenius the Praetor, was commanded to enroll the Lampsaceni after the form of associ∣ates. Rewards were given to them all, amounting to the value of two thousand pieces of coin unto each. The Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields un∣to A. Hostilius the Consul, into Macedonia, [Liv. lib. 43.]

When it was appointed by the common consent of the Achaeans, [Year of the World 3835] that all the ho∣nours of Eumenes which were misbeseeming, and repugnant unto the laws, should be taken away; Sosigenes, and Diopithes, Rhodians, who about that time decided the suites of Law, being upon private causes, offended with Eumenes, destroyed all his ho∣nours in the City of Peloponnesus, [Polyb. Legat. 74.]

Whilst A. Hostilius the Proconsul with his forces, [The Julian Period. 4545] had his winter quarters in Thessa∣lie, [Year before Christ 169] Attalus (who wintered at that time at Elatia) being certainly informed that his brother Eumenes took it most greviously, that by a publick Decree, they had taken away his most splendid honours; after communication of the businesse unto Archon, the Praetor of the Achaei, he sent Embassadors to the common Council of the Nation, who might negotiate with them touching the restoring of the honours unto the King again. Where, upon the perswasion of Polybius (the Historian) a Decree was made; wherein the Magistrates were comanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honour of Eumenes: unlesse there were somewhat amongst them, that did not well suite with the common interesse of the Achaeans, or else were repugnant unto the Laws. Thus therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly committed at Peloponnesus in the businesse of his brother Eumenes his honour, [Id. ib. & in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 130, 133.]

At the beginning of the Spring, Q. Marcius Philippus, the Consul, was sent against Perseus, [Liv. lib. 44. init.]

A Decree was published by the Achaeans, touching the dispatch of auxiliaries, to their power, unto Marcius the Consul, which was brought unto him by Polybius. There was sent also Theocritus an Embassador, from them unto Attalus, who might bring unto him that Decree, wherein the honours of Eumenes were restored unto him. At the same time when the news was brought unto the Achaeans that the Anacleteria had been celebrated in honour of Ptolemei the King, as it is customary for the Kings of Egypt, when they come to the Legal age of their reign, esteeming it their duty to give intimations of their joy for what was done; they determined to send Embassa∣dors, for the renewing of that friendship which was between the Nation of the Achae∣ans, and the Kings of Egypt: Whereupon, immediately Alcithus and P••rsidas were chosen, [Id. Legat. 78.]

About that time there was a wicked pranck, and most abhorring from the institu∣tions of the Greeks committed in the Island of Crete: for there being between the Cy∣doniates and Apolloniates, not onely society, but the common right of friendship, and when all the Laws and Rights of society which are esteemed Sacred amongst men, were common to them both; and when the Tables of that league ratified on each side by oath, being fastned unto the Image of Jupiter Idaeus, were visibly to be looked up∣on: the Cydoniates notwithstanding, in the time of peace, being received by the Apol∣loniates as friends, trampling upon the Sacred bond of the league, surprized their City; and having put all the men to the sword, and spoiled their goods, they divided amongst themselves their wives, and children, and all their land, [Polyb. & Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. a Valesio, edit. pag. 133. & 310.]

The Cydoniates, being afraid of the Gortynians (by whom formerly their City was in great danger of being taken, when Nothocrates endeavoured to surprize it) sent Embassadors unto Eumenes, requiring, upon the score of their league, assistance from him. The King chose Leon Captain, whom he dispatched speedily thither with a Band of 300 souldiers. When those forces came, the Cydoniates delivered the keyes of the gates unto Leon, and committed the whole City to his charge, [Id. Le∣gat. 79.]

When by the instigation of Eula••us the Eunuch, there was a new war undertaken by Ptolemei for the recovery of Coelosyria; Antiochus taking his third Expedition into Egypt, reduced it into his power, [Polyb. Legat. 80, 81, 82.] for the Egyptians being dispersed, and driven away, when he could have put them all to the sword, riding a∣bout on horseback, he forbad them to be slain, and gave command, that they should be taken alive: for which humanity chiefly, he gained both Peleus••um, and a little while afterward all Egypt, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 320.]

Whilest the contrary factions at Rhodes increased dayly more and more, after that they had heard that at Rome it was decreed by the Senate, That from thenceforth those things were to be performed, not which their own Magistrates, but the Senate should command; by the perswasion of Philophron, and Theaetetus, at the beginning

of the summer, Hegesilochus, son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras son of Nicander, were sent Ambassadors to Rome; But unto the Consul, Q. Marcius Philippus, and unto C. Marcius Figulus the Admiral of the fleet Agesipolis, Ariston, and Pancrates; all these were commanded to renew amity with the Roman people, and to answer unto the accusations wherewith some endeavoured to lead the City. But Hegesilochus was moreover enjoyned to request liberty of carrying forth corn. Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius encamping at Heraclea in Macedonia. To whom when he had delivered his commands, the Consul did not onely say that he gave no credit unto such that were detractors of the Rhodians, but also exhorted the Ambassadors not to endure any of those that should dare to tattle any thing of the Romans, and abundantly performed many offices of humanity unto them: he wrote also of the same affairs unto the Ro∣man people. But when Agesipolis was wonderfully taken with the courtesie of the Consul; Marcius taking him aside unto private conference, said, That he admired that the Rhodians did not endeavour to reconcile the Kings that fought for Coelosyria, for it was chiefly conducible unto themselves, Afterwards Agesipolis went unto Caius, the Admiral of the fleet, and being kindly entertained by him, yea, and far more sweet∣ly than he was by Marcius the Consul, he in a short time returned unto Rhodes: where, after that he had given an account of his Ambassage, when as both the Roman Con∣manders seemed to contend equally in declaring their courtesie, and humanity with words, and signifying their favour in their answer, all the Rhodians began to be lifted up in their minds, and to be swoln with vain hope; but not all in the same manner: for the more solid party were exceeding joyfull, for the benignity of the Romans: but such as affected novelty, and were ill disposed unto the present state, they concluded in their thoughts, That this wonderfull great and excessive civility of the Romans, was a signe, That they were terrified with the imminent danger, and that affairs did not succeed according unto their mind. But after that it had fallen out, moreover, That Agesipolis had bolted out amongst some, That he was privately commanded by Marcius, to make a proposition in the Senate of the Rhodians, of compounding an agreement between the Kings: then assuredly Dino made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a most evill condition: therefore there were even Ambassadors sent to Alexandria, to co••clude the war that was commenced between Antiochus, and Ptolemei, [Polyb. Legat. 80.]

Towards the end of the Summer, Hegesilochus and other Ambassadors of the Rho∣dians comming to Rome, were entertained with all kind of humanity, and courtship. But it was most manifestly known, that the Rhodians were divided with civill dissen∣tions: Whilst Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus, placed all their hopes in the Romans; on the contrary, Dino, and Polyaratus in Perseus, and the Mace∣dons: from whence it came frequently to passe, that the matters that came to be debated, being disputed appositely on either side, & with different judgements, such as had a mind to disparrage the City, took from thence an occasion. Howbeit, the Senators pretended that no such matters were known unto them; who notwithstanding well understood all the matters that were transacted by them; however, they granted license unto them for the exportation of an hundred thousand bushels of bread-corn out of Sicilie, [Id. Legat. 64, 73. & 80.]

After that Egypt was possessed by Antiochus, upon the debates of Comanus, and Cineas with King Ptolemei, touching the main matters, it seemed expedient to con∣clude, That there should a Council be enrolled out of the most principal Captains, by whose sentence all things from thence forward should be dispatched. Upto that Coun∣cel it seemed behoofull in the first place, That such forreigners of the Greeks, who should happily be found there, should go Ambassadors to Antiochus, to negotiate with him, concerning a peace, [Id. Legat. 81.]

There were then at that place two Abassadors sent from the nation of the Achaei: one for the renewing of friendship with the King, which was committed unto Alcithus, son to Xenophn of Aege, and Pasiadas: another concerning the contention of the An∣tagonists: there was sent also from the Athenians an Embassage, touching a certain do∣nation, the principal person wherein was Demaratus. Moreover there were two sacred Embassages from the same men; one touching the feast of Minerva, called Panathenaea, the chief whereof was Callias the Pancratiast, or conquerour at the games, the other touching mysteries, which was discharged by Cleostratus, who upon that argument spake an oration unto the King; there were present from Miletum Eudemus and Icesius, from Clazomenae, Apollonides, and Apollonius. [Ib.]

Together with these, Ptolemei the King sent his own Ambassadors, Tlepolemus, and Ptolemei the Rhetorician: who sayling against stream, came unto Antiochus. He receiving them courteously invited them the first day unto a sumptuous feast; & the next day gave them the liberty of a personall conference, and commanded them to publish their commissions: in the first place therefore, spake the Ambassadors of the Achaeans

unto him, afterwards Demaratus that was sent by the Athenians, and next to him Eu∣demus of Miletum. Howbeit, all affirmed that the war was commenced through the default of Eulaius the Eunuch; after that alleadging the kinred and age of Ptolemei, they deprecated the rage of the Kings. Antiochus having given consent unto their speeches, and discoursed himself more fully to the same purpose, he began to make mention of his rights, endeavouring with great earnestnesse to prove that the possession of Coelosyria appertained unto the Kings of Syria; and denying those things to be true, which the Ambassadors from Alexandria alleadged, concerning Coelosyria, given for a Dowry with Cleopatra, mother of Philometor then reigning. To which purpose, when he had largely discoursed, and had proved his cause not to himself one∣ly, but to all that were present, he for that season went to Naucratis by shipping, and having at that place also benignly bespoken, and entreated the Citizens, and given a∣mongst the Greeks who remained there, pieces of gold, amounting to sixteen shillings eight pence to each man, he took his journey to Alexandria. He promised to give his answer to the Ambassadors, after that Aristides and Theris should be returned; for he desired that the Greeks should be privy to, and witnesses of, all his actions. [Ibid. Legat. 82.]

Philometor, being educated by Eulaius the Eunuch, in delights, and effeminate imployments, contracted such sloth, that, being withdrawn from all danger, and by great distance divided from the enemy, he parted with a most large and wealthy kingdom, without striking a stroke. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 310. 313,]

The Crown being taken from Philometor, after that he had reigned 11 years, by Antiochus; the Alexandrians committed the sway of affairs unto Euergetes his younger brother. [Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebeian. Scalig. pag. 54. & 225.] whom they themselves notwithstanding afterwards called Cacergetes, or the Malefactor. [Athenae, lib. 4. cap. 24▪ & lib, 12. cap. 27.] Howbeit, from the corpulency of his bulk, and the extension of his paunch, he obtained the surname of Physcon, or the Gor-belly, which joyned toge∣ther with his name, is read after this sort in his coyn, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

This Ptolemei, by Epiphanius in his small book of weights and measures, for his love of learning, is termed Ptolemaeus Philologus, for he was both one of Aristarchus his scho∣lars, and he wrote historical observations, which are frequently cited by Atheneus. [Athenae. lib. 2. cap. 33.] for unto this second Euergetes do belong those things which we produced out of Athenaeus, and Galen concerning the first, in the year of the World 3761. from whence, seeing that at that time Eumenes son of Attalus reigned in Asia; whom Strabo affirmeth to have furnished Pergamus with libraries, [lib. 13. pag. 614.] I suppose those things to be referred unto this Ptolemei, which are read in Vitruvius his Preface of his seventh Book. The Attalian Kings, being induced thereunto by the wonder∣full delights of Philologie, when they had erected for the common delight a famous libra∣rie at Rergamus; then also Ptolemei, being invited with infinite zeal and eagernesse of desire, did not with lesse industry endeavour to procure the like at Alexandria, and in Plinie, [lib. 13. cap. 11.] Through the emulation of the Kings, Ptolemei and Eumenes, about libraries, Varro writeth, That at Pergamus, parchments were found out, Ptolemei suppressing the Egyptian paper.

Ptolemei Philometor, being driven out of his kingdom, he fled unto his younger brother Ptolemei Euergetes, to Alexandria; [Justin lib. 34. cap. 2.] whom the Alexan∣drians, delivering from the power of Antiochus, made him with his brother partner of the kingdom, numbring with the 12 of the one, the fourth year of the other his reign, [Porphyr. ut sup,] although a while after they cast out Philometor, and banished him. [Polyb. Legat. 84, & 89.]

Antiochus, willingly catching at that occasion, undertook the government of the banished Prince, and made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again in the defence of his Egyptian war, in receiving Embassages into all the Cities of Asia, and Greece, and in the dispatch of letters. [Livie lib. 44. and 45.]

Antiochus, through the handsome colour of bringing back Ptolemei the elder into his kingdom, managing his war with his younger brother, who at that time possessed Alexandria, got the better of him at a sea fight at Pelusium: and going over the Nile with his army, on a bridge suddenly erected, besieged Alexandria it self: Whereupon that same Ptolomei the younger, and Cleopatra his sister, dispatched Ambas∣sadors to Rome, who might implore the Senate to send assistance unto the kingdom, and such Princes as were friends unto the Empire: for such were the obligations of the people of Rome unto Antiochus, and so great their authorities with all Kings and nati∣ons; That if they should but send Ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the Se∣nate, That a war should be made with their confederate Princes, he would forthwith

depart from the walls of Alexandria, and withdraw his army into Syria. [Id. lib. 44.]

The wall of Alexandria having been assaulted to no purpose, Antiochus departed from thence, [Id. lib. 45.] Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heraclides, being notwithstand∣ing, first sent Embassadors to Rome: who of 150 talents committed to their charge were to bestow fifty upon a Crown, to be delivered to the Romans, and to di∣vide the rest of the sum to certain Cities of Greece. [Polyb. Legat. 83.]

About those dayes the Embassadors of the Rhodians, of whom Ptutio was the chief that were sent to settle a peace, arriving at Alexandria, presently afterward went into the Camp unto the King: These being admitted unto conference with the King, commemorating the conjunction of each kingdom with the other, and the mutual respects of alliance between both the Kings, and what advantages would redound unto each of them upon the concluding of a peace, entered upon a long discourse. But the King interrupting the Embassador in his speech, said, That there was no need of any longer discourse; for the kingdom appertained unto the Elder Ptolemei; and he had long since made a peace with him, and was his friend; and if the Alexandrians would recal him out of banishment, he was contented, [Id. 84.]

Antiochus, leaving Ptolemei the Elder at Memphis, whose kingdom he pretended was fought for by his Forces, and delivering unto him the rest of Egypt, after that he had left a strong Garrison at Pelusium, withdrew his army into Syria; for when he had promised unto himself this issue of the civil war between the brethren, that the Con∣queror being wearied in the dispute, would not be equal unto himself: he thought it behooful to keep unto himself the key of Egypt, that he might again at pleasure bring in his army, and assault the brother that had conquered, [Liv. lib. 45.]

King Eumenes, coming from Elaea with 20 covered ships, in the coasts of the Cas∣sandrenses met with Marcius Figulus, the Praetor, Admiral of the Roman Fleet, and five covered ships sent from Prusias the King there, with the Praetor: at the same time, both by sea and land, he in vain assaulted the City Cassandrea; Toron also, and De∣metrias being attempted with no better successe: There was a report that by Cydas the Cretian, and Antimachus Governour of Demetrius, conditions of reconcilement were negotiated between Eumenes and Perseus. For that Cydas, who was one of Eumenes his intimate friends, was formerly observed to discourse at Amphipolis with Chimarus, a certain Country-man of his own, and now at Demetrias with Menecra∣tes, a certain Captain of Perseus, and again with Antimachus under the very walls of the City. Eumenes certainly departing from Demetrius, sailed unto Q. Marcius the Consul, and having gratulated his prosperous entrance into Macedonia, departed into his own kingdom to Pergamus. Marcius Figulus the Praetor, part of the Fleet being sent to winter at Sciathum, went with the rest of the ships unto Oreum in Boeotia, [Id. lib. 44.]

Reports are very various touching King Eumenes: Valerius Antias saith, That neither the Praetor was assisted with a Fleet by him after that he had often sent for him by letters: neither that he departed with savour from the Consul into Asia; (being incensed, that it was not permitted unto him to march in the same Camp) That it could not be obtained of him to leave behind, so much as those French-horsemen, which he had brought with him. That Attalus his brother, both remained with the Consul, and that his fidelity was sincere in an equal temper, and his endeavours notable in the whole war, [Ibid.] And indeed Velleius Paterculus writeth, that King Eume∣nes was of an indifferent mind in that war, and answered not the beginning of his brother, nor his own accustomed fashion, [Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9.]

At Rome, the Embassadors of Pamphylius brought into the Senate a golden Crown made of 20 thousand Philipeans; and upon their request, liberty was granted unto them to repose their gift in the Chappel of Jupiter, and to sacrifice in the Capitol; moreover as to their desire of renewing friendship, they had a gracious answer, and a gift of two thousand pieces of coin sent unto each of them, [Liv. lib. 44.]

At that time, the Embassadors from King Prusias, for making up a peace with King Perseus, received an audience: Prusias professing, both that at that time he stood for the Romans, and that he should stand for them during the war: Neverthelesse, seeing that Embassadors had come to him from Perseus touching the conclusion of the war, and he had promised them to be an intercede•• with the Senate, he desired, if they could be perswaded to end their displeasure, that himself might be used by them in the making up of the reconcilement, [Id. ib.]

The Embassie of the Rhodians was more arrogant, concerning the same businesse; for the courtesies which they had done for the Roman people, being proudly related, and almost the greater part of the victory procured over Antiochus, being arrogated to themselves; they added, That when there was peace between the Macedonians and the Romans, then was amity begun between themselves and King Perseus; the

which, they had broken off against their wills, not upon any provocation of his against themselves, but because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the society of the war: That now the third year, they felt many inconveniencies of that war; That upon the blocking up of the sea, their Island was pressed with poverty, their revenues that came by sea, and their victuals being lost: when they could no longer endure this, That they had sent other Embassadors into Macedonia unto Perseus, who might declare unto him, That the Rhodians were contented that he should make up a peace with the Romans, and that themselves were sent, to signify so much to Rome, That the Rhodians should consider, what ought to be done against them, in whom the fault should be found of not concluding the war. Claudius Quadrigarius saith, That there was no answer given unto these persons: onely there was recited a decree of the Senate, wherein the Roman people denounced, That the Carians and Lycians were free, and that letters should immediately be dispatcht unto both nations, that they might under∣stand so much. Which thing being heard, That the principal person of the Embassa∣dors, whose high language the Senate a little before had scarce received, fell down astonished: Others say, that it was answered, That the Roman people even in the be∣ginning of the war, had been assured by no vain authors, That the Rhodians had en∣tertained secret debates with Perseus the King against their Common-wealth; and if it had been doubtful formerly, yet the Legates words a little before, had made it cer∣tain; and that fraud for the most part, though it be more wary at the beginning, dis∣covereth it self, that they would consider what was to be done by them; what the Rhodians were about to consider, themselves knew, That assuredly the people of Rome, when Perseus should be overcome, (which they hoped would shortly be) would take care to make condingne requital according to the merits of each City in that war: howbeit, a reward of two thousand pieces of coyn was sent unto each of the Embassadors, which they accepted not. [Id. Ibid.]

But Dion giveth this account of the businesse. King Perseus requested peace from the Romans, and had obtained the same, except the Rhodians, fearing least the Ro∣mans should have wanted an adversary, had joyned their Embassadors with the Em∣bassadors of Perseus, for by them (the Legates of the Rhodians) nothing that was mode∣rate, and such as became those to speak as requested a peace, was propounded; and so as if they had not so much requested a peace for Perseus, as given it unto him, they both proudly spake other things, and also at last threatned, That they would, with the rest, assault them by war, by whose fault the peace should not be made. Whereby it came to passe, that, whereas they were not unsuspected by the Romans before, they rendred themselves more hatefull, and hindred Perseus from obtaining a peace, [Dio. Legat. 19. al. 20.]

About the beginning of the Consulship of L. Emilius Paulus, [The Julian Period. 4546] and C. Licinius, [Year before Christ 168] the Alexandrian Embassadors from Ptolemei and Cleopatra, Princesse, were called into the Senate; being clad with white apparel, and having both long beards and hair, when they had entered into the Senate with Olive-branches, they prostrated them∣selves: and making lamentation, they entreated the Senate, That they would give their assistance unto a kingdom, and Princesse that were in amity with them. [Liv. lib. 44.]

When the Senate had understood by them, That Antiochus, having seized upon the rest of Egypt, did still remain there, that he might be master of Alexandria also; supposing that the greatnesse of this King did somewhat concern them, they decreed an Embassage, both for the making of a peace, and also for the view∣ing in generall, what the face of affairs was in that place. [Polyb. Legat. 90.]

Immediatly therefore, the fathers sent C. Popillius Laenas, C. Decimius, and C. Ho∣stilius, Embassadors, to conclude the war between the Kings, they were commanded to go first to Antiochus, then to Ptolemei, and declare, if they abstained not from war, which of them should be the cause thereof, they should not esteem him for a friend or a confederate, [Liv. lib. 44.]

These with the Embassadors from Alexandria, having taken their journey within three dayes, there came Embassadors from Macedonia on the last of the Quinquatria, that is, of the feast of Minarva's birth day: who among other things, related, That Eumenes and his fleet, as ships brought with a tempest, without any cause, both came and departed, neither did the mind of that King seem sufficiently constant, and as they said all things doubtfull of Eumenes, so they declared the extraordinary constant fi∣delity of Attalus. [Id. ib.]

The time when the Embassadors, sent into Egypt, departed from Rome in an ancient Diary of this year (which Pighius hath inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the 585 year of the City) is found thus expressed, The third day before the Nones of of April, C. Popillius Laenas, C. Decimius, C. Hostilius are sent Ambassadors to the Kings

of Syria and Egypt, for the taking up the war between them: the Embassadors early in the morning with a troop of their Clients and kinred, sacrificed in the Temple of Castor, unto the houshold gods of P. R. they offered a Bull, and so concluded their sacrifice. Howbeit, the third day, before the Nones of April, as the year at Rome then stood, answer∣ed unto the twenty third of our January, according the Julian account: as we gather from the Eclipse of the Moon, which sell out five moneths after∣ward.

After that Antiochus with his army had returned into Syria, Ptolemei Philometor, prudently considering the danger that hung over his head, by reason of him, left not off sending to Alexandria, unto Cleopatra his sister first, and then to Euergetes his brother, and his friends, untill he had confirmed a peace with them; his sister extraor∣dinarily assisting him, not onely by advise, but also by entreaties. A peace therefore being made with common consent, returning from Memphis, and being received into Alexandria, he reigned together with his brother, not so much as the multitude oppo∣sing themselves: which in the war, not onely by the siege, but also after it was rais∣ed from their walls, had been brought low through the want of all things, because no supply had been brought to them out of Egypt. [Liv. lib. 45. cum Polyb. Le∣gat. 89.]

Whereas it was meet that Antiochus should have rejoyced hereupon, if he had brought his army into Egypt for his restaurations sake, he was so offended, that he more eagerly and maliciously prepared war against them both, than formerly he had against the one of them: and thereupon presently sent his fleet unto Cyprus, which in a fight overthrew the Egyptian ships there, and the Captains of Ptolemei, [Liv. lib. 45. Polyb. Legat. 92.]

Both Ptoilemei's brethren, having at that time the Crown and Kingly power, foras∣much as they were destitute of all kind of aid, sent Eumenes, and Dionysiodorus, Em∣bassadors, unto the nation of the Achaeans, to request 1000 foot men, and 200 horse∣men, and that Lycortas might be Captain of all the auxiliary forces, and his son Poly∣bius of the horse men, they wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian, to hire a thousand mercenary souldiers. [Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91.]

Perseus King of the Macedonians, and Gentius King of the Sclavonians, being united in league together, by giving pledges on either side, decreed, That Embassadors should be sent to Rhodes, hoping that the City, in whose onely power the glory of shipping then was, might by the authority of two Kings be incited unto the war against the Romans. The Embassadors were sent unto Thessalonica, & commanded to be in a rea∣dinesse to take ship: at that place was Metrodorus, who came lately from Rhodes, and affirmed that by the authority of Dion, and Polyaratus, principal men of the City, the Rhodians were prepared for war; for as amongst the the Coans, Hippocritus and Diomedon brethreen, so amongst the Romans, Dino and Polyaratus have been bold to speak for the Macedonians, and accuse the Romans, and publickly advise a con∣junction with Perseus. This Metrodorus was made the chief person of this confederate Embassie with the Sclavonians. [Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis, Valesii. pag. 137. Livie lib. 44.]

Perseus, having sent Tetemnastus the Cretian, Embassador to Antiochus, advised him not to let slip the present oppertunity, nor to think that the pride and insolent in∣junctions of the Romans pertained unto him alone, but rather that he should be assu∣red to run the same hazard of fortune himself also within a short time, except he now afforded his assistance unto him, in the chief place by composing the dissention, and set∣ling a peace, or at least, if that might not be, by contributing his help. [Polyb. Legat. 85. Liv. lib. 44.]

At the same time also, Perseus sent Cryphontes (for so the Collections of Polybius name him, whom the printed Copies of Livie call Eropontes) Embassador unto Eu∣menes, who had formerly discharged two Embassies unto the same person. [Id. Ibid.] surely by the profer of money he sollicited Eumenes, That he should either take his part, or reconcile him unto the people of Rome, or assist neither side; hoping that he should obtain one of these things, or at least by that sollicitation procure (which indeed he attained) that Eumenes should become suspected unto the Romans. But Eumenes de∣spised the friendship of Perseus, & for the making of a peace demanded 1500 talents, and to remain neutral to both, 1000. Perseus promised to give the sum required for the pro∣curement of a peace, but not before hand; howbeit, he would depose it in the Temple at Samothrace, untill the peace were concluded. [Appian. Macedonic. in Excerpt. Valeisi. p. 562.] But sith that Island was within his own jurisdiction, Eumenes saw that it signified no more than if the mony had been at Pella, and insisted hereupon, That he should bring part of the mony for the present. Which not obtaining, Cryphon, their secret de∣bates being unknown, returned home: that the negotion had been concerning the redemption of captives, both themselves noised abroad and Eumenes, for the avoyd∣ing

of suspition, informed the Consul to the same purpose. [Livie, lib. 44.]

The Rhodians disagreeing between themselves, and that party prevailing in their assemblies which was inclined to Perseus, it seemed good that Embassadors should be sent to compound the war between Perseus and the Romans: the chief presidents therefore of their Councels immediatly dispatched Embassadors unto Rome, Agesipolis and Cleombrotus, but to the Consul and Perseus, Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and Telephus; they sent also Embassadors into Creet, to renew friendship with all the Cretians; and to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times, and the imminent danger, and that agreeing with the people of Rhodes, they should esteem the same as foe and friend, which they should do: there were sent also unto each City, who might entreat with them touching the same affairs. [Polyb. Legat. 86.]

The Embassadors of the Ptolemeis, the Kings, whilst it was yet Winter, coming in∣to Peloponnesus, after that in an Assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth they had renewed their ancient friendship, which they signified by many arguments one towards another; and had presented unto their view the afflicted condition of the Kings, requesting aide: the multitude were in a readinesse to give their assistance, not with a part of their Forces, but if need should require, with all their strength. Howbeit, Callicrates, and Diophanes, and Hyperbatonus, opposed this judgement: against whom, Lycottas and Polybius discoursing, exhorted the Achaeans, that being mindful of their engagements and courtesies received, but especially of their oath, they should keep the laws of Confederacy. But when the multitude had again joyntly agreed that assistance should be given; Callicrates frustrated that debate, terrifying the Magi∣strates, because the laws gave no liberty in such like assemblies, to deliberate of auxilia∣ries, [Polyb. Legat. 89.]

A little while afterwards, a Council being called in the City of the Sicyonians, in the which, not onely the Magistrates were present, but all that were above 30 years of age; after many debates had passed, a carryer was brought by Callicrates immediately af∣ter his arrival directly into the Theatre, bringing forged letters from Q. Marcius the Proconsul; wherein he was feigned to exhort the Achaeans, that complying with the desire of the Romans, they would endeavour to reconcile the Kings together: and thereupon Embassadors were sent from the Achaeans, Archon of Aegi••a, Arcesilaus and Aristo Megapolitanes, to make a peace between Ptolemeis, the Kings, and Antio∣chus: at which King Polybius being incensed with indignation, withdrew himself from the care, and administration of affairs: and the Embassadors from Alexandria having lost the hope of assistance, returned home, [Id. ibid. & Legat. 91,]

Perseus, having his winter quarters at Bila, drew his Forces into Ionia, whereby he might intercept the bread-corn that was conveyed from thence unto the Romans, [Appian. ut. sup. pag. 565.] Antenor and Callippus the Admirals of the Navy, with 40 small boates and five larger vessels called Pristes (from the likenesse of the fish so named, which they do resemble) he sent unto Tenedos: that being from thence dispersed by the Cycladas, Islands, they might secure the ships that came with bread-corn into Mace∣donia: the ships being brought to Cassandrea, after that they had first arrived at the havens which lie under the Mountain Athos, and from thence with a calme sea, at Tenedos; sent away the Rodians open vessels, and Eudemus their President without violation, nay even civily entreated. But being afterwards informed that 50 burden∣ships of their friends were shut in by the beaked ships of Eumenes under the conduct of Damius, at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos, having dispersed their ene∣mies, they brought them forth and sent them with the conduct of ten small vessels in∣to Macedonia, [Liv. lib. 44.]

Those small vessels on the ninth day afterwards, returned unto the Fleet lying at Sigaeum: which from thence sailed to Subota (an Island lying between Elaea, and Athos) howbeit the next day after that they came thither, 35 ships which they call Hippagogi, or vessels for the conveyance of horses, Ferry-boats coming from Elaea with French Horsemen, and horses (sent from Eumenes to Attalus) were bound for Pha∣nes, a Promontory of the Chians, from whence they might put over into Macedonia. Antenor, having loosed from Subota, between the Promontory of Erythrae, and that of Chios where the sea is most straight, suddenly light upon these: and when there was no hope of resisting, part of them which were near unto the shoat of the Continent swum into Erythraea: part, hoysing up sail, threw their ships upon Chios, and leaving their horses behind them, posted a main unto the City. But when the small vessels had disburthened their armed men nearer unto the City, and at a more convenient place of landing, the Macedonians having gotten the Frenchmen into their power, slew some of them as they fled in the way, and others being intercepted before the gate. There were slain of the Galls well nigh 800 (or 700 as Gruters edition hath it) and 200 taken alive. The horses were partly (the ships being broken) consumed in the

sea, and partly houghed by the Macedonians on the shoar. Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he had sent before, to convoy 20 of the stateliest horses with the captives unto. Thessalonica, and as soon as they possibly could, to return to the Fleet; he would expect them at Phanae. The Navy lay almost three dayes before the City, from thence they went unto Phanae; and being carryed over in the 10 vessels (re∣turned before they were expected) they passed thorough the Aegean Sea unto Delos, [Id. ibid.]

Whilst these things were doing, the Roman Embassadors, C. Popillius, C. Deci∣mius, and C. Hostilius, having come from Chalcis, after that they had arrived at De∣los with three Gallies of five ranks of oares; found there 40 ships of the Macedonians; and five Gallies of King Eumenes with five ranks of oares. The sanctity of the Tem∣ple, and the Island, gave security unto all persons. The Romans therefore and the Macedonians being mingled together, and the sea-confederates of Eumenes, the reli∣gion of that place making a Truce, were conversant in the Temple, [Id. ibid.]

Antenor, Perseus his Admiral, when there was intimation from the watch-towers, that ships of carriage were discovered at sea; pursuing himself with part of the ship∣ping, the other part being disposed about the Cyclades, either sunk or spoiled all the ships, except such as were bound for Macedonia. Popillius, or the Navy of Eumenes, succoured as many as they could; and being conveyed by night in two or three vessels for the most part, deceived the Macedonians, [Id. ibid.]

About that time, the Embassadors of Gentius, King of the Sclavonians, Parmenio and Morcus, and together with these, Metrodorus (Embassador) of Perseus, came to Rhodes: whose authority was encreased, not onely by the approach of the Frigots which passed up and down by the Cyclades, and the Aegean Sea, and by the multitude of the Horsemen which were slain; but also by the very conjunction of Perseus and Gentius, and the rumor of the Galatians, Horse and Foot, coming with a great number. These things indeed gave courage unto Dinon and Polyaratus, who were for Perseus his interesse; but, on the contrary, dejected Theaetetus. It was decreed therefore by the Rhodians, to give a friendly answer unto both the Kings; and to signifie unto them: That they had resolved by the interposition of their authority, to put a period to the war; and consequently to admonish them, to be inclinable to a peace. More∣over the Embassadors of Gentius were entreated with much civility in their publick place of Assembly, [Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat.]

At the beginning of the Spring, Antiochus with his army, marching for Egypt, came into Coelosyria, about Rhinocolura, unto the Embassadors of Ptolemei, Phi∣lometor rendring thanks unto him, for that by his means he had received his paternal kingdom, and requesting, That he would maintain his own right, and rather speak what he would have done, than, changing from a confederate to an enemy, proceed by violence, and armes; he gave this answer: That he would upon no other terms re∣voke his Fleet, and reduce his army, unlesse he would surrender unto him all Cyprus, and Pelusium, and the field that was adjacent unto that mouth of the Nile, called Pe∣lusiack; and he fixed a day within which he might receive an answer, [Livie, lib. 45.]

Antiochus dispatched Apollonius Overseer for the Collection of his Tribute (cal∣led by Josephus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the 12 book of his Antiquities, cap. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the 2 of the Maccab. 5. 24.) with an army of 22 thousand into the Cities of Judea; two compleat years after that he had spoiled the Temple at Jerusalem, commanding them to put to death all the young men that were come to years of maturity and in full strength, but to sell the women and younger sort, [1 Maccab. 1. 30. 2 Maccab. 5. 24.]

After that Apollonius was come to Hierusalem, without any shew of hostility, he re∣strained himself until the Sabbath Day; on which he destroyed all that came to dis∣charge religious duties, and, marching with his Forces about the City, he put to death a great multitude: and taking the spoiles of the City, he set it on fire, and pulled down the houses, and the walls round about: They led away also captive the women and children, and seized on the cattel, [1 Maccab. 1. 31, 34. 2 Maccab. 5. 25, 26.] Jo∣sephus, [in the 12 book of his Antiquities and the seventh chap.] ascribing unto Antio∣chus himself, those things that were done by his ministers, affirmeth him; After the sacking of the whole City, partly to have slain the inhabitants, and partly to have led them away captive, together with their children and wives, to the number of ten thousand.

Judas Maccabaeus also, departing with nine others, spent his life in the mountains after the manner of wild beasts together with his companions, who continued to feed on herbs, least they should be pertakers of the pollution, [2 Maccab. 5. 27.] or of the prohibited meates, or of the idolatry, or of the contamination also, and the desolation of the Sanctuary which insued thereupon; [1 Maccab. 1. 39, 41.] which was three years and six moneths before the restitution and purification thereof, made afterwards

by the same Judas Maccabaeus, [1 Maccab. 4. 43, 54.] For which space of time Jo∣sephus intimates the City of Jerusalem to have been oppressed by Antiochus in the Preface of his books concerning the Jewish war, and the service of the daily sacrifice to have ceased in the first book, and first chap. and the Sanctuary to have been desolate in the sixth book of the same Work (pag. 929.) the same author sheweth; who de∣clareth also that last point, touching the time of the desolation of the Sanctuary, as Hip∣polytus affirmeth, [Caten. Graec. in Daniel, chap 8.]

Afterwards they built in the City of David, or Sion, a great wall, fenced with strong Towers, which was unto them in the place of a Ciladel; and a Garrison of wicked persons being placed therein, they reposed there the spoiles of Jerusalem: and foras∣much as there were plots there contrived against such as frequented the Temple, and innocent blood was shed and the Sanctuary defiled; the inhabitants of Jerusalem fled and the City became an habitation of strangers, and strange to her own Natives, her children forsaking her, [1 Maccab. 1. 35, 40.]

The Embassadors of the Rhodians came into the Camp of the Romans, with the same instructions, touching peace, which at Rome highly incensed the fathers, they were heard with much more discontent by the Councel of war: Howbeit, when some would have had them violently forced out of the Camp, the Councell declared, That it would give them answer after fifteen dayes: in the mean time, that it might appear at what rate the authority of the Rhodians interceding for peace was esteemed, they began to debate of the means how to manage the war, [Livie lib. 44.]

The day before Perseus was overcome, C. Sulpicius Gallus tribune of the souldiers of the second Legion, by the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the Consul, calling the soul∣diers together, declared unto them, that the ensuing night, left any should be astonish∣ed at the strangenesse thereof, the Moon should suffer an eclipse from two of the clock in the night, untill four; which being a thing that by the course of nature comes to passe at set times, it might be known before, he said, and likewise foretold; and there∣fore ought not to be look't upon as a prodigy, [Id. Ib.] which a while afterward, as Pliny writes, he taught in a treatise composed thereupon, [lib. 2. cap. 12.] where he reporteth this man to be the first of the Roman nation, who published unto the world, the reason of the Sun and Moon's Eclipses, of whom Cato in Ciceros book, of old age, thus speaketh: We did behold Scipio, Gallus, the intimate acquaintance of your father (Emilius Paulus) even to macerate himself unto death in his endeavours of measuring almost the Heavens and the Earth: how often did the morning surprise him, when he began to delineate any thing at night? and how oft did the night come upon him, when he began in the morning? how was he delighted when he fore-told unto us the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, a great while before they came to passe?

The night which did precede the day before the Nones of September, when the Moon was eclipsed at the appointed hour, it seemed unto the Roman souldiers to be allmost a divine thing: but it affected the Macedonians as a sad Omen portending the full of their kingdom, and the mischief of their nation. [Liv. lib. 44. cum Justin. lib. 33. cap. 1. Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 11. Jul. Frontin. Stragemat. lib. 1. cap. 12.] The Astro∣nomical account sheweth, That the total darknesse of the Moon, fell out upon the 21 day day of June, according to the Julian account, the eight hour after noon, this year, in Macedonia: when the souldiers would have given their bodies unto sleep, and rest in the night, as Plutarch hath it in his Paulus Emilius. Whence it is inserted, That the Id••es of March, on this year, whereon Paulus entered upon his second Consulship, fell out upon the fourth day of January, according to the Julian reckoning.

The day following, Perseus being overthrown, [1 Macchabees 8. 5.] the king∣dome of the Macedonians determined: when from Caranus it had stood for the space of 626. years. Howbeit, the reliques of the Macedonian Empire, while the Roman was rising, did yet survive in the Seleucus's of Syria, and the Ptolemei's of Egypt.

The third day after the fight, Perseus, with about five hundred Cretians, came by flight unto Amphipolis in Thracia; but, being not admitted by the Amphipolitans, when their money, both gold and silver, was brought unto the ships which abode in Strymon; he also himself came unto the river. Unto the Cretians, that were drawn the hope of mony, out of his peculiar treasury, he delivered Cups, and goblets, with other gold and silver vessels, amounting to the value of 50 talents, which, being placed on the bank, he left to be catched up by them, from this scrambling, whilst they tumultuosly went a ship-board, they sank one of the vessels, loaden with a multitude of people, in the very mouth of the river. On that day he came unto Galipsus, or Alepsus, on the morrow unto the Island Samothrace, with two thousand talents; and humbly betook him∣self unto the Temple of Castor and Pollux. [Livie. lib. 44. cum Plutarcho, in Paulo Emilio.]

When the fame of the Roman victory had come into Asia, Antenor, who with a Fleet of Frigots waited at the Phanae, sailed from thence into Cassandria, [Livie lib. 45.]

C. Popillius, who lay at Delos for a safeguard unto the ships that were bound for Ma∣cedonia; after that he had heard of the successe in Macedonia, and the removal of the enemies Frigots out of their Station, he also himself, having dismissed the Attick ships, proceeded to sail for Egypt, that he might discharge the Embassie which he had under∣taken: to the end that he might first meet with Antiochus, before he came to the walls of Alexandria. After that the Embassadors had passed Asia, and were come into Lo∣ryma, which is an Haven above 20 miles distant from Rhodes, directly opposite against the City, the principal persons of the Rhodians (for even thither also had the rumor of the victory been brought) met them, entreating them to put in at Rhodes; for they said, That it concerned the honour, and safety of the City, that they should understand all things which had before been transacted and were then in agitation at Rhodes, and declare at Rome, what was known to themselves, not what was bruited by fame: though they refused a great while, yet at length they forced them to suffer a short inter∣ruption of their voyage for the safety of a confederate City: and after they were arri∣ved at Rhodes, the same persons by their entreaties drew them into their publick As∣sembly, [Id. ib.]

The coming of the Legates rather encreased than diminished the fear of the Citi∣zens; for Popillius repeated all things, which all and every of them had spoken, or done in a hostile manner, during the time of the war; and being a man of a soure disposition, he aggravated the grievousnesse of the things that had been spoken with a sterne countenance and criminating voice; so that, whereas there was no ground of his private displeasure against the City, they might guesse by the bitternesse of one single Roman Senator, how the whole Senate stood affected toward them. The speech of C. Decimius more mild, who in most of the things alledged by Popillius, said, That the fault was not the peoples, but such stickling mens that stirred them up: that those kind of persons, setting their tongue to sale, had framed decrees full of Court-flattery, and had dispatched such Embassages, whereof the Rhodians were no lesse ashamed, than penitent for: all which, had the people power in their own hands, would fall up∣on the heads of the guilty. He was heard with great approbation, no lesse because he charged the fault upon the authors, than that he extenuated the crime of the people. When therefore the principal persons replyed unto the Romans, their speech was in no wise acceptable, who endeavoured to purge the crimes objected by Popillius, as theirs, who agreed with Popillius in exposing the authors unto punishment for the ex∣piation of the crime: and thereupon those Rhodians, who before carried such high minds, as if they had conquered, as well Philip, as Antiochus, and were Superior in strength to the Romans themselves, were brought into such terror, that even in the presence of the Embassadors, there was a Decree suddenly made, That whosoever should be convinced to have spoken or done any thing in the behalf of Perseus, against the Romans, should be condemned to death. Some upon the approach of the Romans withdrew themselves out of the City, others laid violent hands upon themselves: the Embassadors staying not above five dayes at Rhodes, went unto Alexandria. Neither were the judgements grounded upon the Decree made before them, lesse slowly put in execution; which resolution in performing that businesse, the Clemency of Decimius did procure, [Id. ibid. cum Dione, Legat. 20. al. 21.]

After that the news of Perseus his flight had been brought unto Rome, it seemed good unto the Senate that the Rhodian Embassadors, who came to make up a peace with Perseus, should be called before their Assembly: the Embassadors, of whom A∣gesipolis was the chief, having entered into the Senate, said, That they were sent to make an end of the war, which would be grievous and incommodious unto all Greece, costly and hurtful unto the Romans themselves. Now, seeing it was concluded, in such sort as the Rhodians alwayes desired; they did congratulate it unto them. When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words, he departed out of the Assembly. The Senate, making use of that occasion, seeing that they purposed to disgrace openly the Rhodians, and make them an example, made this reply. That the Rhodians dis∣patched that Embassie, neither in regard of the advantages of Greece, nor of the ex∣pences of the Roman people, but in the behalf of Perseus; for if their care had been such as was pretended, Embassadors would then have been sent, when Perseus having drawn his army into Thessalie, for the space of two years, partly besieged, and partly, by denouncing war, terrified the Cities of Greece. At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians: but after that they had heard, that the Woodes were got over, and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia, and that Perseus was close∣ly environed, the Rhodians sent their Embassage; to no other end, but that they might deliver Perseus out of his imminent danger: wherefore the fathers judgement was,

That they ought not to bestow the accustomed rewards, or any benefit, no nor a cour∣teous answer unto the Embassadors, [Polyb. Legat. 88. Liv. lib. 45.]

Thoas, who being sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as an internuncio, had often sailed into Macedonia; affairs now being turned, fled for fear into Cnidus. And when the Cuidians had secured him in safe custody, upon the vindication of the Rho∣dians, he was returned into Rhodes again; where, upon examination, having con∣fessed all, he fully consented unto all the notes of the letters which had been intercepted, and to the Epistles sent to and again, both from Dinon, and also from Perseus: where∣with Dinon being convinced (for an example to others,) he was executed, [Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 137, 138.]

Cn. Octavius, who together with Paulus Aemilius, managed the Macedonian war, upon the arrival of his Fleet at Samothrace, being touched with the reverence of Ca∣stor and Pollux, left Perseus unassaulted, but yet he debarred him from the sea, and se∣cured him from escaping, [Plutarch in P. Aemilio.] And whilst he endeavoured to draw him to a surrender, sometimes by threatnings, sometimes by hopes; a businesse whether accidental or contrived by deliberation, assisted him therein. L. Attilius an illustrious young man, when he saw the people of Samothrace assembled together, by the permission of the Magistrate, complained that the supposed sanctity of the Island was violated by the presence of Euander the Cretian: who having almost compassed the death of King Eumenes at Delphos, did now together with Perseus, defend him∣self by the refuge of the Temple. Hereupon Theondus, who was the chief Magistrate amongst them (whom they call King) seeing himself, and the whole Island in the power of the Romans, demanded of Perseus, that Euander should be given up unto trial: which when Perseus disliked, because he saw that the crime being discovered, would be devolved upon himself, he procured that Euander should be slain: and cor∣rupted Theondus with money, to declare unto the people, that Euander had made away himself with his own hands. Howbeit by so wicked a prank against his onely friend that remained, and had been known to him in so many enterprizes, he alienated the affections of all that were with him; and when every one for his own security be∣took himself to the Romans, he was forced to bethink himself how to make his escape, [Liv. lib. 45.]

Wherefore Perseus secretly dealt with Oroandes the Cretian, to whom the coast of Thrace was well known, because he had used traffick in that Country, that receiving him into a Frigot (which did ride at the Promontory Demetrias) he should convey him to Cotys the King of the Thracians. About the time of Sun-set there was as much money brought to the Frigot, as could be secretly conveyed: which being re∣ceived, Oroandes, making use of a Cretian feat, as soon as it was dark, loosing from shoar, bent thorough the Main unto Crete: afterwards about midnight wretched Per∣seus let down himself, his children, and his wife, not acquainted with travels and wan∣dering, out of a straight window by a wall; and when the ship was not found in the Haven, after that he had awhile walked on the shoar, at length fearing the light, now approaching, he betook himself to a darke corner in the side of the Temple, [Liv. & Plutarch, ut supra.]

After that, by the command of Octavius the Praetor, it was published, by the Cryer, That the royal Youth (the children of Princes that were chosen to attend upon the King) and other Macedonians, who were of Samothrace, if they would come over to the Romans, should preserve their safety, and liberty, and all that they had, which was either about them, or which they had left behind in Macedonia; they all came over, and gave up their names to C. Posthumius the Tribune of the souldiers. Ion also the Thessalonian surrendred up the young children of the King, which had been com∣mitted to his trust, unto Octavius; neither was any of the children left with the King, except Philippus the eldest. Thereupon he surrendred himself and his son to Octa∣vius: fondly accusing fortune, and the gods, in whose Temple he was, because they afforded their supplicant no assistance. He was commnaded to be put aboard in the Proetorianship, where also the money that remained was carryed; and forthwith the Fleet went back unto Amphipolis, [ibid.]

Antiochus, coming to possesse Pelusium, when he had passed over the River Leusines (which place is four miles distant from Alexandria) met with the Roman Embassa∣dors: whom when upon their approach, he had saluted, and reached forth his right hand unto Popillius, he delivered unto him the Tables which he held in his hands, con∣teining that Decree of the Senate, whereby he was commanded immediately to con∣clude the war against Ptolemei; and enjoyned him, that before he did any thing else, he should read it. When he had read over the Tables, and said, That he would con∣sult with his friends, what he ought to do; Popillius with a vine-twig which he had in his hand, encircled the King, and commanded him before he went out of the ring, which he had described, to return his answer to the Tables. The King being astonished with

that unusual and imperious action, after that he had demurred a while, saith, I will do what the Romans command. Whereupon at length Popillius reached forth his right hand unto the King, as to a confederate and friend. Thereupon, the space of a few dayes, and those prefixedly numbred, being granted, Antiochus full sore against his mind, and not without sighing, however, yet withdrew his forces into Syria (for instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Polybius we suppose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ought to be substituted out of Livie) esteeming it expe∣dient to give place unto the times for the present. [Polyb. Legat. 92. & Liv. lib. 45. cum Ciceron. in Philippica 8^â. Velleio Paterculo lib. 1. cap. 10. Valeri. Maximo. lib. 6. cap. 4. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appiano in Syriac. pag. 131. Plutarcho in Apophthegmat. cap. 32, &c.

The Samaritans, seeing the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus, professed themselves to be by descent Sidonians, and thereupon obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius his President, and Nicanor the Kings Steward, that they should not be involved joyntly into the common condition of the Jews; and that the Garizitine Temple, as yet not honoured with the title of any god should from thenceforth be cal∣led by the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or of the Grecian Jupiter: there is extant touching this busi∣ness a supplicatory Epistle of the Samaritans in Joseppus his 12 book of Antiquities, the seventh Chapter, with the answer of Antiochus, dated year the 46, (but I know not from what Epocha the account is drawn) the 18 day of the moneth Hecatombaeon.

After that Antiochus had departed out of Egypt, the Roman Embassadors by their authority confirmed the union between the two brethren, who were scarce yet well agreed, [Liv. lib. 45.] C. Popillius requested as a boone from the King, the enlargement of Menalcidus, the Lacedemonian, who had actively made such of the pressing and necessitous times of the Kings to the encreasing of his own private estate; but he commanded them to send Polyaratus, who had been a chief favourer of Perseus his party at Rhodes, to Rome: and Menalcidus was indeed dismissed; but there was a demur made concerning Polyaratus: for Ptolemei reverencing as well Polyaratus as his Country, did by no means determine to send him to Rome, but rather unto Rhodes; which Polyaratus himself also requested, Being embarqued therefore in a small vessel, and delivered to the custody of one of his friends, named Demetrius, he designed him unto Rhodes, writing letters also unto the Rhodians touching his transportation. How∣beit Polyaratus arriving at Phaselides, I know not upon what thoughts, taking with him hearbs for the strowing of the Altar, and priestly ornaments, fled unto the com∣mon tutelary God of the City. [Polyb. Legat. 92, & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 138.]

Popillius, having setled affairs at Alexandria, sailed unto Cyprus, and from thence dismissed the fleet and army of Antiochus into Syria, which had lately vanquished in that place, the Egyptians. [Polyb. Legat. 92. Liv. lib. 45.]

The Kings of Egypt being delivered from the war against Antiochus, before all things dispatched Numenius, one of their friends, Embassador unto Rome; to re∣turn thanks for the favours which they had received from them. [Polyb. Le∣gat. 95.]

When the Phasellites had sent unto Rhodes, requesting them to receive and carry along with them Polyaratus, the Rhodians did indeed send a ship, but forbad Epicha∣res the Master of the ship, to admit him aboard the vessel, because the Alexandrians were enjoyned to set the man ashore at Rhodes: the ship therefore being brought unto Phaselides. When Epichares refused to receive Polyaratus into his vessel, and on the other side Demetrius, unto whose custody he was recommended by the King, com∣manded the man to get up and be gone; and the inhabitants of Phaselides more∣over urged it, fearing least it might render them obnoxious to the Romans. Poly∣aratus being afflicted with the sadnesse of his care, went aboard Demetrius his ship again. Howbeit, having gotten an oppertunity at his landing, he fled directly with speed unto Caunus: and in like manner complaining of his sad condition, implored the assistance of the Caunians: from whom receiving a repulse, because they were tributa∣ries unto the Rhodians; he privily sent unto the Cibyrates, requesting that he might be received into their City, and some might be sent unto him, who might safely con∣duct him; for he was known unto the Cibyrates, because the children of Pancrates the Tyrant had been educated with him: and when the Cibyrates had consented and yielded unto his requests, Polyaratus was brought unto Cibyra. [Id. in. Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 138, 141.]

Popillius and the Embassie which was sent unto Antiochus, returning unto Rome, made report of the controversies taken up and composed between the Kings, and of the army withdrawn out of Egypt into Syria; afterwards the Embassadors of the Kings themselves came, the Legates of Antiochus declared, That the peace which was approved by the Senate, seemed more approved unto the King than any victory: and, That he obeyed the commands of the Roman Embassadors no otherwise, than if

they had been the injunction of the Gods: they congratulated afterwards unto them the conquest over Perseus; to the which, if any thing had been commanded unto him, the King to his uttermost endeavours would have been assistant. The Legates of Pto∣lemei, joyntly in the name of the King, and Cleopatra returned thanks, That they were more indebted unto the Senate, and the Roman people, than their parents, than unto the immortal gods, by whom they had been delivered from a most miserable siege, re∣ceived their paternal kingdom, almost lost; the Senate replyed, That Antiochus had rightly and duly done, in that he had obeyed the Embassadors, and that it was accep∣table unto the Senate, and the Roman people, and unto the Princes of Egypt, Ptolemei and Cleopatra, (they said) if any benefit and advantage befell them by their means, that the Senate did much rejoyce at it, and should endeavour, That they might esteem the chiefest safeguard of their kingdom to consist in the fidelity of the Roman peo∣ple. C. Papirius the Pretor was commanded, That he should take care, that the re∣wards should be sent unto the Embassadors, according to appoyntment and custom. [Liv. lib. 45.]

There was a joynt Embassage came both from Eumenes, and from Attalus, and from Athenaeus, brethren to Rome, to congratulate the overthrow of Perseus. [Id. Ibid.]

King Antiochus by a publick edict, [Year of the World 3837] commanded all nations that were subject unto him, to observe the same way of divine worship, and, laying aside their peculiar customs, to professe the same religion with the Greeks; the punishment of death being proposed unto such as should be disobedient; and he appoynted over-seers over every people and nation, who should compell them hereunto. [1 Maccab. 1. 43, 52, 33.]

Of these he sent an ancient man of Athens into Judea and Samaria, that he might force the Jews to depart from the observation of the divine law; and defile the Temple at Jerusalem; imposing thereupon the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Jupiter Olympius, as upon the Temple at Garizim, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Iupiter Hospitable, or the Protector of strangers: for upon better considerations, he seems to have thought that a more suitable surname, than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Grecian, unto the condition of the Sama∣ritans; because they were peregrines and strangers in the land of the Jews. [2 Maccab. 4. 1, 2.]

The King sent also proclamations by Embassadors to Jerusalem, and the Cities of Judah, that they should follow the rites of the Gentiles, take away the sacrificers out of the Temple, prohibit the sabbaths and festival dayes, pollute the sanctuary, and the Mini∣sters thereof, erect Altars and Groves, and Temples of Idols, that they should sa∣crifice Swine, and other unclean beasts, that they should suffer their children to remain uncircumcised, and defile themselves with every impure thing, to the end, That they might forget the law, and change all the Ordinances of their God, [Maccab. 1. 46, 51.] and that it might wholly be a crime to professe the Jewish religion. [2 Mac∣cab. 4. 6.]

A decree also came forth into the neighbour Cities of the Greeks, upon the sugge∣stion of Ptolemei (son of Donymenes 2 Maccab. 4. 45.) that they should proceed in like manner against the Jews, and compell them to pertake of the sacrifices, but as for such as would not come over to the Greek customs, they should put them to death, [2 Macca. 17. 8, 9.]

And truly other nations embraced the word of the King, and of the Israelites also many consented to his religion, and sacrificed unto Idols, and prophaned the Sabbath, [1 Maccab. 1. 44. cum. 2. 18.] for many of the people that forsook the law were ga∣thered together unto them, and they made the Israelites hide themselves in dens, and in places of their refuge, [1 Maccab. 1. 55, 56.] others were brought by bitter con∣straint on the Kings birth-day every moneth to eat of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Bacchus was kept, they were compelled to go in procession to Bacchus, carrying ivie. [2 Maccab. 6. 7.]

But the Temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles, who loosly spent their lives with harlots, and in the holy circuit of the Temple, defiled them∣selves with women, and moreover brought in things that were not lawful, the altar also was filled with prophane things, which the law forbiddeth. [2 Maccab. 6. 4, 5.]

And on the 15 day of the moneth Casleu (which answereth partly our moneth No∣vember, and partly December) in the 145 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they erected the abomination of desolation (the detestible idol of Jupiter Olympius) upon the Altar, and built idol-altars throughout the Cities of Judah, on every side, and burnt incense at the doors of their houses, and in the streets. [1 Maccab. 1. 54, 55.]

When they had cut in pieces the Books of the Law which they found, they burnt them in the fire; and wheresoever was found with any the Book of the Testament, or if any approved the Law, according to the Kings commandment, they put him to death, [1 Maccab. 1. 56, 57.] where, by the title of Books of the Law, we understand not onely the Mosaick Pentat••••ch, with the later Hebrews, who from hence drive the Original of that Petaroth or dimissary Lecture, after which the people were dismissed (according to Elias Levita, in his Tischb••, in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) but the whole Scripture of the Old Testament, as in John 10. 34. 15. 25. and 1 Cor. 14. 21. and so doth Jose∣phus upon the same occasion, [lib. 1••. cap. 7.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Wheresoever any Holy Book was found, as also the Law, and they with whom it was discovered, did miserably perish, and Severus Su••picius, in Sacr. Histor. lib. 2. is of the same judgement, who writeth, That the Holy Volumns of the Law and the Prophets were consumed in the fire.

On the 25 day of the month Casleu, sacrifices were offered upon the idololatrical altar, which was erected upon the Altar of God, [1 Maccab. 1. 59.] the 145 year of the Se∣leucida's reign, Olympiade the 153. [Iosephus lib. 12. cap. 7. & 11.

At the same time, two women which had circumcised their children, were accused▪ to whose breasts the children being hung, after that they had bin publickly led through the City, they threw them down headlong from a wall, and destroyed their families, and those that had circumcised the infants. [1 Maccab. 1. 61. 2 Maccab. 4. 10.]

The Galatians, Advertas being their leader, infested the kingdom of Eumenes with a very great commotion; but, a truce being made for the space of winter, both the Galls went home again, and the King withdrew himself to Pergamus into his win∣ter quarters; where he fell sick of a sharp disease. [Liv. lib. 45, cum Polyb. Legat. 93.]

Antiochus, when he saw that his edicts were despised by the people, forced every one with torments by tasting of impure meats to abjure judaism, [Ioseph. ••bell. de Maccab.] Howbeit, many of the Israelites were fully resolved and confirmed in themselves, not to eat any unclean thing, and they chose to dye, that they might not be defiled with those meats, and that they might not prophane the Holy Covenant. [1 Maccab. 1. 62, 63.]

Therefore the Tyrant Antiochus, siting in an eminent place, as President with his assessors, his army with their weapons environing them, commanded every one of the Hebrews to be snacht away, and to be to eat Swines flesh, and such things as had been offered unto idols: and if any should refuse the prophane meats, that being racked on wheels, they should be put to death. [Ioseph. ut sup.]

And many being led away, a principal person, Eleazar by name, of the priestly fami∣ly, one, as being an eminent Scribe, most expert in the knowledge of the Laws, of 90 years of age; and therefore well known unto many of the followers of Antiochus, was brought before them: who, neither yielding to eat swines flesh, nor to pretend and dissemble to have eaten it, chose rather to undergoe the most cruell torments, than to violate the Law. [Id. Ibid. 2. Maccab. 4. 18,—31.]

After him, seven young men that were brethren, together with their most couragious mother, were brought before Antiochus; who refusing to tast Swines flesh, after that they had been exquisitly with new invented torments cruelly handled, rendred their un∣conquerable souls unto God. The most noble Martyrdom of these persons is found descri∣bed in the seventh chapter of the second book of the Maccabees, and in the smal Treatise of Josephus, touching the Maccabees, intitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Of the empresse Reason, in the Latin Paraphrase whereof, set forth by Rufinus, these persons are reported to be brought from their Castle named Sasandrum, into Antioch unto the King, and their names were exprest, Maccabeus, Aber, Machir, Judas, Achas, Areth, Jacob, and the mothers name is said to be Solomona: which notwithstanding, the later Hebrew Historians calls Han••ah.

In Judah, about this time, Rhazis a Senator of Jerusalem gave a notable example unto others, exposing his body and soul for the defence of the Jewish religion; for his friendly affection unto his Country he was termed, The father of the Jews. [2 Maccab. 14. 37, 38.]

The Kings Officers, who in Judea forced men to Apostacy, came unto the Town called Modin, that they might there compell the Israelites to sacrifice, [1 Maccab. 2. 15.] Modin was a Village near Diospolis, as Eusebius relateth in his book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Mattathias son of Jonathan, which was the son of Simeon, dwelt there at that time, a Priest of Jerusalem, of the family of Joarib (who was the first among the 24 courses, 1 Chron. 24. 7.) together with his five sons; John called Caddes, or Gaddes, Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar called Abaron, or Ava∣ran, and Jonathan called Apphus. [1 Maccab. 2. 1, 5.] And as those seven Martyrs, who at Antioch discharged their combate received from the elder brother Maccabeus,

the common name of the Maccabean brethren, so custom prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus, if not the first of Mattathias his five sons in age (as Josephus thinks in his first book of the war, first Chapter,) yet surely in the account of Prowesse, and glory thereby procured, [1 Maccab. 2. 66. 3. 4, 9. 4. 26.] they should obtain the com∣mon name of Maccabees. Howbeit, their father Mattathias, or Matthias is called by Josephus, lib. 1, Belli cap. 1. (as also in the Chronicle of Eusebius, and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews) the son of A samonaeus: but in the 12 book of Antiquities, cap. 8. more expressely; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the son of John, the son of Symeon, the son of Assamoneas, the common sort of Hebrews will have Mattathias himself to have been called Hasamoneus, and that from him that Sir-name descended unto the posterity; of which R. David Kimchi is to be perused upon the 68 Psalm, v. 32. where he denoteth the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Princes.

Antiochus his officers did earnestly exhort Mattathias, being brought unto them, That, forasmuch as he was a Prince, and an illustrious person, and a great man in the City Modin, and fortified with sons and brethren, he should lead others by his example to yeild obedience to the Kings command: which he did not onely constantly deny, but also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 put to death a certain Jew whom he beheld sacrificing upon the heathen altar, at the very altar, and at the same time slew also the Kings Commissioner, (called by Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8, Apelles) who forced men to sacrifice, and threw down the altar: after that, exhorting all who were guided with a zeal of the Law to follow him, together with his sons, he fled into the mountains, leaving all their goods in the City, [1 Maccab. 2. 16, 28.]

Then many, that sought after justice and judgement, went down into secret places, and together with their children and wives, and cattel, lived in Caves: which when it was discovered unto Philip (that Phrygian whom Antiochus had left Governour at Jerusalem, 2 Maccab. 5. 22.) the Kings Commanders, taking with them the Garrison of the Castle of Jerusalem, pursued them: and when they could not perswade them to be obedient to the Kings commandment, throwing fire into the Cave on the Sab∣bath day, they consumed them, with their wives, children, and cattel, to the number of a thousand persons; those that were inclosed for the honour that they bore unto the Sabbath making no resistance; no, not so much as stopping the enterances of the Caves, [1 Maccab, 2. 29, 38. 2 Maccab. 6. 11. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8.]

When Mattathias and his friends were informed hereof, they much lamented their case: and decreed, That if from thence forward they should be assaulted by their ene∣mies, they would repel them with armes, [1 Maccab. 2. 39, 40, 41. Joseph. ut supra.]

Unto these the company of Asideans joyned themselves, religious men who volun∣tarily offered themselves for the defence of the Law by armes, and all which were com∣pelled to flee from the wicked: and having settled an army, they partly slew the im∣pious men, and partly forced them to betake themselves by flight unto the Nations. Howbeit, Mattathias and his friends, marching up and down, threw down altars, cir∣cumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the coasts of Israel, and pur∣sued the sons of pride, and the work prosperously succeeded in their hands, [1 Maccab. 2. 42, 48.]

When the Cibyrates neither durst, for fear of the Romans, detain Polyaratus the Rhodian amongst them, nor yet were able to convey him to Rome, by reason of their unskilfulnesse in Sea-affairs (for they were altogether mid-land-men) they were com∣pelled to dispatch an Embassie to Rhodes, and also into Macedonia unto L. Emilius Paulus the Proconsul, entreating them to receive the man. And the Proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates, That they should keep Polyaratus in straight custody, and bring him to Rhodes; but to the Rhodians, That they should take care that he should safely be brought unto Rome by Sea, and so the businesse being discharged by both of them ac∣cording to command, Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome, [Polyb. in Excerptis Valesi. pag. 141.]

King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome, for the suppressing of the commo∣tion of the Galatians; as also to congratulate unto the Senate, the conquest procured over Perseus. Which Embassie Attalus undertook so much the more chearfully, that, because he had assisted the Romans in that war, and exposed himself unto all dangers as a willing and ready confederate, he might, by some testimony of favour and benevo∣lence, try how acceptable that service was unto the fathers: by which hope, least he should be tempted also to procure the kingdom, Eumenes sent after his brother unto Rome Stratius the Physician, a person of great trust and authority with him, as a faith∣full Espye of the things that were done by his brother, and a trusty Monitor, if he should see him depart from his fidelity, [Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45.]

When all men benignly received Attalus, coming unto Rome; partly by reason of their former commerce with him, because they had served in the same war; partly be∣cause

they believed him to be their friend; and when they came to meet him with a greater train than he hoped for: he began to be swolne up with vain hope, being igno∣rant of the true cause for which he was so kindly entertained: for seeing the minds of most of the Romans were alienated from Eumenes, and believed that he had carryed himself deceitfully in this war, entertaining conferences with Perseus, and watching ad∣vantages upon the straights of the Romans; some persons of especial rank were eager to draw Attalus into private debates and encourage him to lay aside that Embassie which he had undertaken for his brother, and treat for himself: for the Senate, they said, was disaffected unto his brother, and desirous to enstate upon him that Dominion and Power which pertained unto him. Whence it came to passe, that Attalus his minde was lifted up, insomuch that he engaged himself unto some of the Governours to come into the Senate, and to debate with the fathers of that businesse. Howbeit Stra∣tius the Physician, a person of singular prudence, and powerful eloquence, took him off from that intention; for he set before his eyes, That even for the present, he did reign no lesse than his brother, and for the future, he would be left the undoubted Suc∣cessor of the kingdom: and that that hope could not be far distant; forasmuch as Eu∣menes by reason of the infirmity of his body, did daily and hourly expect the end of his life. Moreover, he sayed, That a new combustion came now upon the kingdom from the insurrection and tumult of the Galls, whereunto resistance could scarce be made by the consent and concord of the Kings; How much lesse should they be able to deal with them, if a home-bred sedition should be added unto a forreign war? Wher∣fore Attalus being brought into the Senate, in the first place professed his joy for the overthrow of Perseus: and afterwards discoursed of his fidelity and readinesse of mind which he brought unto that war: then he largely entreated of sending Embassadors to the Galatians, who by their authority might draw them from armes, and reduce them to their former estate: he proceeded also to speak of the Enions, and Maronites, which he requested might be bestowed upon him: but as for the accusation of his bro∣ther, and the division of the kingdom, he wholly omitted to propound any thing, [Id. ibid.]

The Senate supposing that Attalus would come unto them again, and discourse of those affairs apart, promised him to send Embassadors; and expressed notable magni∣ficence in sending those gifts, which customarily in such cases used to be given: more∣over they promised to bestow upon him those Cities. But when after all these offices of humanity and courtesie had been performed unto him, Attalus departed the City, neither did any of those things which the Senate hoped for; the fathers being fru∣strated of their expectation, whilst he was yet in Italy, declared Aenum and Maronea to be free, revoking the promise which they had made unto Attalus. Yet the Embassie, whereof Publius Licinius was the principal Person, they dispatched unto the Galatians, [Polyb. Legat. 93.]

Amongst many Embassies of Asia, and Greece, next to this of Attalus, the Embassa∣dors of the Rhodians drew the eyes and minds of all men upon them: they had at this time a twofold Embassie, the first whereof Philocrates discharged, the later Philo∣phron, and Astymedes, [Id. ib. Liv. lib. 45.] for the Rhodians upon the return of that answer, which was given unto Agesipolis, presently after the battle fought with Per∣seus, knowing the anger of the fathers against them, and hearing their threats, imme∣diately dispatched those Embassies, [Polyb. ibid.]

When the Legates had first made their appearance in white raiment (as it became such as rejoyced; for if they had been clad in sordid apparel, they might have looked like mourners for the misfortune of Perseus) after that the fathers had been consulted with by Marcus Junius the Cousul (whilst the Embassadors stood in the place of the publick assembly) whether they would give unto them place, rewards, and a Senate, they judged fit that no Rite of hospitality should be observed towards them: the Con∣sul being gone forth out of the assembly, after that the Rhodians, affirming that they came to congratulate their victory, and purge the accusations of their City, had request∣ed that a Senate might be granted unto them, declared, That the Romans were wont to give unto confederates and friends both other things benignly, and liberally for their entertainment, and also a Senate; but as for the Rhodians, they had not deserved in that war to be reckoned in the number of confederate friends. Upon the hearing of which words, they all prostrated themselves upon the ground, beseeching the Consul, and all that were present, that they would not more look upon new and false crimina∣tions to their hurt, than on their ancient deserts, whereof they were witnesses them∣selves, and immediatly taking unto them sordid raiment, they went up and down with prayers and tears to the houses of chief persons, entreating them that they would first understand their cause, before they were condemned. [Livie lib. 45.]

Marcus Juventius Talua the Praetor, whose imployment it was to intermedle in the affairs between the Citizens and strangers, stirred up the people against the Rhodians, and by a new and bad example, not advising first with the Senate, nor acquainting the Consuls, made a proposition upon his own head, Whether they did approve, and would command war to be denounced against the Rhodians, and one to be chosen out of the Magistrates of that year, who should be sent with a fleet to manage the war, hope∣ing that himself should have been the person. M. Antonius, and Marcus Pomponius Tribunes of the people opposed this enterprize: and from thence there arose a con∣tention between the Praetor and the Tribunes of carrying on all things disorderly. The Tribunes by their intercession before the time, perswaded that the hast of the Praetor should be put off untill the coming of Aemilius the General. [Id. Ibid.] The Praetor was violently, by Antonius pulled from the Desk: and the Embassadors of the Rhodians, being by him brought unto the Senate, made their speeches; first Philophron, and afterwards also Astymedes, [Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diodor. Siculo, Legat. 19. & in Photii Biliotheca, cod. 244.] by the later of whom that Oration seems to have been made, which is found in Livie without a beginning: for Polybius witnesseth, That Astymedes having inserted his speech amongst his letters, exposed it unto publick view: which not∣withstanding, the same author observeth upon that account to have been misliked by the more prudent Persons, because (peradventure in the former part of it which is wanting in Livie) he undertook the defence of his own Country in such a manner, that it was interwoven with an altogether unnecessary accusation of the rest of the Greeks.

The speech being ended, they all fell down upon their faces, and in humble manner casting down branches of Olive: at length being raised up again, they went out of the assembly; then the votes began to be demanded: such as bearing the office of Consuls, or Pretors, or Embassadors in Macedonia, had been engaged in the war, were most enraged against the Rhodians. Howbeit, Marcus Portius Cato much advantaged their cause, who being of ridgid disposition, at that time shewed himself a gentle and meek Senator: the speech which he spake for them in the Senate, was by himself inserted into his fifth Book of his Origines, or Derivations, [Liv.] The fathers at length, sharply and severely upbraiding the Rhodians with many things particularly, said, That the Senate well understood, had it not been for some few that were friends to the Roman people, and especially for the Embassadors themselves, in what sort the Rhodians ought to be handled, and answer was given unto them in such manner, that they were neither declared enemies, nor continued friends, [Polyb. Diodor. Sicul. and Livie ut supra.]

The answer being given, Philocrates immediatly went to Rhodes: Astymedes re∣mained Lieger at Rome, that he might know what things were transacted and give notice of them to his Country-men: the Rhodians, forasmuch as they seemed quit from an exceeding great fear of a war to be brought upon them from the Ro∣mans, bore the other passages, though very doleful, with a contented mind. [Polyb. and Livie.]

P. Licinius, and the rest of the Embassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war between the Galls and King Eumenes came unto Synnas: at what time Eumenes (who after the recovery of his health, the Spring first invited abroad out of his house) had gathered his army from several places unto Sardes. At Synnas, the Roman Legats conferred with Solovetius, Captain of the Galls, and Attalus went along with them; but he would not enter into the Camp of the Galls, least their mind should be incensed by the debate. P. Licinius, discoursing with the Duke of the Galls, found him more fierce upon his intercession: insomuch that it might seem strange, that the words of the Ro∣man Legates should prevail so much amongst those rich Kings, Antiochus and Ptolo∣mei, That they should presently make peace, and be of no reckoning with the Galls. [Liv. lib. 45.]

Upon the approach of the Summer, the Rhodians sent Theaetetus (the Copies of of Livie have Theodotus) the Admiral of the fleet, with a Crown to the value of 10, or, as we read it in Livie, 20 thousand pieces of gold, at the rate of 16 pound the piece, that they might by all means endeavour to contract friendship with the Romans: but they desired that amity might so be requested from the Romans, that no vote of the Rhodian people should be made concerning it, or that it should be committed unto writing: lest, if they should not obtain it, besides the frustration of their Embassie, they should be more disgraced upon a repulse, & repent them of the Decree. When therefore, according to their Laws, the Admiral of the Fleet alone had power of concluding friendship, without any expresse ordinance procured; they decreed by him to send their intentions, and the truth is, That although before this, they had assisted the most noble and comly victories of the Romans, yet for the space of 40 years, they so continued in their friendship, that they never bound themselves unto them by a league of amity:

lest being engaged in the religion of an oath, they should cut off all hopes from other Kings and Potentates, waging wars with the Romans of obtaining assistance if need required from: but now with most earnest desire they endeavoured to procure this ho∣nour, not that they were in love with new confederates, or stood in fear of any but the Romans themselves; but that they might render themselves lesse suspected unto the Romans. [Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45. Dio, Legat. 21. vel. 22.]

Theaetetas had scarce arrived at Rome, when the Caunians revolted from them: and the Mylassenses possessed the Towns of the Euromenses, the Rhodians therefore dispatching Lycus suddenly with an army, forced the Caunians, though they had pro∣cured the assistance of the Cibyrates, to submit to their government, and in a fight near Orthesia, overthrew the Mylassens, and the Alabandens, who having taken away the Province of the Euromenses, came with united forces against them. [Polyb. & Liv. Ibid.]

About the same time there was a decree published by the Senate, whereby liberty was granted unto the Carians and Lycians in general, whom after the dispatch of the war with Antiochus, the Romans had alloted unto the Rhodians: upon the receiving of which news, the minds of the Rhodians were shooken with fear, whilst they much doubted, least they had given the Crown to no purpose, and in vain expected an amity: and thus at last the Rhodians lost Lycia and Caria, after that they had been forced to endure their wars to procure them, [Polib. Legat. 93. &. 140. Liv. lib. 45. Appian. Sy∣riac, pag. 116.]

When a Senate was granted unto Theaetetus, he entreated concerning the entrance into a league with the Rhodians; but whilst the fathers made delayes, he departed this life, being above 80 years of age. Afterwards the Caunians and Stratonicians, that were in exile, came unto Rome, who after that they had been heard in the Senate, there was a Decree made, whereby the Rhodians were commanded to withdraw their Garrisons from Caunus and Stratonicea. That answer being received, Phylophron and Astymedes with all speed hasted into their Country, lest if the Rhodians should neglect to call forth their Garrisons, the beginning of other calamities should again arise unto their City. [Polyb. Legat. 99.]

About the same time, the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians, having made a league amongst themselvs, which they confirmed by an oath; That they would not make an end of the war before that they had taken Raucus by force. [Id. Legat. 100.]

The Rhodians upon notice of the Embassie of the Caunians, when they perceived that the wrath of the Romans was nothing asswaged, were in all things obedient unto their pleasure, [Id. ib.] And thus they lost Caunus, which they had redeemed from the Commanders of Ptolemei with 200 talents: and Strotonicea, which they had received, as a great benefit from Antiochus, and Seleucus; either of which Cities paid 120 talents yearly unto their City, [Id. Legat. 104.]

The Rhodians sent an Embassie to Rome, the principal Person whereof was Ari∣stotle. These had in their commission instructions to propound the friendship again; and to be earnest in that behalf: But when about mid-summer the Embassadors made their appearance, and upon the grant of a Senate unto them, after the declaration of the Rhodians their obedience in all things that were enjoyned unto them, had exhor∣ted the fathers with many and sundry reasons unto an amity; the Senate returned such an answer, wherein no mention of society being made, the fathers denyed it to be pro∣per for them to vouchsafe amity unto the Rhodians, [Id. Legat. 100.]

At the beginning of Autumn, [Year of the World 3838] L. Aemilius Paulus, C. Sulpitius Gallus, being ap∣pointed overseer of the army, went with no great Retinue to view Greece; Scipio his son, and Athenaeus brother of Eumenes the King, waiting upon him; he bestowed liber∣ty upon Macedonia, and enacted laws meet for confederates. After the dispatch of his serious affairs, he instituted at Amphipolis a sport, which he had long before prepared, having sent messengers, both into the Cities of Asia, and to the Kings to give notice of it; howbeit as he compassed the Cities of Greece, he gave intimations thereof unto the Governours himself, and in that great convention of Europe, and Asia, a multitude being from every quarter, partly for congratulation, partly for to see the sight, gathered together, such vast armies of both land and sea Forces, there was observed, such abun∣dance of provisions, and such cheapnesse of victuals, that there were gifts given of that kind for the most part, by the General, as well unto private persons, as to Cities and Countries; not onely for present occasion, but to carry unto their houses, [Livie lib. 45.]

Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa, in the Island Lesbos, and for the transplanting of the Larysseans unto Methymna, because at what time Antenor, (Per∣seus his Admiral) coasted about Lesbos, they receiving him, furnished him with victuals, [Id. ibid.]

Prusias (Venator) King of Bithynia, with his son Nicomedes, came unto Rome: the Senate sent L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer, to meet him at Capua: and decreed that a most excellent house should be hired for him at Rome, and provisions made upon the publick account, not onely for himself, but also his Retinue; and in the entertainment of him, the whole City had the visage and countenance of one courteous friend, [Liv. lib. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1.]

Having entered into the City with a great traine, he went from the Gate, and the judgement-seat of Q. Cussius the Maior, and unto the market-place: a concourse of people being made on every side, he said, That he came to salute the gods which dwelt at Rome, as also the Senate and Roman people, and to congratulate unto them, their conquest over Perseus, and Gentius the King; and that having reduced the Macedonians, and Sclavonians to their jurisdiction, they had encreased their Empire. When the Maior had told him, That if he pleased, he would grant a Senate unto him that day; he requested two dayes space, wherein he might visit the Temples of the gods and the City, as likewise both strangers and friends. L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer was appointed unto him for a guide to conduct him up and down. The third day, he came into the Senate, congratulated the victory unto them, mentioned his own merits in that war; requested that he might have liberty to perform his vow, by offering 10 greater sacrifices in the Capitole at Rome, and one at Preneste unto Fortune; that these were his vowes for the conquest of the people of Rome, and that amity might be renewed with him afresh: and that the land taken from King Antio∣chus, which the Galls, albeit the people of Rome had conferred it on no man, did pos∣sesse, might be given unto him. Last of all, he recomended his son Nicomedes unto the Senate: he was assisted with the favour of all those that had been Commanders in Macedonia. Wherefore the rest of his demands were granted; as for the land, it was answered, That they would send Embassadors to enquire, whether it belonged unto the Roman people, and were given unto no body. That they accepted willingly the recommendation of Nicomedes. That Ptolemei King of Egypt (unto whom of late the Roman people had preserved his kingdom from Antiochus invading it) did suf∣ficiently declare with what care the Roman people did defend the children of their confederate Kings. Moreover it was commanded, that beasts and other things that appertained unto sacrificing, whether he would offer them at Rome, or at Preneste, should be given unto the King, as to the Roman Magistrates at the publick charges; and that twenty long ships should be assigned unto him out of the Fleet which lay at Brundusium, which he might imploy, until the King came unto the Fleet assigned unto him; that L. Cornelius Scipio should not depart from him, and should defray the ex∣pences both of himself, and company, till they should take ship. It is reported, That the King was wonderfully affected with joy, by that kindnesse of the Roman people: That he refused the rewards that were given unto him, but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people. These things the Roman Writers relate of Pru∣sias, [Liv. ibid.]

Polybius and other Greek Authors write, That when he came into the Senate, he did low obeysance, and kissed the threshould of the Senate, and called the Senators, his Tutelary gods, and used other speech not so honourable to the hearers, as misbeseem∣ing unto himself: and that for this extraordinary debasement of himself, he received a more courteous answer from the Senate, [Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diodorus, Sicul. Le∣gat. 22. vel 23.] Howbeit having stayed about the City not above 30 dayes, he de∣parted into his kingdom, [Liv. fin. lib. 45.]

About the transaction of these things news came, That Eumenes was upon his jour∣ney to Rome: who, because he had carried himself a neutral in the Macedonian war; least that he should seem to be judged an enemy, if he were excluded; or discharged from all crime, if he were admitted; there was a general law made, That no King should be permitted to come to Rome, [Polyb. Legat. 97. Liv. 46.] Afterwards being certi∣fied that Eumenes had arrived at Brundusium in Italy; they sent unto him the Trea∣surer, to bring this Decree unto him, and to command him to speak, whether he had occasion to make use of the Senate in any thing: if he had no request to make unto the fathers, That he should give intimations unto him, with all speed to depart out of Italy. The King, upon conference with the Treasurer, understanding the pleasure of the Se∣nate, exchanged not a word of businesse with him; assuring him that he stood in want of nothing. By this means, the Romans did not onely effect an hindrance of Eu∣menes his coming to Rome, but procured somewhat else also which was of great con∣cernment unto them: for the kingdom of Pergamus being in great danger by reason of the Galatians; there was no doubt, but by reason of this disgraceful rejection of Eu∣menes, the courage of all his friends would be abated; and the Galatians be twice more couragious in the prosecution of the war. Now these things came to passe upon the beginning of Winter, [Polyb. ibid.]

Mattathias, having exhorted his sons unto the study of piety, and unto fortitude in the constant defence of the Law of God, commended Simon unto them, as a Counsellor and Father, but Judas Maccabeus, as the Commander of their wars, as one that was excellent in valour from his youth: afterwards, blessing them, he dyed in the 146 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, when he had governed the miserable and banished com∣pany one year, and his sons buried him in the supulcres of their fathers at Modin, and all the Israelites be wailed him with great lamentation. [1 Maccab. 2. 49.—70. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8. 9.]

Judas Maccabeus his brethren, and all who adhered unto his father, assisted him, succeeding into his fathers place, [1 Maccab. 3. 1, 2.] who privatly going into the Vil∣lages, exhorted their kinsmen, taking with them such as continued in the Jewish Religi∣on, they gathered together six thousand men, and called upon the Lord, That he would pitty his Temple prophaned by ungodly men, as likewise the City ruined, and hear the blood that cryed unto him; and that remembring the unjust destruction of inno∣cent infants, and the blasphemies that were committed against his name, he would de∣clare his hatred against the wicked. [2 Maccab. 8, 1, 4.]

In the mean time Antiochus Epimanes, when he heard of the sports set forth by E∣milius Paulus in Macedonia, and had a mind to exceed Paulus in the magnificence of his expence; he dispatched Legates, and Observers into the Cities, who might declare, That at Daphane near Antioch, sports should be exhibited by him: to the intent, That out of all Greece (as Polybius) or out of all parts of the World (as Diodorus declareth) famous men might eagerly make recourse unto that show. Howbeit, Polybius in the 31 Book of his Historie, thus describeth the order of the Pomp.

There went in the first place, five thousand men in the flower of their age, in garb like Roman souldiers, with mayled brigantines: there followed immediatly as many Mysians: Next to these, three thousand Cilicians, lightly armed, and ready harnassed with Golden Crowns. After this as many Thracians, five thousand of the Galatians; and moreover some with silver Shields. After this company, 240 couple of Gladiators: Upon the back of these came a thousand riding on Pisaean, or rather Nisaean Horses, (as the most learned Casaubon hath corrected the place) and 3000 riding on such as were of vulgar use; and of these most had Trappings, and golden Crowns, some sil∣ver. Unto these succeded of their confederates and friends about a thousand Horse∣men, all furnished with golden Trappings. With these was joyned a wing of their asso∣ciat friends, agreeable unto them in number, and accoutrement. Besides these marched 1000 choice men; whom the most excellent order of Horse-men, to the number of about 1000, did follow, called by the Greeks Agema or the Company: 1500 Horsemen in compleat armour from head to foot, called by the Greeks Cataphracti, because both men and horses were covered with arms, did close the company: all the forementioned persons had purple coats, some of them inter-woven with gold, and portrayed with the images of live beasts: after these marched an hundred Chariots, with six horses abreast, and 42 Wagons with four. Moreover there was a Chariot drawn with coup∣led Elephants, and another with two Horses: and after these followed 36 single Ele∣phants, without any order.

Next went about 800 Youths with golden Coronets, fat Oxen near 5000, Tables for Holy uses about 300, Elephants teeth 800: then were carryed whatever by man was beleeved or said to be gods or Genii; as also the images of their Heroes: some of them guilded over, others arrayed in golden robes, each one gallantly adorned with his Elogy and Motto, sutable to the Legend written of him. To these were added the Images of the night, of the day, the Earth, of the Heavens, of the morning and of the noon: 1000 Pages belonging to Dionysius the Kings Secretary, went in this pompous train, bearing silver vessels, none whereof weighed lesse than a thousand Drachmaes. These were seconded by 600 others of the Kings Pages, carrying vessels of gold: and next to those followed about two hundred women, whose office was out of golden Chalices to sprinkle the spectatours with their sweet oyntments. In the close, 80 wo∣men gloriously decked and adorned with costly rayment, were carryed in litters, having legs of gold, and 500 more in others, whose legs were of silver: These things were most remarkable in the Pageantry.

After this, a great solemnity of sports, fencings, huntings, was kept for 30 dayes to∣gether: all which time variety of oyntments was provided by the King: for all which played any prize. For the same purpose 15 golden jarres were brought full of oynt∣ments of saffron, and as many of cinnamon and spiknard: those sorts of oyntments were bestowed the five first dayes, and with no lesse freedom the dayes following, oynt∣ments of oyl-olive, marjarom, and lillies. As to the treatments of the guests, sometimes 1000, otherwhiles 1500 tables were most richly spread: all which things so exact and magnificent were performed, partly out of what in Egypt he had cheated King Philo∣metor of, being but then in his minority, herein perfidiously transgressing the tenour of

his league, partly out of friends contributions, and partly out of the spoyles of those many Temples, which he had rifled, [Polyb. in Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12.]

But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy offi∣ces the King supplyed in his own person; for he, riding up and down on a little palfrey, commanded these to passe on, these to stand, others he ordered as best pleased his own fancy; in such manner, that if his Diadem had been of, none would have deemed him to be King, who scarce represented a servitour of resonable quality and repute. All the times of the feast, standing at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept; some he conducted in, others he placed at the Tables: he ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes, sometimes walked to and fro, sometimes sat down, other whiles lay along the floor, oft times hopping and skiping about to remove a dish or a cup from the Ta∣ble: in his viewing round the guests, he now and then pledged those that drank to him; sporting and jesting with such of the company as were merrily disposed: more∣over, after many had taken their leave, in regard the feast continued a long time: he was in a disgvise brought in by the Anticks and layed along upon the ground, as if he had been one of their company; at last roused by a noise of musick, he started up, and fell to dancing, acting his part with ridiculous jestures: so that all, ashamed of the Kings demeanour, forsook the feast, [Polyb. ibid. & eum se••utus Diodorus Siculus, in Ex∣cerpt. Valesi. pag. 321.]

The Shew thus at length concluded: Tiberius Gracchus, Embassador, immediate∣ly came to Antiochus, sent by the Senate to make discovery of the counsels of the Kings, and to espy how affairs went there: who was by the King entertained with such chearfulnesse and alacrity, that he did not onely not suspect a plot, or discover the least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria, but also opposed himself against all those, that went about to impeach him: And which is more, Anti∣ochus resigned his Palace Royal to the Embassadors of Rome, and as good as his very Diadem: when as notwithstanding all this ceremony, his will and affection was most irreconcileably estranged from the Romans, [Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 322.]

Whilst Antiochus was at leasure to sport it at Daphne, Judas Maccabeus seriously plyed his businesse in Judea: For being stoutly assisted by his brothers, he drave out the enemy, slew his revolted Country-men, and purged the Land from its former prophanations, [Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 9.] Fired Cities and Villages, being upon them una∣wars, got into his hand the most convenient places; put to flight no smal number of his enemies, most commonly taking advantage of the night for such private attempts: in∣somuch, that the bruit of his valour spread it self forth into all quarters, [1 Maccab. 3. 8, 9. 2 Maccab. 8. 6, 7.]

To the Embassadors which were sent from the Galatians in Asia unto Rome, the Senate indulged the enjoyment of their own constitutions, but with this proviso, That they keep home, and passe not beyond their own borders in armes, [Polyb. Legat. 102.]

Pytho, dispatched upon an Embassie from Prusias King of Bithynia to Rome, com∣plained to the Senate of King Eumenes, how he had pillaged his territories, and seized certain places to his own use; charging upon him also, that he would not forbear his encroachment upon Galatia, nor submit to the Decrees of the Senate; but that he did cherish, and by all means possible advance those of his own faction: on the contrary he did discountenance and keep under whosoever seemed inclinable to the Romans, and desired that the Common-wealth should be governed by the precepts of the Senate. Others likewise came from the Asiatick Cities with fresh accusations, intimating a combination betwixt him and Antiochus against the Romans. The Senate after au∣dience, neither slighted the accusations, nor yet revealed their own sense, but kept all close within their own breasts: having an eye upon Eumenes and Antiochus, as jealous of them. In the mean time, they alwayes gratified the Galatians in some thing or o∣ther, and were assistants in vindicating their liberties, [Id. Legat. 104. Livie lib. 46.]

Astymedes the Rhodian Legat, pleading his Countries cause at Rome before the Senate, was now more moderate, and not so hot in his speech, as in his former Em∣bassage. Omitting all recriminations, he made it his onely businesse at present to shew, That his Country-men had smarted sufficiently, and far beyond the demerit of the of∣fence: when he came to inform particularly the damages which the Rhodians sustain∣ed, he said, Their chief greivance was, That they had now lost the revenue of their Haven: in regard that the Romans had both discarged Delos from paying custom, and had also taken from the people, the liberty which they formerly enjoyed, of deter∣minating the impost, and other matters of publick concernment: So that the custom which in former times was farmed for ten hundred thousand drachma's, scarce now

surmounts to a hundred and fifty thousand: And seeing, that they themselves knew full well, that onely a few had been engaged in the crime charged upon them, and those also had been all sufficiently punished by the people, he requested that they would not prove inexorable in their displeasure against those which were no whit involved in the guilt, but vouchsafe to receive them into their grace and favour, as formerly: for this it was, that his Country at this instant stood more in need of, than an association for war. And indeed this his speech seemed suitable to the present condition of the Rhodians so much, that after Tiberius Gracchus (who was newly returned from Asia, whither he had been Legate) had first declared, That the Rhodians had submitted themselves to the Decrees of the Senate; then, That all those were put to death which had any hand in bringing the people into disrellish of the Romans; he stopped the mouth of the adversaries, and prevailed with the Romans, That they would take the Rhodians into their allyance. [Polyb. Legat. 104.]

Neither could Tiberius signifie any thing more to the Senate concerning the designs of Eumenes and Antiochus, than that they knew before his setting forth from Rome: so mightily had these Kings obliged him unto them by their civility, [Id. Legat. 105.]

Apollonius, Governour of Samaria, having raised a great army amongst the Gen∣tils and Samaritans, fell upon the Jews; but Judas Maccab. smote him and slew him, and many fell down slain, and the rest fled: and Judas took the spoile, and amongst them Apollonius his own sword, which ever after he used in the wars, [1 Maccab. 3. 10, 11, 12. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 10.]

When Seron who had the command of Coelosyria heard, how that Judas was well provided of an army, multitudes from all parts resorting unto him: had mustered up all the Forces under his command, taking also the runnagado Jews unto him, and en∣camped near the going up to Bethoron; where he with his whole army was routed by Judas Maccab. and 800 of them being slain on the place, the residue fled into the land of the Philistins, near the sea coast, [1 Maccab. 3. 13, 24. Joseph. ut supr.]

As soon as the news of this overthrow came to Antiochus his eare, [Year of the World 3839] it put him into such a heat, that forthwith he levyed all the strength of his kingdom, and giving them a years pay, commanded them to be ready upon all service. This Salary being paid, he saw his Treasuries quite exhausted; for by reason of the Jews their revolt from him, who paid him yearly above 300 talents of silver, and the vehement persecution raging in the Grecian Cities, and many Regions, (for he spared not the very Gentiles, whilst he endeavoured to make them abjure their ancient superstitions, and to bring them to a conformity of worship) his revenues were very much impaired: Insomuch, that fearing he should not find enough whereby to defray his charges and gratuities (where∣in he was exceeding generous, and surpassing the Kings that went before him) he de∣termined to go into Persia, to glean some tributes in those parts, and levy a consider∣able stock from thence, [1 Maccab. 3. 27, 31. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2.]

Upon his going thither, he left Lysias of the Blood-Royal in Syria, Governour over all the Regions, from the River Euphrates, to the borders of Egypt, and entrusted him with the care of his son Antiochus (Eupator) committing unto him also, the half of all his Forces, and his Elephants, with expresse charge, utterly to root out the name of the Jews, and to give their Country to be inhabited by strangers: with the rest of his sons, himself leaving Antioch (near Daphne) in the 147 year of the kingdom of Greeks, having passed over Euphrates, marched into the high Countries, [1 Mac∣cab. 3. 32. 37.]

Philip (whom Antiochus had appointed over Jerusalem, 2 Maccab. 5. 22.) obser∣ving how that Judas Maccabeus grew stronger and stronger every day, wrote unto Ptolemei (son of Dorymenes) Governour of Coelosyria, to lend his helping hand to the Kings affairs: who forthwith, choosing Nicanor son of Patroclus, a most intimate friend, sent him with no lesse than 20000 souldiers of all Nations under his command, purposing to root out the whole stock of the Jews: And to him also he joyned Gor∣gias, a Captain notably experienced in Military affairs, [2 Maccab. 8. 8, 9.]

Lysias also dispatched away Ptolemei himself as a reserve to them: so that under these three Commanders, Ptolemei, Nicanor, Gorgias, were mustered 40000 Foot, and 7000 Horse: who, marching with their entire army, pitched by Emmaus in the plain Country, [1 Maccab. 3. 38, 39, 40.]

And seeing that Antiochus was in arreare to the Romans in a tribute of 2000 talents, Nicanor resolved to wipe off that score, out of the sale of the captive Jews; and to that end, invited out of the Cities near the sea coast 1000 Merchants, promising That he would allow 90 slaves for one talent, [2 Maccab. 8. 10, 11, 14, 34, 36.] which was no sooner divulged, but the Merchants of the Country, with their attendants repair to the Camp to purchase the Jews for slaves; great companies also flocked out of Syria,

and of the land of strangers of Philistins, to barter for the same commodities, [1 Mac∣cab. 3. 41.]

Hierusalem being now quitted of inhabitants, and the Temple prophaned: Judas Maccabeus in this great extremity, removed with his army to Maspha, or Mizpa, for there before the building of the Temple, was the Israelities place of worship, [Jud. 11. 2. 20. 1. 21. 5, 8. 1 Sam. 7. 5, 6. 10. 17.] where he proclaimed a fast, and with most fervant prayers importuned the Lords protection of his smal army (for he had with him but six, or (as the Latin edition rendereth it, but seven) thousand against the vast power of the e∣nemy. After this, such as had betrothed wives, or were planting vineyards, or were timo∣rous, he dismissed home according to the Law, [Deut. 20. 6, 7, 8.] and then divided his ar∣my into four squadrons, and appoynting his brothers Commanders, committed to each 1500 souldiers; so the army removed, and pitched on the southside of Emmaus, opposite to the enemy. Where Judas earnestly exhorting them to behave themselves valiantly, even to the death, for their Country, and the Laws of their God, he gave orders to be in readinesse for the battel on the morrow. [1 Maccab. 3. 42.—60. 2 Maccab. 8. 12.—22.]

That night Gorgias had a design to surprize them unawares, and to that end took along with him 500 Foot, and 1000 choice Horse, and came toward the Jews Camp, having the Garrison souldiers of Syon Fort for his convoy. When Judas had got intelligence thereof, wisely makiug use of this present opportunity of setting upon the enemy, whilst thus divided, he marched straitwayes to Emmaus against Nicanor, whilest Gorgias their exprest Commander was from them. Who when by night he had arrived at the Jews Camp, and found no body there, supposing they were fled, hunted them about in the mountains: but by break of day Judas discovered himself in the plains of Emmans with 3000 men, who notwithstanding, were neither provided of armour or swords to their mind. [1 Maccab. 4. 1.—6.]

Judas, after he had encouraged his souldiers to the battel, and given the word, In the help of God, himself being in the front, encountred with Nicanor, and, Allmighty God assisting, slew of the enemy above 9000, wounded and maimed the greater par of Ni∣canors army, and put them all to flight: the chase was so large, that the Jews pursued some of them from Emmanus as far as Gazara (as the Greek Copy of the Maccabees, in the end of Arundels Library reads it) or Gadara (as Josephus) others unto the plaines of Idumea, others as far as Palestine, Azotus, and Jamnia, all the hindmost of them were slain, near 3000 in number. [Ibid. 8,—15. 2 Maccab. 8. 23, 24.]

Among those that were thus put to flight, were the Merchants, who (nothing doubt∣ing of the victory, followed the Kings army, in hopes of getting a good bargain of the Captives) became a prey also themselves: for the Jews seized on their mony which came to buy them: and when they had had a long pursuit of them, being pre∣vented by time, they sounded a retreat. For the evening, on which the sabbath began, drawing on, after that they had gathered up the arms of the vanquished Host, and taken the spoiles from them, they composed themselves for the observation of the Sabbath, magnifying the mercy of God for this so marvelous a deliverance. [2 Maccab. 8. 25, 26, 27.]

Judas takes o•• the Jews, eager upon the spoyles, for fear of an encounter with Gor∣gias, who was now returned from his fruitlesse expedition: whose forces discovering themselves from the mountain, as soon as they perceived by the smoak of the Tents, set on fire, that other division of their army to be routed, and saw Judas on the plain, standing in batalia ready to receive them, they all shifted for themselves into the land of strangers. The coasts thus cleared, Judas returned to the spoyl, where he found plenty of gold, blew silk, purple of the sea (which the Phenician Merchants had left behind them) and much wealth. [1 Maccab. 4. 16.—23.] All which the souldiers shared amongst themselves, having first deducted a portion for the maim'd, widows, and or∣phans: then with joynt supplicotian they beseeched the Lord that he would vouch∣safe to continue to be gracious and favourable to his servants. [2 Maccab. 8. 28, 29.]

The Jews after this coped with Timotheus and Bacchides, and slew in that fight above 20000 of the enemy, made themselves Masters of the Forts, and divided a∣mongst themselves much spoyle; allwayes admitting the maim'd, orphans, widows, and aged persons into equal portions with themselves: and when they had gathered up the arms, and disposed of them into the most convenient places, the remainder of the spoyle they carryed to Jerusalem: they slew also Philarches, one of Timotheus side, a most wretched fellow, and a notorious afflictor of the Jews: and in the midst of their solemn festival, which they had instituted for their late obtained victory, they burnt Callisthenes alive (having taken sanctuary in a little house) because he it was that had fired the holy gates. As for that pestilent Nicanor, he, having striped himself of

all his glorious attire (that thereby lesse notice might be taken of him) came like a so∣litary fugitive thorough the mid-land Country, unto Antioch: where he professed, the Jews to be utterly unvanquishable, in regard they had God for their Protector, [2 Maccab. 8. 30, 36.]

Lysias receiving, by those that escaped, intelligence of the overthrow of his party, was confounded thereat; both because, neither those things which he would, happened to Israel; nor what the King commanded were accomplished, [1 Maccab. 4. 26, 27.]

Therefore the year following (being the 148. of the the kingdom of the Greeks, [The Julian Period. 4549] he hast's into Judea thorough Idumea, [Year before Christ 165] with 60000 chiefe Foot, and 5000 Horse: Ju∣das Maccab. marched up toward him as he lay encamped at Bethsura, on the borders of Judea. And having first implored publickly the assistance of God, gives the enemy battle. Lysias observing how the Jews like so many mad men, contemning death, brake thorough their enemies body, and that his men turned their backs, 5000 being killed on the place: returned to Antioch, purposing a new expedition after he had with a greater army well re-inforced himself, [1 Maccab. 4. 28. 35.]

Antiochus Epiphanes, having undertaken an Expedition against Artaxias King of the Armenians, who marched from the Eastern parts, slew most of his army, and took Artaxias himself, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 117. & 131. Porphyr. apud Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11.]

When Prusias, King of Bithynia, had not onely himself most vehemently accused Eumenes King of Pergamus, already suspected of the Romans by letters intercepted intimating a combination with Perseus against the Romans; but also, had prevailed with the Galatians, Selgenses, and many other people of Asia, to do the same. Attalus and Athenaeus were dispatched away to Rome by their brother Eumenes: who not onely in the audience of the Senate, cleared all crimes, which were laid to their charge, but also returned back into their Country, with high honours conferred upon them: Yet for all this, the Senate abated nothing of their jealousies conceived against Eumenes and Antiochus; but sent C. Sulpitius Gallus, and Marius Sergius, Ambassadors, with instruction, to make a most strict enquiry into Antiochus and Eumenes their counsels, whether or no, they had made any provision for war, or were confederate with any against the Romans, [Polyb. Legat. 106. Diod. Sicul. Legat. 21.]

C. Sulpicius Gallus, as soon as entred Asia, unadvisedly makes proclamation tho∣rough the chief Cities there; commanding whosoever had, whereof to accuse King Eumenes, he should at the appointed time, repair to Sardes: where, when he himself was arrived, he sate upon the Bench, (erected for that very purpose in the place of ex∣ercise) ten dayes together, to receive accusations: gladly admitting all manner of re∣proaches, and obloquies against the King, and catching at the least hint of an impeach∣ment: for he was a person naturally vain, and such an one, who hoped some honour might redound to himself from the difference with Eumenes, [Polyb. lib. 31. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 145.]

Judas Maccab. and his brethren (as soon as they perceived that they had got respite from their enemies) with all their Forces came up to Jerusalem: and they recovered the Temple and the City, except Sion Fort, But the Altars and Chappels which the Gentiles had built in the open street, they demolished: And Judas commanded cer∣tain men to assault those which were in the Fortresse of Sion, whilst in the mean time he was busied in cleansing the Temple; the sad desolations whereof being beheld, stirred up most vehement lamentation to all that were present, [1 Maccab. 4, 36, 41. 2 Maccab. 10. 1, 2.]

The Priests well experienced in the Law, [Year of the World 3840. a.] assigned by Judas himself to that businesse, cleansed the Sanctuary, removed the defiled stones into an unclean place; pulled down the Altar for burnt-offerings, which was prophaned by the Gentiles, (laying up the stones thereof in the Mount of the Temple, until such time, a Prophet came which might enform them what ought to be done with them) built another of whole stones, upon which no iron toole had been lifted according to the tenour of the Law, [Deut. 27. 5, 6.] Repaired the Holy, and the Holy of Holies: hallowed the Courts, made new holy Vessels, brought into the Temple the Candlestick, the Altar of incense, and the Table: So they burnt incense upon the Altar, lighted the Lamps which were on the Candelstick; placed the Shew-bread upon the Table, spread the vailes, and finished whatsoever they had taken in hand, [1 Maccab. 4. 42, 51. 2 Maccab. 10. 3.]

Then on the 25 day of the ninth moneth, (called Cisleu, or Chasleu) in the 148 year of the kingdom of the Greeks; they rose up betimes in the morning, and, having furnished themselves with fire by striking stones one against the other, they offered sacrifice according to the Law, upon their new Altar of burnt-offering, [1 Maccab. 4. 52, 53. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3.] Two years after Judas succeeded his father Mattathias

in the government; but three years compleat, since the Gentiles first sacrificed in that place: for on that very same day of the same month, on which they prophaned the old Altar, Judas consecrated this new one. [1 Maccab. 4. 54. 2 Maccab. 10. 3, 5. Ioseph. lib. 12. cap. 11.]

This Dedication was celebrated with Songs, Hymns, Citherns, Harps, and Cym∣bals, very joyfully, and all the people fell prostrate on the ground and worshiped, and blessed the God of Heaven, who had given them good successe; beseeching him that he would not suffer them to fall any more in such calamities: but if at any time they provoked him, that he himself would chasten them in mercy, and that they might not be delivered up to the blasphemous and barbarous Gentiles: they kept the Dedication of the Altar eight dayes, and offered burnt offerings with gladnesse, and the sacrifices of deliverances (or peace offerings) and of praise: they deckt the fore-front of the Temple with golden Crowns and Targets, repaired the Gates and Chambers, being on the sides of the Temple, and made doors for them. [1 Maccab. 4. 54.—58. 2 Maccab. 10. 4, 6.]

Then Judas and his Brethern, and all the Congregation of Israel, ordained, That through the whole nation of the Jews, the dayes of the Dedication of the Altar should be observed, yearly for the space of eight dayes, from the 25 day of the month Casseu, with mirth and gladnesse. [1 Maccab. 4. 59. 2 Maccab. 10. 8.] After they had kept these eight dayes in manner as the feast of Tabernacles, calling to mind, how not long since, when they should have kept that feast in its course, they lurked about the Moun∣tains and Caves like wild beasts. Wherefore now bearing green boughs, and fayre branches, and palms, they sang prayses unto him, who had brought the purification of his holy place, to such an happy issue. [2 Maccab. 10. 6, 7.] Hence it was, that in the letters which the Council at Jerusalem, wrote to the Jews in Egypt, these dayes are called the dayes of Tents, or Tabernacles of the moneth Casseu, [2 Maccab. 1. 9, 18.] in the Gospel of St. John, 10. 22. they are called the feast of Dedication: and of the Jews, the feast of Lamps, either in regard of so great eradiation of their religion and liberties, which thus brake forth upon them, beyond all expectation: [as Josephus inti∣mates in lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 2.] or from the lighting of the Lamps, because both at that time the lighting of the Lamps in the Temple was restored, [1 Maccab. 4. 49, 50. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3.] and also, because to this very day, the Jews in their Synagouge still continue thieir custom of celebrating this feast with a more peculiar provision of Lamps.

At what time they repaired the Temple, at the same they fortifyed Mouut Syon with high walls, and strong Towers, to keep in the enemy; those especially that were garrisond in that Fort, for fear they should at any time by their fallyings forth annoy the Temple: They fortified also Bethsura, distant thence not above five furlongs. [2 Maccab. 10. 5.] That the people might have a Garrison of defence against Idumea, [1 Maccab. 4. 60, 51. cum. 4. 7.—26.]

When the nations round about, [Year of the World b.] heard of the building of the Altar, [The Julian Period. 4550] and the Dedi∣cation of the Sanctuary, [Year before Christ 164] they were much displeased thereat: hereupon, contriving how they might destroy the whole stock of Israel, they began to massacre all those that lived in any of their quarters. [1 Maccab. 5. 1, 2.]

Antiochus Epiphanes, traversing the high Country (beyond Euphrates) heard say, That the City of Elymais in Persia, (called by the writer of the second book of the Mac∣cabees, Persepolis) was a City every where cryed up for wealth, and in it a Temple, (which Appian reports to be dedicated to Venus, [Elymais in Syriac. pag. 131.] but Po∣lybius and Diodor to Diana, in Elymais, [in Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 13. & Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11. cum Excerptis Valesii. pag. 141.] well provided, having in it Coverings of gold, brest-plates and arms, left there by Alexander the Great, Philips son. But when he, out of a ravenous appetite to the far booty, attempted the plunder of the City: the Cityzens incontinently betook themselves to their arms, worsted him, and forced him to retreat with much dishonour. [1 Maccab. 4. 1.—4. 2 Maccab. 10. 1, 2.]

But as soon as he came to Ecbatana, tidings were brought him of the ill successe of Ni∣canor, and Timotheus in Judea, and removing thence toward Babylon, about the bor∣ders of Persia, he heard also of the great defeat given to Lysias his army, how the image of Jupiter Olympius, was cast out of the Temple at Jerusalem, and the Sanctuary and Bethsura fortyfied: Therefore being enraged with furie, he thought to be aveng∣ed upon the Jews for the disgrace he lately received by those that made him fly; and to that end, commanded his Chariots with all speed to dispatch the journy, proudly vaunting, how that as soon as ever he arrived at Jerusalem, he would make that City a common burying place for the Jews. [1 Maccab. 4. 4, 7. 2 Maccab. 9, 3, 4.] And to this relates that passage of Tacitus (impiously aspersing that holy nation,) [lib. 5. Hi∣stor.] King Antiochus endeavouring to reform their superstition, and to bring in the Cities of

the Greekes was hindred by the Parthian war in his design of redressing that most base nation.

Scarce were these proud words bolted out of the mouth of Antiochus, but he was struck with an incurable plague in the bowels, and violent torments in his inward parts: yet beeing not by the sicknesse of his body made more sound in his mind, but still breathing out his menacings against the Jews, he calls upon his Chariot-man to mend his pace: But it happened upon this his so furious career, that he fell out of his Chariot, and the fall proved so desperate, that his whole body was much bruised, and his limbs put out of their joynts: And after that he was lifted up from the ground, and carryed to and fro in an horse-litter, worms bred so fast in his body, that whole fleakes of flesh sometimes dropped from him; yet alive in such pitiful plight, that by reason of the noisomnesse of the stench, none could endure to carry him; thereby also he became offensive to his whole army, [2 Mac. 9. 5, 10.] Hereupon he was forced to break off his journey to Babylon, and to put in at Tabis, a Town of Persia, as is conceived, out of Polybius, [in Excerpt. his Valesii, pag. 144.] and Jerom, [in cap. 11 Dan.] where he continued bed-rid many dayes, [1 Mac. 6. 8, 9.] pining, and consuming away, [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 131.]

From the enterance of the Spring, [Year of the World c.] began the 149 year of the kingdom of the Gre∣cians, made use of in the first book of the Macc. Epiphanes despairing of his recovery, summoned together all his friends, and openly acknowledged all those miseries to have fallen upon him, for the injuries he had done unto the Jews; and he must now, to his great grief, die in a strange land, [1 Mac. 6. 10, 13.] And when he could no longer endure his own smell, he said, It is meet to submit to God, and for man which is mortal, not to set himself in competition with God. And in this prayer to God, he vowed, That he would allow to those of Jerusalem, and all other Jews elsewhere, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the free exercise of their own constitutions (that for the future, they should enjoy the liberty of their own Laws and Manners: That he would beautifie the Temple with most rare gifts, restore all the holy vessels, and that with advantage; defray the charges of the sacrifices out of his own Exchequer, and that he himself also would turn Jew, and go thorough the whole habitable World, declaring the power of God: But when he per∣ceived no intermission of his pains: he wrote most courteous letters to the Jews, ear∣nestly intreating them, That they would remain loyal to him, and to his son, whom in his life (following the example of his father) he had designed to be their King, [2 Mac. 9. 11, 27.]

Then calling unto him Philip, his intimate friend, who was brought up with him (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as he is stiled in 2 Maccab. 9. 29.) he appointed him over the whole kingdom: committing unto him his Crown, his Robe, and his Signet; to the intent, that after he had fetched back his son Antiochus from Autioch (where he had left him with Lysias) he should train him up, (for as yet he was but nine years of age: as hath been formerly hinted out of Appian.) to be Governour of the kingdom. Thus Anti∣ochus deceased the 149 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, dying a miserable death in a strange land, on the mountains [2 Maccab. 9. 28.] of Parata, near Babylon: where Grotius on the place out of the fifth book of Curtius, sayes, the Town Tabis was situated. Polybius [in Excerpt. Velesii, pag. 144.] relates, how that he died Tabis in Persia: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and in∣deed Jerom upon 11 of Daniel, recites (out of Polybius and Diodorus) how Antiochus frighted by certain phantasmes and visions, run mad, and at last, fell into a disease which ended his dayes: attributing his calamity to his sacrilegious design upon Dia∣na's Temple. Howbeit he himself, wretched creature, professed in the presence of all his friends, the ground of all his miseries to be, His robbing the Temple at Hierusalem, and sending forces to destroy the Jews without cause, [1 Maccab. 6. 12, 13.]

The dead corps was carryed forth by Philip; who being jealous of Antiochus his son, withdrew himself into Egypt unto Ptolemei Philometor, [2 Maccab. 9. 29.] upon design of levying forces against Lysias, who hearing of Epiphanes's decease, set up his son Antiochus in his room on the Throne (who was under his tuition during his minority) calling him Eupator, [1 Maccab. 6. 17.] Appian reports, how that the Syrians gave him that sirname, in honour of his fathers vertue, confirming also, that Lysias was his Guardian in his pupillage, [in Syriac. pag. 117.]

Antiochus Eupator, now in actual possession of the Crown, prefers Lysias to the managing of the Realme; but more especially he installs him in the soveraignty of Coelosyria, and Phoenice: for Ptolemei Macron, Dorymenes's son, who had that honour formerly under Antiochus Epiphanes, [2 Maccab. 8. 8. cum 1 Maccab. 3. 38.] poisoned himself upon discontent, that he was accused to Eupator as inclining to the Jews: because he, observing the great injuries that were done unto them, endeavoured that right might be done them, and their affairs might be managed in a peaceable

manner: and also because he had been called Traitor, for delivering up Cyprus (which was committed to his trust by Philometor) unto Antiochus Epiphanes, [2 Maccab. 10. 11, 12, 13.] Polybius gives him this commendation, [in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 126.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ptolemei the Governour of the Cyprus behaved himself like an Egyptian in nothing, but was prudent and valiant among the first.

But Gorgias, who had the command of all parts about Judea, hired souldiers, and continually somented the war against the Jews: the Idumeans also who were joyned in association with him, having gotten into their hands the most commodious forts, and entertaining the Jerusalem-runnagadoes, infested the Jews, and did what they could to keep the war on foot, [2 Maccab. 10. 14, 15.]

Hereupon Judas Maccabaeus at Acrabbates, a Region of Idumea, falls upon the sons of Esau, who had begirt the Jews round: and storming their Garrison, became master thereof, slew no lesse than 20000. and seized upon all their spoiles, [1 Mac. 5. 3. 2 Mac. 10. 16, 17.]

And now he calls to mind the shrewd turne of the children of Baean, who had spread themselves in privy ambushes along the way sides, by which the Jewish army was to passe. These Baeanites upon the last rout had escaped with 9000 unto two very strong Castles, provided with all things necessary to endure a siege. Therefore Judas Mac∣cab. left his brother Simon, with Josep, and Zaccheus, to besiege them, whilst he him∣self marched away to relieve some other places which stood in more need of his present assistance. But those that were with Simon, out of a greedinesse of money, upon con∣tract with the besieged for 70000 drachmes, suffered some to escape: as soon as Mac∣cab. had notice hereof, he summoned together the Governours of the people, and in their presence, excecuted as many of them as upon conviction were found to have any hand in the treachery: and having with little adoe reduced both the Garrisons, he burnt them to the ground, and utterly destroyed above 20000 of them, [1 Mac. 5. 4, 5. 2 Mac. 10. 16, 23.]

From thence he passed over to the Ammonites, where he found a very great power got together, and much people, under Timotheus his command: but he often fought them, and discomfited them, and having taken Jazer, and the Towns belonging there∣unto returned into Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 6, 7, 8.]

Timotheus having, since his last overthrow, well recruited himself with multitudes of forreign Forces, and horses collected out of Asia, not a few, returned confident of the conquest of Judea. But Maccab. and those that were with him, after a serious humiliation and supplication unto God, marched out of Jerusalem, and joyned in battle with the enemy, a great distance from the City: and being encouraged by apparitions of certain horsemen in the heavens, fighting for them, slew of the enemy 20500 Foot, and 600 Horse: As for Timotheus himself, he escaped to a very strong Garrison, Ga∣zara by name, whereof his brother Chereas was Governour: but at last, the Garrison was taken, and he and his brother, with Apollonius, being found hid together in a pit, were all three put to the sword. [2 Mac. 10. 24, 38.]

The Trocmians, a people of Galatia, having made some vain attempts upon Cappa∣docia, and seeing they could get no footing there, posted to the Romans, endeavour∣ing to render King Ariarathes odious unto them. The Romans presently dispatched an Embassie, of which M. Junius had the chief managing, [Polyb. Legat. 108.

From Autumn began the year, [Year of the World 3841. a.] of the account of the contracts or Dhilkarnain, obser∣ved by the Collector of the second book of the Maccabees, CXLIX: but of the Chal∣dee account used in the Kings Edicts, [ibid. cap. 11.] and in Ptolemeis great Syn∣taxis, [lib. 9. cap. 7. & lib. 11. cap. 8.] CXLVIII. which also was the Sabbatical year.

The Heathen about the Region of Galaad assembled themselves together against the Jews, which were near their borders, with an intent utterly to destroy them: who slew of the Jews inhabiting the land of Tob, (Judic. 11. 3.) about a 1000 men: led away their wives and children captives, and took their very goods and houshold-stuff: and for those Jews of Galaad, which betook themselves to the Garrison in Dathema, for their security: Timotheus (not he which even now was said to be slain with his brother Chereas, but another of the same name) hasted with an army to lay siege un∣to them; and at the same instant, others from Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon, and all Galilee of the Gentiles, held a Randezvouz upon a design of cutting of the Galileans, [1 Mac. 5. 9, 15.]

The Galaadites and Galileans, dispatched letters to Judas and his brethren, earnestly solliciting them to hasten their assistance in this their extremities: Hereupon Judas (after a consultation first had with those at Jerusalem) divides his whole army into 5 Brigades: 3000 he designes to his brother Simon, for the relief of the Galileans: himself and his brother Jonathan, take along with them 8000 for the delivery of the

Galaadites, and the residue of the army he leaves with Joseph, son of Zacharias, and with Azaria, for the security of Judea, strictly charging them, That they should not upon any terms ingage with the heathens in battel, till such time as they were returned back again. [Ibid. 16. 20.]

No sooner was Simon entred Galilee, but he fell upon the heathens, and chased them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and there fell of them 3000 men, whose spoile they took. Having thus rescued the Galileans, and those of Arbattis, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) i. e. the plain and Champion Countries) with their wives, children, and whatsoever they had, they brought them into Judea with great joy. [Ibid. 21, 22, 23.]

But before Judas could get to the Galaadites, many of them were shut in Bossora, Bozor, Alemis, Caspher, Maced, Carnain, and other Cities in Galaad. [Ibid. 26, 27,]

By that time Judas and his brother, having passed over Jordan, had got three dayes march through Arabia Deserta; though Nabathetis, met him very friendly, and ac∣quainted him with all that happened to the Galaadites: Moreover, how that on the morrow following the enemy, had designed to fall upon the Garrisons, and as fast as they took them to put all to the sword in one day. Upon this intimation, Judas with his army, turned aside by the way of the wildernesse unto Bozor; and having won the City, put all the males to death, pillaged the City, and after burnt it to the ground. Departing thence by night, he marched toward the Fortress, where he found the ene∣my about break of day, placing their Engines for battery, and the cry of them within the City, went up to Heaven: Those that were with Judas, marching in three divisi∣ons on the rear of the enemy, sounded with their Trumpets, and lifted up their voyce in prayer. Timotheus his Camp, knowing that it was Maccabeus, who was so near them, fled from him, and got themselves out of his sight: but in the pursuit, he had so great execution of them, that there fel in that day near 8000 of them. This done, he stept aside to Maspha, took it by storm, slew all the males, and after the plunder, set it on fire. From thence he went and took Chasphor, Maced, Bosor, and the other Cities of the Country of Galaad. [Ibid. 24, 26.]

Whilst Judas and Jonathan were in Galaad, and Simon in Galilea, over against Ptolemais. Joseph, son of Zacharias, and Azarias, who were left behind, to secure Judea, hearing of their gallant achievments, and ambitious to get themselves a name as great as the other, contrary to command, drave down their army as far as Jamnia, with intentions to fight the heathens. But Gorgias drew out all his forces out of the City against them, and beat them back to the very borders of Judea, and there fell that day of the Jews, near upon 2000 men. [Ibid. 55. 62.]

Lysias, [Year of the World b.] the your King Eupators Protectour and kinsman, [The Julian Period. 4551] and the sole manager of the affaires of the kingdom, [Year before Christ 163] being much displeased at what had happened, mustered together allmost 80 thousand men; all his own Horse, and 80 Elephants, and marched against the Jews: resolving within himself, to render Jerusalem an habitation for the Grecians, The Temple tributary, and to set the High Priesthood to sale every year. Here∣upon, being entred Judea, he claps close siege to Bethsuca, a strong place, distant from Jerusalem about five furlongs. But Maccabeus his army, having an Angel for their convoy, slew 11000 of the enemies Foot, and 1600 Horse. All the rest, with Lysias himself, were put to slight, whereof many were sore wounded, others threw away their arms, and shifted for themselves. [2 Maccab. 11. 1.—12.]

Lysias, casting up with himself what losse he had sustained, and considering that God ••ought the battles of the Jews, sent Ambassadors to them, to intreat concerning a piece, avowing, That he would subscribe to all reasonable propositions; and moreover, be a means of ingratiating them into the Kings favour. Judas Maccabeus, supposing this might be conducible to the publick behoof, embraced the motion, and signified in writ∣ing, (which was sent by the hands of John and Absalom, what he should mediate for∣unto the King, on the behalf of the Jews: The King granted every Article, [Ibid. 13, 14, 15.] Concerning this particular, there are extant letters, both from King Antio∣chus to Lysias, [Ibid. 22. 26.] as also from Lysias to the Jews, dated in the year (of the Chaldee account) 148, the 24 day of the moneth Dioscorinthius as it is in the Greek Copies; but in the Latin Dioscorus, [Ibid. 16—21.] This moneth in the Caldee year, seems to be intercalated betwixt Dyster and Xanthicus (in which are written, the following letters of the King; and the Romans to the Jews, concerning the foresaid peace) which is therefore called in the Greek edition of the book of Esther, (now to be seen in the noble Earle of Atundels Library) the moneth Adar-nisan, and Dyster∣xanthicus, and by the modern Jews Veadar, or the other Adar: although our Syriac In∣terpreter of the second book of the Maccabees, hath substituted in its name the Syrians latter Tisri.

In the same 148 year, [Year of the World c.] (of the Chaldee account) the 15 day of the moneth Xanthi∣cus) according also to the Chaldean reckoning) there are letters directed to the Jews,

both from King Antiochus, [2 Maccab. 11. 27.—33.] and also from Quintus Mem∣mius, and Titus Manlius (otherwise called Manius or Mamlius) Ambassadors from Rome, who at that time came to the King residing at Antioch: [Ibid. 34.—38.] thither also followed Lysias after the covenants were drawn up. [1 Maccabees 12. 1.]

About the beginning of the Spring, began the CL year of the kingdom of the Greci∣ans, which the writer of the first book of the Maccabees makes use of.

Demetrius, son of Seleucus Philopator, having been detained many years hostage at home, and now entred the 23 year of his age, requested the Senate, That by the assistance of the people of Rome, he might be restored into his own kingdom, now un∣justly usurped by the son of Antiochus Epiphanes his Uncle, protesting that he should allwayes look upon Rome as his native Country and nursery, repute the Senators sons, as so many brothers, and the Senatours themselves as fathers. Notwithstanding, all this complement, the Senate esteeming more expedient, as to their affairs, if Syria were Governed by a child rather than a man, with joynt consent voted, that Demetrius should be kept at Rome, and the kingdom be confirmed to the child which Antiochus left behind him. But withall, they presently dispatcht away Cn. Octavius Spurius, and Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius, as Legats to weild that kingdom at the pleasure of the Senate, supposing that none would be against it: the King being but yet a child, and the Princes of the Court accounting they were extreamly favoured, in that the Ro∣mans would not deliver up the kingdom to Demetrius, which was a thing they much feared would ensue. And when they were informed, how Antiochus had provided himself of Elephants in Syria, and ships above the number which they allowed him; they gave in charge to the Legats, that they should fire the ships, hough the Elephants, in a word, That they should do what they could to bankrupt the Kings Exche∣quer, [Polyb. Legat. 107, Appian, Syriac. pag. 117. Zonor. ex Dione. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3.]

The Legats also received instructions to visit the Macedonians, who, in regard that a popular state seem'd strange to them, had made no use of a Common Council, and were up in factions and seditions amongst themselves. They were ordered also to make di∣ligent enquiry into the affairs of the Galatians, and the kingdom of Aria rather; [Polyb. Ibid.] Notwithstanding, Ariarathes by his great civility in a conference with Ju∣nius and the former Legates, dismissed them, highly commending him. [Id. Legat. 108.]

The peace betwixt Eupator and the Jews, was no sooner made, than broken off again: for those that had command in the places adjacent; Timotheus Apollonius, son of Genneus, Hieronymus, Demophon, and Nicanor, Governour of Cyprus, would not suffer the Jews to be quiet. And the Citizens of Joppe likewise, having by fair spee∣ches enticed 200 Jews, which dwelt amongst them, into their ships, put from shore, and threw them all over-board. [2 Maccab. 12. 2, 3, 4.]

When Judas Maccabeus heard of this piece of villany, he came by night to Joppe, fired their port, and navy, and slew all those that had fled thither; and understanding that the Jamnites had some such designe against those Jews that lived with them, he did the same by night to their port and fleet, so that the flame of the fire appeared as far as Jerusalem, which lay 240. furlongs distant. [Ibid. 5, 9.]

By that time, Judas his army had gone nine furlongs thence, upon their march against Timotheus, the Nomades of Arabia set upon them, not fewer in number than 5000 Foot, and 500 Horse, where after a hot dispute, the Arabians were worsted, and upon an engagement, to supply them with Cattel, and to pleasure them some other wayes, ob∣tained a peace from Judas. [Ibid. 10, 11, 12.]

Judas his souldiers stormed the City Caspis, and took it: the City was fortified with a bridge, and fenced with walls, and inhabited by people of several nations: the slaugh∣ter of the Citizens was so great, that an adjacent lake of two furlongs broad was colour∣ed with blood. [Ibid. 13, 16.]

They removed from thence 750 furlongs, and came to Characa unto the Jews which were called Tabieni (because they inhabited the land of Tob.) Timotheus was drawn off from that place, although he had not done the businesse he went about, leaving be∣hind him a very strong Garrison: which Dositheus and Sosipator, two of Judas his Captains ventured upon, and killed about 10000 of the men which Timotheus had left to keep it. [Ibid. 17, 18, 19.]

Upon this miscarriage, Timotheus leavies a new army of 120000 Foot, and 2500 Horse, of all nations round about him, and mercenary Arabians; sent away the wo∣men and children, and other baggage to Carnion, or Carnaim, a place hardly to be be∣sieged, and difficult to come unto, by reason of the streightnesse of the passage, he en∣camped against Raphon, on the other side the brook. Judas with all his forces, (putting himself in the van) crossed the brook toward the enemy, and gave that Gentile-army

such a total rout, that some flew this way, others that way, in such great disorder, that they were often hurt by their own men, and wounded by the points of their own swords: So that Judas pursued them with, that eagernesse, that he slew near thirty thousand men, [1 Mac. 5. 37, 43. 2 Mac. 12. 20, 23.]

But Timotheus himself falling into the hand of Dositheus and Sosipater, very subtil∣ly besought them, that he might escape with his life, because he had in his power many of the Jews parents and brothers, who, if they put him to death, should be served in the same kind: upon his engagement to see them safe returned, they dismissed him for their brethrens sake, [2 Mac. 12. 24, 25.]

Judas marched forward to the City Carnaim, and to the Temple of Atargata which was therein, whither many of the enemy had fled: the Temple he fired and all the men in it, demolished the City, and put to the sword 25 thousand men, [1 Mac. 5. 43, 44▪ 2 Mac. 12. 26, 27.]

Then Judas brought back all the Israelites which were in Galaad, with their wives and children, and all their baggage, with an intent to bring them into Judea: And they were come as far Ephron, which was a very great City, and well fortified, and stood in the way thorough which they were to passe; it was peopled by nations of all sorts, the walls well manned, and had in it good store of engines and ammunition. But so it was, when Judas and his army were necessarily to passe thorough it, that the Citizens clapped their gates against them, and baracado'd them up with the stones; yet they forced their way thorough, after a day and a nights battery, and demolished the City to the ground; took all the spoile, killed all the males, near 25000 in number, and marched over the dead bodies thorough it, [1 Macc. 5. 45, 51. 2 Macc. 12. 27, 28.]

After this, they passed over Jordan, into a great plaine before Bethsan, [1 Mac. 5. 52.] which the Greeks called Scythopolis, [Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 12.] distant 600 fur∣longs from Hierusalem. As soon as they were entred into the town, the Jews (which lived amongst them, met them) and acquainted them, how friendly the Scythopoli∣tans had alwayes dealt with them, and how kindly they had treated them in their ad∣versities: whereupon they returned them thanks, and requested the continuance of their affections to their Nation for the future, [2 Mac. 12. 29, 30, 31.]

Judas bringing up the reare of his army, encouraged them all the way, until he came to Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 53.] They arrived at Jerusalem, about the Feast of Pentecost, [2 Mac. 12. 31.] and went up unto Mount Sion with joy and gladnesse, and offered burnt-offerings, because they had not lost a man, but were all returned home in peace, [1 Mac. 5. 54.]

After Pentecost, Judas and his brethren with 3000 Foot, and 400 Horse, marched against Gorgias, who had the command of Idumea, with intent to give him battle, [2 Mac. 12. 32, 33. cum 1 Mac. 5. 65.]

In that fight few of the Jews were slain: yet when Dositheus, one of the Bacenors troup, a stout man, had taken Gorgias prisoner, and apprehending him by his coate of male, led him away, a Thracian trouper made up toward him, and cut off his shoulder, and rescued Gorgias, that accursed miscreant, who made his escape into into Marissa: but when they that followed Esdris (one of Judas his Captains) were wearied with long fighting; Judas, after he had called upon the Lord, and sang Psalms and Hymns in his mother-tongue, set upon Gorgias his forces unawars, and made them flee, [2 Mac. 12. 33, 37.]

Then having after the victory called together his army, he withdrew to the City Odullam: and when the seventh day was come, they purified themselves, and kept the Sabbath. The day following, when Judas his souldiers had gathered up the bodies of those that fell in the battle, with an intent to bury them, they found under every ones coate, things consecrated to the Idols of the Jamnites; which was prohibited the Jews by their Law, [Deut. 7. 25, 26.] So that it was clear and evident to all, that this was the cause of their miscarriage. Hereupon they betook themselves unto prayer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, beseeching God, That sin might be utterly rooted out; or, (as the Arundel book, and the Aldiu edition reads it) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; They beseeched God, that they might not be utterly razed out for that sin: moreover, they made a contribution of two, or three, (as the Greek Arundel, and my own Syriac book, or twelve, as the Latine copies have it) thousand drachms of silver and sent to Jerusalem, to provide a sin∣offering, [Ibid. 38, 43.]

The Judas with his brethren went against the sons of Esau, [Year of the World d.] and discomfited them in the South (of Judea,) and smote Hebron, with the villages thereof, dismantled the fortification, and fired the towers round about. From thence he removed, purposing to go into the land of the Philistins, and passed throw Samaria. At that time certain Priests desirous to shew their valour, and not going very wisely to work, were slain in a

skirmish. Then Judas declined toward Azotus, into the land of stranges or Philistins, and when he had overturned their altars; burnt their graven images, and taken away the spoiles of the Cities, he returned into Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 65, 68.]

When Antiochus his souldiers which were garrisoned in the Tower at Jerusalem, had blocked up the Jews round the Sanctuary, alwayes studying which way they could annoy them, and strengthen the heathen: Judas and all the people besieged them in the 150 year of the Greeks, having planted their battery—and engines; howbeit some of the besieged got forth (to whom also certain wicked Israelites joyned them∣selves) and prevailed with Antiochus Eupator the King, speedily to oppose himself against that swelling power of the Jews, [1 Mac. 6. 18, 27.]

Hereupon the King summoned together all his friends, and the Commanders of his army, and Masters of his house: and to these repaired forces from other kingdoms, and from the Islands or sea coasts: So that his whole power consisted of 100000 Foot, and 20 thousand Horse, and 32 Elephants, trained up for war, [ibid. 28, 29, 30.] But in the second book of the Maccab. we read, how that in the 149 year (of the account, viz. of the Contracts) the tidings was brought to Judas Maccabeus, that Antiochus Eupator was gone against Judea provided with Greek forces, to the number of 110000 Foot, and 5300 Horse, 22 Elephants, and 300 Chariots with hooks, [2 Maccab. 13▪ 1, 2.]

Menelaus the Usurping High Priest sided with this power, feeding himself with fond hopes of obtaining from Eupator that honour which hitherto he had but the emp∣ty title of, [2 Mac. 13. 3.]

King Eupator came with a mind highly enraged, resolving to bring far greater mischief upon the Jews, than ever his father had done: which when Judas heard of, he commanded the people, That they should call upon God night and day, that he would vouchsafe them his wonted assistance: and then having called a Council of war, he resolved to march against the King, and encamp about Modin, [2 Mac. 13, 9, 14.]

The Kings army having marched thorough Idumea, assaulted Bethsura, with their engines: but the Bethsurans sallied forth, and fired them, and fought with them va∣liantly. As for Judas, he pitched in Bethzachariah, over against the Kings Camp, [1 Mac. 6. 31, 32.] and when he had given the watch-word to his men, Victories are from God, taking along with him some of his choicest men, he attempted by night the enemies Camp, and pierced as far as the Kings own pavilion: he slew at this bout, near 4000 men, and their prime Elephant, with all that were upon him: upon the dawn of the morning, he drew off, and departed with good successe, having thereby transfaced a dread and a horror clean thorough the enemies Camp, [2 Maccab. 13. 15, 16, 17.]

Then the King early in the morning, marched apace with his army, and pitched near Bethzachariah: where he drew up his men into battalia, and ordered that the juyce of grapes and mulberies should be set before the Elephants, supposing thereby to render them more fierce upon the fight. These beasts were disposed through the army, and to each beast, was assigned 1000 Foot well appointed, and 500 Horse: in their wooden castles which every one of them carried on his back, were 32 souldiers, besides the Indian which guided him: Their armour made such a glorious shew, that the neighbouring hills glistered by reason of the reflexion of the Sun-beams upon their sheilds of gold and brasse, [1 Mac. 6. 33, 41.]

Judas and his army engaged the enemy, and killed of the Kings Party 600 men. At which time, Eleazar, sirnamed Savaran, (or Avaran rather, Judas his brother [1 Mac. 2. 5.] observing an Elephant in royal harnesse, and taller than any of his fellows, and supposing the King was upon his back, made up toward him, slaughtering his enemies on both hands, and crept under his belly, and slew him; but he himself was pressed to death with the fall of the beast upon him; But the Jews perceiving the vast power of the King, and the strength of his Forces, turned away from them, [1 Maccab. 6. 42, 47.]

The King upon his return to the siege of Bethsura, was sometimes put to flight (by Judas) other whiles in skirmishes, he retreated with losse. But Judas neglected not to relieve the besieged, and to send them such things as they stood in need of. Rhodius, one of the Jewish army, sent intimation hereof to the enemy; hereupon inquiry being made, he was seized on, put upon the rack, and kept in prison. Then the King parlyed the second time with the Bethsurans, and inclined them to resign unto him, [2 Mac. 13. 19, 22.] After the peace thus concluded, betwixt them, they all marched out of the City, being forced to surrender for want of provision to sustain the siege; for that year was the Sabbatical year, in which it was not lawful to sow their land. But the King after he had taken Bethsura, placed a Garrison therein to keep it, [1 Maccab. 6. 49, 50.]

Thence the Kings army went up to Jerusalem, and encamped against Mount Sion, and the Sanctuary many dayes together, and planted his Attillery with Engines, and instruments to cast fire and stone, and pieces to hurle darts, and slings: whereupon the besieged counter-made these Engines, with others of their own, and held them play a long while: but victuals began to grow scant with them both, in regard that this was the seventh year, and also because they in Iudea which were delivered from the Gentiles, had eaten up the residue of their store: very few were left in the Sanctury, be∣cause the famine prevailed to mightily amongst them, that they were forced to disperse themselves into severall places. [1 Macchab. 6. 51, 54. Iosephus. lib. 11. cap. [14.]

In the mean time, Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had by his last Testament nominated Tutour to his son Eupator, and under him appointed over the affairs of that whole kingdom, (being returned out of Egypt) came out of Media and Persia, with the forces which Epiphanes had left there, [1 Maccab. 3. 37.] purposely to recover by force his right which Lysias had usurped. [1 Maccab. 4. 55, 56. 2 Maccab. 13. 23.]

When Lysias heard hereof, he perswaded the King and the Commanders of the army, to make peace with the whole nation of the Jews, and to permit them to enjoy their own constitutions, as in former times: in regard, that their army lessened every day, the provision for the Camp failed, the place which they besieged was well forti∣fied, and the affairs of their own kingdom were urgent and important. [1 Maccab. 6, 57, 58, 59.]

The Kings and his great ones, assenting to what Lysias had moved, sent in to the besieged, about articles of peace: the conditions were accepted of, and the Covenants confirmed with an oath. Whereupon the besieged marched out of the Garrison, and the King entred Mount Sion, offered sacrifice, honoured the Temple, and dealt kindly with the place: But in a while after, when he had well considered the strength of the place, he brake his oath, and gave order to pull down the wall round about. [Ibid. 60, 61, 62. cum 2 Maccab. 13. 23.]

The King appointed Maccabeus, or (as the Greek context bears it, and my Syriack Interpreter hath it) Higemonides rather, Generall of his army from Ptolomais to the Gerrhenians, [2 Maccab. 13. 24.] or as far as Egypt; whose boundary is the moun∣tain Gerur, by Ptolomies assignment.

While the King was come to Ptolemais, the Ptolemaians (who allwayes bare a deadly hatred to the Jews, as appears by the History, 1 Maccab. 12. 48.) were hear∣tily vexed at the peace made with Iudas, and in a rage, would needs have nulled the Covenant. But Lysias went up to the judgement-seat, where he so well defended the matter, that be appeased the tumult, and pacified the Citizens. [2 Maccab. 13. 25, 26.] Josephus, at the close of the 14 book of his Antiquities, sayes, That the Soveraigntie of the Hasmoneans lasted 26 years, to the taking of Jerusalem by Herod, and the slay∣ing of Antigonus, for (as Herod hath it in the same Authour, lib. 17, and the same work, cap. 8.) one year lesser. But that fell out the 126 year from this time, so that the investure of the commanding power in the Hasmoneans took its rise from the time of the peace, agreed on betwixt Antiochus and Maccabeus.

From the Autumn began the year of accounts of the contracts, [Year of the World 3842. a.] CL. which the Col∣lector of the second book of the Maccabees, makes use of.

Antiochus Eupator, with Lysias his Guardian, hastening to Antioch, [1 Maccab. 6. 63. 2 Maccab. 13. 26.] brought along with him as prisoner, Menelaus the High Priest, [Iosephus, lib. 12. cap. 15.] whom Lysias had accused as the sole incendiary of the whole Iewish war, and the first promoter of all their evils. Whereupon, by expresse from the King, he was sent to Berrhea in Syria, where he was let down into a Tower filled with ashes, and so dyed a death worthy of his life. [2 Maccab. 13. 4, 8.]

This wretched Menelaus thus taken out of the way (the tenth year after his first usurping the Priesthood) at Berhea, (as it is truly written in Iosephus, pa. 421. and not as in pag. 700, erroneously at Beryticen.) the King substituted another in his room, every whit as bad as the former; Alcimus or Jacimus by name: Priest indeed he was of Aarons progeny, but not of the High Priests blood. Lysias, having perswaded the King to transfer that dignity into another family. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 15. & lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Onias, son of Onias the third, High Priest, seeing the High Priesthood was confer∣ed upon Alcimus, went into Egypt, and after he had well insinuated himself into the af∣fections of Ptolemei Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, obtained of them leave to build a Temple to God, in the Jurisdiction of Heliopolis, answering that of Hirusalem, and that they would also constitute him High Priest there. Thus Iosephus delivers the businesse, in the forecited places of this work of the Iewish Antiquities, recanting what

he had formerly writ in his work of the Iewish wars. [lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib. 7. c. 37. al 30.] Viz. Onias his flight, and his building the Temple in Egypt, to have fallen out whilst Antiochus Epiphanes was living.

About this time, Ptolemei Philometor, and his younger brother Ptolemei Euergetes II. fell at high variance: the Senate of Rome wrote letters to their Ambassadors. Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucretius, and L. Aurelius, to do what in them lay, to compose the differ∣ences: [Polib. Legat. 107.] For after they had joyntly six years together reigned peace∣ably, the younger brother cast off Philometor, and ruled alone. [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag, 54. & 225.]

He, being deprived of his kingdom, repaired to Rome for his relief, with a very slender retinue, and in a neglected garb. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1.] As he was on his his way to the City on foot, he was taken notice of by Demetrius, Seleucus his son: who, much troubled at the sight, presently provided a Royal Robe, a Diadem, and a Horse, adorned with golden furniture, and thus attended with his own servants, made toward Ptolemei, meeting him 26 miles from the City: After a civill salute, he advised him to put on these princely ornaments, and to enter Rome somewhat like himself, least hap∣pily he might appear contemptible. Ptolemei indeed thanked him extreamly for his good will toward him, but was so far from taking any of those things which he had brought him, as that he desired him rather to give him leave to retire a while with Ar∣chias in some one of those towns which lay in the way. [Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 322.]

At length he came to Rome, having taken up his lodging at an Alexandrian Pain∣ters house: as soon as the Senate heard of it, they sent for him, and made a most exact apology, for that they neither had, according to the usuall custom, sent the Quaestor to wait upon him, nor had entertained him upon the publick account: avowing, That those omissions were not to be imputed to any disrespect of theirs towards him, but meerly to his own coming so suddenly upon them, and so privately. Hereupon, they conducted him out of the Court, unto the house of publick entertainment, and perswaded him to put off those his sordid weeds, and pitch upon a day for audience: they also took care that Presents might be sent unto him dayly by the treasurers, so that by their severall civillities, they did, as it were by so many distant steps, advance Ptolemei from that low condition he was in, to his former kingly eminency, and occasioned unto him far greater ground of triumphing in the hopes he had of Romes assistance, than of fear considering the meanesse of his fortune. [Val. Max. ut sup.]

As soon as Cn. Octavius and Spurius Lucretius, the Roman Legates came to Aria∣rathes, King of the Cappadocians, they enquired into the contestation which was be∣twixt him and the Galatians. He, in few words, opened the whole case to them, adding withall, That he was willing to acquiesse in their umpirage. But the greatest part of his speach was concerning the affars of Syria, knowing that Octavius was bound thither. He shewed them also in what a tottering condition that state was in, and how great correspondence there was betwixt himself and the great ones there. He profered also to attend upon them with his forces, and to be ready and forward upon all occasions, untill they were returned safe out of Syria. The Kings good will and forwardnesse to accommodate them, was much resented by the Legates: yet they told him, That at present they had no need of his company, but in case of some future emergency, if there might be occasion for it, they would not scruple to send unto him, whom they would for ever hereafter put into the list of such which are reputed most sincere friends to the Romans. [Polyb. Legat. 108.]

As for the commotions in Syria, King Eupator, by the help of his Guardian Lysias, had quickly pacified them. For he, upon his return to Antioch, finding Philip in com∣mand there, fought him, and took the City, [Maccab. 6. 93.] where also, after he had gotten Philip into his clutches, he put him to death. [Josephus lib. 12. cap. 15.]

Octavius Lucretius, [Year of the World b.] and Aurelius, [The Julian Period. 4552] the three Roman Legates (according to their instructions received from the Senate upon their coming into Syria) took care that the Elephants should be slain, [Year before Christ 162] and the Nayy fired, and managed all things else to the Ro∣man interest. This lay heavy upon the stomack of one Leptines, and therefore with his own hand, he stabbed Cn. Octavius, the prime Legate at Laodicea, as he was anointing himself in the place of exercise: he vouched the fact, as lawfully done, and not, but by the instigation of the gods. This Octavius was the first that en-nobled that fami∣ly with the consulship, from whence Caesar Augustus afterward descended. Lysias, Eupators Guardian (who was reputed the chief incendiary of the people against the Ro∣mans) took care for the intertainment of Octavius: and forthwith dispatched Legates, in the Kings, to Rome, which might excuse the fact and evidence the Kings innocency, as

not being any whit accessory thereunto. [Polyb. Legat. 114. & 122. Cicero. Philippic. 9. App••an. Syriac. pag. 117. Zonar. ex Dione.] Julius Obsequiens, in his book De Prodigus, confirms this killing of Octavius, as happening in the time of Marcius and Scipio, be∣ing Consuls.

There was at that time in Syria, one Isocratis a Grammarian, of the company of those that were wont to make publick recitations, a prating Braggadocio, and one that was hatefull to the Grecians themselves, whom Alcaeus in his publick contestations did use wittily to provoke and jear. He, as soon as he came unto Syria, began to vilify the Syrians, as people of none of the soundest head-pieces, and not containing himself within the bounds of his profession, began to treat of state-matters, and to give his judgement therein: for he did not onely defend the justice of Cn. death, but moved also that the massacre might be extended to the other Legates of the people of Rome, that not so much as one might survive to carry tidings thereof to Rome; that they might by this be brought to abate of their arrogancy, in controling others, and surcease this their over-bold usurpations of soveraignty every where. [Polyb. Legat. 122.]

The Romans (by their Embassadors, Canuleius and Quintus) restored Ptolemei Philometor to his kingdom; and reconciled him to his younger brother Euergetes: having decreed that the kingdom should be divided betwixt them: Philometor was to take Egypt and Cyprus for his share, Euergetes Cyrene: this agreement was confirmed by all religious ceremonies, and by the mutuall plighting of their faith each to other: Notwithstanding, all this Euergetes hastened away to Rome, in designe of nulling the Covenant: whereupon Philometor also sent Menethillus of Alabanda, as his Lagate thither, as his advocate and proxie in this his contest with Euergetes. [Polyb. Legat. 113. & 114. Liv. lib. 46. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, deceased, his son Ariarathes sur-named Phi∣lopator succeded, by right of inheritance, to the Crown: who as soon as he had solemnized his fathers funeral with the highest magnificence that could be, he sent his Legates to Rome, about renewing the league and allyance with that people of Rome. He was first called Mithridates, but after he came to age, by his fathers name Ariara∣thes. At his coming to the Crown, he treated his Friends, Nobles and Subjects, with what respect was fitting, so that he soon won the affections of all persons, of what qua∣lity soever. And in regard that he was experienced in the Greek, and studied philoso∣phy, Cappadocia (never before known to the Grecians) soon became a receptacle for learned men. [Livie lib. 46. Diodor. Sicul. in Bibliotheca, Phocy. cod. 244. & Excerp. Vales. pag. 325.]

From Spring-tide began the CLI year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [Year of the World c.] which is used in the first book of the Maccabees.

When the Ambassadors of Ariaraches, the new King of Cappadocia, were arrived at Rome, they moved the Senate, that they would embrace their King with all love and affection. who alwayes, both abroad and at home, wished well to all the Romans: the Senate did not onely renew the league and amity, as was requested; but highly commed the Kings inclination, and entertained the Ambassadors very civilly: after that Tiberius Gracchus (of whom mention was made in the 3838 year of the World) re∣turned from his Embassie in Asia, had related many notable expressions of the affecti∣ons of this King, and of his father, and indeed of the whole kingdom, toward the peo∣ple of Rome. [Polyb. Legat. 109.]

The Rhodians (by Cleagoras and Lygdamis their Embassadors at Rome) request∣ed that they might be permitted to hold Lycia and Caria, upon the same terms as for∣merly. [Id. Legat. 110.]

For at what time the Calyndians in Caria revolted from the Caunii (whereupon the Caunii attempted to besiege them) at the first indeed they required assistance from the Cnidyans, and by that association made shift for a while, to hold the enemy play: but being doubtfull of the issue of the war, they dispatched an Embassie to the Rhodians, wherein they yielded themselves and their City into their hands. The Rhodians accepted of the profer, and accordingly sent supplies both by sea and land, raised the siege, and took the City into their own jurisdicti∣on. And the Senate soon after confirmed unto them the right and possession. [Id. Legat. 111.]

Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, understanding by his Legates, who were now re∣turned from Rome, that he was assertained of the good will of the Romans, thought himself now fast-seated in his kingdom, offered to the gods Eucharisticall sacri∣fices, and feasted his Nobles. Moreover, he sent Ambassadors to Lysias at Antioch, to fetch the bones of his sister and mother (Antiochus the daughter of Antiochus the Great) concerning which business he gave instructions to the Embassadors upon their departure, joyned with intreaties and prayers, supposing it not seasonable to expostulate

the businesse of Octavius his death (although he was much displeased at it) least if he should chance thereby to provoke Lysias, he might not have his request granted. Lysi∣as gave way that he should have those reliques, which, as soon as they were brought unto him, he carryed them fourth in high solemnity, and was very carefull to lay them next his fathers tomb. [Id. Legat. 112.]

After the two Ptolemies (brothers) had parted the kingdom betwixt them: Ptolemei the younger comes to Rome, to invalidate the partition agreed upon with his brother, urging, That he did not voluntarily do as he was commanded, but, had yielded upon necessity, being forced thereto by the difficulty of the times: therefore he requested the Senate, That they would adjudge Cyprus to him: for, put the case it were so, yet would his portion be far worse than his brothers: on the other side, Menithyllus, Phi∣lometors Agent, declared, (which also the Roman Ambassadors themselves confirm∣ed by their Testimony) How that the younger Ptolemei did not onely hold Cyrene, but also his very life, by means of his brother, in regard that there was such a generall alienation of mens minds from him, that he might take it for a high favour, that the kingdom of Greece was quitted to him, which was more than he could hope for, or any man else, dream of. But upon Ptolemees contradicting what was urged, the Senate, partly considering, that the sharing of the kingdom was not as yet quite compleated, partly out of their own desire to have that kingdom divided, (that as occasion should serve, they might with lesse pains reduce it under their own power, when divided, than when united) granted the younger brothers demands, and forthwith sent their Lagats (Titus Torquatus and Cn. Merula) with instructions to reconcile the two brothers, and to give Cyprus to the younger. [Id. Legat. 113.]

When news was brought to Rome of the killing of Cn. Octavius, and the Legates of Antiochus Eupator, which Lysias sent, were arrived at Rome, and discoursed at large, shewings, That their King was in no wise conscious to the murder: the Senate sent the Legates back again, determining nothing upon the matter, because they would by no means reveal their minds, [Id. Legat. 114.] yet they ordered a Statue to be erected in the place of common pleas, to the memory of Octavius. [Philip∣pic. 9.]

Demetrius, much affected with the news of that accident, sent for Polybius (the Historian) and advised with him, Whether or no, it were expedient to move the Senate afresh about his affairs; who admonished him to take heed of dashing himself twice against the same stone, telling him, That he had better adventure upon some noble ex∣ploit, worthy of a kingdom; hinting hereby, That he would have him steal away from Rome as soon as he could. But he, following the counsel of one Apollonius, his intimate acquaintance, (a good man indeed, but a very youth) came into the Senate, and request∣ed, That he might at least have his liberty, and might not any longer be detained as hostage at Rome; seeing they had confirmed the kingdom unto Antiochus Eupator. The Senate for all this, remained peremptory in their decree: whereupon, Demetrius consulted first with Diodorus, (a subtill fellow, who came fresh out of Syria, and had had formerly the education of him) and then with Polybius, how he might make his escape. Menethyllus, Ptolemei Philometors Agent, (who by Polybius his means (with whom he was intimately acquainted) had been admitted into the Counsel, under pretence of providing for his return home-ward) openly hired a sacred ship of the Carthaginians, which was about to saile to Tyrus, to bring the first fruits of the Carthaginians, (as the manner was) to their ancestour-gods. When all things were in readinesse, Demetrius sent his Tutour Diodorus into Syria beforehand, to hear what the world talked, and to fell how the pulse of the people did beat. Himself taking onely a few with him, which might be as companions to him in his journy, supped at a friends house with them, the rest he sent away to Anagnia, whither he said he would come a hunting the day fol∣lowing. [Polyb. Legat. 114.]

At this instant, Polybius lay sick a bed, who fearing least Demetrius, sitting over long at his cups, should let slip the oppertunity of escaping: night now drawing on, sent unto him a sheet now sealed up, with these intimations written in it,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

He that delayes, incurs the fates Of night, bouldnesse successe creates.

Adventure, come what can, let all, Rather than thou, thy self shouldst fall.

To which he added, that saying of Epicharmus (commended by Polybius, lib. 3. pag. 768. and by Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 1. Epist. 16.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, be sober, and remember to trust noe body, these are the very shews of prudence. As soon as he read the note, he understood presently what those instructions meant, and from whom they came; and thereupon making shew as if he had been about to vomit, and had need to disgorge, he and his friends left the company: and communi∣cating his design to Nicanor, and the rest of his friends, he came by night to Ostia, at the mouth of Tiber. Mennethyllus went before to the Mariners, and told them, That he received new instructions from the King, so that he must of necessity abide a while longer in the City: yet he would dispatch him unto certain young men of most ap∣proved fidelity, which should give him a full account of all the transactions of his bro∣ther. About the end of the third watch of the night, Demetrius comes with 8 compa∣nions, 5 servants and three lackeys: whom Menithyllus commended to the Master of the Ship, who knew nothing of the plot; they set sail about break of day, [Id. ibid.]

There was no thought at Rome of his departure until the fourth day following; and then they made strict inquiry after him, but could not find him: upon the fifth day, the Senate met upon the businesse; but Demetrius being now six dayes sail from the City, [Year of the World c.] was gone as far as the straite of Sicily. The Senate thought it would be to no purpose to follow after him, he having gotten so great a start of them: But within few dayes after, they set forth Tib. Gracchus, Lucilius Lentulus, and Servilius Glau∣cias, Ambassadors: whose employment was to see how things went in Greece; and passing from thence, to observe what Demetrius had in designe, as also to learn how other Kings stood affected, and to debate their differences with the Galatians [Ibid.]

In the mean time, Demetrius was got into Lycia: from whence he wrote to the Senate, That he marched not against Antiochus his Uncles son; but against Lysias, with a resolution to avenge Ocatvius his death. And having soon drawn Tripolis of Syria to be on his side, as if he had been sent by the Senate to take possession of the kingdom, (for no one dreamed of his escape) and being seized also of Apamea, he mustered all his Forces together, and made toward Antioch: where he killed the young youth (King Antiochus Eupator) and Lysias, as they were friendly coming out to meet him (for they did forbear to take up armes for fear of displeasing the Romans) [Zonar. ex Dione.] and being entertained with the applause of all in Syria, he obtained the kingdom, [Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 117, 118.]

We read in the [1 Mac. 7. 1, 4.] how that in the 151 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Demetrius, son of Seleucus, escaping from Rome, came with a few men to a City on the sea coast (viz. Tripoli of Phoenicia) and began to reign there: and that, as he entered into the Palace of his Ancestors, (at Antioch near Daphne, the Me∣tropolis of Syria) his souldiers seized upon Antiochus and Lysias, who were by his command put to death. And in the [2 Mac. 14. 1, 2.] how that, after three years, or in the third year (from the begining of Antiochus Eupator, or the purging of the Temple by Judas Macc. of both which, mention is made in the beginning of the 10 cap. Judas was informed that Demetrius was arrived at the Haven of Tripolis, and with a great power, and navy, had taken the Country, and killed Antiochus, and his Tutour Lysias. But Josephus assigneth to Antiochus Eupator two years reign, [lib. 12. cap. 16.] so doth Eusebius also in his Chronicle) although Porphyrius [in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 228.] and Sulpicius Serverus, [Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] ascribe to him, one year onely, and 6 moneths.

Demetrius, having removed Heraclidas (from the charge of the Treasury in Baby∣lon, over which he was appointed by Antiochus Epiphanes) and put to death his bro∣ther Timarchus (who likewise was by the same Antiochus made Governour of Ba∣bylon) as a Rebel against him (who besides that, was very faulty in the discharge of his place there) was by the Babylonians first sirnamed Soter, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 118.]

Alcimus (who had obtained from Antiochus Eupator, [Year of the World d.] the grant of the High-Priesthood, but was not received by the people, in regard, that in the times of confu∣sion under Antiochus Epiphanes, he willfully difiled himself, 2 Mac. 14. 3.) endeavour∣ing to get the Pristhood confirmed upon him by Demetrius Soter, made his address unto the King, accompanied with other wicked and apostate Israelites, who maligned their country-men, and especially the Hasmoneans, as guilty of cutting off the Kings friends, and banishing them out of the Country. Demetrius resented their complaints; and thereupon sent Bacchides the Governour of Mesopotamia, his intimate and trusty friend, and with him, Alcimus (on whom he had setled the Priesthood) with a great force into Judea: when they had entred the Land, they thought to have over-reached Judas Maccabeus and his brethren by their fair speeches: but they gave no credit unto them, [1 Mac. 7. 5, 11.]

Then there assembled unto Alcimus and Bacchides, a company of Scribes, amongst whom the Hasideans were chief, that desired peace from them; for said they, One that is Priest of the seed of Aaron hath the conduct of this army, who will not do us any wrong. But after that they had put themselves into his hand; that wicked Priest, contrary to the agreement, and his oath, put threescore of them to death, all in one day: to this massacre, the Historian applies that of the Psalmist [Ps. 79. (al. 78.) 2, 3.] The flesh of thy Saints, have they (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cast out,) given to the beasts of the earth, and their blood have they shed round about Hierusalem, and there was none to bury them: by which perfidiousnesse many being terrified, fled from the City, [Ibid. 12, 19.]

Bacchides removed from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bezeth, or Bethzetha; from whence he sent and took many of those which had forsaken him, and certain of the peo∣ple also (of the Jews) whom he slew, and cast into a deep pit. After, then he committed the Country to Alcimus his care, leaving him a sufficient force to assist him, and he himself returned back to the King. To Alcimus (who neglected no thing that might help to assure the Priesthood unto him) assembled all such as were disturbers of the people; who after they had brought the land of Juda under their power, made great havock in Israel: Hereupon Judas Maccab▪ went out into all the coasts of Judea round about, taking vengeance of all those that had revolted from him; and he got such a hand over them, that for ever after they kept close within their Garrisons, and durst not make any more incursions into the Country, [Ibid. 19, 24.]

Ptolemei the younger, coming out of Italy into Greece, hired from thence an army of very stout men, amongst whom he took with him one Damasippus, a Macedonian, who (after he had slain the Governours that sate in Council at Phaco, a Town of Macedonia) escaped thence as fast as he could, with his wife and children. Ptolemei, removing from those parts, came to Peraea, a Continent situate over against Rhodes: who, after he had been courteously treated by the people, he determined to set sail for Cyprus. But Torquatus and the rest of the Roman Legates, when they observed what a great strength of mercenary souldiers he had levyed, they began to consider the tenour of their instructions they had received from the Senate, whereby they were ex∣pressely charged to reduce him without blows. And at last prevailed with him, to disband his mercenaries, as soon as he had brought them to Sida, and to break off his intended voyage to Cyprus: and that he should do his best that they might meet with him about the borders of Cyprus. They themselves in the mean while were upon go∣ing to Alexandria, that they would work the King to a condescention to his requests, and that they would meet him at the place appointed, and bring the King himself along with them. These propositions had such influence upon Ptolemei the younger, that, despairing of reducing Cyrene, he dismissed the mercenary souldiery: And himself went directly to Crete, taking along with him Damasippus and Cn. Me∣rula, one of the Embassadors: (where as soon as he had hired a thousand soul∣diers,) he departed to Libyna, and kept them at the Port of Apis, [Polyb. Legat. 115.]

In the interim, Torquatus, and Titus, being come to Alexandria, did what they could to perswade the Senior Ptolemei, to come to an agreement with his brother, and to yield Cyprus unto him. But upon Ptolemeis grant of some particulars, and lending a slight eare to others, meerly to gain him time, his younger brother who lay encamped (as was agreed upon) before Apis in Libyna, much displeased that as yet nothing was concluded concerning the resignation of Cyprus, sent Cn. Merula to Alexandria, hoping by his, and Torquatus his means, to accomplish his designs, [Id. ibid.]

Hipparchus Bithynus (never sufficiently extolled by Pliny who attempted to transmit unto posterity the exact number of the stars, [Year of the World 3843. a.] and reduce the constellations into order, by particular instruments of his own invention, thorough which he shewes, both their positions, and their magnitudes) [Plin. lib. 2. cap 26.] wrote in his book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that in the 27 year of the third Ca∣lippic Periode, the 30 day of the Egyptian moneth Mesor, (Septemb. Julian 27.) about sun-set, the autumal equinoctial was observed by him, [Ptol. 3. lib. 2. cap. 2.]

From this Autumn, began the year CLI. of the account of the contracts: made use of the 2 book of the Maccab. In which year (for so the Greek Copies compute, and my Syriac Interpreter, where the Latin edition reads CL.) Alcimus is said to come to King Demetrius, presenting him with a golden Crown, a Palme, and Boughes also which were thought to be of the Temple, [2 Mac. 14. 3, 4.] For he, observing how greatly Judas Maccab. and the Assideans which were with him increased in power, and also because they would not suffer him to come near the holy Altar; having gotten oppor∣tunity, eagerly accused them to the king, as authors of all the commotions, and distur∣bers of the common peace in Judea, complaining most bitterly; That he was devested of the High-Priesthrod, which was the glory of his ancestors; and as long as Judas

was living, he was confident Demetrius should never enjoy the kingdom quietly. This (being avouched by other of his friends, and most implacable enemies of Judas) so netled Demetrius, that he dispatched away Nicanor, General into Judea, with order to destroy Judas, disperse his associates the Assideans, and to settle Alci∣mus in the High-Priesthood: as for the Gentiles which fled out of Judea for fear of Judas, they came flocking to Nicanor, accounting the calamities which were like to fall upon the Jews, to be their onely happinesse, [2 Maccab. 14. 3, 14. cum 1 Maccab. 7. 25, 26.]

The Jews, upon report of Nicanors approach, and of the association of the Gentiles with him, cast dust upon their heads, and made their supplication to God. But after a short skirmish betwixt Simon (Judas his brother) and Nicanor near the village Des∣saro: Nicanor, hearing the brute of the prowesse and valour of Judas and his company in defending their Country, was somewhat timerous of running the hazard of a war. Therefore he sent Posidonius, Theodotus, and Matthias, to parlee with them upon mutual engagements of fidelity, each to the other. When they had well debated the matter amongst themselves, Judas propounded it to the people, who with unanimous consent approved the Articles. The day was fixed, whereon Judas and Nicanor were to meet, the one with the other: yet Judas was somewhat jealous of the enemy, and thereupon disposed of some armed men into several conventent places, which might be as a security, in case any violence should be attempted contrary to engagement. But the conference proved very peaceable, and closed in a league without the kings privity. Nicanor, after this, abode a while in Jerusalem, and dismissed the companies which he had before collected: he lived so friendly and familiarly with Judas, that he perswad∣ed him to marry a wife, [2 Mac. 14. 15, 25.]

As soon as that wretched Catiff Alcimus observed this their mutual correspondence, and meetings together, he addressed himself the third time to Demetrius, and com∣plained of Nicanor, as having in agitation some treacherous design against the king: who was so enraged by these calumnies, that he wrote immediately to Nicanor, to let him know, that he took very ill, those his intercourses with Judas Maccab. comand∣ing him withal, forthwith to send away Judas bound to Antioch: which although he was very loath to do, in regard it was a violation of their Articles of peace, seeing Ju∣das had not in the least manner transgressed; yet, because he knew not to gainsay the king, he watched for a convenient time to execute the kings command by a stratagem, [ibid. 26, 29.]

Whilst Ptolemei Philometor with his high complements detaines the Roman Le∣gates at Alexandria fourty dayes, rather against, than with, their wills, nothing of bu∣sinesse being dispatcht: the Cyreneans revolted from Euergetes the younger brother, and with them some other Cities also conspired. The Egyptian Ptolemei (whom Euergetes had appointed over the whole Realme, when he sailed away unto Rome) being no stranger to the businesse; when tidings hereof was brought to Euergetes, and more also, that the Cyreneans were already with an army in the field, fearing least, whilst he endeavours to adde Cyprus to his Dominions, he should loose Cyrene; he layes aside the thoughts of all other matters, and leaving Apis, where his Navy lay in harbour, he sailed to the great Catabathmus, as they call it; intending from thence to reach Cyrene. But finding the straite in Catabathmus kept by the Libynians and the Cyreneans; he shipped half his men, and gave them orders to sail about those narrow places, and to fall upon the enemy unawars: he himself with the other Brigade of his army, charging them in the Van, endeavoured to gain the hill. But as soon as the Li∣bynians perceived they were surrounded on all sides, they quitted their stations: so that the king did not onely get a free passe to the top of the hill; but also reduced a strong hold, having 4 towers which lay in the bottom, wherein was great plenty of waters, [Polyb. Legat. 115.]

From thence he marched clean thorough the Wildernesse in seven dayes: the soul∣diers which were under Mochyrinus following him by Sea; the Cyreneans upon his approach, drew out their army against him, consisting of 8000 Foot, and 500 Horse. For they, guessing what Philometors mind was, by what he had done at Alexandria: and seeing nothing of a king in Euergetes, but that all his administrations were tyran∣nical, could by no means be perswaded, freely to yield themselves unto him: where∣upon they gave him battle, [Year of the World b.] and overcame him, [Ibid.]

Judas Maccab. observing how Nicanor was grown more reserved than formerly, and his dealings more rough than usually they had been: he bethought with himself, that this churlishnesse could not portend any good, and therefore having gathered to∣gether many of his associates, he withdrew himself from his sight, [2 Mac. 14. 30.]

Nicanor, coming to Jerusalem with great Forces, and by his fair speeches drew Ju∣das to a treaty. Howbeit, whilst they were saluting one the other civilly, the enemy had designed to seize upon Judas, and carry him away: which thing, when it was known

to Judas, he was sore afraid of him, and would see his face no more. When Nicanor saw his purpose was discovered, he marched against Judas, to fight him beside Caphar∣salama: where there fell of Nicanors party near five thousand men, and the rest fled to the City of David. [1 Mac. 7. 27, 32.]

After this went Nicanor to Mount Sion, where there met him out of the Sanctuary, certain of the Priests, and Elders of the people, to salute him peaceably, and to shew him the burnt sacrifice that was offered for the King; but he slighted and scoffed at them, & commanded them to deliver up Judas unto him. And when they professed with an oath, that they knew not what was become of him; he stretched forth his right hand toward the Temple, and swore, unlesse Judas and his forces were delivered up into his hands, when he returned in peace, he would set the house of God on fire, digge down the Altar, and erect in the same place another glorious Temple to Bacchus. Whereupon the Priests entered, and stood before the Altar, and the Temple, and with great lamentation beseeched God to frustrate Nicanors threats, and avenge his blasphemies. [1 Mac. 7. 33, 38. 2 Mac. 14. 31, 36.]

There was arrived unto Nicanor one Rhazis, one of the Elders of Jerusalem, who for his love and affection to the Citizens, was called, The Father of the Jews. Therefore Nicanor, (thinking that if he were dispatched out of the way, he could bring what ca∣lamities he pleased upon the Jews, sent about five hundred souldiers to take him: who when they had forced the outward gates of the Tower wherein he was, and had com∣manded to fire the other doors, he stabbed himself with his own sword: but when he perceived, that, by his making so much hast, his would was not mortall, he threw him∣self headlong from the wall; afterwards, running to a steep Rock, when he was allmost dead, he plucked out his bowels, and with both his hands, cast them amongst the throng, and so gave up the ghost. [2 Maccab. 14. 37, 46.] Touching which action, St. Augustine is to be consulted with, in his 61 Epistle to Dulichius, and lib. 2. against Gandentio, cap. 23.

When Nicanor saw that Judas was not in Jerusalem, but in the parts of Samaria, he marched from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bethoron, where a supply of forces met him out of Syria. But Judas pitched in Hadasa (30 furlongs off the enemy) with 3000 men. Nicanor did what he could to ingage in battle on the Sabbath day, and when he was presently admonished by some Jews (who were compelled to march with him) to give the reverence due to that day, and to God, the first institutor thereof, he with most horrid blasphemy, put by those that thus perswaded him. As for Maccab. he encouraged his party out of the Law and the Prophets; and moreover, recalling to their minds their former encounters, and declaring unto them a dream of his, where∣in there was represented unto him Onias, (who was High Priest, the third of that name) praying for the people, and the Prophet Jeremy reaching unto him a golden sword, he cheared up their spirits. Whereupon, being well armed with prayers and sure confidence in God, on the 13 day of the 12 moneth Adar, the fell upon the enemy. Nicanor him∣self was the first that fell in the fight: whereupon, the rest threw away their arms, and betook themselves to their heels. The Jews had the pursuit of them one dayes jour∣ny, even from Hadasa to Gazera, sounding an alarme after them with their Trumpets. Whereat all the Jews, out of the severall Towns round about, hasted to the slaughter of their flying enemies: so that no lesse than 35 thousand of them were slain by the sword, not so much as one single person remaining alive of the whole army. Then they fell upon the spoil, and took the prey, and cut off Nicanors head and arms with the shoulder, and brought them to Jerusalem, where they hung his head upon a high Tower, with his right hand, which he had so proudly stretch forth against the house of God: Judas also commanded the tongue of this wicked fellow to be cut out, chopped in piece, and to be given to the birds of the air. In commemoration of this victory, it was enacted by a general Decree, That a great solemnity should be kept yearly upon the 13 day of the 12 moneth, called in the Syriac, Adar: the day before the feast of Mor∣decai. [1 Mac. 7. 39, 49. 2 Mac. 15. 1, 37. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 17.]

Here ends the History continued in the second book of the Maccabees: wherein is comprehended a breviary of the five books of Jason, a Jew of Cyrene. After Nicanors death Judea for a while had rest from wars, [1 Mac. 7. 50.] during which time, Judas Maccabeus, hearing of the great power of the Romans, and their humanity towards any that were in distresse; having learned also, in how great fear Demetrius stood of them, sent Eupolemus the son of John, and Jason son of Eleazar, as Agents to the Se∣nate at Rome, in the name of him, his brother, and the Common-wealth of the Jews, to negotiate an association and alliance with the people of Rome, hoping thereby to free their necks from that heavy yoak of King Demetrius, and the Empire of the Greeks. [1 Maccab. 8. 5. 17, 18, 31, 32.]

Cneus Merula, being at length returned from Alexandria to Euergetes, told him, that his brother Philometor would not condescend to any of his demands, urging, That

they must hold to the Covenants, which were ratified at first. Euergetes, hearing this, commanded away Comanus, and his brother Ptolemei, as his Legates to Rome, with Merula: who were to treate with the Senate concerning the injury done him by his brother, and to acquaint them with his contempt of the people of Rome. As they were upon their way thither, they met with Titus Torquatus (Cn. Merula his Colle∣gue in the Embassie) who likewise was dismissed from Alexandria, without compleat∣ing the businesse he went about. At the same time also Menithylius of Alabanda was sent Agent to the Senate from Philometor, [Polyb. Legat. 116, & 117.]

After Demetrius heard that Nicanor and his whole army were cut off in the Fight; he dispatched Bacchides and Alcimus, the second time into Judea, and with them the right wing, or the better part of his army, who marching on the way that leads to Gal∣gala; encamped in Maesaloth (al. Massadoth) which is in Arbela, and having taken it, put multitudes to the sword, [1 Mac. 9. 1, 2.]

On the first moneth of the 152 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, they removed toward Jerusalem (to seek out Judas Maccabeus) and from thence they marched to Berea (or Beerzath, as it is in the Arundel Copy) with 20 thousand Foot, and 2 thou∣sand Horse. But Judas pitched in Eleasa, having 3000 choice men with him: who seeing the number of the enemy so great, were fore afraid; whereupon many of them conveyed themselves away from him, insomuch, that 800 onely remained in the Camp. With these few he charged Bacchides vast army, and fought from morning till night: and at last routed his right wing, in which Bacchides himself was, and pur∣sued them unto Mount Azotus. But those on the left wing following upon Judas, and those which were with him; slew Judas, fighting valiantly, and as soon as he fell, the rest fled away. Then Jonathan and Simon took up the corps of their brother Judas, and buried it in the Sepulchre of their fathers at Modin: and Israel made lamentation for him many dayes, [1 Mac. 9. 3, 21.] Judas was slain the sixth year, after the death of his father Mattathias.

After the death of Judas, wicked men discovered themselves in all the coasts of Israel, who before played least in sight, for fear of Judas: and by reason of the great famine which happned in those dayes, the whole Country, joyned with them, and sub∣mitted themselves to Bacchides, that they might the more commodiously be supplied with provisions. Bacchides advanced those wicked men to be Lords of the Country, who when they light upon any of Judas his friends, brought them to him to be tormented and reviled: So that, there was great affliction in Israel, the like was not, since the time the Prophets ceased from amongst them, [1 Mac. 9. 23, 27.]

In the mean time the Legates which were sent to Rome from Judas Maccab. con∣cluded a peace and association with the people of Rome, and the Articles were writ in tables of brasse, to this effect. That the Jews should assist the Romans, and the Ro∣mans the Jews against the common enemy. The Senate also wrote letters to King Demetrius, that he should forbear to oppresse the Jews any farther: otherwise they would wage war with him, both by sea and land, in vindication of that People who was now their friend and confederate, [1 Mac. 8. 19, 32.] And to this, relates that passage of Justin concerning the Jews, [lib. 36. cap. 3.] When they had revolted from Demetrius, (having procured allyance with the Romans) they of all the Eastern people first obtained their liberty; the Romans at that time being very free in giving away that which was none of their own.

Josephus, [lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17.] observes that this was the first league that was ever known to be betwixt the Romans and the Jews: which is there expressed in o∣ther words, by this forged subscription, also being added thereto. This Decree of the Senate was writ by Eupolemus, son of John, and Jason, son of Eleazar (the Jews A∣gents) when Judas was High-Priest, and his brother Simon General. As if any body else had been General, whilst Judas was living besides Judas himself: or admit there had been, Had it not been more probable that Jonathan would have been the person, ra∣ther than Simon, who had it not till after Jonathans decease? For what was a little before written by Josephu••, how that upon Alcimus his death, the people by common suffrage gave the High-Priesthood to Judas, appears out of [1 Mac. 9. 54, 55, 56.] to be a clear mistake; for there it is evidently shewed, that Alcimus died after Judas: and Josephus himself (recanting afterwards his errour) relates, That Jacimus or Alci∣mus had no successour at all; but that Hierusalem was destitute of a High-Priest seven whole years together, [Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8. pag. 701.]

After a long debate in the Senate, betwixt the Legats of both the Ptolemeis: when Titus and Cnaeus (who were by the Romans sent Embassadors unto them) had by their evidence, and with all favour and industery promoted Euergetes his cause; the Senate ordered, That within five dayes Menithyllus Philometors Legate, should depart from Rome: and the League which was betwixt them and Philometor, should be void. They sent also Publius Apustius, [Year of the World d.] and Caius Lentulus, Embassadors to Euergetes: who

forthwith went to Cyrene, and with great care informed him what was done. This pufft him up with fresh hopes, so that presently he levyed an army, and set all his wits a working, how to get Cyprus into his hands, [Polyb. Legat. 117.]

All Judas Maccab. his friends meeting together, chose in his room, his brother Jo∣nathan (sirnamed Apphus) for their General. Bacchides, as soon as he heard of it, contrived how to destroy him; but Jonathan and his brother Simon, and those that were with him having notice thereof, to prevent him, fled into the Desert of Tekoa, and encamped by the poole of Asphar: then Jonathan sent his brother Iohn, (sirna∣med Gaddis) with a band of souldiers, to desire the Nabathites (Arabians) that they might leave their carriages with them, for they were very many: But the children of Jambri out of Medaba met with them upon the way, and falling upon them, slew John and his comapany, and having seized on the spoile, went their way. But these pillagers joy lasted not very long: for when Jonathan and his brother Simon heard that those sons of Jambri kept a great wedding, and were bringing the Bride from Nadabath in great pomp, and a long traine of Nobles (for she was daughter to a Prince in Canaan) they rose out of the place where they lay in ambush, and falling fiercely upon them, slew 400. made the rest flee to the mountains, and seized on all their spoile. After they had in this manner fully avenged the blood of their brother, they marched back again to the marshes of Jordan, [1 Maccab. 9. 28, 42. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 1.]

Bacchides followed Jonathan at the heeles, and came upon the Sabbath day to the Banks of Jordan, with a great army. Both the armies engaged, and in the fight Jona∣than reached forth his arme to strick Bacchides, but he warily waved the blow: yet there fell of his men in that day, about a 1000, (or 2000 as Josephus gives up the ac∣count) Jonathan, perceiving he was not able to deal with that vast power of the enemy, he and his men leaped into Jordan, and got over to the other side; neither did the enemy attempt to follow him. As for Bacchides he returned to Jerusalem, and built fenced Cities in Judea, and a Fort in Jericho, Emmaus, Bethoron, Bethel, Tham∣natha, Pharathoni, Tephon, and strengthened them with high walls, gates, and bars: he garrisoned them all, that by their sallies and incursions, they might prejudice the Israel∣its. He fortified also Bethsura, and Gazara, and the Tower at Jerusalem; supplying them with men and provision. And having seized upon the chief mens sons in the Country for hostages, he put them in ward in the Tower at Jerusalem, [1 Mac. 9. 43, 53. Joseph. ut supr.]

When Mithrobuzanes, one of the sons of Zadriades, King of the lesser Armenia had escaped to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia; Artaxias King of the greater Arme∣nia (whom Antiochus Epiphanes had conquered) hankering after his kingdom, by an Embassie to Ariarathes, sollicited him to side with him; and by murdering the one of the two brothers, whom he had under his power at that time, that he would divide Sophene between them. But Ariarathes abhorring such a piece of treachery, sharply rebuked the Legates, and by letters to Artaxias, admonished him to forbear such a vil∣lanous design: and moreover, he restored Mithrobuzanes to his fathers kingdom, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, pag. 325.]

Ariarathes received Tiberius Gracchus, [Year of the World 3844. a.] Lucius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucius, the Roman Legates in Cappadocia, very royally, [Polyb. Legat. 119.] Thither Deme∣trius Soter sent Menocharis, to the end, that he should seriously debate with the Ro∣man Legates about the setling of his kingdom, [Id. Legat. 120.] He profered also to King Ariarathes marriage with his sister, (Dowager of Perseus King of the Macedo∣nians) but he refused the motion, foreseeing he might thereby give offence to the Ro∣mans, [Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 24. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1.]

After Menocharis was returned to Demetrius at Antioch, [Year of the World b.] and had given account of his conferences with the Roman Legates; [The Julian Period. 4554] the King deeming it very necessary (as his condition was at present) by all means possible to engage and endear unto him the Roman Legates, [Year before Christ 160] laying aside all other matters: first sent to them into Pamphylia, then again to Rhodes; protesting, that he would do whatever lay in his power for the Roman interest, if he could but procure from them, the Title of King. Tiberius, who wished well to him from his heart, helped him much in the grant of his suite, and ob∣taining the right of Sovereignty, [Polyb. Legat. 120.]

Leptines (who had stabbed Cn. Octavius the Roman Legat at Laodicea) went to King Demetrius, and intreated him, not to be troubled at the death of Cnaeus, nor to proceed to any extremity against the Laodiceans, upon that account; for he himself had resolved to go to Rome, and avouch before the Senate, that he had done the act, and that with the good liking of the gods. And because he went chearfully, and of his own accord: he was brought from thence to Rome, without either bond or guard. As for Isocrates the Grammarian, who by his malapert tongue had drawn upon himself that misfortune, as soon as ever information was given against him, he grew distracted,

and became stark mad: but when he saw the gyves put about his neck, and the shackles applyed, then began he to abridge himself of his daily repast, and wholly to neglect his attire and garb, [Polyb. Legat. 122.]

In the 153 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [Year of the World c.] the second moneth, Alcimus com∣manded to pull down the wall of the inward court, which severed the court of the people, from that other of the Gentiles: It was built by Zerobabel and the Pro∣phets: But God stopped the mouth of that prophane High-Priest, by striking him with a sudden Palsie, that he could not speak a word more, not give or∣ders concerning his own house; but died in great torment, [1 Maccab. 9. 54, 55, 56.] the third year after he had usurped the High-Priesthood. Josephus in [lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17.] assignes unto him four years; but in the last chap∣ter save one of the twentieth Book of the same Work, three yeares onely: where also he addes, how that after his death, Jerusalem was seven entire years without any High-Priest. Betwixt the second moneth of the 153 year in which Al∣cimus died, and the seventh moneth of the 160 year in which Jonathan put on the High-Priests Robe, [1 Maccab. 10. 21.] were seven yeares, and five moneths over.

Upon Alcimus his death, Bacchides returned to King Demetrius; so that, Judea had rest two years, [1 Mac. 9. 57.]

About the CLV. Olympiade, [Year of the World 3845] Embassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes King of Cappadocia with a Crown of the value of 10000 pieces of gold: who signified like∣wise to the Senate in what manner their Master had received Tiberius Gracchus, and how for their sakes they refused the profers of friendship with Demetrius, and the tender of marriage with his sister: adding withal, that he was very ready to serve the Romans, in whatever they would be pleased to command him: When Ti∣berius Gracchus, and the rest of the Embassadors had by their testimony confirmed this his propensity and affection towards the people of Rome: the Senate accepted of the Crown, and took it for a great favour; which they requited with a Staff, and a Seat of Ivory; which sort of Presents, are of high estimation amongst the Romans. These Embassadors were dispatched home by the Senate without delay, before the beginning of Winter, [Polyb. Legat. 119. & 121. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 24.]

Upon the coming in of the new Consuls (Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, and Marcus Ful∣vius Nobilior) the joynt Embassie of Prusias King of Bithynia, and the Gallogre∣cians, complaining against Eumenes King of Pergamus, was heard in the Senate. Attalus also had his audience, who was sent thither by his brother Eumenes, to plead his cause: who was not onely quitted from the accusations that were against him; but had honour conferred upon him, and was received and dismissed with great courtesie. For observe, how far the hearts of the Senatours were alienated and averse from King Eumenes, whom they perfectly hated, so near did their affections close with Attalus, being alwayes enflamed with ancient desires of his pro∣motion and advancement, [Polyb. Legat. 119, 121.]

Menocharis, and other Embassadors, came to Rome from Demetrius Soter King of Syria, bringing with them for a Present, a Crown worth 10000 pieces of gold, (which the king sent as a token of his gratitude for his civil usage when he was hostage amongst them) delivering up also Leptines who had killed Cn. Octavius the Embassador with his own hand, and Isocrates the Grammarian, who defended openly the murder. Iso∣crates was a strange spectacle to all beholders, his countenance was terrible and fierce, as a mans must be, who in a whole years space had neither washed his face, nor pared his nailes, nor cut his hair: the figure and motion of his eyes shewed the distemper of his mind to be at that height, that whosoever should chance to have met him, would not so much have dreaded the sudden occursion of any wild beast: On the contrary, Leptines was alwayes the same man, ready at any time to come into the Senate: and whensoever any discoursed with him about the murder, he confessed the fact, and ad∣ded withal, that he was confident the Romans would do him no hurt: neither did his hopes fail him; for when the Fathers had a long while debated in the Senate, what was best to be done in the businesse: at last, the Senate gave audience to the Embassadors, and received the Crown at their hands, but made no account of those two men; as if that was a fault chargeable upon all the Syrians. It was the policy of the Senate to keep this liberty entire to themselves, that as often as they pleased, they might revenge this crime. And upon the very same ground, they gave this answer to Demetrius: That the Senate was ready to do him all friendly offices, provided, that he became their fea∣dary, as formerly he had been, [Polyb. Legat. 122. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 25. Appian. Syriac. pag. 118.]

Orophernes, or (as some call him) Holophernes, made his addresse to Demetrius Soter, King of Syr••••, complaining of Ariarathes his younger brother's injury, in driving him out of his kingdom of Cappadocia: although, to speak truth, he was not the lawfull

issue, but either shuffled in by Queen Antiochis, or adopted by her, as Zonaras relates out of Dion, and we before (in the year of the World, 3832.) out of Diodorus. De∣metrius, who still bare a grudge against Ariarathes, for slighting the tender of his sister to him in marriage, entertained the suppliant; and, covenanting with him for a thousand talents for his paines, by his advise, and assistance dethroned Ariarathes: Not∣withstanding, the assistanne he had from Eumenes King of Pergamus. [Polybius, lib. 3. pag. 161. Liv. lib. 47. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 118. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Eumenes, King of Pergamus, upon his death-bed, bequeathed his wife Stratonica, (sister to Ariarathes, who lately lost his kingdom) and also his kingdom, to his brother Attalus, [Plutarch in Apothegm. & lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] after his 38 years reign. For, substracting the years (computed by Strabo) of his brothers and his sons reign, who succeded him, from the intervall (inserted in the Roman History) between his first coming to the Crown, and the ceasing of Pergamus to be a kingdom, there remaines over and above. 38. year: so that Eumenes dyed in the very beginning of the 39 year; although Strabo (but erroneously) assigned him 40 years reign. He left Attalus Phi∣lometor, (whom his wife Stratonica bare unto him) to inherit the kingdom after him: but in regard that his son was so very young, he appointed his brother Attalus Phila∣delphus Protectour of him and the kingdom, who managed the affairs thereof one and twenty years. [Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 624.]

A second observation of the Autumnal Equinoctiall was made by Hipparchus, [Year of the World 3846. a.] in the 20 year of the Calippick Period, on the first day of the Additionalls to the Egyptian year (the 27 of the Julian September) in the morning, about the sun-rising. [Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

Orophernes, whom, upon the expulsion of his brother Ariarathes, it behooved much to manage things with great prudence, and ingratiate himself into the peoples hearts, by clemency and acts of grace, intended no such matter, but was wholly fixed upon scraping up mony together: & having most wickedly put many to death, unto Timotheus (whom afterwards he sent Embassador to Rome) he gave 50 talents, to King Demetrius 70, promising to pay the other 400 talents shortly after, and to adde six hundred over-pluse: whereas he saw that he had rendred himself odious to the Cappadocians by this action, he began to pill and plunder all the people, and to hook into his own Exchequer the wealth of the nobility. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 334.]

This same Orophernes, having had his education in Ionia (as hath been intimated in the 3832 year of the World, out of Diodorus) little regarding the constitutions of his Country, set up 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Ionick, and an arstificial kind of in∣temperance, [Polyb. lib. 22. apud Athenaeum, lib. 10. cap. 12.] And having heaped together a vast sum of mony, he deposited 400 talents in the hands of the Prienians, in case the times should turn: which afterwards were faithfully by them restored unto him again. [Polyb. & Diodorus, Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 170, 173. & 334.]

After that Jonathan and his company had lived in peace and quietnesse at their own home two years together, some prevaricating Jews suggested to Bacchides, That there was a fair probability of surprizing them all in one night. Whereupon Bacchides made towards them with a great force, and sent letters privily to all his friends in Judea, to assist him in his enterprize of seizing on Jonathan, and those that were with him. But their plot was discovered to Jonathan and his company, who having taken 50 men of the country, who were found to be contrivers of the villany, put them to death. [1 Mac. 9. 57, 61.]

Then Jonathan and Simon, and those that were with him, removed to Bethbasi, (or Bethlagan, as Josephus hath it) which is in the wildernesse, repaired the walls thereof, which were decayed, and fortified it. As soon as Bacchides had notice of it, he muster∣ed up all his forces, and summoned his adherents in Judea, to repair unto him. Then went he and laid siege to Bethbasi, and fought against it many dayes, and made his Engines. But Jonathan, leaving his brother Simon within the City, traversed the Country with a small brigade; where he smote Odoarrhes (or Odomern) and his brethren, and the sons of Phasiron, in their Tents: And when he began to smite all that he met with, and break into the enemies body, Simon with his company sallyed out of the City, and fired the Engines. In this fight, Bacchides was worsted; who en∣raged to see himself thus disappointed in his hopes, converted his anger against those wicked wretches, that were the promoters of this expedition, insomuch that he slew many of them, and purposed to return into his own land. Jonathan having intimation hereof, sent Commissioners unto him to treat with him concerning a peace, and the de∣livering back the prisoners he had taken out of Judea. Bacchides very readily embra∣ced the motion, protesting he would not prejudice Jonathan all the dayes of his life: so he returned back into his own land, and never after entred Judea with an army.

The wars thus composed in Israel, Jonathan dwelt at Michmash, (in the Tribe of Benjamin) and began to judge the people, and to take away the Wicked out of Israel, [ibid. 62. 73.]

A third observation of the autumnal Equinoctial, [Year of the World 3847] was made by Hipparchus in the 21 year of the third Calippic period, on the first day of the additionals to the Egyptian year (the 27 of the Julian September) at noon-tide, [Ptolem. lib. 3. cap.]

Ariarathes, deprived of the kingdom, came an humble supp••liant to Rome, and ap∣plyed himself to Sextus Julius the Consul. His garb discovered the great calamity he was in: there came also an Embassie from Demetrius; Miltiades had the prime managing of it, who came provided both to excuse whatsoever Ariarathes should lay to his charge, as also with counter-criminations to render him odious. Orophernes likewise sent his Legates, Timotheus, and Diogenes, to present a Crown at Rome, and to renew their allyance and association; but chiefly to be defendants in the judical processe for what was acted by his party, and to accuse Ariarathes. And, to speak truth, Diogenes and Miltiades both, at private conferences made the greater flourishes, (as being two to one, and they in their height of prosperity, Ariarathes in an afflictive and miserable condition) and also when they came to treat the matter openly, had far the odds of him: for in that they dared to say any thing in defiance of the truth, and answer to all queries, no body being present which could confute their untruths, they seemed to do what they listed, [Polyb. Legat. 126.] but in the conclusion, it was de∣creed by the Senate, That Ariarathes (in regard he was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome) and Orophernes should reign together as brothers, and partners in the kingdom, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 118. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Ptolemei Euergetes, endeavouring to reduce Cyprus, in a fight there with his bro∣ther Philometor, was worsted: and when Philometor had reduced him, being besieged in the City Lapithus, unto extreme necessity, at last he took, but spared, him; being na∣turally of a mild disposition, and because of that bond of consanguinity betwixt them, as also out of fear to give distaste to the people of Rome. Neither did he onely forgive him, but entered into covenant with him, whereby he obliged himself to resign back un∣to him, the kingdom of the Cyrenians, and in lieu of Cyprus, to demeane unto him certain Cities with a yearly allowance of corn; promising also to espouse his daughter unto him. Thus was that war betwixt the two brothers, after that it had risen to the greatest alienation of affections, and extreme danger, of a sudden composed upon most gentle conditions, [Polyb. & Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 197. 334, 337. Liv. lib. 47. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Orophernes, considering with himself that the Romans had cut him short of what he enjoyed formerly, resolved as soon as possibly he could, to pay his mercenary soul∣diers: least that for want of their pay, they should chance to mutiny. But being at present somewhat bare of monies, he pillaged Jupiters Temple, situated at the foot of the Mount of Ariadne, which until that time was untouched: and out of that plunder, discharged all the arreares which were due to the souldiery, [Diodor. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 337.]

Attalus, Eumenes his brother, and successor in the kingdom of Pergamus, drove Oro∣phernes and Demetrius Soter quite out of Cappadocia, and restored Ariarathes, [Po∣lyb. ibid. pag. 169. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Demetrius Soter profered to Archias 500 talents, upon condition he would betray Cyprus unto him: promising him other gratuities and honours, if he would assist him herein. As Archias was going about the work, he was apprehended by Ptolemei (Philometor) and being questioned for the design, he hanged himself with the rope of the curtain which was drawn before the Hall, [Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 170. & apud. Suidam, in voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.]

Ariarathes, after he was restored unto the kingdom of Cappadocia, demanded of the Prienians the 400 talents, which Orophernes had deposited with them: but they honestly replyed, As long as Orophernes was alive, they would not deliver the money to any body but him, who had entrusted them with it: whereupon Ariarathes sent Troupers to pillage the Country; Attalus assisted him, and indeed incited him to the work, there being a private grudge betwixt him and the Prienians: And notwith∣standing the great slaughter that was made both of man and beast, and some were killed at the very gates of the City, yet could not the Prienians relieve them; wherefore they sent their Embassadors to the Rhodians, but were glad at last to flee to the Ro∣mans for Protection: But Ariarathes lightly esteemed all reports, and although the Prienians had faithfully restored to Orophernes the mony deposited amongst them, yet did Ariarathes for that very thing, set a great fine upon them, and afflicted them with most sad calamities, and that without just cause, [Polib. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 173.]

Upon some differences arising betwixt Attalus and Prusias Venator, [Year of the World 3848] King of Bithynia, [The Julian Period. 4558] Attalus sent Andronicus, [Year before Christ 156] Prusias Nicomedes and Antiphilus, Ambas∣sadors to Rome: whereupon, the Senate sent Publius Lentulus to take cognisance of their cause. When Andronicus began to charge upon Prusias, the first invasion, the Romans were not much affected with what he said in that particular; but began to suspect that Attalus had a mind to fall upon Prusias, to seek occasion of quarrel, and to get before hand with him in accusation: Prusias his Ambassadors protested that there was no such matter; which made the Senate give lesse credit to what was alleadged a∣gainst Prusias. But after a more strict search into the businss the Senate not very well knowing how far they might trust those Agents, sent two Ambassadors of their own, L. Apuleius, and C. Petronius, to see how the squares went betwixt those two Kings. [Polyb. Legat. 128.]

Prusias, [Year of the World 3849] having gotten a conquest over Attalus, entred Pergamus, and after he had at a great charge provided sacrifices, he went into Esculapius his Temple, and as soon as he had made an end of offering, he returned again to the Camp. The day follow∣ing, failing in his designe and hopes of taking Attalus, he brought his forces to Nicepho∣rium, lying under the walls of Pergamus, began to pillage all the Temples, and rifled and ransacked the Images and Statue, of the gods: and at last, the Image of Escula∣pius himself, to whom the day before he had offered so many vows and sacrifices, esca∣ped not his hand; which, because it was an excellent piece (made by Philomachus or Phyromachus) he carryed away with him, bearing it upon his own shouldiers. From thence he marched with his army to Elaea: and having attempted to besiege the City, when he saw he was not likely to do any good upon it, (because Sosander, foster bro∣ther to Attalus, lay in the City with a strong Garrison, and beat him off) he went away by ship to Thyatira: In the way he ransacked the Temple of Diana in Hiera Cume, As for Apollo Cynius his Tempe, about Temnus, he did not onely rifle it, but burnt it to the ground: and having so done, returned home. Having lost most of his foot soul∣diers by famine and the bloudy flux: neither had he better luck with his fleet at sea; for by reason of a violent storm in Propontis, most of his ships were sunck in the midst of the sea, souldiers and marriners and all: and others wracked and cast on shore. [Polyb. & D••odorus, Sicul. in Excerpt▪ Valesii, pag. 169, 170. & 337. cum Suidas. in Voce. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.]

Attalus, after he had been beaten by Prusias, sent his brother Athenaeus along with Publius Lentulus, to acquaint the Senate with what had befallen him. [Polyb. Legat. 128.]

After these two had made their full declaration in the Senate of Prusias his exploits, the fathers of the Senate forthwith ordered that C. Claudius Cento, L. Hortensius, and C. Aurunculeius should go Ambassadors with the aforesaid Lentulus, with in∣structions, to charge Prusias to forbear any farther to molest Attalus. [Id. Legat. 129.]

P. Scipio and Marcus Marcellus being Consuls, the Athenians sent three of the most famous Philosophors of that age Ambassadors to the Senate and people of Rome. Car∣neades an Academick, a Cyrenian by birth, Diogenes the Stoick, a Babylonian born, and Critolaus the Peripatick, to get a release of the fine of 500 talents (accorded by the judgement of the Sicyonians, but by commission from the Senate of Rome) for their devastation of Oropus. When they were brought into the Senate, they made use of Caecilius, (or C. Acilius rather) a Senatour for their Interpreter; although a little before, each of them severally, to shew their abilities, had discoursed in a great assembly of people. At that time, say Rutilius and Polybius, it was admirable to hear the eloquence of those three Philosophers in their several strains. Carneades was hot and fiery: Critolaus witty and smooth: Diogenes grave and Sober in his style. Clito∣machus in his History written in Greek, relates, how that Carneades (to whom Clito∣machus was an Auditour) and Diogenes the Stoick stood before the Senate in the Ca∣pitol; A. Albinus, who was then Praetor, said in merriment to Carneades: I seem not (O Carneades) in your eyes as if I were a Praetor, because I am not a Philosopher, nor Rome a City, nor the people therein Citizens: to whom he replyed, This Stoick perhaps takes you for no such Person. As soon as Carneades had done speaking, Cato the Censor thought it fitting to dispatch away those Ambassadors incontinently, because, whilst he argued, the truth, could not easily be discerned. And because the bruite of those Philosophers spread all over the City, and the Roman youth laying aside all other pleasures and delights, ran as if they were mad after Philosophy: Cato, fearing least the youth should bend all their study that way, and make far greater account of the glory of eloquence, than of action and martial discipline, moved, That all Philosophers should be sent out of the City in a civill equipage: and when he came into the Senate, he checked the fathers, for that they suffered those Ambassadors (who were also to perswade what they pleas∣ed) to abide so long amongst them without an answer: wherefore he advised also, That they would without farther delay, conclude and decree something concerning

the Embassie, that so they might get them home, and argue amongst their young Gre∣cians; and not to tamper with the youth of Rome, who were to be kept close to the obedience of the laws and magistrates as formerly. [Cicero in Lucullo. & Tusculan. quest. lib. 4. & lib. 2. de oratore. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30. Plutar. in Catone. Ma••ore. A. Gellius lib. 7. cap. 14. Maccab. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 5.]

At the same time that the Senate sent Qu. Opimius Consul, [Year of the World 3850] to wage war with the Oxybians of Ligurea (of which Polybius makes mention in the 134 Embassie) Ptole∣mei the younger (Euergetes) came to Rome: [The Julian Period. 4560] who as soon as ever he was entred the Senate, [Year before Christ 254] fell foule upon his brother Philometor, charging him as the contriver of those ambushes, by which he had been way-laid: endeavouring withall, by displaying the skars of the wounds he had received to the eyes of the Spectators, and aggravating the businesse with all the Rhetorick he had, to work upon the affections of the people, and to bring them to a commiseration of his condition: there were present at the same time also Ambassadors from Ptolemei the Saviour, Neolaidas and Andromachus, who stood ready to satisfie all impeachments charged upon him by his brother, but the Senate would not suffer them to speak a word, so strangely had his brother prepossessed their minds by telling his tale first, these being suddainly commanded out of Rome, five Embassadors were designed, amongst whom were Cn. Merula, and L. Thermus, and to each of them were assigned Gallies of five orders of oars: their commission was to go along with the younger Ptolemei, and place him in the possession of Cyprus, They wrote also to their Allies in Greece and Asia, giving way for their assisting of Pto∣lemei in his recovering of Cyprus. [Polyb. Legat. 132.]

When the Ambassadors from Rome were come to Prusias, they forbad him in the Senates name to proceed any farther in his hostility against Attalus, an Ally and con∣federate of the Romans. But upon this they charged him strictly, either to submit to the Senates decree, or to come with a thousand horse to the borders, there to argue the case with Attalus, who with the same number expected his coming thither. He, slighting Attalus his tender retinue, and hoping to surprize him, sent his Agents a little before, as if intending no lesse, than to follow after with his thousand men. But he drew up his whole army, as if he had come to fight, (not to parley.) Attalus and the Roman Legates, upon notice given them, hasted away: but Prusias seized upon the Roman carriages, took Nicephorum, and demolished it, fired the Temples that were in it, and having forced Attalus with the Roman Legates to fly into Pergamus for refuge, besieged it. [Appian in Mithridaticis, pag. 172.]

When Hortensius and Aurunculeius were returned from Pergamus to Rome, and had declared with how great contempt Pusias had received the injunctions of the Se∣nate; who had, contrary to the league betwixt them, assayed all violence and injury against them and Attalus, after he had blocked them up in Pergamus. The fathers were so highly displeased, and moved by this affront, that they decreed ten Ambassadors should forthwith be dispatched away, amongst them were L. Anicius, C. Fannius, and Q. Fabius Maximus, with order to make an end of the war, and to compell Prusias to make satisfaction to Attalus for the damages he had sustained by this war. [Polybius, Legat. 123.]

Whilst it was yet winter, Attalus had got together a considerable army: for, both Aria∣rathes, and Mithridates his confederates had sent under-hand both horse and foot, under the command of Demetrius, Ariarathes son. Whilst Attalus was busied in these his prepa∣rations, the Roman Ambassadors met him at Quada, and after they had conferred of all things with him, they went directly to Prusias: as soon as they came thither, they seriously signified unto him the pleasure of the Senate: Prusias promised he would do some things the Senate required of him, but denyed the most: whereupon, the Roman Embassadors to whom he had given great offence by his obstinacy, renounced that amity and allyance which had been formerly between them, and so all of them took their leaves of him, and set forward to go to Attalus. But Prusias, repenting of what he had done, made after the Embassadors, begging and beseeching them a long time: and when he saw no good could be done by his importunity, he gave them over, and returned home, not well knowing what course to take. In the mean time, the Romans advised Attalus to lye upon the confines of the kingdom with his army, but should not commit any act of hostility against any body, onely secure his own Cities and Villa∣ges from invasion, As for them, they divided themselves severall wayes; some went to Rome to acquaint the Senate of King Prusias his pertinacy: others went into the Country of Ionia, and others of them to the Hellespont, and the Ports adjacent, to Byzantium; all of them went upon one and the same designe of working men off allyance and compendance with Prusias, and bringing them to side with Attalus, and to assist him in what they could. [Id. Legat. 135.]

Atheneus, Attalus his brother, soon after came with a great Fleet, consisting of 80 ships with decks, whereof five were of the Rhodians, and had been imployed in the

war in Crete, twenty of Cyziceneans, twenty seven of Attalus, the other were of the Confederates setting out. He drave in a direct course to the Hellespont; and where∣soever he sailed by any of the Cities under Prusias command, he put to shoar, and wa∣sted their Countries, [Id. Legat. 136.]

As soon as the Senate had taken an account of their Embassadors which were now returned from Prusias: they sent three others, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius, and Aulus Posthumus: upon their arriving in Asia they concluded the war, and prevailed with both the Kings to agree upon these conditions; That Prusias should forthwith de∣liver up to Attalus 20 ships with Decks: That he should pay 500 talents within the space of 20 years: That either of them should keep what they had, before the breaking out of the war betwixt them. Moreover, Prusias was to satisfie for the damages which he did to the Countries of the Methymneans, Egeans, Cumai, and Heracleots, and to pay unto them 100 talents. After the Covenants were signed by both parties. Attalus returned home with all the forces he had brought either by sea or land, [Id. ib. 175,] But Prusias, observing how distastful he had rendred himself to his Subjects by his enormous Tyranny, and consi∣derig withall, how mightily his son Nicomedes was beloved of them, he grew jealous of his son, and sent him away to Rome, that he might live there. [Appian. in Mithridatic pag. 173.]

Upon the revolting of the Antiochians from Demetrius Soter, Orophernes entred into combination with them, and contrived how to dethrone him, who had been not long since the principall in restoreing himself to his kingdom. Demetrius, having recei∣ved intimation of this his designe, spared indeed his life, least Ariarathes should be freed from the fear of war from his brother, but seized his person, and commanded him to be kept close prisoner at Seleucia, yet the Antiochaeans, notwithstanding the discovery of the plot, were not so dismayed as to give over their enterprize: But, having drawn into their association Ptolemei King of Egypt, Attalus King of Asia, and Ariarthes of Cappadocia, being provoked by war from Demetrius, they suborne a cer∣tain obscure youth, an Aliant, who was to lay claim to the kingdom of Syria, as being his fathers, and to assay the recovery thereof by force of arms; and that the con∣front might be compleat, they called him Alexander, and gave out, that he was son to King Antiochus; such an universall Odium, had Demetrius contracted upon himself, that his rivall had confered upon him by consent of all, not onely strength and power befitting a King, but also royalty of extraction. [Justin lib. 35. cap. 1.]

This Alexander, in the Epitome of the 52 book of Livie, is said to have been an ob∣scure person, and whose descent was not very well known, Athenaeus stiles him, Suppositious son of Antiochus Epiphanes. [lib. 5. cap. 10.] Appian, one who shuffled himself into the fami∣ly of those that were descended from Seleucus. [in Syriac. pag. 31. Sulpitius Severus, A youth bred up at Rhodes, who falsely bragged of himself, that he was son to Antiochus. [Histor. Sacra. lib. 2.] Strabo, [lib. 16. pag. 751.] surnamed Balas, and Josephus, [lib. 13. cap. 8.] Balles.

Heraclides, (whom Antiochus Epiphanes formerly had appointed over the treasury at Babylon) brought this Alexander with him to Rome, together with Laodice (An∣tiochus Epiphanes his daughter) in the midst of summer. Whilst he stayed at Rome, he bare the guarb of some great person, and did all things very subtilly, purposely dril∣ling out the time, hoping to encline the Senate to favour his designe. [Polyb. Legat. 138.]

Attalus son of King Eumenes (in whose name his Uncle Attalus governed the kingdom of Pergamus) being yet a very child, [Year of the World 3851. a.] came to Rome, that he might ingrati∣ate himself with the Senate, and renew that friendship and right of hospitality, which formerly had been betwixt his father and the people of Rome: who after he had been treated with most extraordinary civillity by the Senate; and his fathers friends, had re∣ceived an answer to his own hearts wish, and had been ennobled with such honours as were sutable to a child of his age, within few daies he returned to Rome: all the Cities of Greece, through which he passed, receiving him with great devotion and magni∣nificence. [Id. Legat. 140.]

Demetrius, (afterward called Nicator, son of the then reigning Demetrius Soter in Syria) was at the same time at Rome. His receptation was but ordinary, being but a child, and his stay not long. [Id. ib.]

Heraclides, [Year of the World b.] having tarryed somwhat long at Rome, [The Julian Period. 4561] came into the Senate with La∣odice and Alexander (Balas) where first the youngster made a short speech, [Year before Christ 153] wherein he desired, That the Romans would be pleased to remember that friendship and ally∣ance which had been formerly betwixt them and his father Antiochus, and that they would further him in the recovery of his kingdom; or, if they had no great mind to that, that at least they would permit him to return into Syria, and that they would not stave off any of those, who were ready to assist him in the regaining of his fathers

kingdom. Next spoke Heraclides, who after he had at large recited the worth and merits of Antiochus, and thereto adjoyned an impeachment of Demetrius (Soter) at last concluded, That it was right and just to grant unto the youth (Alexander) and to Laodice (who were the lawful issue of King Antiochus) leave to return into their Country. But little or nothing of all he said was liked by sober-minded men, who ac∣counted all he had spoken a fiction, and a tale of his own devising, and did utterly de∣test Heraclides. But the meaner sort of the Senatours, whom Heraclides by his de∣lusions had made his friends, all accorded, that a Decree of the Senate should be drawn to this purport. That the Senate had given way to Alexander and Laodice (children of a King who was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome) pleading in the Senate, to return to their fathers kingdom by right of former inheritance, and withal decreed to assist them, ac∣cording to their decrees. Hereupon Heraclides presently hired him soudiers, and drew very considerable persons to be on his side: Then came to Ephesus, where he began with all earnestnesse to set on foot the war he had had so long in his head, [Id. ibid.]

In the 160 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, [Year of the World c.] Alexander (Bala) crying himself up for the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, seized upon Ptolemais (a City of Phenicia) which was betrayed unto him by the souldiers therein garrisoned, [1 Mac. 10. 1 Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 3.] who could not endure Demetrius his behaviour, being of an harsh disposition and very insolent: for his humour was to immure himself up in one of the Castles royal, fortified with four turrets, not far from Antioch, and to admit no body to come unto him: where, laying aside all care of the publick, he trifled away his time in idlenesse.

Demetrius Soter, hearing that Alexander was received into Ptolemais, and began to reign there, he mustered together a very great force, with a resolution to march a∣gainst him, and fight him. [1 Mac. 10. 1, 2.] But Demetrius, considering the hazard of the war, and the uncertainty of the events, sent two of his sons (Demetrius Nicator, and Antiochus Sideres; both of whom afterwards were Kings of Syria) with a great weight of gold to his host at Cridus: that there they might be secured out of the dan∣gers of the war, and, if it so fell out, reserved alive to avenge their fathers quarrel here∣after, [Liv. lib. 52. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2.]

Demetrius wrote letters also to Jonathan, whereby he renewed peace with him, and gave him authority to levy Forces, and to provide armes, that he might be his assistant in the war against Alexander: he commanded likewise, that the hostages which were kept in the Fort, should be released. Upon Jonathans reading of the letters openly at Hierusalem; those which were in the Fort, for very fear, resigned up the ho∣stages to him, and he them to their parents, [1 Mac. 10. 3, 9.]

Jonathan, [Year of the World d.] very wisely making good use of this opportunity, dwelt at Jerusalem, and began to re-edifie and repair it. He took care also to build up the walls, and the Mount Sion round about with square stones, for the fortifying of it. So that the aliants which were in the Forts which Bacchides built, quitted their hold, and every one hasted away to his own land: Onely, there remained at Bethsura, some of the Apostates and De∣serts of the Law; holding this as their place of refuge, [Ibid. 10. 14.]

Alexander had heard in the mean time, of the fair promises which Demetrius had made to Jonathan in his letters he sent: whereupon he also by letters courts his friend∣ship and association: ordained him High-Priest of that Nation, honoured him with the Title of being called the Kings friend, and withal sent him a Purple Robe, and a Crown of gold, [Ibid. 15. 20.]

Jonathan put on the holy vestment on the seventh moneth of the 160 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [Year of the World 3852] at the Feast of Tabernacles, [1 Mac. 10. 21.] being the ninth, not the fourth year (as it is in Josephus lib. 13. cap. 5.) after the decease of his brother Judas: For by that account, Judas dyed not before the 164 year of the Grecians; expressely against the truth of the History of the Maccabees, [1 Mac. 9. 3, 18, 54.] which error sprang from that other, concerning Judas his succeeding of Alcimus in the High-Priesthood: which (as we have shewen) was soon after acknow∣ledged by Josephus himself, clearly professing, that no one succeeded after the decease of Jacimus or Alcimus; but that the City was destitute of a High-Priest, for the space of seven entire years, [lib. 20. cap. 8.] which seven years expired, and five moneths over; Jonathan now discharged the Office of the High-Priesthood. He was first of the Hasmoneans, descended from Jehojarib, the Priests family indeed, but not from Jaddus the High-Priest, whose heir Onias, at this instant lived in Egypt with Ptole∣mei Philometor.

Demetrius Soter, grieving that the Jews were inclined to take Alexanders part, hoped to bring them off again by the relaxation of their arreares, and all the tributes (whereby the Macedonians had hitherto miserably oppressed that Nation) and large promises of other honourable concessions. Jonathan and the people of the Jews were not

much affected with those profuse engagements, and profers; considering, that they came from a man, who had sufficiently evidenced by his former pranks, how perfectly he hated them, and that he would not perform a tittle, if once he got loose from those briars in which he was at present entangled. Whereupon, disclaiming Demetrius, they stuck close to Alexander, who had first articled with them concerning a peace, and from that time forward, they continued his confederates in the War, [1 Maccab. 10. 22, 47.]

One Andriscus an Adramyttean, [The Julian Period. 4562] a contemptible person, [Year before Christ 152] gave out that he was the son of Perseus, the last King of the Macedonians, and changing his name, called him∣self Philip: He endeavoured to breed some disturbance in Macedonia; but when he saw that no body regarded him, he went into Syria, and made his addresse to De∣metrius Soter (whose Sister was Perseus his Wife) phansying to himself a pos∣sibility of craving some assistance thence. (For the better accomplishing of his de∣sign) he devised this tale. That he was descended from King Perseus by a Cur∣tezan, and placed out with one Cyrthesa to receive his education: That so, at least a seed of the Royal Stock might be preserved, in case the war, which at that time he had with the Romans, might not prove successeful. After Perseus's decease, he was kept in ignorance of his descent, and believed until he came to twelve years of age, that the man with whom he was brought up at Adramyttum, was his father: after∣wards the man falling sick, and drawing now his last breath; His descent was dis∣covered, and that a little book was given to his reputed mother signed with King Per∣seus his Signet, which she was to give to him when he came to age, with the highest protestations, to keep all close and private till then: when he came to age, the book was delivered up to him, in which two treasures were mentioned left him by his father: Then the woman who knew he was not her own, but a suborned son, informed him, being ignorant of it, whence was his true descent; begging him earnestly to with∣draw from those parts before the businesse came to Eumenes his eare, who was Per∣seus his sworn enemy; least happily they should be put to death. For this lye he was attached by King Demetrius and sent to Rome; where, when it appeared that he was neither the son of Perseus, nor had besides any thing remarkable in him, he was slighted and contemned, [Liv. lib. 48. & 49. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Alexander Balas, [Year of the World 3854] what with the souldiery which revolted from King Demetrius in Syria, [The Julian Period. 4564] and the auxiliares of Attalus, [Year before Christ 150] Ariarathes, Jonathan, and especially of Ptolemei Philom••tor, having gotten together a considerable army, encountred with Demetrius: And to speak truth, the left wing of Demetrius army routed the adverse Party, and made them flee, and pursued them so hard, that they had also the plunder of their Camp: But the right wing, in which Demetrius himself fought, was forced to give ground: But Demetrius (the rest with all haste betaking themselves to their heeles) behaved himself very valiantly, killing some of his enemies out-right, and chasing o∣thers of them, who were not able to withstand the violence of his charge: until such time, he happened upon a sl••ugh, deep and unpassable: where, past all hopes of escap∣ing, by reaso•• that his horse fell all along, the enemy environed him round, and stroke him thorough with their darts; but he fought very gallantly afoot, until he fell down dead, having received many wounds, [1 Maccab. 10. 48, 49, 50. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 5. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 131.] Thus Demetrius, af••er he had reigned in Syria twelve years, the rest of the Kings conspiring against him, lost both his life and his kingdom together; as Polybius hath it, [lib. 3. pag. 165.] whom Porphyrius (who well knew Demetrius) [in Graec. Enseb. Scaliger, pag. 228.] Eu∣sebius, and Severus Sulpicius, follow in assigning him 12 years reign: although Jo∣sephus allows him but eleven.

Upon Demetrius his death, (who left behind him two sons, Demetrius and Antio∣chus) a little before the Achaick war; there appeared a Comet, not lesse than the Sun. At first the Orb was fiery and ruddie, and casting a clear light, whereby the night was enlightned. Afterwards it began to lessen in bignesse, and its brightnesse vanished, and at last quite disappeared, [Senec. Natural. quaest. lib. 7. cap. 15.]

After Alexander, by the more especial assistance of Ptolemei Philometor (as Ap∣pian testifieth) had deprived Demetrius both of his life and kingdom: he sent Em∣bassadors to Ptolemei, to negotiate a match betwixt him and his daughter. Ptolemei readily assented, and forthwith came out of Egypt to Ptolemais with his daughter Cleo∣patra (a woman born to ruine the kingdom of Syria) in the 162 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, (in the close of the year;) where the Nuptials betwixt Alexander and Cleopatra were celebrated with such magnificent solemnity, as is commonly observed at the Marriage of Princes, [1 Mac. 10. 51, 58.]

Jonathan was by Alexander invited to this wedding, who presented those, two Kings, and their friends likewise with gold and silver, and many other gifts; so that hereby he insinuated himself much into their favour. At the same time, a pack of ma∣levolent

fellows, came out of the land of Israel, to accuse Jonathan: But Alexander was so far from giving any heed to those detractours, that he commanded that Jona∣than should be cloathed in purple, and that he should sit next to him: and ordered also, the Piers of his realm to attend him into the midst of Ptolemais, and by procla∣mation inhibite any one to speak against him, or to molest him in any matters; where∣upon, his accusers vanished out of his sight. The King also shewed him a great deal of honour, by listing him amongst those that were reputed his most intimate friends, and constituting him Generalissimo (of his forces in Judea) and shared the dominion with him (in his own Court:) So Jonathan returned back to Jerusalem in peace and great joy. [Ibid. 59,—62.]

Onias, son of the High Priest, Onias the third of that name, who lived a runnagado with Ptolemei Philometor at Alexandria, now beyond all hope of recoverning the High Priesthood of Jerusalem (it being transferred upon the family of the Hermo∣neans) aspiring to get himself a name to all posterity, intimated to King Ptolemei, and Queen Cleopatra (who was both wife and sister to him) by way of petition, that whilst he was imployed in the war in divers Countries, he observed how that in Coelo∣syria, Phaenice, and Leontopolis in the Heliopolitan jurisdiction of Egypt, and in divers other places the Jews had their Temples, which was the cause of all those bickerings and contests which were so rife amongst them. He requested therefore, That he might have leave to purifie an old ruinous Temple, (not as yet consecrated to any god,) which he had found standing near the Castle of Bubastis in the plain, and to erect another in the same place to the Almighty God, after the model of that at Jerusalem, both for figure and bulk, that so the Jews living in Egypt, might keep their assemblies there, which would be a great means, both of preserving unity amongst them∣selves, as also of putting them in a readinesse to serve their Majesties upon all occasions. For indeed, the Prophet Isaiah foretold, That there should be in after ages, an Altar erected unto the Lord God in Egypt: and prophe∣sied many other things besides concerning that place. [Isoephus, lib. 13. cap. 6.]

Where by the way it is to be observed, first, That Onias did not set upon the build∣ing of the new Temple, when he came first to Philometor and Cleopatra into Egypt: but after he had done them good service, both in the Egyptian and Syrian wars: for Josephus in his second book against Appian [p. 1064.] voucheth, That Philometor and Cleopatra, committing their whole kingdom to the Jews to ravage, appointed Onias and Dositheus (both Jews) over the whole Militia. And again, that Prophesie of Isaiah, which Onias wrested to support his sacrilegious ambition, had respect to the spiri∣tuall kingdom of our Lord Christ: the place is to be found in the 19 Chapter of Isaiah, 18, 19. verses, In that day shall there be five Cities in the land of Egypt, speaking the language of Canaan, and sworne to the Lord of Hosts, one shall be called a City of destruction. In that day shall there be an Altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a Pillar to the Lord at the border thereof: where for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 City of Ierusalem, by reason of the great resemblance of the letters to each other, it was formerly read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is to say, the City of the Sun, as Sim∣machus hath interpreted it: so also Jerom hath rendred it, One of them shall be called the City of the Sun. The Chaldee Paraphrast puts them together, The City of the Sun which shall be destroyed: Upon which occasion perhaps Scaliger guesseth, that Onias chose the Heliopolitan tract, wherein he might build the Temple.

Onias, having got a grant of the place in the field under that Heliopolitan seigniory 180 furlongs distant from Memphis, erected a Temple there, neither so big nor so costly, as that at Jerusalem: The Tower indeed of this was like to that of the other, of great stones, and 60 cubits high, The fabrick of the Altar he made, was in imita∣tion of that in his own Country, and furnished it with the same utensils, excepting the Candlestick: For he made no Candlestick, but in leive of that the golden Lamp, which sparkling as it were with a beam of light he hung upon a chain of gold, he sur∣rounded also the Temple with a wall of brick, in which were made gates of stone. The King also passed a grant of a great proportion of land, and revenue in mony, that the Priests might be supplyed with necesaries for the worship of God. Onias also found out some Jews, who were like himself (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That inhabited the region of Onias) [Iosephus. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 14. & lib. 1. Belli. cap. 7.] and Priests and Levites, who there frequented divine service: [Jose∣phus lib. 7. of the Jewish war, cap. 37. compared with lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 6. yet in the Meshna, tract. Minhoth cap. 13. Sect. 10.] the Priests which mi∣nistred in Onias Temple were accounted (and that not undeservedly) little better than the Priests of the high places, who were not permitted, (as appears out of 2 Kings, 23. 9.) to offer burnt offerings upon the Altar of the Lord at

Jerusalem, but onely to eat unleavened bread (like to the unclean Priests) among their brethren.

At Alexandria there arose a sedition betwixt the Jews and the Samaritans, con∣cerning their holy Solemnities, the one contending the Temple of Jerusalem, the other that of Gerizim, to be the lawfull Temple, and according to Moses his prescription: both parties appealed to Ptolemei Philometor, and a Session of his friends, for the hearing and decision of the cause: in such wise, That the advocates of that part which happened to be overthrown in the processe, should be sentenced to death. Sab∣beus and Theodosius pleaded on the Samaritans behalf, Andronicus the son of Messa∣lamus was on the Jews side: they took their oathes by God and the King, That they would use no arguments but such as they drew out of the law: and they moved the King, That he would put to death, whosoever of them were taken falsifieing their oath: the King with many of his friends, at the Council tables heard the whole debate: and at length perswaded by Andronicus his allegations, determined that the Temple in Jerusalem was that which was built by Moses's directions: as for Sabbas and Theo∣dosias, they were both of them by him (as was covenanted betwixt them) sentenced to death. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 6.]

At the same time Aristobulus a Jew, being a Peripatetick Philosopher, grew famous at Philometors Court in Egypt, who wrote a Comment upon Moses, and dedicated it to the same King. Out of the Preface of which book to the King, a famous passage is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. Stromat, and by Eusebius in Preparat. Evan∣gel. lib. 13. cap. 7. who both there, and in the eighth book of the same work, cap. 3. takes somewhat large fragments out of these same Comments.

In this year began the third Carthaginian war, [Year of the World 3855] to which Mithridates Euergetes, [The Julian Period. 4565] who was the first of the Kings of Pontus, [Year before Christ 149] that would confederate with the people of Rome, brought a supply of ships against the Carthaginians, [Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.] Both the Consuls were sent to manage this war: Manilius had the conduct of the land forces. Marcius Censorinus was Admiral of the fleet, who received private instructions, by no means to give over the war, till such time as they had demolished Carthage. [Liv. lib. 49. Appian. in Libyc. pag. 42.]

Andriscus or the false Philip, having stole privately out of Rome, levied an army, and seized upon all Macedonia, and the Royall Ensignes, either with the consent of the in∣habitants, or by force of arms, in the third year of the 157 Olympiade. He thought also to invade Thessaly, and to bring it under his command, but through the instiga∣tion of the Roman Legates, it was defended by the help of the Achaians, [Livie lib. 49. & 50. Vellei Patercul. lib. 1. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb, Scalig. pag, 229.]

Prusias Venator, King of Bithynia, understanding that his son Nicomedes was in some favour at Rome, ordered him to go to the Senate, and obtain of them, That the arrears of the mony, which was due to Attalus, might be taken off: He sent also an Ambassador, Menas, to be his assistant: to whom under covert, he gave command to respite Nicomedes, if he succeeded in his suit, if otherwise, to kill him at Rome out of hand, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 173.] providing thereby for his younger sons which he had by a second venter. [Justin. lib. 34. cap. 4.] whereof one, of the same name with his father, had no teeth in his upper mandible, but instead thereof, one continued bone, so evenly growing out, that it neither disfigured him, nor yet was any inconvenience to him in his chewing. [Liv. lib. 50. Valer. Maxim. lib. 1. cap. ult. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 16.]

Prusias set out his Ambassdor Menas with some large ships, and two thousand soul∣diers: To oppose him, Andronicus was sent Embassador from Attalus; who made it clearly appear, That the fine which was layd upon Prusias, was far lesse than the booty he had got by pillaging the Country. Menas, perceiving that he was in small hopes of getting Prusias his fine taken off, and observing also in how high esteem Ni∣comedes was in Rome, he was at a stand, not knowing what course to take; neither daring to kill Nicomedes, nor yet, failing in that, to turne back to Bithynia. In this suspence, he abode still at Rome, where the young man (Nicomedes) gave him a meeting, which went not much against his stomack: they conspired against Prusias, and drew Andronicus into their confederacy, who was to perswade his master Attalus to help to settle Nicomedes in Bithynia; they all met together at Bernice, a little Town in Epirus, and at night time went aboard a ship, to consult amongst themselves what was fittest to be done in this businesse: when the debate was ended, they departed se∣verall wayes the same night. But in the morning, Nicomedes comes ashoar in his pur∣ple, and with his Crown on his head, like a King: Andronicus met him soon after, and having saluted him King, attended him with 100 souldiers he had about him. As for Menas, he made as if he wot not that Nicomedes was in company till then: but then he ran to and fro about the two thousand souldiers he had brought with him, and ex∣horted

them to stick close to that Party, which should seem most deserving: intima∣ting withal, That Prusias was now an aged man, Nicomedes in his young blood: That the Bithynians were weary of him, but desirous of this, That the best sort of the Ro∣mans affected this youth extremely, and that Andronicus, now Captain of his Guard, had promised assistance from Attalus, a neighbouring King, and one that had wide Dominions, and besides, was a most inveterate enemy to Prusias. He minded them also of Prusias his cruelty, discovering many of his pranks, whereby he had incurrd a general hatred: as soon as Menas espyed in these souldiers also a disrellish of his villa∣nies; he carryed them all away with him to Nicomedes: He was the second after Andronicus that saluted him King, encompassing him about with a guard of 2000 souldiers, [Appian. ut supr. pag. 173, 174.]

Attalus was very forward in receiving the youth, and sent to Prusias, commands to assign over unto his son, some Cities to dwell in, and fields for provision: Prusias an∣swered, That he would ere long give him Attalus his whole kingdom; for whose sake he had formerly invaded Asia. Having thus said, he dispatched some away to Rome, to accuse Nicomedes and Attalus, and cite them both to a trial, [Id. ibid. pag. 174.]

Nicomedes, encouraged by Phaellon, (or rather Phaennis) Epirus's Oracle, which he interpreted by his own emoluments and advantages, upon the instigation of Attalus, waged war with his father Prusias, [Zosim. Histor. lib. 2.] As soon as he and Attalus with their Forces came into Bithynia, the Bithynians began to revolt: Whereupon Prusias durst not trust himself with any body (of his own subjects) His hope was, That the Romans would relieve him; in expectation whereof, he shut himself up in a castle of Nicaea: having procured of Dirgylles a Thracian (his father in law) 500 Thraci∣ans, which he appointed to be his life guard, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 174.]

The Roman Cities Praetor did not conduct to the Senate the Embassadors from Prusias, [Year of the World 3856] as soon as they arrived at Rome, intending thereby to do Attalus a courtesie: and after he had ushered them into the Senate, and was commanded to make choice of some Embassadors, which might compromize the war, he chose three: one of which, having been formerly wounded on the head with a great stone, was much dis∣figured with scars: a second was lame on his feet, and the third, a very fool and sot: Cato Censorinus (who soon after died in the 85 year of his age) in a jeere to them, said, That the Romans sent an Embassie which had neither head, feet, nor heart, [Id. ibid. lib. 50. Plutarch. in Catone majore.]

The Embassadors, as soon as they came into Bithynia, commanded both parties to lay down their armes: Nicomedes and Attalus made as if they were ready to submit to the authority of the Senate, but the Bithynians (who were put upon the businesse, and pre-instructed by Nicomedes and Attalus what they should do) said peremptorily, That they were not able any longer to endure Prusias his tyranny, especially now they had evidenced unto him, (by this present engagement) how much they disliked his government. The Embassadors (in regard that the Bithynians had not as yet made known these their greivances to the Senate) returned home again, having done no∣thing in the businesse they came about▪ Prusias, now despairing of any relief from the Romans, in confidence of whom he had hitherto forborn to sollicite helpes elsewhere, passed over to Nicomedia, intending to fortifie that place, and from thence to pro∣hibite the enemies entrance: but the Townsmen deserted their King, and opened the gates to the enemy. Whereupon Prusias betook himself to Jupiters Temple, trusting the religion and respect due to that place would have been his protection: but Nico∣medes sent some of his Party, who killed him in the place, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 174, 175.] Diodorus Siculus relates, That Prusias, fleeing for his own security to the Altar of Jupiter, was slain by his son Nicomedes, his own hand, [in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244.] Strabo tells us, he was slain by Attalus, [lib. 13. pag. 624.] Livy, by his son, but with Attalus his assistance, [lib. 50.] By his own subjects, saith Zonaras, out of Dion. For Polybius reports how he had contracted from his Bithynians such a gene∣ral dislike, [in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 174. & Suidas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] that they all appeared a∣gainst him in such multitudes, and with such violence, as if their design had been, not onely to revolt from him, but principally to avenge themselves of him for the notable miscarriages in his government.

Andriscus, or the false Philip, in Macedonia, encountred with Juventius the Ro∣man Praetor, who was sent with a legion against him, wan the field, slew Juventius himself, and killed upon the place, the greatest part of the Roman army. From thence he made an impression into Thessaly, wasted most part of the Country, and took the Thracians into association, [Liv. lib. 50. Flor. Histor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Eutrop. lib. 4. Zonar. ex. Dione, Oros. lib. 4. cap. 22.] Upon these his successes, he betook himself to acts of cruelty and tyrannical insolencies. There was not a wealthy person which he put not to death upon false accusations. He spared not his most intimate friends, but dispatched

many of them out of the way: For he was naturally of a fierce and bloody disposition, in his familiar entercourses, proud and haughty, and at last, deeply engaged in coveteousnesse, and all manner of vice. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 342.]

Alexander Bala in Syria, [The Julian Period. 4566] having quite given himself over to riot and luxury, [Year before Christ 148] his friend Ammonius managed the affaris of the kingdom; who put to death all the Kings friends, Laodice the Queen (the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes) and Antigonus Demetrius his sonne, [Livie lib. 50. Josephus lib. 13. cap. 8. Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 10.]

In the 165 year of the Grecians, Demetrius the eldest son of Demetrius Soter, now in the flower of his age, hearing of Alexanders degenerating into all luxury, (whom those vast incomes which he scarce dreamed he should ever have arrived unto, and the ornaments of an usurped Sovereignty, kept as it were close prisoner within his own Pa∣lace, amongst a company of Curtezans) procured of Lasthenes the Cretian, a consi∣derable force of mercenary souldires, and with them, he loosed from Crete, and sailed over into Cilicia. The news thereof so frighted Alexander, that he posted away in all haste from Phenice to Antioch, to settle things before Demetrius his arrival. The go∣vernment of Antioch he committed to Hieraces and Diodorus, who is the same with Tryphon, [1 Mac. 11. 39. 1 Mac. 10. 67, 68. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8, Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2. Diodor. Siculus, in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 346.]

Apollonius (sirnamed Daus by Josephus) Governour of Coelosyria, joyned with Demetrius: whom he made General of his Forces, which he sent against those Jews which remained loyal and constant in their engagement to Alexander. Apollonius, having gotten together a great army, the terror whereof made many fall off from Alex∣ander to Demetrius, encamped at Jamnia, and sent to Jonathan (the Jews General, and High-Priest) a ranting challenge to meet him, if he dared, and fight in the plain field. This enflamed Jonathan so highly, that he forthwith marched out of Hierusalem with 10000 men: where his brother Simon met him, to assist him. They pitched their tents before Joppa; but Apollonius his souldiers which were garrisoned there, shut them out; whereupon they layed siege and began their battries, which so dismayed the Citizens, that they opened their gates immediately, and resigned up the City, [1 Mac. 10. 69, 76.]

As soon as Apollonius heard of the losing of Joppa, he marched away to Azotus with three thousand Horse, and his infantry; (which Josephus sayes consisted of 8000) having placed in ambush 1000 of his Horse, who were to fall upon Jonathans reare, as soon as he was past the place where the ambush lay: and Apollonius himself faceing about, would charge the enemies Van; so that the Jews were to be assaulted one both hands. As soon as Jonathan was passed the place, and espyed these of the ambush to discover themselves, and to encompasse his Camp: He commanded his men to stand still, and receive the enemies darts with their sheilds: When the Horse had quite tired out themselves, and exhausted their quivers, having played their darts from mor∣ning till night. Then Simon lead up his Forces against the enemies Foot; discomfited them, and made them quit the field. The Horse upon their routing, made what haste they could to get to Azotus, and they entred into Bethdagon their idol Temple for their safety. But Jonathan set fire on Azotus, and the Cities round about it; took great spoiles, burnt Dagons Temple to the ground, and also they that had fled thither peri∣shed in the flames: So that near 8000 men were destroyed by the sword and by the fire. Jonathan removed thence and pitched before Ascalon, where the men of the City treated him very nobly. After this victory Jonathan returned Conqueror to Hie∣rusalem with his army loaded with great booty and spoiles. When King Alexander heard the news of Jonathans successes, he continued to shew his respects to him, and sent him a golden buckler, which was usually given to those of the blood Royal; he gave also Accaron with its territories (a City of the Philistins) to him and his heirs for ever, [Ibid. 77, 89.]

The Carthaginians, after they had got the better in their encounter with Piso the Consul, at Hippo, sent their Embassadors into Macedonia, to Andriscus (generally re∣puted the son of Perseus) moving him to persist couragiously in his war against the Ro∣mans; promising, that he should never want money nor shipping from Carthage, [Appian. in Libyc. pag. 67.]

Q. Caecilius Metellus, the Roman Praetor (not Consul, as Florus hath it, and the Latin Interpreter of Pausanias his Achaicks) being sent against Andriscus with a great army, came into Macedonia; There he perswaded the Commissioners (which the Senate had sent to receive information of the affairs in Asia,) that before they passed over thither, they would go to the Commanders of the Achaians, and charge them for a while to surcease the war they had undertaken against the Lacedemonians. They delivered to Damocritus and the Achaians, the injunctions (they received from

Mebellas) when they had now led up their army, against the Lacedemonians; so that when they perceived that no discourse of theirs wrought any thing upon the resolutions of the Achaians, they went onward into Asia, [Pausan. in Acha••cis, pag. 218.]

Metellus being entred Macedonia, Attalus brought his fleet to his assistance, by the help whereof he put a stop to Andriscus, who was somewhat fearfull of the sea coast, who having brought up his army a little beyond Pydna, though his Cavalry had got the better of the enemy, yet here treated back for fear of the Roman foot, and divi∣ded his army into two brigades, one of them he sent into T••••ssaly to wast that Coun∣try, the other he kept to himself. Metellus, not much valuing that inconsiderable party, marched towards them; and having beaten their forelorne, discomfited the main bo∣dy: Andriscus fled into Thracia, where after he had levyed a new army engaged with Metelius, but upon the overthrow of his party, he fled to Byzes, a petty King of Thrace, who betrayed him into the hands of Metellus. One Alexander also, who gave out, that he was the son of Perseus, having gathered an army, seized upon part of the Country which lay next to the river Nestus; but Metellus pursued him as far as Dardania. [Strabo lib. 1. 13. pag. 624. Vellei. Paterculi lib. 1. Flor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Zonar. ex Dione.] The false-Philips power by the loss of 25000 of his souldiers thus utterly defeated, and himself also taken prisoner, Macedonia was recovered by the Romans, [Eutrop. lib. 43.] Spurius Postumius and Lucius Piso being Consuls, [Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis.] in the fourth year of the 157 Olympiad, (in the close of the year) [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scalig, pag. 229.]

P. Cornelius Scipio, the Consul, with his own fleet, and five ships of the Sidenses, which Mithridates King of Pontus sent unto him, fought at sea with the Cartha∣ginians before the walls of Carthage. [Appian. Libyc. page 75, 76.]

The Aradans contriving the ruine of the Maratheans (in Phaenicia) sent privately to Ammonius, (who at that time was Viceroy in Syria under Alexander Bala) ••ffer∣ing him 300 talents, prevailed with him to deliver them Marathum: Whereupon Ammonius sent Isodore to the Maratheans, who, by his speech, was to pretend some other matters, but really went to excuse the commands he received to seize upon Marathum, and to deliver it up to the Aradians. The Marathiaus, observing how that the Aradiaus were higher than themselves in the Kings favour; denying the Kings souldiers entrance into their City, out of the most aged Citizens, made choice of ten of the most famous amongst them, and sent them as suppliants to the Island Aradus, with some of the oldest images of their gods which they had in their City: hoping therewith to appease the fury of the Aradians. But the Aradians bloud being up, and highly provoked, slighted the common law of such humble addresses, cast of all reve∣rence of the gods, brake the images, and trampled them most shamefully under their feet. And when the Ambassadors were stoned by the people, some Senatours which interposed themselves, had much adoe to convey them safe to prison. Who, when they made their complaints, and pleaded the priviledge of suppliants, and the sacred, and not to be violated rites of Ambassadors, they were massacred by a company of impudent young fellows. The authors of this villany came immediately after into the assembly, and having taken of the rings off those Maratheans which they had killed, they counterfeited letters to the Maratheans in the Ambassadors names; in which they intimated that the Aradians would suddenly send them some supplies: up∣on this policy, That the Maratheans, ignorant of the plot, having admitted the Aradian forces into their City, in confidence they came for no other end but to assist them, might be surprized unawares. Whereupon they seized upon all the ships belonging to private men, least happily some one might discover their plot to the Maratheans: for all this, a certain Marriner, a friend to the Maratheans, pittying their sad condition, (who usually sayled in the neighbouring sea) took his ship, and by night boldly passed that streight, which consisted of about eight furlongs, and discovered to the Mara∣theans, how that the Aradians had a designe of circumventing them. When the Aradians perceived their plot was revealed, they desisted to deal any longer by letters. [Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 29. & in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 349, 350.] But they setting upon Marathum by open force; they took the City, demolished it, and shared the territory amongst themselves. [Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 753.]

A fourth observation of the Autumnall Equinox. [Year of the World 3858] was made by Hipparchus at mid∣night, in the 32 year of the third Calippic Period. On the third day of the Egyptian Additionalls (at the beginning of the 27 day of the Julian Septem.) the 178 year from the death of Alexander, or rather 177 ending, the 178, being to begin after two dayes next ensuing. [Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

In the same year of the same Calippic Period, [The Julian Period 4568] the 178 year from the death of Alex∣ander, [Year before Christ 146] on the 27 day of the Egyptian moneth Mechir, (the 24 day of March Julian)

in the morning, Hipparchus writeth, that the Vernal Equinox was most exactly ob∣served by him. [Id. Ibid.]

C••. Cornelius Lentulus, and Lucius Mummius being Consuls, Carthage was demo∣lished. [Vellei. Paterc. lib. 1.] On which occasion, Scipio, considering the revolutions of humane affairs, and fearing least some such fate should happen some time or other to Rome it self, pronounced these verses,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The day shall come when sacred Troy shall fall, And Priam with his stock sink therewithall.

As he himself confessed to his Master Polybius, who was then present, and hath in∣serted this passage in his History. [Appian. in Libic. pag. 82.]

L. Mummius the Consul, who was sent from the Senate to make an end of the Achaick war, came to the Camp with a smal company, and after he had given orders to Metellus (who managed the Achaick war, as soon as he had accomplished the Ma∣cedonian) to march away with his forces into Macedonia, he stayed a while at the Isthmus, until such time as he had drawn up his whole body, which consisted of 3500 Horse, and 23000 Foot. There were in this army some Archers out of Creet, and Philopaemen brought him a brigade from Attalus out of Pergamus, which lies above Caicus. The Consul, having defeated Diaeus at the Isthumus (the last Achaian Praetor, and the first ring-leader in these Achaian commotions) on the third day after the fight, entred Corinth, with trumpets sounding, and after he had taken the spoiles of the City, levelled it to the ground, [Liv. lib. 52. Vellei. P••ercul. lib. 1. Iustin. lib. 34. cap. 2. Florus, lib. 2. cap. 16. Pausan. in Achaic. pag. 221. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 3.] In the third year of the 158, (for so it is in Pliny, and not the 156) Olympiade, and according to Var∣roe's computation, the DCVIII year since Rome was built. [Plinie lib. 34. cap. 2.]

Polybius, poasting out of Africa, to the relief of his Country, espyed some Pictures of the most exquisite artists lying upon the ground at Corinth, and the souldiers playing at dice upon them: two of them he makes mention of in his History, upon one was portraited Hercules tortured in the shirt which Deianira sent him, the other was Bac∣chus his Picture drawn by Aristides the Theban, of whom some think that proverb was derived, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, This is nothing to Bacchus, (that is, Aristides his Picture of Bacchus. [Strabo. lib. 8. pag. 381.] When L. Mummius understood that King Attalus had bought this Picture of Bacchus (from amongst the spoyles that were set to saile) for six thousand sestercies (or 102 talents, as Pliny hath it, lib. 7. cap. 38. and lib. 35. cap. 10.) He marvelled much at the highnesse of the price, and suspecting much that there might be some rare vertue in it which he wot not of, revoked the sale much against Attalus his mind, and placed the picture in Ceres her Chappel at Rome. [Plin. lib. 35. cap. 4.] For he knew so little what belonged to such things, that when he had culled out some exquisite pieces, and statues of the best Artists to be carryed into Italy, he told those that had the charge of them, if they lost any of them by the way, they should restore new ones for them. [Vellei. Pa••ercul. lib. 1.] What hangings, and other ornaments seemed admirable, were sent away to Rome: others of lesse value were given to Philopaemen, and conveyed to Pergamus. [Pausanias in Achaic. pag. 221.]

Ptolemei Philometor, having gotten together great forces both by land and sea, came out of Egypt into Syria, under pretence to help Alexander Bala his son in law, but, in∣deed, to annex the kingdom of Syria (of which Alexander was deprived) to his own dominions: And when, in obedience to the commands of Alexander, all the Cities had received him peaceably, he placed a Garrison of souldiers in every one of them, pretending Alexanders interest. [1 Mac. 11. 1, 2, 3.]

As soon as Ptolemei was come near Azotus, they shewed him the Temple of Da∣gon, which was lately burnt, and the ruines of Azatus and the Suburbs thereof, and the heaps of the dead bodies of those that were slain in the war, and were burnt by Jona∣thans command, for they had laid them on heaps in the way that he was to passe: and although they had made an envious relation of whatever Jonathan had done, on pur∣pose to Maligne him, yet the King replyed not a word. But Jonathan met the King at Joppa in great state, and was very courteously received by him. From thence they went together as far as the River Eleutherus, where Jonathan took his leave of the King, and returned to Jerusalem. [Ibid. 4, 7.]

Ptolomei, having gotten into his hand all the Cities along the sea coasts as far as Seleu∣cia upon the coast, (situate at the mouth of the River Orontes) imagined wicked coun∣sells against Alexander, complaining, how, That, by his means at Ptolemais, Ammonius

had laid an ambush to circumvent him: and whereas he had demanded that justice might be done him upon Ammonius for the fact, Alexander would not deliver up his person. Hereupon he took away his daughter Cleopatra from Alexander, and gave her in marriage to Demetrius Soter, promising withal, to restore him to his fathers kingdom, [Ibid. 8. 12. compared with Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 8. & Liv. lib. 52.]

The Antiocheans deserted Alexander because of Ammonius, from whom they had received very hard usage: Ammonius, thinking to make an escape in womens ap∣parel, was light upon and slain. Ptolemei went into Antioch, and being by the people thereof saluted King; Crowned himself with two Diadems, the one of Asia, (or Syria) the other of Egypt. But telling them that he was for his part, contented with his own Dominion of Egypt, perswaded the Antiocheans to receive Demetrius, professing that he had a far greater resentment of their present civilities, than of the late exaspera∣tions and contests which had happened betwixt them and his father Seleucus, [Joseph. ut supr. compared with 1 Mac. 11. 13.] And so the Antiochia••s (purposing to make a∣mends by their loyal deportments to the son, for the injuries they had formerly done to the father) resigne themselves up unto him: The old souldiery also of the father, ravished with love of this young man, and preferring the bond of their former oath be∣fore the pride of their new King, went away with their colours to Demetrius, [Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2.]

Alexander was at that time in Cilicia, [1 Mac. 11. 14.] where, upon his consulting the Oracle of Apollo, he is said to have received this answer: viz. That he should be∣ware of that place, which had brought forth a rare sight to be seen, A thing having two shapes: which was generally thought to refer to Abas, a City in Arabia (where Alexander was slain not long after) In this City, there was a certain woman called Herais (having Diophantus a Macedonian for her father, and an Arbian woman her mother, and married to one Samiades) who changed her Sex, and of a woman be∣came a man, taking upon her, her fathers name Diophantus, [Diodorus Siculus, fin. lib. 32. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.]

A fifth observation of the Autumnal Equinox, [Year of the World 3859] was made by Hipparchus, in the 33 year of the third Calippic Period, on the fourth day of the Egyptian Additionals (27 day of the Julian Septemb.) in the morning, [Ptolem. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

Alexander, having gathered together a powerful army, invaded Syria, and wasted all the Territories of Antioch, pillaging and firing wheresoever he came. But Ptole∣mei with his son in law Demetrius, marched towards him, and defeated his whole power in a fight near the River Oenopara. Alexander himself slipped out of the fight with 500 of his souldiers, and made as fast as he could towards Abas, a City of Arabia, to a great Person of Arabia, whom the Writer of the History of the Maccabees calls Zabdiel, Josephus Zabel, Diodor••s Siculus Diocles. But the Commanders of Alex∣anders Party, which were with Heliades treacherously slew Alexander, having co∣venanted before with Demetrius to that purpose, to whom they had sent an Embassie to treat for their own peculiar advantage, and private interest. In the last fight it hap∣pened that Ptolemeis horse, scared with the braying of an Elephant, threw him on the ground, and when he was down, the enemy fell upon him, and wounded him despe∣rately on the head, and had killed him out right, had not his Life-guard interposed, and rescued him: for all that, he lay four whole dayes so senselesse, that he could neither speak himself, nor understand what others spake to him. But Zabdiel the Arabian cut off Alexanders head, and presented it to Ptolemei: who about the fifth day find∣ing some respite from the anguish of his wounds, and pretty well come to himself a∣gain, fed both his fancy and his eyes, the one with the pleasing discourse of the death, the other with the beholding of Alexanders head. But the third day after, Ptolemei himself died, whilst his wounds were dressing, and the Physicians endeavoured to piece his bones, [1 Mac. 11. 14. 18. Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 194. Diodor. Sicul. ut supra. Liv. lib. 52. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 751. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 8.]

Josephus ascribeth five years to Alexandes reign, after the death of Demetrius Soter, [lib. 13. cap. 8.] from which we suppose about 5 moneths are to be deducted: So that, from the authority of the Maccabaic Writer, the death of this man appears to be coincident with Philometors. After Alexanders death, Demetrius, son of Deme∣trius Soter, had the sole government of Syria, in the 167 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [1 Mac. 11. 19.] who because he had overcome one that was not descended of their family, received the same sirname with the first Seleucus author of the Kingly Race, Nicanor, or Nicator, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 131.]

As soon as Ptolemei Philometor was dead, the souldiers which he had placed in the Forts and Cities for the security of Syria, were all slain by the other souldiers in the same Garri••ons, upon the instigation of Demetrius, [1 Mac. 11. 18.] Demetrius also treated the rest of Ptolemeis souldiers very unkindly, forgetting both the assistance which he had afforded, as also the affinity which was betwixt them, by reason of his marriage

with Cleopatra. But those souldiers, abominating the ma•• ingratitude, retreated all of them to Alexandria, leaving onely the Elephants under his power. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8.]

In Egypt, [The Julian Period. 4569] Cleopatra, [Year before Christ 145] the wife and sister of Philometor, lately deceased, counte∣nanced by some Peers of the realm, laboured much to get the kingdom setled upon her son. [Josephus lib. 2. Contra Appian. pag. 1064, Justin lib. 38. cap. 8.] But Pto∣lemei the younger brother of Philometor, surnamed Euergetes II. and Phiscon, who reigned at Cyrene, was sent for from thence to oppose her in her enterprize. Against him Onias (who lately builded the Temple in the Helopolitan Jurisdiction) undertaking the war upon Cleopatraes interest, marched with a small army of Jews to the City Alexandria, at what time Thermus was Leger Ambassador there for the Ro∣mans, as Appion the Grammarian relates in his book against the Jews. [Ioseph. ut sup.]

But Physcon, that he might end the quarrel, forced Cleopatra, who was his elder sister, and had been wife to their own brother, to marry him. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 1.] And as soon as he entred Alexandria, he commanded all those that favoured the young child to be put to death. He slew also the young child himself, as he was in his mothers arms, upon the wedding day in the midst of their feastings and religious solemnities; and so went up into his sister her bed besmeared with the gore of her own son. Neither was his carriage any whit milder to those his Countrymen, which invi∣ted him to the Kingdom, and were his advancers into the throne. For, having given licence to the forreign souldiers to kill and slay at pleasure, there were great inundati∣ons of blood in all quarters. [Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 8.] Many he executed with most cruell tortures, faslely objecting matters of treason unto them: Others he proceeded against by confiscation of their estates, and banishment, for no other impeachments than what he himself had forged and drawn up. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 350.]

Jonathan, having drawn together those that were in Judea, and prepared many Engines, laid siege to the Tower that was in Jerusalem: Information hereof was car∣ryed to Demetrius Nicator, by certain ungodly persons, and haters of their own nation. The King hereupon, being incensed, wrote to Jonathan, to leave off the siege, and to meet him in all hast at Ptolemais, that they might have some conference together about the matter. Jonathan would not draw off his siege, yet ventured to go to the King, He, the Elders and the Priests, taking along with them some pre∣sents, whereby they soon pacified the Kings wrath: and Jonathan made so fair an Apologie for himself, that the King dismissed the informers, confirmed the High Priesthood upon him, and counted him as one of his chief friends: Moreover, Jona∣than promising to give unto the King 300 talents, procured of him a release for all Judea, and the three siegniories thereunto annexed (of wich mention is made in 1 Mac. 10. 30.) Viz. Apherima, Lydda, and Ramath, from all tithes and tribute, whatsoever which were formerly paid to the Kings. Letters hereof from the King to Lasthenes, (who with the Cretians Auxiliaries brought Demetrius to the king∣dom) whom he stiled Cousin and Father, are to be seen. [1 Maccab. 11. 20, 37.]

Demetrius, seeing there was now peace throughout the kingdom, and no op∣position made against him, disbanded his old hom-bred souldiers, and contined in arms, onely those bands of forraigners which he had levyed in Crete and other Islands. This turned the hearts of his fathers souldiers against him. [1 Mac∣cab. 11. 38.] who constantly received their salaries from other Kings, his Pre∣decesso••rs in times of peace, so that thereby they might be more ready and more chearfull to serve them upon all dangers, and emergencies. [Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 8.]

Diodotus, one of Alexander Balas his Commanders, (who after was made King, and took upon him the name of Tryphon) took notice of this alienati∣on of the souldiery from Demetrius. He was born at the Castle of Secoan, in the Apamians Country, and brought up at Apamia. [1 Maccab. 11. 39. Strabo lib, 16. pag. 752. Livie lib. 52. & 55. Iosephus lib. 13, cap. 9. Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] This Tryphon went to Elmalchuel the Arabian (who was entrusted with the education of Antiochus, Alexander Balaters young child) and told him whatsoever Demetrius Nicator had done, and the differences betwixt him and the souldery; urging and pressing him very hard to deliver up unto him the young child, and he would undertake to settle him in his fathers kingdom. But finding the Arabians averse from his motion, he tarryed there many dayes. [1 Maccab. 11. 39, 40.]

In the mean time Demetrius Nicator supposing himself secure and out of Gun∣shot, proceeded against all those that had appeared against him by unusuall kinds of death: Lasthenes, that wicked and rash fellow (who was appointed over the whole kingdom) corrupting the youth, and by his faunings and fair speeches, putting him forward upon most villanous attempts. [Diod. Sicul. in Excerptis Vales. pag. 346.]

Jonathan sent Ambassadors to Demetrius, [Year of the World 3860] desiring him to remove his Garrison souldiers out of the Tower of Hierusalem, and all other Forts, because they continued to infest the Israelites with war. Demetrius replyed, That he would not onely grant Jonathan his request, but would also make him and his nation glorious, when he saw convenient time: for the present, he desired him to send him some souldi∣ers to his assistance, in regard his own souldiers were most of them revolted from him. Jonathan gratified him in his request very readily, and sent him to An∣tioch 3000 stout men, which the King entertained very joyfully. [1 M••ccab. 11. 41, 44.]

Demetrius, well provided with forreign sorces (in whom he reposed greater confi∣dence than in his own) commanded to disarm the Antiocheans: But the Antioche∣ans did not onely refuse to deliver up their armes, but assembled themselves into the midst of the City, to the number of 120000, and attempted to take away the Kings life; they forced him to retreat to his Pallace, whereupon they secured all the passa∣ges of the City, and began to assault him in the Pallace. But the Jews hasted to his re∣lief, who, dispersing themselves about the City, slew on that day near upon 100000 men, fired the City, and took much booty: whereupon the Citizens laid down their arms, and made peace with the King. The Jews having got a great deal of honour in this service both from the King, and the whole kingdom returned richly laden with spoiles to Jerusalem. [1 Maccab. 11. 45, 52. compared with Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 346.]

Upon the consuming of the greatest part of Antioch by fire, and the executing of many about the sedition, and confiscation of estates into the Kings Exchequer, ma∣ny of the Cityzens were forced to escape, what out of fear, what out of hatred to De∣metrius, wandring about Syria, catching at all opportunities to avenge themselves of Demetrius. In the mean time, Demetrius, (whose actions had rendred him odious to all men) persisted in his massacres, banishments, confiscations, far surpassing his father in cruelty. [Diodorus Siculus. Ibid. pag. 349.] Moreover, he did but dissem∣ble with Jonathan: Notwithstanding, his fair speeches, and estranged himself from him, and afflicted him very sorely, [1 Maccab. 11. 53.] he threatned also to wage war with him, unlesse he would discharge all those tributes, which the nation of the Jews were wont to pay to his Predecessours. [Josephus, lib. 13, cap. 9.]

Diodotus (who is Tryphon) returned at length into Syria out of Arabia, [The Julian Period 4570] with young Antiochus (son of Alexander Bala and Cleopatra, [Year before Christ 144] the daughter of Ptolemei Philo∣metor) set the Crown upon his head, and vouched him the right heir of the Crown, and surnaming him Theos or Divine. And being provided or a pretty considerable party, in regard all the forces which Demetrius had chashiered came flocking in unto him, he set upon Demetrius in plain field, overcame him in battle, and made him fly into Seleucia. But Diodorus seized on his Elephants, and wan Antio••h. [1 Mac. 11. 54, 55, 56. compared with Livy, lib. 52. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 9. & 12. about the begin∣ning, and Appian. in Syriac. pag. 132.]

Then Antiochus (or rather Diodotus in his name) sent letters and Ambassadors to Jonathan, confirmed the High Priesthood to him, granted him the four Seigni∣ries (Ptolemais perhaps was added to the three which were named in the end of the year before, out of 1 Maccab. 10. 30, 39.) and did him the honour to be one of the Kings friends. He sent unto him also Chargers of gold to be served in, and gave him leave to drink in vessels of gold, and to be cloathed in purple, and to wear the golden buckle. Moreover, he appointed his brother Simon Generall of all the Kings forces, from the tract of Tyre, to the borders of Egypt. [1 Maccab. 11. 57, 58, 59.] Jonathan, being very glad of the favours and honours Antiochus had so bounti∣full conferred upon him, sent his Ambassadours also to Antiochus, and his Guardian Tryphon, professing that he would be their friend and associate, and joyn in arms a∣gainst the common enemy Demetrius, of whose ingratitude he complained, in that he had requited his civilities and courtesies with many shrewd turns, and injuries. [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.

Diodotus (all Syria being now in disrelish of Kings) made use of Coracesium a Ca∣stle of Cilicia, for his head quarters, and moved the Cilicians, to joyn with him in Py∣racy at sea. [Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 688.]

Demetrius residing at Laodicea, spent his time idly, in revelling and luxury: yet abated nothing of his injurious prosecutions, being no whit reformed by the late cala∣mities which befel him, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 353.]

At which time Ptolemei Euergetes the second, or Physcon was installed in the Pa∣lace at Memphis, according to the solemn Rite of the Egyptians. Queen Cleopatra (who was both sister and wife to him and his brother Philometor) bore him a son: he was so exceeding joyful thereat, that he named him Memphites, because he was born whilst his father was imployed in the holy solemnities at Memphis: yet during the celebration of his sons nativity, he abstained not from his cruell practises, but issued out commands to execute some of the Cyrenians (who were the first bringers of him into Egypt) for that they had been somewhat too free and sharpe in reproving him for his Curtesan Irene, [Id. ib. pag. 354.]

When Jonathan had gotten leave of Antiochus, to wage war against Demetrius his Captains, having drawn together souldiers out of Syria and Phenicia, as well as out of other places, he speedily traversed all the Cities situate beyond the River Jordan: and with all his Syrian auxiliaries marched to Ascalon, where the Citizens went out to meet him very honourably, But removing from thence to Gaza, he was denied entrance, and the Citizens shut their gates against him; whereupon Jonathan laid close siege to the City, and plundered and fired the Suburbs. This strict proceeding inclined them to petition for peace, which was granted them upon their tender of hostages. Jona∣than, after he had sent away the hostages to Heirusalem, marched clean thorough the Country as far as Damascus, [1 Maccab. 11. 60, 61, 62. Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 9.]

The Princes of Demetrius were come to Cades a City of Galilee, upon design of drawing back Jonathan from medling in Syria, and engaging him in the relief of his own subjects the Galileans. Jonathan marched against them, leaving his brother Si∣mon behind him in Judea: who vigorously assaulted Bethsura many dayes, and after a long siege, forced them to resign: he threw out Demetrius his souldiers, and put in a Garrison of his own in their room, [1 Mac. 11. 63, 66. & 14. 7. 33. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.]

As for Jonathan and his army, they encamped by the Lake of Gennesaret, and be∣times in the morning, came to the plain of Asor, where Demetrius his Forces met him, having placed beforehand an ambush amongst the mountains: which as soon as they discovered themselves, the Jews fearing they might be intercepted and put to the sword, betook themselves to their heeles: so that all of them deserted Jonathan in this great danger, except Mattathias the son of Abasalom, and Judas the son of Calphi, the two chief Commanders of the army, who stuck to him with a Band of fifty well resolved men: Jonathan, having first humbly implored the Divine assistance, faced about with those few that were with him, charged the enemy, and worsted them: when those that had deserted Jonathan saw that the enemy was put to flight, they re∣turned again into the field, and pursued the enemy to their own Camp, as far as Cades. There fell that day of the Heathens about three thousand men: so Jonathan returned to Jerusalem, [1 Mac. 11. 67, 74. Ioseph. ut supr.]

Jonathan, observing that his affairs were now in a fair way, sent Numerius son of Antiochus, and Antipater son of Jason, Embassadors to Rome, about confirming and renewing the alliance and association which was formerly begun with Judas Macca∣beus, [1 Mac. 12. 1, 16.] To whom also they gave instructions, in their return home∣ward from Rome to visit the Lacedemonians, and to mind them of the alliance, and ancient League made with the High-Priest Onias, the third of that name; sending a letter to the same purpose, wherein the people of Judea amongst other things, signi∣fied, how that as a testimony of their continued affection towards them, they constant∣ly remembred them as their own brethren in their solemn sacrifices and devotion, [Ibid. 2. 3, 18. Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 9.]

Jonathan, having received intelligence how that Demetrius his Commanders were returned with a far greater army, than they had before, to fight against him: drew out of Hierusalem, and marched against them in the Country of Amathis situate in the utmost borders of Canan: And, encamping within 50 furlongs of the enemy, sent out his Scouts to view the enemies posture and fortifications. Jonathan, having learned by some prisoners which the Scouts had brought in, how that the enemy had designed to fall upon them on the sudden, and unawars; commanded his souldiers to stand with their arms all night in a posture ready to receive the enemies charge: placing his guards thoroughout the Camp. When the enemy heard that Jonathan was drawn up in batalia, and was provided for their onset, they began to be afraid; whereupon they stole away privately by night, having kindled fires thoroughout the Camp, to deceive the Jews. In the morning Jonathan pursued them, but to no purpose; for they had already gotten to the other side of the River Eleutherus. Jonathan therefore bent his

course into Arabia against the Zabadeans (or Nabatians, as Josephus hath it) and smote them, and took their spoiles: from thence he removed with his whole body to Damascus, and passed through the whole Country, hunting and chasing the Demetri∣ans from place to place. His brother Simon lay not idle all this while, but was enga∣ged in an expedition as far as Ascalon, and the Garrison adjacent, from whence he turned aside to Joppa, and seized on it, and put therein a Garrison of his own souldi∣ers to secure it, for there was a report, that the Citizens had an intention to de∣liver up that Garrison to Demetrius his party. [1 Maccab. 12. 24, 34. Iosephus lib. 13. cap. 9.]

The Ambassados of the Jews were brought into the Senate, where they renewed their amity and league with the Romans; who also gave them letters to the Gover∣nours of the severall associations, that they should conduct them safe into Judea. [1 Maccab. 12. 3, 4.] In their return homeward, the Lacedemonians likewise creat∣ed them very civilly, and delivered into their hands the publick Decree, con∣cerning the renewing of their amity, and preserving correspondence betwixt them: A copy whereof is recited upon another occasion, [in the 1 Maccab. 14. 22, 23.] Nu∣menius son of Antiochus, and Antipater, son of Jason, the Iews Ambassadors came unto us, to renew the friendship that was betwixt us. And it pleased the people to receive the men honour∣ably, and to enter a copy of their Embassie amongst the publick records, to the end, the people of the Lacedemonians might have a memorial thereof.

As soon as Jonathan was come back to Jerusalem, he assembled the Elders of the people, and consulted with them about erecting of sco••ces and forts in some convenient places of Judea, and about building of the wall about Jerusalem, and a high and strong wall also betwixt the fort (Sion) and the City, to hinder any one from carrying pro∣vision from the City to the Fort, for they began their reparations, and when they brought their new work to joyn with the remaines of the old wall towards the East, (where was the brook Cedron) they made up that place which was called Chaphena∣tha. Simon also went into other quarters of Judea, and builded Adida in Se∣phela, or the plain, and made it strong with gates and bars. [1 Maccab. 12. 35, 38.]

In the 169 year of the account of the Contracts, [Year of the World 3861] in the reign of Demetrius, the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine, wrote to the Jews in Egypt, concerning the keeping of the feast of tabernacles in the moneth Chislew. [2 Maccab. 1. 7, 8, 9.] i. e. The feast of the Maccabees Dedication, which was observed according to the prescript of the Mosaick feast of Tabernacles, in the moneth Tisri. [Vid. supra. Anno Mundi 3840. a.]

When Tryphon had a designe of putting his young pupill Antiochus beside the kingdom, and feared that Jonathan would appear in armes for the right and defence of the young King, he marched with his forces to Bethsane, which by the Gentiles is cal∣led Scythopolis, thinking to surprize him: Jonathan, hearing of his coming, made to∣ward him with forty thousand choice men, which so disheartened Tryphon, that he was so far from daring to lay hands on him, that he treated him very nobly, recom∣mended him to all his friends, tendered him many presents, and gave command to his souldiers to be as observant of him, as of himself. In the close, he perswaded Jonathan to dismisse his army, and go along with him to Ptolemais, with a few selected men, pro∣mising to resigne it up unto him, and what other Garrisons and Forces he had in those parts. Jonathan, giving credit unto him, sent away two thousand of his souldiers into Galilet, and the residue into Judea, reserving onely a thousand to himself. But as soon as he was entred Ptolemais, Tryphon commanded the gates to be shut: Jonathan was taken, and all that entred with him were put to the sword: neither was Tryphon satisfied with the massacre of those thousand men, but sent his army and some horse into Galilee, to fall upon those two thousand Jonathan had sent thither: who as soon as they heard of the bloody proceedings against their fellows at Ptolemais, they put themselves in a posture of fight. But Tryphons souldiers, considering with themselves that they had to do with desparate men, retreated back again: And so Jonathans soul∣diers came safe into Judea, and all Israel lamented that losse of their Country-men with great lamentation. [1 Mac. 12. 39, 5••.]

After this, Tryphon levyed a great army to come against Judea, and to wast it. Whereupon, Simon, observing the people much disheartned, went up to Jerusalem, and having assembled the people together, profered his endeavour to protect them; so they chose him Generall in the place of Judas and Jonathan his brethren: who ga∣thered all the men of war, made what speed they could to perfect the walls of Jerusa∣lem, and fortified it on every side: He expended vast sums of mony out of his own purse, armed all the men of war of his own nation, and received them into pay. [1 Mac. 12. 53, 54. 13. 1, 10. 14. 31, 32.]

Moreover, Simon sent Jonathan the son of Absalom, with a sufficient army into Joppa: who drave out the inhabitants and resided in it himself; and having well for∣tified it, designing that part for his passage to the Isles of the sea, [1 Mac. 13. 2. and 14. 5, 34.] From whence Strabo also hath noted, that the Jews used this harbour, [lib. 16. pag. 759.]

Tryphon removed from Ptolemais with his army against Judea, carrying Jonathan along with him his prisoner: as for Simon, he encamped in Adida over against the plain. Tryphon, observing that the Jews had put themselves in a posture of fighting, pretended that he kept Jonathan prisoner, for a debt of a 100 talents of silver: upon discharge of this arrear, he promised to release Jonathan; provided, that he sent two of his sons hostages as a security from Jonathans attempting to revenge his imprison∣ment after he got his liberty. But as soon as Simon sent both the money and his bro∣thers sons to him: he falsifyed his engagement, [Ibid. 12, 19.]

Tryphon upon his march against Judea, bent his course by the way which leads to Adoram (or Doran, a City of Idumea, as Josephus hath it) but Simons army attended his motion which way soever he went. Those that were in the Fort (Sion) at Hieru∣salem, sent to Tryphon some Agents, solliciting him very earnestly to make what speed he could to come to them, thorough the Desert, and to supply them with victual. Try∣phon was ready with his Horse for the expedition; but there happened such a great fall of snow that night, that he could not possibly get to them. Whereupon he altered his journey, and marched into the Country of Galaad; as soon as he came near Bas∣cama (or Bascha) he put Jonathan to death: who was there buried: which done, Tryphon retreated back into Syria, [Ibid. 20, 24. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.] Jonathan lived after the decease of his brother Judas Maccabeus 17 years, and about 7 moneths, and enjoyed the High-Priesthood 9 years and a moneth or two.

Simon sent to fetch away the bones of his brother Jonathan, and buried them at Modin, a City of their ancestors: and all Israel lamented him many dayes. Simon built a Monument over the Sepulchre of his father and his brothers, all exceeding high, of white stone, polished all over: He erected also 7 Pyramids all of a row, in memory of his father, mother, and his 4 brothers: To these he added a Porch of great Pillars, which were of whole stone, on which he caused the Portraiture of Arms and Ships to be engraven, so lively, that they were conspicuous to all that sailed by that way, [1 Mac. 13. 25, 30. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.] Josephus sayes, this rare Sepulchre at Mo∣din lasted to his time: so doth Eusebius Caesariensis, in his little book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The Romans and the Lacedemonians very deeply resented the death of Jonathan: but as soon as they understood by Simons Embassadors, that he was advanced to the High-Priests Office in his brothers room: They wrote to him in Tables of Brasse con∣cerning the renewing of the amity and league, which they had formerly made with Judas and Jonathan his brothers, [1 Mac. 14. 16, 17.] As for the Romans, they stiled the Jews, their Allyes, Friends, Brethren, and went forth to meet Simons Em∣bassadors in an honourable equipage, [Ibid. 40.] And the Inscription of the Letters which the Lacedemonians returned by the Embassadors, (to which also they annexed a Copy of their reply sent before to Jonathan) was this. The Magistrates and Cities of the Lacedemonians to Simon the High-Priest, and the Elders, and to the rest of the people of the Jews our Brethren, Greeting, [Ibid. 20, 24.] The Letters both from the Romans and from the Lacedemonians, were read before the Congregation at Hieru∣salem, [Ibid. 19.]

Antiochus, Theos (or the Divine) son of Alexander Bala, was fraudulently slain by his Guardian Diodotus or Tryphon: who corrupted the Chyrurgions to dispatch him, and to give out that he died of a fit of the stone, whilst they were cutting him. Try∣phon began with his own Country, and seized first upon Apamia, Larissa, the Casians, Megara, Apollonia, and the other Cities adjacent: from thence he went onwards to invade the other part of Syria; he put the Crown Royal on his own head, and made a great desolation in the Country, [1 Mac. 13. 31, 32. Livy, lib. 55. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 752. and Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1.]

Tryphon, having now ascended from a private condition to a Kingly estate, made what haste he could to get his Soveraignty confirmed upon him by the Decree of the Roman Senate. To compasse this, he sent by his Embassadors to the Romans, a golden Meddal of Victory, weighing 10000 crowns: not doubting, but he should ob∣tain from them, the compellation of King, considering the Present which he sent, was not in its self onely very rich, and of a good value; but such, whose name carryed along with it, the happy prognostication of Victory. But his hopes were deluded by the subtilty of the Senate: who received indeed the Present; but withal ordered, that in∣stead of Tryphons name, the Title of the Princely youth (slain by Tryphons trea∣chery) should be engraven upon it, [Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 31.] But he, not one jot

dismayed thereat, caused money, whereof some pieces are still extant, to be coyned with the Inscription of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: King Tryphon: and, of Tryphon the puissant King. For, having had the confidence to usurpe the kingdom it self, he began to take upon him the Title of King also; and to change his old name Diodotus, for that new one of Try∣phon, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.]

Sarpedon, General of Demetrius his Forces, having received an overthrow by Try∣phons army, to whom the inhabitants of Ptolemais associated themselves, retired with his souldiers into the Mediterrean Country: But it happened as the Tryphonian Con∣querours marched along the sea coast betwixt Ptolemais and Tyre, that on the sudden a wave of the sea rising to an incredible height, and rushing with a great violence up∣on the land, soffocated many of them, hurrying some into the sea, and leaving others of them dead in hollow places: and upon its recesse back into its channel, multitudes of fishes were discovered mingled with the dead carkases. Sarpedons souldiers hear∣ing of this disaster, returned thither with all speed: well enough pleased indeed with the destruction of the enemy; but withal gathered up very many of the fishes, and sacri∣ced them before the gates of Ptolemais (where the battle was fought) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 unto Neptune the deliverer, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 758. & Athenaus, lib. 8. cap. 2. out of the History of Possidonius, the Stoick.]

Simon, the Jews General and High-Priest, repaired the Garrisons in Judea: forti∣fying them round with high Towers, great Walls, Gates, and Bars: and supplied them all with victual. His greatest care was to see that B••thsura should be well for∣tified, which was situate in the confines of Judea, and formerly had been the enemies Magazine: He put in it a Garrison of Jews to secure it, [1 Mac. 13. 33. 14. 7. 33.]

Moreover, Simon, observing how that Tryphons actions were all of them meer rapines, sent by the hands of choice men a Crown of Gold to King Demetrius Nica∣tor; requesting him, that he would release Judea from paying of Tributes, [1 Mac. 13. 34, 37. 14. 10, 33.]

Demetrius, hearing that Simons Embassadors were entertained very nobly by the Romans, and that the Jews and the Priests had passed a grant of the government and High-Priesthood to Simon and his heirs, he also confirmed the High-Priesthood un∣to him, and made him one of his friends, [1 Mac. 14. 38, 41.] He wrote also a letter unto him, thus inscribed. King Demetrius to Simon the High Priest, and friend of Kings, and to the Elders and Nations of the Jews, Greeting: Wherein, he intimated his conclu∣ding of a peace with them, a promise of an Amnestie of all past miscarriages, a ratifi∣cation of all former covenants (made to Jonathan, 1 Mac. 11. 32, 37.) a grant of all the Forts unto them, which they had built, and a release of Tribute to all in general, and of custom arising from commodities put to sale, to those of Hierusalem. Thus was the yoke of the Heathen taken off from Israel, in the 170 year of the kingdom of the Grecians: and the people began to date their instruments, and contracts; In the first year, Simon being the Great High Priest General, and Leader of the Iews, [1 Mac. 13. 35, 42. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.]

In those dayes Simon besiged the Gaz••ans, who upon Jonathans death rebelled, and compelled them to a surrender, after he had with his battering Engins forced the Tower. He did not put them to the sword, being wrought upon by the importunities of the Citizens, humbly imploring his pity: but drave them all out of the City. After he had cleared the houses of all their idols, and other uncleanesses, he entered the City, praying God with Hymnes: and after he had placed in the City such as were true worshippers of God: he fortified it, and built a house in it for himself, whereinto he might upon all occasions retire, [1 Mac. 13. 43, 48.]

A sixth observation of the Autumnal Equinox, [Year of the World 3862] was made by Hipparchus in the 36 year of the Calippick Period, on the 4 day of the Egyptian Additionals (Septemb. Ju∣lian 26) at evening about sun-set, [Ptolm. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

Alexandra, afterwards Queen of the Jews, was born at this time, if so be she lived 73 years, as appears out of Josephus, in the last Chapter of the 13 book of Antiquit. and out of the 33 cap. of the Jewish History which is printed at the end of the Paris Bibles of many Tongues, under the title of the second book of the Maccabees. In Arabick we find she was called Salina, out of Eusebius in his Chronicle; Epiphanius in the 29 heresie of the Nazarens, Hierom in [Dan. cap. 9. and 11.] and Severus [Sulpitius, in Sacr, Histor. lib. 2.] Eusebius seems to have taken it (as he is wont to do) out of Julius Africanus; and he out of Justus Tiberiensis, or some other ancient Writer of the af∣fairs of the Jews.

When the Garrison souldiers of the Fort at Jerusalem were destroyed, [The Julian Period. 4572] being pro∣hibited from all provision for two years space, [Year before Christ 142] they were forced to yield themselves. Simon turned them all out, cleared the Fort of all the pollutions of the Idols, and went

into it himself on the 23 day of the second moneth (Ijais) in the 171 year of the king∣dom of the Grecians, with branches of Palms, Harps, Cymbals, Vials, Hymnes, and Songs. He ordained also an anniversarie solemnitie for this day; in regard thereon they were freed from a pestilent enemy, who annoyed them very much in their going up to the Temple. Moreover, he made the Fort stronger than it was, and the Tem∣ple-mount, over which it looked, for the greater security, both of the Country, and of the City, and there he dwelt himself with his company, [1 Mac. 13. 49, 3. 53. & 14. 7. 36, 37.]

Simon seeing his son John (Syrnamed afterwards Hyrcanus) to be a very valiant man, appointed him Captain of all his forces, and dwelt himself in Gazara, [1 Mac. 1••. 53.] in the confines of Azotus, where the enemies formerly inhabited, but Simon dislodged them, and planted the Jews in their room, [XIV. 7, 34.] namely, that Gadara, which Strabo saith the Jews afterward made their own. [lib. 16. pag. 759.]

Cleopatra, Ptolemei Philometors daughter, brought unto Demetrius Nicator a young son Antiochuss, sirnamed afterwards Grypus, from his hook nose, if so be he lived 45 years, as Josephus computes. [lib. 13. cap. 21.]

In the 37 year of the third Calippick Period, of Nabonassars 607, on the 20 day of the Egyptian Tyb (January Julian 27 ending) two hours before midnight, an Eclipse of the Moon in Rhodes was observed by Hipparchus. [Ptolem. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Demetrius, considering with himself how that now most of his Cities were revolt∣ed from him, and had shaken off his command, that he might wipe off the scandall of sloth and sluggishnesse, determined to engage in a war against the Parthians. Over the Parthians at that time reigned Mithridates, son of King Pampatius, called Arsa∣ces, or Arsacides, (the common name of all the Parthian Kings) nothing inferiour to Arsaces himself, his great Grandfather, the founder of the Parthian Monarchy, from whom that surname was derived to all the successours. For he by his prowesse extended the Parthian Empire, from the east side, as far as the river Indus, and from the west, as far as Euphrates. [Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1. and 41. cap. 5, 6. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.] Before we treat of Demetrius his Parthian Expedition, it will not be amisse to shew how Mi∣thridates arrived to that vast dominion.

At that very juncture of time allmost, when as Mithridates began to reign over the Parthians, Eucratides took upon him the command of the Bactrians, gallant men both, but a more benigne fortune attended the Parthians, which, under the conduct of Mi∣thridates, led them as it were by the hand, to the highest pinacle of soveraignity; whilst the poor Bactrians disturbed and tost with severall wars, lost in the close, not onely their dominions, but their liberty. For after the Sogdians, the Arachats, the Dranga∣nites and the Indians, had well bated them by their continuall wars with them: the feeble Parthians set upon them, at last, when they were quite tyred, and as it were bloodlesse. [Iustin lib. 41. cap. 6.] Arsaces or Mithridates, having pursued this his victory as far as India, and found no difficulty in subduing the Country, where Porus of old reigned, and the other nations lying between the river Hydaspes and Indus. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 358. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.] These Bactrians were the reliques of the Grecians, who having taken Bactriana from the Kings of Syria, the successors of Seleucus Nicator, seized also upon Ariana, and India, and got not onely Pattalena into their hands, but all the sea coasts; as well that which is called the kingdom of Tessariostus, as that of Sigartis; and which is more. Apollodorus (a∣gainst the common opinion indeed) affirms in his book of the Parthian affairs, that they were masters of a greater part of India than ever Alexander himself and his Macedonians were: Adding moreover, That Eucratides had in India under his own jurisdiction 1000 Cities. [Stra. l. 11. p. 516. & l. 15. p. 686.] As for Eucratides, he in all the wars (for he was engaged in many) behaved himself with much prowess: when he was worn out with the continuance of them, and was closely besieged by Demetrius King of the Indians, all∣though he had not above 3000 souldiers with him by his dayly sallies forth, wasted the enemies atruy consisting of 60 thousand: and being at liberty in the fifth moneth, re∣duced all India under his command. In his retreat homeward, he was slain by his own son, whom he had made joynt partner with him in the kingdom: He did not go about to dissemble or smother his parricide, but drove his Chariot through the blood, and commanded the dead corps to be cast aside into some by-place or other, unburied, as if he had slain an enemy, and not murdered a Father. Whilst these things were acting amongst the Bactrians, a war was commenced betwixt the Parthians and the Medes. The incounters of these two nations had their interchangeable successes for a while: at last, the Parthians got the better. Mithridates, being strengthened by the ac∣cession of these forces, appointed Bacasis over Media, whilest he himself marched into Hircania: as soon as he returned from thence, he engaged in a war with the King of the Elymites, beat him, and annexed that nation to his other dominions: so that by

his several conquests, he enlarged his Dominion of the Parthians, from the moun∣tain Caucasus, as far as the River Euphrates, [Justin. lib. 41. cap. 6.] For having con∣quered Demetrius N••cators Leivtenant, he invaded the City Babylon, and all the bor∣ders thereof, [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.]

The Grecians and Macedonians of the upper Provinces, not brooking the insolen∣cies of those strangers the Parthians, sent often Embassages to Demetrius Nicator, en∣gaging themselves, that if he would but come unto them, they would yeild themselves up unto him, and joyn with him in opposing Arsaces the King of Persia and Media. Inflamed with this hope, he made what speed he could towards them: and in the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, having drawn up all his Forces together, mar∣ched into Mesopotamia, trusting ere long to get both it, and Babylon, and Media, all at once into his hands: not doubting, but by the association of the upper Provinces with him, he should easily chase Tryphon out of the kingdom of Syria. Upon his arri∣val into those parts, he was received with great alacrity, and being assisted by the aux∣liaries of the Persians, Elymites, and Bactrians, gave many an overthrow to the Par∣thians. But at last, he was over-reached by one of Arsaces his Nobles, who upon pre∣tence of concluding a peace, was sent to seize upon his person. He was surprised by an Ambuscado, and having lost his whole army, fell alive into the hand of the enemy: who led him thorough the streets of the City, shewed him to the people which revol∣ted, in mockery of their favour towards him, and at last committed him close prisoner, [1 Mac. 14. 1, 2, 3. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9. fin. Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1 & l••b. 38. cap. 9.] Gorgius Syncellus addes, how he was kept in irons, and upon that occasion was sur∣named Siderites.

Although Arsaces was advanced to such a vast command, yet did he not proceed to luxury and pride, (which is the usual practise of most Princes) but expressed a great deal of Clemency towards his subjects, and valour against his enemies. And when he had brought several Nations under his command, he selected out of every one of them, the choicest institutions and laws, and communicated them to his Parthians, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 361.] As for Demetrius who was sent away into Hircania, he did not onely freely give unto him the respect due unto a King, but also gave him his daughter to wife, promising moreover, to restore unto him the kingdom of Syria, which Tryphon had disseized him of, [Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1. & lib. 38. cap. 9.] Although Appian writes that Demetrius lived at Pharaates Court (the Brother and Successour of Mithridates) and married his sister Rhodogu••a, [in Syriacis, pag 132.]

In the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, on the 18 day of the (6) moneth Elul, about the ending of the third year of Simons High Priesthood (commencing from the death of his brother Jonathan, after whom he succeeded in the High Priesthood) in a great assembly of the Priests, and the people, the Rulers of the Nation and the Elders of the Country, an instrument was published, specifying how well Simon had deserved of the Jewish Nation, and the right of Soveraignty granted to him and his posterity, that he should be their Governour, and that he should have the oversight of those that were over the workes and reparations of the Temple; over the Go∣vernours in the Country, over the Commanders in the army, and the Captains of the Garrisons: That he also should have the charge of the holy things, and should be obeyed of all men; That all writings in the Country should be signed with his name; That he should be clothed in Purple, and weare Gold, That it should not be lawful for any of the Priests or the people, to repeal any of these Decrees, or contradict any thing he spake, or gather any assembly in the Country, without his permission; or to wear Purple, or use the golden Buckle. Simon accepted hereof, and was well conten∣ted to execute the High Priests Office; to be General and Commander of the Jews and the Priests, and to be over them all. Then commanded they this writing to be put in Tables of brasse, and to be hung on the pillars in the porches of the Temple, in an open place; and that a copy also of the same should be kept in the Treasury of the Temple, that Simon and his sons might take them out upon occasion, [1 Maccab. 14. 26, 49.]

The souldiery growing weary of Tryphons deportment, [Year of the World 3864] revolted from him to Cleo∣patra the wife of Demetrius Nicator, [The Julian Period. 4574] who at that time had shut her self up with her children in Seleucia. [Year before Christ 140] But she sent to Antiochus brother to Demetrius, her husband (who was close prisoner) offering him marriage, and the kingdom. This she did, partly by the advice of her friends, partly because she feared, least some of the Seleucians would deliver up the City to Tryphon, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 12.]

This Antiochus, son of Demetrius Soter; in Josephus, [lib. 7. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 13. cap. 16.] is called (because of his religion) the Pious: and [in lib. 13. cap. 12.] by his fathers sirname Soter; in Trogus Pompeius, [in prolog. lib, 39.] and in Eusebius [in his Chronicles.] Sidetes, vel Sedetes: either from his hunting (which in

Syrick is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and to which sport he was much addicted, as Plutarchs Problemes in∣timate: or from the City Sidon, from whence (as Georgius Syncellus writeth) he came to besiege Tryphon. Justin relates, how that at first he was brought up in Asia, and by his father Demetrius Soter, entrusted, with his elder brother Demetrius Nicator, to an hoast at Cnidos, [Justin, lib. 35. cap. 2. & 36. cap. 1.] Appian writes, how that he received at Rhodes, and from the Islands of the sea, the news of his brothers con∣finement, and what ensued after, [in Syriac. pag. 132.] We read also in [1 Mac. 15. 1, 2.] that he (after he had assumed upon him the title of King) wrote letters to Si∣mon the High Priest, and Ruler, and to the whole Nation of the Jews.

In these his letters he complained much of the hard usage of his enemies, and shew∣ed, that he was now ready to avenge himself, least he might seem to take upon himself the name of a King to no purpose. In the next place, in design of making Simon his friend, he confirmes unto him all the immunities and priviledges, which other Kings had granted; to which he added a right of coining monies with his own stamp. He decreed moreover, That Hierusulem should be exempted from being under the Kings jurisdiction; promising also, that he would confer more and greater favours, as soon as he was in possession of his kingdom, [Ibid. 3. 9.]

Numenius, [Year of the World 3865] Antiochus his son, [The Julian Period. 4572] and some other Embassadors came to Rome from Simon the High Priest and the people of the Jews, [Year before Christ 139] about renewing their League and amity with the Romans: They brought with them a great shield of God of a thou∣sand pound weight. The Present was well taken; and Lucius the Consul gave them letters to the Kings, and to the Provinces, prohibiting them from attempting any thing which might prejudice the Jews, nor abetting and assisting any that should fight against them; and if at any time any Runnagado Jews should flee out of Judea, and come into their parts, they should deliver them up to Simon the High Priest, to be pro∣ceeded against according to the laws of their Country, [1 Mac. 14. & 15. 15, 21.]

Lucius was that same L. Calpurnius Piso, the Colleague of L. Popilius Laenas, who was sent into Spain against the Numantines, of whose Consulship mention is made in Valerius Maximus, [lib. 1. cap. 5.] after this manner. P. Cornelius Hispalus the Praetor, for strangers (Popilius Laenas, and L. Calpurnius. being Consuls) commanded by his Edict, all Chaldeans to depart the City, and Italy within ten dayes: whose profession it is, by their false interpretation of the influence of the Stars, to cast, thorough their lyes, mists upon vain and foolish minds. Although Stephanus Pighsius (out of Cassiodorus his Fasti Consulares) instead of the praenomen Lucius, hath put Cneus against the authority of the received Copies.

The Kings to whom these Letters were written, were five in number. Ptolemeus Euergetes II. or Physcon of Egypt: Demetrius Nicator of Syria (notwithstanding he was at this time, prisoner to the Parthians.) Attalus Philadelphus of Pergamenine Asia, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and Arsaces or Mithridates of Parthia. The Cities, Countries, and Islands, were 19. Sampsama, (or as in the Latin, Lampsacus) Sparta, Delos, Mynd••s, Sicyon, Caria, Samos, Pamphylia, Lycia, Halicarnassus, Rhodus, Phaselis, Co os, Sida, Aradus, Gortyna, Cnidus, Cyprus, and Cyrene, [1 Mac. 15. 16, 22, 23.]

In the 174 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Antiochus Sidetes returned into the land of his fathers, [Ibid. 10.] where he married Cleopatra, his brothers wife, [Iustin, lib. 36. cap. 1.] who was somewhat vexed for Demetrius his marrying Rho∣doguna, daughter to the Parthian King, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] From this time, Antiochus reigned 9 years, [Porphyr. & Euseb.]

Tryphon had but a very small Retinue, almost all his Forces came away to Antio∣chus. Upon this desertion of the souldiery, he made what haste he could to get into Dora (a maritime City of Phenicia.) Thither Antiochus pursued him, and laid so close siege to the City (both with land Forces, consisting of 120 thousand Foot, and 8 thousand Horse) and also with his Fleet, that he suffered none to passe out or in, [1 Mac. 15. 10, 14.]

In the mean while, Numenius and his company came from Rome, bringing with them letters to the Kings and Provinces, and a copy of the same to Simon the High Priest, [Ibid. 15, 24.]

Simon sent 2000 choice men with silver and gold, and many Engines of war to An∣tiochus at the siege at Dora: But he refused them all; brake whatever covenants he had formerly made with him, and wholly estranged himself from him. He sent like∣wise Athenobius to demand of him, the resignation of Gazara, Joppe, and the Fort in Jerusalem; and to require the Tributs of those places beyond the bounds of Judea which were possessed by him, or in lieu thereof, to demand 500 talents of silver, and in consideration of the hurt he had done, and the Tributes of the Cities, 500 talents more: menacing war ulesse all things were done according to his commands, [Ibid. 25, 31.]

Athenobius, a friend of the Kings, coming to Hierusalem, as soon as he saw Simons

glory, his cupboard set with gold and silver plate, and other furniture of the house, he was astonished, and told him the Kings message. But Simon denied, that they had seized upon any Towns that belonged to others, but onely had recovered from the enemy by law of arms some Towns of their own which were kept back from them. As for Joppe, and Gazara, albeit the people had been much prejudiced by the ene∣my, yet he offered 100 talents. Athenobius returned back in a rage to Antiochus, and told him both what he had heard, and seen: neither was the King himself lesse passionate, when he saw that his commands were not submitted unto, nor his great me∣naces of war regarded, [Ibid. 32, 36.]

In the mean while Tryphon took shipping and escaped away to Orthosias, another maritime City of Phenicia, [Ibid. 37.]

Then did Antiochus make Cendebaeus Governour of the sea coast: and supplying him with Horse and Foot, commanded him to build Cedron (or as the Latin edition hath it, Gedor: concerning which Josh. 15. 58.) and to engage the Jews in a war: as for the King himself, he attended Tryphons motion, [Ibid. 38, 39.]

Cendebaeus being come as far as Jamnia, began to invade Judea, and to take the people prisoners, and to kill and slay: and when he had built Cedron (or Gedor) he placed there some Horse, and some companies of Foot, who were to make out∣roades into the high-ways of Judea, as the king had given him order to do, [Ib. 40, 41.]

John (Hircanus) came up from Gazara, [Year of the World 3866] and signified to his father Simon, what pranks Cendebaeus had played: who now, worn out by old age, committed the whole care and managing of the war to his two elder sonnes, Judas and John. Whereupon they choose out of the Country, twenty thousand men of war, and with some Horse, marched against Cendebeus, and took up quarters that night at Modin, the place of their nativity. From thence the next morning they took the field, where the enemy met them with a powerful army: howbeit there was a Brook betwixt them. John attempted first to wade over, and then the people followed their Lea∣der apace. He divided his body in such wise, that the Horse being placed in the midst of the Foot, they did mutually protect each other, against the enemies nume∣rous Chevalrly. Then founded they with their holy Trumpets, whereupon Cende∣baeus was routed, and many of his army slain; as for the remainder, some of them fled to his Fort (Cedron) which he lately built, and others of them escaped to other places. John (his brother Judas being wounded) pursued them as far as the Towers which were in the fields of Azotus, and in the pursuit, killed about 2000 men: and when he had burnt the Towers to the ground, he lead back his army safe and entire into Judea, [1 Mac. 16. 1, 10.]

Tryphon at last, [The Julian Period. 4576] retired to his own Country-men at Apamea: [Year before Christ 138] at which time that happened which Frontinus relates of him, [lib. 2. Stratagem. cap. 13.] How that all the way he went, he scattered money, on purpose to retarde Antiochus his souldiers in their pursuit of him, and so escaped out of their hands. But Josephus intimates, That Apamea was taken by assault, and Tryphon killed, in the third year after Demetrius was taken prisoner by the Parthians, [lib. 13. cap. 12.] Appian writes, That he was at length taken by An∣tiochus, and slain, though with much adoe, [Syriac. pag. 132.] Strabo, That he was shut up in a certain Castle, and driven to that extremity, that he killed himself, [lib. 14. pag. 668.] and Georgius Syncellus reports, That being driven out of Orthosias, he leaped into the fire and therein perished.

Hierax, General for the war in Egypt, in regard he was a very expert souldier, and very popular in publick assemblies, and moreover of a high spirit, took upon himself the kingdom of Ptolemei Physcon: For, observing Ptolemei in distresse for money, and the souldiers for want of their pay ready to revolt to Galaestes, he compressed the mutiny, by paying the souldiers arreares out of his own purse. As for the King himself, the Egyptians plainly vilified and contemned him, when they saw how childish he was in his discourses, how impetuous and prone to the vilest lusts, and how effeminated in his body by his intemperance, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, pag. 361, & 362.]

In that part of Asia where Pergamus is, Attalus Philadelphus, brother to Eumenes, grew so dissolute thorough long idleness and peace, that Philopoemen, one of his friends swayed him which way he pleased: in such wise, that the Romans in a jeere to him, would often aske of those that sailed out of Asia; whether the King had any interesse in Philopoemen, [Plutarch in lib. whether the managing of a Common-wealth ought to be entrust∣ed to an old man] yet would not Attalus leave his kingdom to any of his own sons; but in his life time, set the Crown upon the head of his brother Eumenes his son (whose Guardian he was) now come to age, and transferred upon him the Title of King, [Id. in Apophthegm. & in lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.]

After the death of Attalus the Uncle, Attalus surnamed Philometor, son to Eumenes by Stratonica, daughter of Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians, held the kingdom of Pergamus five years. [Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 624.]

He no sooner was possessed of the kingdom, but he stained and dishonoured it by the massacres of his friends, and proceedings against his kindred; pretending, how that at one time, his mother, an old woman, at another time, Beronice his spouse, dyed by their enchantments. [Justin. l. 36. c. 4.] And because he was somwhat jealous of the chiefest and most eminent of his fathers friends, least they should engage in some treasonable act against him, he resolved to dispatch them all out of the way: to that end, out of his barbarous mercenaries, he made choice of the most bloudy and covetous of them, and placed them in several private rooms in the palace; and then having called toge∣ther to Court those of his friends which he had in greatest suspition, he committed them to the mercy of the barbarians, who slew them, and immediately after issued out his commands to proceed against their wives and children after the same manner: as for his other friends, who had either command in the army, or were appointed over Cities, some of them he removed by circumventions and treachery: others, as fast as he light upon them, he beheaded with their whole families; so that by reason of his cruelty, he became detestable, not onely to his own Subjects, but also to his neighbours round about: whereupon all under his dominion harkened extreamly after a change in the state. [Diod, Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 370.]

After this mad furious fit was over, [Year of the World 3867] he put on a nasty garment, let his hair and his beard grow as criminous persons use to do; he appeared not in publick, would not shew himself unto the people, gave no entertainments at home, or had the least symp∣tom of a man in his wits: insomuch, that he seemed to be haunted by the ghosts of those he had so lately murdered. [Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 4.]

Attalus, [The Julian Period. 4577] having resigned the government of the kingdom to his nephew, [Year before Christ 137] betook himself to diging of Gardens, sowing of herbs, mingling the unwholsom ones with the wholsom; to all of them he gave a tincture of some poysonous juyce, and sent them as rare presents to his friends. [Id. Ibid,] Neither did he onely sow and plant hen∣bane, and hellebore in the Kings Gardens, but also hemlock, woolf-bane, and the herb doryenium, wherewith arrows are wont to be poysoned: He studyed also to know the nature of their juyces, seeds, and fruits, and to gather them all in their proper season. [Plutarch in Demeirio.] We learn moreover by Varro, [de re rustic. lib. 1. cap. 2.] Colomella, [lib, 1. cap. 1.] and Pliny [lib. 18. cap. 3.] that he writ some books concern∣ing husbandry.

Antiochus Sidetes persecuted extreamely those Cities which had revolted in the be∣ginning of his brothers reign, and having mastered them, joyned them to his own kingdom. [Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1.]

Ptolemei Euergetes the second, [Year of the World 3868] (or Phiscon) slew many of those Alexandrians which had called him first into the kingdom, [The Julian Period. 4578] and banished no small number of those, [Year before Christ 136] who in their minority were brought up with his brother Philometor (with whom he had had some differences) and were now come to age. And having given licence to his forreign souldiers to kill and slay, as they themselves pleased, all places dayly streamed with blood. [Iustin lib. 38. cap. 8. Atheneus, lib. 4. cap. 24. fin.] Moreover, he divorced Cleopatra her self, who was both his sister and wife, and having first ravished her daughter, a virgin, took her to wife. These strange occurrences so apalled the people, that for fear of death they quitted their Country, and went into banishment, some to one place, some to another, in such wife, that Ptolemei and his company were left alone in so spacious a City: and when he saw that he was a King of empty houses ra∣ther than of men, he invited strangers by his edicts, [Iustin ibid.] And upon that ac∣count, replenished the Cities and Islands with Grammarians, Philosophers, Geometri∣cians, Musitians, School-masters, Limners, Physitians, and many other Artizans, who teaching their arts to get their livings, made many excellent men, whereby it came to passe, that the liberall Arts and Sciences, were again restored in those parts; the know∣ledge wereof was interrupted and grown out of date, by reason of the continuall wars and combustions that happened in the times of Alexanders successours, [Athen. ut supra.]

P. Scipio Emilianus (who upon the subversion of Carthage, was surnamed Afri∣canus) Spurius Mummius, and L. Metellus (assigned Ambassadors from the Roman Senate, to ••ee in what condition Kingdoms and Cities of their Allyes were in, and to comp••••mize their differences) took a strict survey of Egypt, Syria, Asia, and Greece. [Cicero. in Somnio Scipionis, Strabo lib. 14. pag. 669. Justin lib. 38. cap. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm. Athenaeus, lib. 6. cap. 18. & lib. 12. cap. 27.] Cicero in Lucullo writes, That Scipio was imployed in this famous Embassie, before he was made Censor: but in Somn••o Scipionis, the same Cicero saith, it was after he was Censor, a little before his second Consulship: Valerius Maximus vouches this Embassie to be perfor∣med by him, after his two Consulships, and his two chief triumphs, the Carthaginian and Numa••tine. [lib. 4, cap, 3.] Polybius, who in a particular treatise hath made a description of the Numantine war, (as appears out of the 5 lib. of Cicero, ad familiar. epist. 12,) mentioneth this Embassie, (as we gather from Athenaeus, [lib. 6. cap. 8. and

out of Suidas in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, compared with Diodorus Siculus, Legat. 32.] not having any fitter introduction to his intented work, then that. Scipio, after he had dis∣patcht that Embassie, was sent out to conclude the Numantine war. And upon that ground, of those three different opinions, we thought it meet to chuse the mid∣dle one.

In this Embassie, Scipio, out of all his friends, took one companion onely along with him, who was not Ca••us Lelius (as it is read in the corrupt Copies of Aurelius victor, de viris illustribus cap. 58.) but Panaetius the Philosopher. [Cicero in Lucullo, Plutarch in Apothgm. and in lib. de Philosophando cum Principibus, out of Posidonius his History.] To whom Athenaeus [lib. 12. cap. 27,] falsely joynes Posidonius the Stoick, who was long af∣ter him, as shall be made appear in his proper place. Scipio had in his retinue five servants onely, by the testimony of Posidonius and Polybius (so that out of them both Valerins Maximus, who assigned seven to him, and Aurelius Victor, who allows two, are to be corrected) and of those one dyed in the journey, yet would not Scipio buy ano∣ther servant, but wrote home for another to be sent from Rome to supply his place of the deceased, [Athenaeus lib. 6. c. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm.] so that as he passed through the Countries of Allyes and Strangers, they did not so much count his slaves as his severall victories: neither was notice taken how great a weight of gold and silver he brought along with him, but of the extent of his greatnesse. [Valer. Maximus, lib. 4. cap. 3.]

Forraigners repairing to Alexandria upon Ptolemei Euergetes his proclamation, [Year of the World 3869] the Ambassadors of the Romans arrived there. [Iustin lib. 38. cap. 8.] When Scipio came out of the ship to land, he walked with his head covered with his cloak, but the Alex∣andrians flocking about him, desired him to unvayle his face, and discover himself to the people, for they had a great mind to behold him: which as soon as he condescended unto, they shouted, and made great acclamations. [Plutarch in Apothegm.]

As for the King himself, who came to meet the Ambassadors, he seemed somewhat rediculous to the Romans, for he was of an horrid look, short stature, swag belly, more like a beast than a man: which uncomlinesse he made seem greater, by the thinnesse of a transparent garment, as if he had contrived on purpose to discover those things, which every modest man would by all means possible endeavour to have concealed; for thus Justin out of Trogus Pompeius, [lib. 38. cap. 8.] hath described the man, whom Athenaeus out of the seventh book of Posidonius the Stoick, hath represented unto us in this guise, [lib. 12. cap. 27.] as Natalis Comes hath interpreted him. His bo∣dy by reason of his luxury was grown grosse and foule, and his belly so big, that a man could hardly compasse him with his arms, which forced him to wear a long garment, with sleeves down to his ancles nor did he ever walk a foot, unlesse at this time, in respect to Scipio: who, observing that the King, by reason of this sluggishnesse and tendernesse of body, could scarce with great straining himself, keep pace with him, whispered Panethius in the ear: Now the Alexandrians have re••ped some fruits from our travel hither, who, in civi∣lity to us, have seen their King walking. [Plutarch in Apothegm.] from whence we may per∣ceive, how well Dalechampius, who translated Athenaeus, hath rendred those words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He never walked on foot, but leaning on his staffe.

The King entertained the Legates very nobly, and shewed them his Palace and his Treasury. But they, being persons eminent in vertue, contented themselves with reaso∣nable dyet, and such as was holsome, scorning that rich provision as prejudicall, both to the mind and body: as for those things which the King esteemed as rarities and ad∣mirable, they onely glanced their eyes upon them, and looked on them as things of no value; but what was worth their eying, those things they viewed most exactly, viz. The cituation of the City, and capacities thereof; and particularly Pharos, and what belonged thereto: thence they sailed to Memphis, and took notice of the goodnesse of the Country, the conveniences of Nilus, the number of the Cities, the infinite thou∣sands of inhabitants, the fortification of Egypt, and the excellency of the Country, how well it was provided, both to the security and extent of an Empire. In brief, having sufficiently admired both the populousnesse of Egypt, and the conveniences of the places therein, they were of opinion, that the kingdom of Egypt would easily swell into a vast Empire, if it were so fortunate as to meet with masters answerable. Af∣ter they had well viewed Egypt, they went to Cyprus, and from thence into Syria. [Diod. Sicul. Legat. 32.]

To Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus was born that famous Mithridates, surnamed Dionysius or Bacchus, and Eupator, whereupon he called the City which he built Eupa∣toria. [Appia••. in Mithridat. p. 176. & 251.] But he was both born and bred in the City Sinope, and therefore held it allwayes in high esteem, and made it the Metropolis of the whole kingdom. [Strabo lib. 12. pag. 545.]

In the same year that Mithridates was born, there appeared a great Comet, [Justin lib. 37. cap. 2.] The very same which Seneca speaks of in lib. 7. cap. 15. of his natural Questions. In the time of Attalus his reign, there appeared a Comet, at the first but small, but afterwards it elevated and spread it self, and came as far as the Equinoctial circle, so that its extent equalized that region of the heaven, which we call the milkie way. For we allow (with Eutropis [lib. 6.] and Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 5.] who usually follow Livy) to Mithridates 72 years of life: but if we had said with Appian, [pag. 249.] that he he lived onely 68 years, or 69 years, then this Comet had appeared after Attalus was dead, and not in his reign.

Simon the High Priest, [The Julian Period. 4579] and ruler of the Jews, [Year before Christ 135] traversing the Cities of Judea, and providing for their orderly government, came down with his sons, Mattathias and Judas to Jericho, in the 177 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, the eleventh moneth, which is called Sabal. There Ptolemei the son of Abubus (Simon the High Priests son in law) entertained them in Doc Castle which he had fortified. This Ptolemei being by his father in law appointed over the province of Jericho, and a very wealthy person, had a great mind to get the government of the Country to himself: whereupon, whilst he was treating Simon and his sons with a banquet, where they had drank somewhat freely, he with his army of Ruffians, whom he had placed in some private place, enter∣ed into the house, and treacherously slew Simon and his sons, and some of his servants. [1 Maccab. 16. 11, 17.] Josephus relates, how that Simon was slain at a banquet by the treachery of his own son in law, after he was set over the Jews just eight years. [lib. 13. cap. 14,] But we gather out of the story of the Maccabees, that he, after the decease of his brother Jonathan discharged the High Priests office for the space of eight years and about three moneths.

Ptolemei immediately after acquainted Antiochus Sidetes the King with this Villa∣ny, desiring him that he would send an army to his assistance; and he would soon de∣liver the Country and Cities of the Jews into his hands. [1 Maccab. 16. 18.] This so sudden intimation of that fact to the King, and the promise of resigning up the Country unto him, gives occasion to suspect, that this businesse was not undertaken, but with the Kings privity; and that that place of honour which the traytour so much aspired after, was before engaged unto him by the King, as a reward of the enterprize, as Jacobus Salianus observes in the epitomie of his Annals: to which is to be reserved that passage in the Pologue of the 36 book of Trogus Pompeius. Antiochus, after Hircanus was slain, subdued the Jews. Hircanus the son, falsely put for Simon the father; as on the contrary, Eusebius in Chronic, touching upon the history, of the conquest of Judea by Antiochus, writes, That he forced Simon the High Priest to conditions, putting Simon the father, instead of Hircanus the son.

This Perfidious Ptolemei sent other villaines to Gazara, to supprize John (Hircanus) and to kill him: He trucked also with the Colonels of the Jewi••sh Militia, and wrote letters unto them, whereby he made large promises to them, if so be they would revolt to his side. He dispatched others also, to seize upon Jerusalem, and the mountain of the Temple: but one ran before to Gazara, and told John, that his father and his bre∣thren were slain, and that others were sent to do as much to him. John, allthough much astonished at the sad news, persecuted the murderers, by falling upon them first; and so was made High Priest in the room of his father. [1 Maccab. 16. 19, 24.]

He•••• ends the first book of the Maccabees, containing the History of XL years, which Josephus continuing onwards, begins with an improbable relation: for saies he, John Hircanus escaped in the very nick to the City, and was received in by the people, who shut out Ptolomei, attempting to enter in at another gate; that John after he had discharged the holy services, led his army out of the City against Ptolomei, and shut him up in the Fort Dagon, situate above Jericho, that whilst John was endeavouring to reduce the fort, Ptolemei commanded to bring both Johns mother, and his two brothers, who were with him in the Fort, and to scourge them soundly with whips, threatning moreover to throw them down over the wall, except he desisted. That John touched with commiseration of their hard usage, grew somewhat coole and faint in his opposition: and although, the mother very resolutely exhorted the son not to re∣lent out of affection to her, but to doe what in him lay to take vengeance of the traytour, yet the hard usage of his mother made such a deep impression in his affections, that he surceased his batteries as often as he beheld his mother whipt. But the Sabbathical year coming on, in which the Jews rested from their works, as on the seventh day John raised his siege, and Ptolemei was set at liberty: who, after he had killed Hircanus his mother, and brothers, flew to Zeno, sirnamed Cotylas, who was governour of Philadelphia. [Iosephus lib. 1. of the war, cap. 2. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 14, 15.]

All which Salianus in the sixth Tome of his Annals, convinces of a great deal of va∣riety, considering the persons, time and place, [ad Ann. Mundi. 3919. Sect. 5, 6, 7. & 3920. Sect. 5, 6.] Where he well adviseth to take notice, That in the Sabbaticall year, the waging of war, or besieging of Cities, or raising of sortifications, was no where prohibited to the Jews, by the Law of God. To which we add moreover, That this year indeed was the Sabbaticall year, but it began not after, but four moneths before, Si∣mons death, viz. in the beginning of the CLXXVII year of the account of the contracts, as appears by the list of the Sabbaticall year, kept by the Jews themselves to their very times.

In the 43 year of the third Calippick Period, on the 29 day of the Egyptian moneth, Mechis (on the beginning of the 24 day of the Julian March) after midnight, the Vernal Equinox was observed by Hipparchus, [Potlem. lib. 3. cap. 2.] and at the end of the same year of the same Period, the summer solstice was also observed by him, [Id. ibid.]

Antiochus Sidetes, in the end of the fourth year of his reign, and in the beginning of the first of Hircanus, entred with an army into Judea, and having wasted the Country, forced Hircanus to retire to the City Jerusalem and then laid siege to it, at seven pla∣ces, having divided his whole army into seven brigades, that so he might obstruct all the passings to and fro of the besieged. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 16.]

Scipio Africanus, and the other Roman Ambassadors, having travelled through very many parts of the world, were received generally with a great deal of affection and love: wheresoever they came, they did their utmost to compromise differences, by reconciling some, and perswading others to yield to what was just and equall: those that were impudently refractory, they forced to a condescention, and when they met with any causes, which were somewhat difficult to be decided, those they referred to the Senate. And having had this commerce with divers Kings and people, and re∣newed their ancient friendship and alliance with all of them, they returned home: Those whom they had visited, dispatching Ambassadors to Rome, who ap∣plauded the Senate for sending such men unto them. [Diodorus Siculus. Legat. 32.]

The siege of Jerusalem was prolonged, through the strength of the walls, and courage of the defendants: At last, on the other side of the wall, where the passage was more levell, Antiochus erected an 100 Towers, three stories high, and having placed in them bands of souldiers, dayly attempted the walls. He made also a double trench, both long and broad, so that the Jews were so straightly begirted, that they could not get out any way. On the contrary, they within made often sallyes forth, and if at any time they found the enemies Camp any whit neglected in their guards, they fell upon them, but if ready for resistance, they retreated back to their holds. [Josephus lib. 13. cap. 16.]

Hircanus, after he had considered how prejudicial the multitudes of them in the City would be unto him, by reason of the unprofitable consuming of the victuall, cast the infirmer route out of the walls, reserving onely such as were able to bear armes: But Antiochus would not suffer them to passe, so that being ••orced to wander about the walls, many of them miserably perished by famme. [Id. Ibid.]

When the feast of tabernacles was come, [Year of the World 3870] they took pity upon the excluded, and re∣ceived them again into the City. They requested also Antiochus, that he would for their feast sake grant a cassation of hostility for seven dayes, which he did not onely indulge unto them, but also brought, in great pomp, to the very gates of the City, Buls with guilded hornes, and gold and silver Cups filled with all manner of spi∣ces: and having delivered sacrifices to the Priests of the Jews, and made a feast to the army, he returned to the Camp. [Id. Ibid. cum Plutarch in Apo∣thegm.]

When upon the setting of the Pleiades, plentifull showers had supplyed the besieg∣ed with water, (for want whereof they were much distressed before,) and the Sabba∣ticall year being now ended, if the Jews were hindred from sowing their grounds, a famine must undoubtedly have followed: Hircanus, considering Antiochus his justice and piety, sent Ambassadors unto him, requesting him, that he would give them leave to live according to the laws of their forefathers. Many of the Kings friends pressed him to demolish the City, and to put the whole nation of the Jews to the sword, as be∣ing a people unsociable, and severed from all other nations by their peculiar constitu∣tions: or if not so, yet they urged him at least to abrogate their laws, and force them to change their manner of life. But the King, who was of a high spirit, and gentle in his behaviour, rejected their counsel, and approving the Jews piety, commanded, that the besieged should deliver up their arms to him, dismantle the City walls, pay all cu∣stoms due from Joppe, and the other Cities without Judea, and moreover, receive a

Garrison into them: upon their conditions he would conclude a peace with them. They consented to all the Kings propositions, excepting that one of receiving in a Garrison a∣mongst them, in regard that they would avoide all commerce with strangers. In leiu of that, they chose rather to give hostages, amongst whom Hircanus his own brother should be one, and 500 talents besides; whereof, 300 were paid down presently after; so they threw down the battery from the wall, and raised the siege, and discharged the Jews of all impeachments. [Joseph. ibid. cum Diodor. Sicul. lib. 34. in Bibliotheca. Photii. ••cod. 244.]

Hircanus having opened the Sepulchre of David, which was the richest of all the King, took thence 3000 talents: in confidence of this treasure, he began to entertaine forreign auxiliaries, which never any of the Jews did before: so Josephus, [lib. Bell: 1. cap. 2. lib. 3. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 13. cap. 16. & lib 16. cap. 11.] of this, [see Salianus his censure, Tom. 6. of his Annals in the year of the World, 3921, Sect. 8, 9,]

In the first year of Hircanus Matthias, surnamed Aphlias the son of Simon Psellus, Priest of the course of Joarib, had by the daughter of Jonathan the High Priest, Mat∣thias surnamed Curtus, the great grandfather of Josephus the Historian, as he himself shews in the beginning of the book of his life.

P. Africanus, [The Julian Period. 4580] and Caius Fulvius, [Year before Christ 134] being Consuls, there arose a servile war, from the servants in Sicilia, [Liv. lib. 56. Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis.] It was commenced by one Eunus a servant, a Syrian, born in the City Apemea, a man much addicted to magicall incantations, and jugling. He faigned himself to have received the know∣ledge of future events, by the inspiration of the gods, first appearing to him in his sleep, but afterwards, when he was awake. And although he failed in many of his progno∣stications and predictions, yet because in some he hit right by chance, no body objected his errours, but for his true predictions, they were diligently noted and applauded, so that his name began to be cryed up more and more amongst men. At last, feigning himself mad, whilst he pretended the ceremonies of the goddese of Syria, and gave out, That she had appeared unto him in his sleep, and promised to promote him to kingly honour, he stirred up the servants to appear for their liberty, and to take up arms, by the command of the gods; and to prove that this was no designe of his own head, but proceeded first from the instigation of the gods: he concealed in his mouth a nutshell, crammed with sulphur and fire, so that his breath caused him to send out a flash of fire as ofte as he spake. This very miracle raised him two thousand men at first, of the ordinary sort, which he improved in an instant to an army of 40 thou∣sand, having broken open the prisons by law of arms. Hereupon, Eunus was by the slaves created King, who after the Crown was set upon his head, and his wife (who was also a Syrian, and his fellow Citizen) proclaimed Queen, chose out of the whole company, some that seemed wiser than the rest, to be of his councel, stiling himself Antiochus, and his associates, the revolting Syrians. These fellows succeded so fortu∣nately, that Cleon, another slave, was encouraged by these successes, to raise an army also, he was born in Cilicia, not far from Mount Taurus, an high-way robber from his youth. But he submitted himself upon Eunus his bare command, who as King made him his General, in regard he had an army of 5000 of his own souldiers (or as it is in Livy his Epitomie, 70000.) This was done about 30 dayes after the first breaking out of the rebellion: which because the Pretors were not able to quell it, was turned over to C. Fulviu the Consul. [Diodor. Sicul. lib. 34. in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244. & Excerptis. II. Valesii, pag. 369, 370. Liv. lib. 56. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 19.] This president caused the like descention of slaves in some other places, particularly at Delos, [Diodor. Sicul. ut sup.] in which Island there was such a shop of slaves, that it could take in and put off again myriades of them in a day; insomuch, that it grew into a proverb, Merchant, put in h••ther, set forth your slaves, you shall sell them all off immediately. [Strabo. lib. 14. 668.]

Scipio Africanus, the other Consul, was marched into Spain, to put an end to the Nu∣mantine war, whither 'King Attalus sent unto him out of Asia very costly presents, as we find it in Ciceros Oration, in the behalf of Dejotarus, which Scipio took in the ••ight of his army. The like was done by Antiochus Sidetes, as appears in the Epitome of Livies 57 book: Though it was the fashion of other Generalls to conceals Kings gratuities, yet Scipio said, he would receive the rich gifts which Antiochus Sidetes sent him in open Court: and commanded moreover the treasurer to register them all in the publick Ta∣bles, that so he might have wherewithall to reward the gallantry of his Soul∣diers.

Attalus, [Year of the World 3875] the last King of Pergamus in Asia, [The Julian Period. 4581] called Philometor, [Year before Christ 135] having given himself over to the working in art of brass, and being much delighted in making of instruments, and melting and stamping of brasse; at last, set upon making a Sepulchre for his mo∣ther: but being too intent of the work, he caught a surfet by reason of the violent heat

of the furnace, and died the seventh day after, [Justin, lib. 36. cap. 4.]

Eudemus of Pergamus brought Attalus his Will to Rome, and delivered to Tibe∣rius Gracchus the tribute of the people, the King of Pergamus his Crown, and Purple Robes, [Plutarch in Tiber. Gracch.] In the Will was written; Let the people of Rome be the heir of my goods. So that the people of Rome, reckoning the kingdom as part of the Kings goods, held that Province, not by force of arms, but by vertue of the Will, [Florus, lib. 2. cap. 20.] Whereas Asia by the Will of Attalus the King, was so be∣queathed to the people of Rome (if so be it was bequeathed) that it ought to be free, [Liv. lib. 59.] Indeed the Romans are charged with the counterfeiting of this Will in Mithridates his letter to Arsaces, in the fourth of Salusts History. And that they were not lawful heirs to Attalus, Horace himself gives a private hint: as Acron hath ob∣served in his notes upon the 18 Ode of the second book of Verses.

—Neque Attali Ignotus haeres regiam occupavi: Neither have I as an obscure he••rinvaded Attalus his Court.

Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, desirous to purchase unto himself the peoples favour, ordained by the agrarian law (which from him was called the Sempronian law) that land in Asia should be framed out by the Roman Censors: and to that end published a law to the people; That as soon as the money bequeathed by King Attalus was come, it should be divided amongst the Citizens, who were by the Sempronian law to rent the lands, towards the managing of their farms, and providing instruments of hus∣bandry. As for the Cities of the kingdom of Attalus, he denied that the Senate had any thing to do with them, and that he intended to refer them to an assembly of the people, [Cicero, Verrin. 2. Liv. lib. 58. Plutarch, in Tib. Gracch. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 8.] But because in an assembly of the tribunes held that Summer, it was moved, that he might be continued Tribune of the people for the year following, he was stabbed in the Capi∣tol, by the designment of P. Cornelius Nasica, the Pontifex Maximus, [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 358.] Scaevola and Pison being Consuls, [Ascon. Pedian. in Verrin. 2.] the same Summer in which Attalus died.

Aristonicus falsely pretending his descent from the Blood Royal, [Year of the World 3872] as sayes Vellius Paterculus; indeed the son of King Eumenes, and the brother of Attalus deceased, though not by lawful wedlock, but by an Ephesian Curtesan, the daughter of a Musi∣tian, invaded Asia in right of his father. Most of the Cities (living formerly under kingly government) he easily perswaded to be of his side; and those few which for fear of the Romans stood out against him, he reduced by force, [Liv. lib. 59. Velles. Pa∣tercul. lib. 2. cap. 4. Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 646. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 20. Justin. lib. 36. cap. 4. Plutarch, sub. fin. Vitae. T. Q. Flaminin. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 360. & Muhri∣datic. pag. 212. Eutrop. lib. 4.]

The first place which he wrought to a revolt, was a little Town called Leucas: but he was soon thrust out thence upon a defeat given him by the Ephesians in a sea-fight near Cuma, [Strabo, ut supr.]

From then Aristonicus marched into the midland, [The Julian Period. 4582] where he drew together a nume∣rous company of beggarly persons, [Year before Christ 132] and slaves, whom he incited to stand up for their liberty, and whom he called Heliopolitans, [id. ibid.] Whatsoever slaves had the hap to live under hard masters, quitted their services, and ran away to him: and gave great overthrows to many Cities, [Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesti, pag. 362.] Aristonicus first set upon Thiatira, next seized upon Apollonias, and afterwards the other Garrisons, [Strabo, ut supr.] Myndus, Samos, Colophon, he took by storme, [Florus lib. 2. cap. 20.]

To stop his careere, all the Cities round about sent their Forces: Nicomedes king of Bithynia, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Phylaemenes of Paphlagonia, and Mithridates of Pontus, brought their supplies to the Romans against him. Moreover, five Legates came from Rome, [Strabo, ut supr. cum Justin. lib. 37. cap. 1 & Eutrop. lib. 4.]

In the 38 year under king Euergets, (the second, or Physcon, the Epoch of his reign, being taken from the time he began to reign with his brother Philometor, con∣cerning which see above ad ann. Mundi, 3835.) Jesus the son of Sirach born at Hieru∣salem, coming into Egypt, and residing there, translated the book of his Grandfather Jesus (called by the Greeks Panaretos, and Eeclesiasticus) out of Hebrew into Greek, as he himself shews in the Preface to his translation: which very book, Heirome in his 115. Epist. sayes, he hath seen in the Hebrew, with this inscription. The parables of Jesus son of Sirach.

P. Rupilius, being raised from the condition of a Sicilian Publican, to the honour of

Consulship, quelled the insurrection of the slaves in Sicily, [Liv. lib. 59. Ascon. Pedian. Verrin. 4. Va••er. Maxim. lib. 2. cap. 7. & lib. 6. cap. 9.] At his besiege of Taurominium, he took prisoner Comanus, Cleons brother, as he was stealing out of the City: and a while after, upon Sarapion the Syrians betraying the Fort unto him, he seized upon all the fugitives in the City: whom after he had put upon the rack, he tumbled down headlong. From thence he marched to Euna, where he encountred with Cleon the General, who marched out of the City to fight him: Cleon behaved himself very gallantly, and received many a wound before he fell: as soon as the General was slain, that City also was betrayed unto the Consul. As for Eunus, the king of the Rebels, he took along with him 600 of his men and escaped as fast as he could to the craggy mountains for his security; where for fear of the pursuers they crept into caves, from whence, he and four more of his company were dragged out, and cast in prison at Mor∣gantina, where he lay so long, until his body purified and resolved into lice. A lamen∣able death it was, but his rash enterprises deserved no better, [Diodor. Sicul. lib. 34. in Photii, Bibliothec. cod. 214.]

In the 8 year of Antiochus Sidetes, [Year of the World 3873] about 10 of the clock in the forenoon, [The Julian Period. 4583] on the 21 day of the moneth Peritius, [Year before Christ 131] or February, there happened an earthquake at Antioch in Syria; as may be gathered out of the Chronicles of John Malela of Antioch.

L. Valerius Flaccus, and P. Licinius Crassus, being Consuls, it was propounded to the people, whom they would be pleased to assign for the managing of the war against Aristonicus: Crassus the Consul, and Pontifex Maxim. threatned to set a fine upon Flac∣cus who was his Collegue in the Consulship, and Mars his Flamen, if so be he left the holy services. The people took off the fine, yet enjoyned the Flamen to observe the Pontilex: Yet for all that, the people would by no means give their consent, that the managing of the war should be committed to a private person: although Scipio Afri∣canus were the man they pitched upon, who the year before had triumphed over the Numantians: but voted the war should be entrusted rather to Crassut the Consul, than to Africanus who was but a private person, [Cicero, in Philippic. 11.] And so the Pon∣tifex Max. (which was more than ever was done before) went out of Italy, Liv. lib. 59.]

Antiochus Sidetes marched with his army against Phraates, who succeeded his bro∣ther Arsacides, or Mithridates, in the kingdom of Parthia: his design was to fetch back his brother Demetrius Nicator. Phraates had twice taken him as he was fleeing away, and sent him back into Hircania to his wife Rhodoguna and his children: not out of commiseration towards them, or respect of his own alliance to them, but be∣cause he aspired to the kingdom of Syria, and therefore might make use of Demetrius against Antiochus his brother, as occasion should serve, and the event of the war re∣quire. Whereupon Antioch••s thought it best to begin first, and therefore led his ar∣my, which he had already hardened in the wars which he had with his neighbours, into Media against the Parthians, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 9, 10. & lib. 42. cap. 1. Liv. lib. 59. Athenaeus, lib. 10. cap. 12. & lib. 12. cap. 19. Appian. Syria••. pag. 132.]

But his preparation for luxury was not lesse, than that for the wat: for 300 (Oro∣sius 200) ••housand scullions followed his army, which consisted of 80 (Orosius saith 100) thousand men: The greater number of them were Cooks, Bakers, and Stage-players, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 10.] Antiochus entertained constantly every day such a multitude of guests, that besides what was eaten at table, and taken off by heaps, every one of the guests carried away with them whole joynts of meat untouched; flesh of sour-footed beasts, fowles, sea-fish, ready dressed: there was moreover provided much sweet-meats, made of candid honey, many coronets of frankincense and myrrhe, with knots and rib∣bands of Gold, which being let down at length, were as high as a man, [Posidon. Apa∣mous, Historiar. lib. 14. apud Athenaeum, lib. 5. cap. 9. & lib. 12. cap. 19.] The souldiery imitating this his blind and mad profusenesse, drave silver nailes into the soles of their shoes: they prepared also silver vessels for kitchin service, and adorned their tents with woven Imagery. All which might rather seem a booty to encourge the enemy, than be a means to retard and slacken the hands of a couragious man to pursue a vi∣ctory, [Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 1. & Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 10.]

As soon as Antiochus was come into those parts, many of the Eastern Kings ten∣dered themselves and their kingdoms unto him, cursing and devoting the insolencies of the Parthians: Neither was it long before he engaged the enemy. Antiochus ha∣ving had the better in three several battles, and being seized of Babylonia, began to be in some repute: so that the Parthians had nothing left but their own Country, the people generally falling off from them to Antiochus, [Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 10.]

In this expedition, John Hircanus the Jews High Priest and Ruler, followed Anti∣ochus with his supplies: of whom Nicholaus Damascenus hath related this passage in his general History. Antiochus having erected a Trophie near the River Lycus, where he

overthrew Indaetes, the Parthians Generall, tarryed there two dayes upon Hircanus the Jew his entreaty, because it happened that one of the Jews solemne festivals fell out at that very time, during which, it was not lawfull for the Iews to travell. It was the feast of Penticost, which drew on after the Sabbath: all which time the Jews were prohibited to take any journey. [Iosephus, lib. 13. cap. 16.] When that was over, John having over∣thrown the Hyrcani, in battle, and from thence obtained the name Hyrcanus, (as is supposed by Eusebius in his Chronicle, and Severus Sulpitius, in the second Book of his Holy History.) returned home again with a great deal of honour.

P. Crassus the Consul, coming into Asia, to quell King Aristonicus, by his great industry, grew so expert in the Greek tongue, that he knew it most exactly, as it is divided into its five Dialects, which procured him a great deale of favour and love amongst the Allyes, when they saw he returned answer to their demands, in the very same Dialect that they themselves made their addresses in. [Valer. Maximus, lib. 8. cap. 7. Quintilian. lib. 11. cap. 2.]

When the same Crassus was preparing to lay his siege to Leucas, and want∣ed a strong and large beam to make a Ramme of, to batter the walls of the Town; he wrote to the chief Carpenter of the Moleatenses, who were confederates and Allyes of the Romans, That of two Mastes which he had seen there, he should be sure to send him the biggest. The Carpenter, understanding wherefore he de∣sired the Maste, did not, as he was bid, send the greater, but the lesse, supposing it more fit for the purpose, and easier for carriage: Crassus ordered him to be sent for, and when he had demanded, how chance he had not sent that Maste which he required, not weighing his excuses and reasons, commanded him to be stript, and whipt: being of opinion, that all regard and respect due to superiours would soon de∣cay and vanish, if so be a man might be suffered to answer a command, not with that obedience which is expected, but with an officious giving his advice. [A. Gell. lib. 1. cap. 13.]

Antiochus Sidetes, [Year of the World 3874] in regard of his great number, divided his army into winter quar∣ters through the Cities: which upon the exacting of free quarter, and the misdeamours of the souldery, fell off from him, [Iustin lib. 38. cap. 10.] where above all others, Athe∣naeus, one of Antiochus his Captains, was intolerably insolent into whatsoever quarters he came. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 374.]

P. Crassus, Proconsul of Asia, notwithstanding he was very strong, what with his own forces, and the supplies sent him from the Kings of Bithynia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia, yet at the end of the year, adventuring to en∣gage the enemy before he had put his men in a posture to fight, was overcome, and after a great slaughter of his men, his army was forced to flye: As for himself, he fell into the hands of the enemy, being taken near Leucas, between Elea and Smyrna, by an ambush of Thracians, whereof Aristonicus had good store in Garrison. But the Consul, remembring of what family he was descended, and that he was a Roman, thrust the stick, with which he used to guide his horse, into the eye of the Thra∣cians, who had the charge of him, who being enraged by reason of the pain and an∣guish, run his sword into Crassus his side: thus by contriving a way to dye, he avoided both disgrace and servitude. His head was presented to Aristonicus, and his body interred at Smyrna. [Liv. lib. 59. Vellei Patarcul. lib. 2. Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 646. Valer. Maxim. lib. 3. cap. 2. Flo. lib. 2. cap. 20. Iustin, lib. 36. cap. 4. Iulius Obsequens de prodigiis Europ. lib. 4. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 10.]

M. Perperna Consul, [The Julian Period. 4584] who succeeded Crassus, [Year before Christ 130] hearing of his death, and the over∣throw of the Roman army, made what speed he could into Asia: where he sur∣prized Aristonicus, keeping, as it were, holyday for his late conquest, and put him to flight, not having at that time his forces about him. He escaped to Stratonice, whither the Consul hasted after him, and laid such close siege to the City, that he forced it to resign for want of provision; he took Aristonicus prisoner, and kept him in bonds, [Liv. Patercul. Strabo, Florus, Iustin, Oros. Eutrop. ut supra. Valer. Max. lib. 3. cap. 4.]

Belosius Cuma, who after the death of Tiberius Gracchus, (whom he so highly esteemed, that if he had commanded him to set fire to the Capitol, he professed he thought it no shame to have put it in execution) went from Rome to Aristonicus into Asia: when he saw how Aristonicus his affaires, went backwards, he slew himself. [Plutarch in Tib. Graccho.]

Just before the taking of Aristonicus, news was brought to Rome, how the image of Apollo at Cuma wept for four dayes together: the southsayers were so apal∣led at the prodigie, that they had thrown the image into the sea, had not the old men

of Cuma interceded; but the more expert southsayers answered, that thereby the fa∣tality of Greece was portended, from whence that image was brought. Hereupon the Romans sacrificed, and brought offerings into the temple. [Iul. Obsequens, de prodigiis, Augustin. de Civit. Dei, lib. 3. cap. 11.]

Phrygia was recovered by the Romans, [Iul. Obsequens, ibid.]

Phraates sends Demetrius Nicator into Syria, with a company of Parthians to seize upon that kingdom, hoping thereby to draw Antiochus out of Parthia, to save his own Country; in the mean time, not being able to annoy Antiochus in open war, he en∣deavoured by all means to surprize him with stratagems. [Iustin, lib. 38. cap, 10.]

The Cities, where Antiochus his army had taken up their winter quarters, taking it very ill that they were oppressed with the quarter, and not brooking also the incivilities of the souldiers, revolted to the Parthians: and upon a set day, all of them fell upon the army as it lay dispersed in their severall quarters, having so placed ambushes, that they could not come to assist one another. As soon as Antiochus had notice hereof, he march∣to the relief of those that were next to him, with that company which quartered with him. [Id. ib.]

The Swallows builded nests in Antiochus his pavilion, but he neglecting the pro∣digree, encountered the enemy, [Jul. Obsequens, de prodig.] And truly, for his own part, he expressed more gallantry in his engagement with Phraates, whom he met in the way, than his army did; but at the close, his party cowardly ran away, and deserted him, [Justin ut sup.]

The first man that took himself to his heels, and deserted Antiochus, was Athenaeus, who flying to some of those villages, which he had provoked by his insolencies, when he was quartered amongst them, had the doors shut against him, and was de∣nyed victuals by all: so that he was forced to wander up and down the Country, till at length he dyed for hunger. [Diodorus Siculus. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 374, 377.]

As for Antiochus himself, Julius Obsequens, [lib. de prodigiis.] Justinus, [lib. 38. cap. 10. & 39. cap. 1.] Josephus, [lib. 15. cap. 16.] Eusebius, [in his Chronicle.] and Orosius [lib. 5. cap. 10.] relate, That he was slain by the Parthians in that fight. Appian re∣ports, That being worsted in the battle, he laid violent hands upon himself. [in Syriac. pag. 132.] Elianus tell us, That upon his ill successe, he threw himself down headlong from a steep place. [lib. 10. de Animalib. cap. 34.] Some Modern Writers think he was stoned to death by the Priests of the Temple Nannea in Persia, whither he came with the remainder of his army, with an intention to ransack the Temple: Supposing with Rupertus Tuitiensis, [lib. 10. de victoria Verbi Dei, cap. 6. 16. 24.] that this was the same Antiochus, of whom mention is made in the Epistle of the Jews at Jerusalem to their brethren in Egypt. [2 Mac. 1. 10, 17.]

When Arsaces (so Phraates was called by the general name of the Kings of Parthia) interred the dead corps of Antiochus, Posidonius of Apamea, in the 16 book of his Histories, [according to Athenaeus, lib. 10. cap. 12.] reports that he said, reproving his debauchery; Thy wine, O Antiochus, and thy two great confidences have decei∣ved thee: for thou hopeast in thy great cups, to have swallowed down the kingdom of Arsaces.

After Antiochus his funerall was over, which Phraates discharged in a Princely manner, he was enamoured with Demetrius his daughter, whom Antiochus had brought along with him, and took her to wife: and now he began to repent of his sending Demetrius away: wherefore he dispatched in all hast some troups of Horse to fetch him back again; who found Demetrius, fearing some such thing, seated in the kingdom, so that having attempted all in vain, they returned back to the King. [Iustin lib. 38. cap. 10.]

Antiochus and his army being overthrown in Parthia, his brother Demetrius being freed from the siege of the Parthians, and restored to his kingdom, though all Syria at that time bemoaned the losse of the army, yet he seemed to resent the accident no otherwise than if he had managed his own and his brothers wars against the Parthi∣ans, with all the good luck that might be, (wherein the one of them was taken prisoner, the other was slain outright.) [Id. lib. 36. cap. 1.]

Antiochus being dead and gone, the Jews never after suffered a Macedonian King to be over them; but creating magistrates amongst themselves, they pestered Syria with continuall wars. [Id. lib. 36. cap. 1.] and subdued many parts of Syria and Phae∣nicia. [Strabo. lib. 16. cap. 761.] For Hircanus, after the death of Antiochus, revolted from the Macedonians, and never after sent them any supplies, either as subject, or friend. But at the first bruite of Antiochus his death, he led his whole army against the Cities of Syria, supposing (which was true) that he should find them bereft, and void of defendants: he stormed Medaba (of which 1 Maccab. 9. 36.) and took it, though

with some difficulty, having layen sixe moneths before it: next he possessed himself of Samega, and the towns adjacent. [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]

In the mean time Phraates, resolving to commence a war in Syria, in vindication of Antiochus his attempting the kingdom of Parthia, was taken off his designe, and called home to defend his own, by reason of some commotions of the Scythians in the Coun∣try. For the Scythians, the ground of the quarrel was this, The Scythians were hired by the Parthians, to assist them against Antiochus King of Syria: but they came not with their supplies, till the businesse was over, so that the Parthians cut them short of their pay, objecting their coming too late. The Scythians being vexed, that they had taken such a long march to no purpose, moved, That they might be either allowed their pay, in consideration of their tedious march, or that they might be commanded upon some o∣ther service: the Parthians returned them but a rough answer, which, they taking excep∣tion at, became their own carvers, and fell to plundering the Country, [Iustin. lib. 42. cap. 1.]

Whilst Phraathes was gone against the Scythians, he left behind him as viceroy, one Himerus, an Hircanian by birth, a great favourit of his, upon the score of the flower of his youth. But he forgetting his former condition, and not considering he was but anothers deputy, proceeded with a great deal of tyranny, and vexed the Babylonians, and many other Cities upon no occasion. [Id. ib.] For he made many of the babylo∣nians his slaves, and dispersed them with their whole families into Media. He set also the market place on fire, and some Temples of Babylon, and pulled down all the most beautifull places of the City. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 377.] Posidonius of Apamea also mentions the exorbitant government of this Himerus, in the 26 book of his Histories, [Athenaeus, lib. 11. c. 4.] where he relates, how that one Lysima∣chus a Babilonian invited him and 300 more to supper; and when meat was taken off, presented to every one of those 300, the silver cup of four pound price, in which they had drunk.

In Egypt, Ptolemei Euergetes the second, or Physcon, having reigned 15 years after his brother Philometor [as Diodor. Sicul. shew in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 350.] having al∣ready, by his cruelty, rendered himself so odious to those very forreigners he had in∣vited to Alexandria, that they set his royall palace on fire, stole away privately into Cyprus, with his son Memphites, whom his sister Cleopatra bore unto him, and with his wise the daughter of the same Cleopatra. And whereas the people conferred the king∣dom upon Cleopatra his sister and divorced wife: he hired an army, and waged war both against his own sister and native Country, [Livie. lib. 59, Jul. Obsequens de pro∣digiis. Iustin lib. 38. cap. 8. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 10.]

John Hircanus took Sichem and Garizim, [Year of the World 3875] and demolished the Temple of the Cuthites two hundred years after it had been built by Sa••ballat. [Iosephus, lib. 13. cap. 17.]

M. Perperna took care to get Aristonicus, and the treasure which Attalus lost in le∣gacy to the people of Rome, to be shipped away thither, which was ill taken by Manius Aquilius Consul his successor, who forthwith made what hast he could to Perperna, in∣tending to get Aristonicus out of his hands, as belonging to his triumph rather than to Perperna's: But Perperna's death decided the controversy; who upon his returne ••ell sick at Pergamus, and dyed of that disease. [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 646. Valer. Maximus, lib. 3. cap. 4. Iustin, lib. 36. cap. 4. Eutrop. lib. 4. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 10.]

Aqullius Consul, [The Julian Period. 4585] compleated the remainder of the A••iatick war, [Year before Christ 129] forceing some Cities to resigne, by poysoning their waters: which though it occasioned a speedy victory, yet it withwall rendred it in famous and dishonorable. [Florus, lib. 2. cap. 20.]

Most of the Asians, who for four years entire had assisted Aristonicus against the Romans, for fear returned to their loyalty. [Sylla, apud Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 212.] And so Lydia anciently, the Senate of the Kings, Caria, Hellespont, and both Phrigia's by joynt resignation put themselves under the power of the Romans. [Sextus, Rufus in Breviario.]

The Massilians sent their Ambassadors away to Rome, to mediate in behalf of their founders the Phocensians, whose City and name the Senate had ordered to be quite rased out, because both now in the war with Aristonicus, and formerly with Antio∣chus the great, they had borne arms against the people of Rome, the Senate granted them their pardon. [Iustin lib. 37. cap. 1.]

The Romans gave the greater Phrygia to Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus, as a gratuity for assisting them against Aristonicus. [Id ibid. & lib. 38. cap. 5.] Although it is generally believed that Manius Aquilius being well bribed for his paines, gave it unto him. Wherefore, after the death of Mithridates, the Senate took Phrygia away from his son, in his minority, (as he himself complaines in Trogus Pompeius) and made it a free State and independent. [Appiau. in Mithridatic. pag. 177. & 208. &

lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 362, 363. compared with Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 5.]

Aquilius with ten Legates, reduced Attalus his Dominion into the form of a Pro∣vince, and made it tributary; and called it by the common name of the Continent, Asia, [Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 624. & lib. 14. pag. 646.]

Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, was slain in the war against Aristonicus, leaving behind him six sons, by his wife Laodice, to whom the people of Rome gave Lycao∣nia and Cilicia, for their fathers good service. But Laodice, being jealous of her sons, and fearing least when they came to age, she should not enjoy the kingdom long after, poisoned five of them: one young one escaped the mothers cruelty, by being secured in the hands of some of the kindred; who, after the killing of Laodice (for the people had dispatched her for her cruelty) had the kingdom to himself, [Iustin. lib. 37. cap. 1.]

John Hircanus took Adora, and Marissa, Cities of Idumea: and having subdued all the Idumeans, enjoyned them circumcision, under penalty of quitting their mansi∣ons: But they, out of love to their native Country, admitted both circumcision, and all other Jewish constitutions: and from that time forward, they were reckoned a∣mongst the Jews, [Ioseph. Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 11. pag. 531. compared with lib. 4. Bell. cap. 16. al. cap. 6.] Strabo relates that these Idumeans were Nabate∣ans originally; but being driven thence upon some sedition, they joyned themselves to the Jews, and submitted to their laws, [lib. 16. pag. 760.] He addes, that Herod the King of the Jews, came from thence, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, virum indigenam; A stranger born, [Ibid. pag. 765.] Whereas Antigonus said he was an Idumean; that is, an half Jew, [Ioseph. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 27. pag. 501.] For although Stephanus Byzantinus writes [in voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that the Idumeans were Hebrews originally; yet Ammonius the Grammarian in his book de differentiis verborum, out of Ptolemeis first book, de Rege Herode, (perhaps that Ptolemei who was Herods Leiutenant, Ioseph. lib. 16. Antiquit. cap. 11.) hath noted this difference betwixt the Idumeans and the Jews. The Iews are such as were so naturally from the beginning: But the Idumeans were not Iews from the beginning, but Phenicians and Syrians: who being conquered by the Iews, were compelled to be circumcised, to unite their nation to the Iewish, and to be subject to their Iawes; And there∣fore were called Iews: not in respect of their Descent, but in regard of their Religion and manner of life: For there were other men which were called Iews, though they were strangers born, because they lived according to their rites and constitutions; as Diod. hath noted in his 37 book of his Roman History. And hence it is, that, from the He∣brews, the kingdom of Herod and his posterity is stiled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Kingdom of the Proselytes (not Hagarens, as it is rendred by Munster in Seder Olam minore, and by Scaliger in Judaici Comput. Spic. legio, lib. 7. de Emendatione temporum:) For amongst the Jews, the Proselytes of righteousnesse, or the righteous Proselytes (as they termed them) such as since that time the Idumeans are thought to be, were alwayes reckoned in the same place and account with the Jews.

Ptolemei Physcon, having fetched his eldest son out of Cyrene, put him to death, for fear the Alexandrians should set him up King against him: whereupon the people pulled down his Statue, and his Images, [Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 8.] Ptolemei supposed that this was done by the instigation of his sister Cleopatra, and not well knowing how to be avenged any other way, commanded his son Memphitis, who was of an ingenuous countenance, and a very hopeful child, and which he had by her, to be slain before his eyes: and cutting off his head, hands and feet, put them into a chest covered with a souldiers coate, and gave them to one of his servants to carry to Alexandria, and to present them to Cleopatra on the Festival of her nativity, when she was in the height of her jollity, for a Birth-day gift. This was a grievous and sad spectacle, not to the Queen onely, but to the whole City, and it struck such a damp upon the merry meeting, that the Court of a sudden was overcast with a general sadnesse. The Nobles turning their Festival into a Funeral, shewed the mangled limbs to the people: to let them see what they themselves were to expect from their King, who had thus murdered his own son. [Id. ibid. Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesil, pag. 374. Liv. lib. 59. Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis, Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2.]

Ptolemei, perceiving how detestable he was grown to his Country, and fearing some∣what might follow thereupon, went about to secure himself by a new piece of cruelty: supposing, that if the common people were put to the sword, he should sit the faster in his Throne; At a time when the common place of exercise was full of the young men, he begyrted it round with fire and sword; and destroyed them all by one of those two, [Valer. Maxim. ibid.]

Phraates led the army of Grecians (which he had taken in the war against Antio∣chus, and since behaved himself very imperiously and tyrannically towards them) along with him to the war against the Scythians: not considering, that their captivity had not abated any thing of their hostile minds; and moreover, how he had exasperated

them with fresh injuries and indignities: As soon therefore as they espied the Parthian army to give ground, they wheeled about to the enemy, and at last put in execution the long desired revenge of their captivity: the Parthian army and Phraates himself being put to the sword, [Iustin. lib. 42. cap. 1.]

Artabanus his Uncle succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians: As for the Scythians they being contented with their victory, after they had pillaged the Country of the Parthians, returned home again. But Artabanus, having commenced a war with the Thogarii (or Tochari, a people descended from the Scythians) received a wound in his arme, and died presently after: He left for his successour his son Mithri∣dates the great; who (not long after) waged a war with Ortoadistes King of Armenia, [Id. ibid. cap. 2.]

In the 50 year of the third Calippick Period, or the 16 day of the Egyptian moneth Epiph (August the fifth according to the Julian account) at the Equinoctial hours, at 6 in the forenoon in the Island of Rhodes, Hipparchus observed the Sun in degree 8. minute 35. of Leo, and the Moon in degree 12. minute 2. of Taurus, [Ptolem. lib. 5. cap. 3.]

In the same 50 year, [Year of the World 3876] on the first day of the Egyptian moneth Phamenoth (23 day of the Julian March) the vernal Equinox was observed by Hipparchus, [The Julian Period. 4586] [Id. lib. 3. c. 2.]

The same Hipparchus, in the same year observed the Star in the heart of Leo to be distant from the point of the Summer Solstice 29 degrees, and 50 minutes, [Id. lib. 7. cap. 2.]

Hegelochus, Ptolemei Physcons General, being dispatched against Marsias the Alex∣andrians General, took him prisoner alive, but put all his Forces to the sword. When Marsias was brought into the Kings presence, all believed the King would have ad∣judged him to some cruel death: but Ptolemei, beyond all expectation, spared him. For he now began to repent of his former bloody proceedings, and was very desirous by such acts of grace, to reconcile himself to the people, extremely alienated from him, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 377.]

Queen Cleopatra (the dayes of mourning for her son being over) seeing her brother Physoon was marching against her, sent by her Embassadors to entreat assistance from Demetrius Nicator King of Syria, her son in law, (for Cleopatra wife to Demetrius, was daughter to this Cleopatra, and Philometor) promising him, that he should have the kingdom of Egypt for his paines: In hopes of that prize, he marched into Egypt, and made his first attempt upon Peleusium, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 9. & lib. 39. cap. 1. Porphyrius, in Graci••, Eusebianus Scaligers, pag. 227.]

In this year, [Year of the World 3877] Alxander Jannaeus, son to John Hircanus was born, afterwards King of the Jews, who lived 49 years, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 23. fin.] As soon as he was born, he grew out of favour with his father: For it is reported, that Hircanus enquired of God appearing to him in his sleep, concerning his successour: being very solicitous on the behalf of Aristobulus and Antigonus, whom he loved far above the other brothers: upon Gods representing unto him this Jannaeus, he was much perplexed, that he should succeed him in all his fortunes; whereupon he sent him into Galilee, to receive his edu∣cation; neither did he ever admit him into his presence as long as he lived, [Id. ibid. cap. 20.]

About this time, Simon son of Dositheus, Apollonius the son of Alexander, and Dio∣dorus son of Jason, were sent Embassadors from Hircanus and the people of the Jews, to renew their friendship and amity with the Romans. Faunius son of Marcus, the City Praetor, procured them a meeting of the Senate for their audience VIII. Id. Feb∣ruary; which, as the Roman year then went, falls upon the Julian November: And it was ordered by a Decree of the Senate, That Joppe and the parts thereof, Gazara and the Springs, and the other Cities, which Antiochus Sidetes had taken from them, contrary to the Decree of the Senate, should be restored. It was further ordered, That the Kings souldiers should not travel thorough their Country, or thorough any Coun∣try under their command. That whatsover Antiochus had attempted in that war, should be null. That the Embassadors which the Senate sent, should take care to see restored whatsoever Antiochus had carried away, and to give an estimate of the da∣mage the Country had sustained in that war. That letters commendatory should be given the Embassadors to the Kings and free people, that so they might return more secure into their Country. Moreover, Faunius the Praetor received order, to supply the Embassadors with monies out of the common Bank, to provide necessaries for their re∣turn homewards, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]

In the 197 year after Alezanders death, and 621 of Nabonasar, on the 11 day of the Egyptian moneth Pharmuth (2 day of the Julian May) in the forenoon, Equi∣noctial hours 5, minutes 20. Hipparchus in the Island of Rhodes observed the Sun in 7 degrees, minuts 45. of Taurus: the Moon in degrees 21. minute 40. of Piscis, [Ptolem. lib. 5. cap. 5.]

In the same year, on the 17 day of the Egyptian moneth Payn (the seventh of the Julian July) in the afternoon, in the hours Equinoctial 3. minut. 20, Hipparchus ob∣served in the same place, the sun in degree. 10, minut. 54. in Cancer, the moon in degree, 21, minut. 40, of Pisces. [Id. Ibid.]

In the ninth year of Hircanus his High Priesthood, and reign, Alexander the son of Jason, Numenius, son of Antiochus, and Alexander, son of Dorotheus, Ambassa∣dors for the Jews, presented the Senate with a Viall and Buckler of gold, valued 50 thousand Crowns in estimation, as a testimony of their ancient amity with the people of Rome: who, after they had received letters to the free Cities and Kings, to passe securely thorough their Countries and Ports, returned home. A Copy of this decree of the Senate is extant in Josephus, [lib. 14. cap. 16.] upon a far different occasion: For whereas, Josephus had said before, That upon Julius Caesars letters, a Decree was ob∣tained, giving licence to Hircanus the second, for the repairing of the walls of Jerusa∣lem, which Pompeus had demolished; I know not through what oversight he sub∣joyned this Decree instead of the other, which did no whit concern the repaire of the walls of Jerusalem: and yet he saies, this was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus his High Priesthood and reign, in the moneth Panem, when as the Acts themselves confirm this Decree to be published in the Ides of December, (which fall upon the Julian Septem∣ber, and the Macedonian Hyperberetous.) But if Caesar had procured that Decree in favour of Hircanus the second, then the 27 year of Hircanus should have been set down, rather than the ninth, and of his reign none at all: for Josephes himself shews in the tenth Chapter of the same book, that Gabinius had deprived him of his sove∣rainty, and left him onely the High Priests office. That Decree therefore is to be referred to the ninth year of Hircanus the first, at which time the Jewish Common-wealth was a free state, and confederate with the people of Rome, and not to the ninth year of the second Hircanus, in whose time it was conquered, and made tributary unto them.

In the absence of King Demetrius Nicator, first the Antiochians, for his pride, which was grown intollerable by his conversation, with the cruell Parthians, and pre∣sently after the Apameans, and the other Cities of Syria, encouraged by their examples, revolted from them. [Justin, lib. 39. cap. 1.] Demetrius having received intelligence of the revolt was forced to quit Egypt, and march back into Syria.

Cleopatra the Egyptian Queen, having lost her best bulwork, (Demetrius Ni∣cator) shipped all her goods, and made what hast she could into Syria, unto her daughter Cleopatra the Syrian, and Demetrius her son in law. [Justin ut supra.]

And because Demetrius was every whit as odious to the Syrians, generally, as he was to the souldery, they sent unto Ptolemei Physcon, desiring him that he would assigne some one descended from Seleucus, whom they might appoint as King over them. [Ioseph. l••b. 13. cap. 17.] He sent unto them an Egyptian youth, the son of Protarchus a Merchant, who was to seize upon the Kingdom of Syria by force of Arms, having made a very formal story, how he had been adopted into the blood-royall by King Anti∣ochus: as for the Syrians, they would very gladly submit to any King whatsoever, rather than live any longer under Demetrius his insolency, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 1.] Por∣phyrius relates, how that this youth was sent as the son of Alexander, (Bala, viz. who was reported to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes) and that he was called Alexander himself, but the Syrians surnamed him Zabina, because he was generally reputed to be one of Ptolemies slaves, which he had purchased, [in Graec. Euseb. Scalig. pag. 227.] to speak truth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 amongst the Syrians, signifies both bought and redeemed: neither did this substituted King disdaine the memory of his being bought, but allwayes retained it upon his coyn, which bare this inscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

When this new King was come with his numerous supplies out of Egypt, [Year of the World 3878] it is report∣ed, That the relicks also of Antiochus Sidetes, who was slain by the King of the Par∣thians, were sent into Syria in a silver Coffin, to be interred there; which were recei∣ved with a great deal of observance both by the Cities and King Alexander himself. This ingratiated him very much with the Countrymen; who verily believed the tears he shed at the solemnity were not counterfeit but reall. [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 1.]

Both the armies engaged about Damascus, [The Julian Period. 4588] and Demetrius Nicator was worsted, [Year before Christ 126] who observing how he was environed with difficulties, withdrew out of the fight, and made what hast he could to his wife Cleopatra, at Ptolemais, but she shut the gates against him. Being thus deserted by his wife and his sons, with a very small retinue he made to Tyrus, hoping the Temple might be his Sanctuary, and protection. [Id. ib. with Josephus and Porphyrius, in the places above cited.]

Porphyrius gives out, how that he, being denied entrance thither, was slain as he was taking shipping to some other place, four years of his reign being compleated after his return out of Parthia. Justin, That he was slain upon command of the Governour, as he was first landing. Josephus, That he was taken prisoner by the enemy, upon whose hard usage he ended his life. Livy, That his wife Cleopatra killed him, [lib. 60.] And so Appian also [in Syriac. pag. 132.] Indeed, it is very probable, that he was killed at Tyrus and she accessory: and that, the Tyrians for so doing obtained either of her, or of Alexander Zebinas, their freedom, and liberty, to live according to their own constitutions. For that they derived from this very year, a new Epoch of their times, appears both out of Eusebius his Chronicle, where the 402 year of the Tyrians is joyned with the second year of the Emperour Probus, which is the 4990 year of the Julian Period; as also by the Tyrian judgement inserted into the ninth action of the Council of Chalcedon, where the year after the consulship of Flavius Zeno, and Posthumianus, which is the 5162 year of the same Period, is computed the 574 year of the Tyrians account. Moreover we find the City of the Tyrians, in the Inscriptions set out by Grotius, pag. MCV. honoured with the commendation of being the Reli∣gious, the Sacred, and the Independent Metropolis of Phoenicia.

Alexander Zebinas, having got possession of that kingdom, entered into League with John Hircanus the High Priest: and things went very well with Hircanus, du∣ring his reign, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]

Manius Aquilius, Proconsul, returned in triumph out of Asia upon the third of the Ides of November (which at that time fell upon the Julian August) as may be ga∣thered out of the fragments of the triumphal Tables of Marble: concerning which, Mithridates in an Epistle to Arsaces, (Salust. Historiar. lib. 4.) hath this passage. The Romanes, pretending a Will. (viz. King Attalus his Will) though unjustly, led Aristonicus, Eumenes son, in triumph, who had attempted to recover by force of armes, his fathers kingdom. Velleius Paterclus, [lib. 2. cap. 4.] intimates, how that Aristonicus was led in triumph by Manius Aquilius, and afterwards beheaded. For he was strangled at Rome in the prison by an order from the Senate, [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 646. Eutrop. lib. 4. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 10.]

Manius Aquilius, being questioned for bribery, and knowing himself faulty, cor∣rupted his Judges, and so got off, [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 362. & 363.]

M. Plautius Hypsaeus, [Year of the World 3879] and M. Fulvius Flaccus, [The Julian Period. 4589] being Consuls: [Year before Christ 125] A great company of Locusts in Africa were by the wind blown into the sea, and by the waves cast up again at Cyrene: which caused such an intollerable stanch, that by reason of that pestilent vapour, there ensued a lamentable mortality of cattel: and it is reported also, that 800000 men died upon the same infection, [Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis, cum P. Oro∣sio. lib. 5. cap. 11.]

Whilst Dorylaus of Pontus (a man very expert in ordering of an army) was busie in Crete, being sent thither by Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus, about hiring of forreign souldiers: a war was commenced in those parts by the Cnossii against the Gortynii. The Cnossii made Dorylaus their General, who quickly put an end to the war; yet not with more speed than good luck. And having had great honour con∣ferred upon him by the Cnossii for his good service, he resided amongst them with his whole family, having a little after, received intelligence of Mithridates his death: Do∣rylaus was great Grandfather to the mother of Strabo the Geographer, [Strabo, lib. 10. pag. 477, 478. & lib. 12. pag. 557.]

In the 188 year of the account of the contracts, [Year of the World 3880] the Jews of Palestine, and the Senate of Hierusalem and Judas, being about celebrating the Feast of the Dedication of the cleansing of the Temple on the 25 day of the moneth Chasleu, wrote to Aristobulus Ptolemei (Physcons) master (who was descended from the Royal stock of the Priests according to Aaron) and to the Jews in Egypt, that they should do the same likewise, [2 Mac. 1. 10, 18.] Repertus Tuitiensis, [lib. 10. de victoria verbi, cap. 15.] con∣ceives that Judas, to be the same Judas the Essean, whom Josephus reports, 19 years after this, to have foretold the sudden death of Antigonus (son of John Hircanus,) and seldom failed in his prophesies, [lib. 13. cap. 19.] And as for Aristobulus, Clemens Alexandrinus, [lib. 5. Srom.] and Eusebius Caesariensis, both [in the 8 lib. Praeparat. Evangel. c. 3. and in his Chronicle,] suppose him to be that Jewish Philosopher the Peripa∣tetick, of whom mention was made by us afore at the end of 3854 yeare of the World.

Seleucus Demetrius, [The Julian Period. 4590] Nicators son, [Year before Christ 124] without leave of his mother Cleopatra, seized up∣on the Crown, and reigned one year in Syria, [Liv. lib. 60. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227.]

Alexander Zebinas, with much adoe, vanquished Antipater, Clonius, and Aeropus, three of his most eminent Commanders, who had revolted from him, and seized the

City Laodicea. Yet he expressed a great deal of gallantry towards them, after he had taken them prisoners, and in the close, pardoned the apostacy of them all, for he was naturally of a mild disposition, and pleasing temper, and of a wonderful affability in all his meetings and discourses; so that hereby he was extremely beloved of all men, [Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 377.]

Mithridates Euergetes, [Year of the World 3881] King of Pontus, and Armenia the lesse, made away by the treachery of some of his intimate acquaintance, left his wife and his sons to succeed him in the kingdom. But Mithridates, sirnamed Eupator, the elder brother of the two, laid claime to the whole kingdom for himself, [Strabo, lib. 10. pag. 477. cum Justin. lib. 37. cap. 1.] For soon after, he clapt his mother (whom his father had designed joynt part∣ner with him in the kingdom) into prison, and kept her there in bonds, who, by reason of that hard usage, and long imprisonment, ended her dayes there. So Memnon [in Excerpt. Photii, cap. 32.] As for Mithridates himself, Salust reports in his History, That he was a very child when he first entred the kingdom, having made his way, by poysoning of his mother, [Servius in Virg. lib. 6. Aeneid.]

Strabo affirms, That Mithridates was eleven years of age, when he succeeded his fa∣ther in the kingdom; Memnon thirteen: we have chosen the middle year, and ac∣count him 12 years old; following Eutropius, who tells us, That he reigned 60 years, and lived 72. although Pliny, [lib. 25. cap. 2.] allots him but 56 years of reign, and Appian 57, [Vid. supr. ann. Mundi 3868.]

As there appeared a Comet in the year in which Mithridates was born, so there ap∣peared one also in the first year of his reign, which shined so night and day for 70 days together, that the whole heaven seemed to be all a fire. For both the tayle of it cover∣ed the fourth part of the heaven (or 45 degrees of the upper Hemisphere) and out vyed the Sun in brightnesse: and also its rising and setting took up the space of four hours, [Justin. lib. 37. cap. 2.]

In Syria, [The Julian Period. 4591] Cleopatra struck her son Seleucus thorough with a Dart, [Year before Christ 123] either because he had seized upon the Crown without her consent, or fearing least he should in time re∣venge his father Demetrius his death, or because she her self managed all things with the same fury and violence as he did. Having thus dispatched Seleucus, she set up in his room her other son by Demetrius, Antiochus Grypus, whom she had sent to Athens to receive his education: investing him with the Title of King, but reserving to her self the whole power and authority, [Liv. lib. 60. Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] But Porphyrius hath intimated, how that Seleucus being deposed by his mothers treachery, Antiochus the younger brother succeeded in the kingdom, in the second year of the CLXIV Olympiade, [in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 227.] adding withal, that he was not onely called Grypus, but Philometor also: which later sirname, Josephus also gives unto him, [lib. 13. cap. 20.]

Alexander Zebinas, [Year of the World 3882] puffed up with prosperous successes, [The Julian Period. 4592] began now by his insolencie to despise Ptolemei himself, [Year before Christ 122] by whose means he was advanced to the kingdom. Where∣upon Ptolemei reconciled himself to his sister Cleopatra, and endeavoured what in him lay, to ruine Alexanders kingdom, which he had never been able to obtain, had not Ptolemei sent him supplies out of his malice to Demetrius. To that end, he sent a very considerable force to Grypus, and profered his daughter Tryphena to him in marriage, that so he might draw several people to side with his son in law; not onely because of the confederacy and association which had formerly been between them, but also by vertue of this his new relation and alliance, which proved accordingly: for when all saw how Grypus was furnished with as much strength as Egypt could levy, they began by degrees to fall off from Alexander, [Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 2.]

Alexander, not being very confident of the multitude, both in regard of their raw∣ness in martial affairs, as also their natural inconstancy, and hankering after innovations, would not adventure upon a pitcht field: but having first collected the Kings Trea∣suries, and pillaged the Temples, resolved by night to steal away into Greece. But, whilst he attempted, by the help of some of his Barbarians, to plunder Jupiters Temple, he was seized upon, and himself and his whole army had like to have been cut off. But he soon escaped out of their hands, and made towards Seleucia: but the Seleucians having heard aforehand the bruite of his sacriledge, shut their gates against him: fail∣ling there of his purpose, he went to Pisidium. and never after departed from the sea coast, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 378.]

At length Antiochus Grypus, and Alexander Zebinas engaged in a fight, in which Alexander was worsted, and forced to escape to Antiochia. As soon as he came thi∣ther, being in distresse for monies wherewith to discharge the souldiers pay, he gave order to take out of Jupiters Temple, the Statue of Victory which was of beaten gold, varnishing his sacriledge with a jest; for, said he, Iupiter hath lent me Victory. A few dayes after, having set his souldiers to pull down the Image of Jupiter himself, although so, as not to make any hubbub; yet he was surprized by the common people in the

act, and forced to flee for it: Being in a grievous tempest at sea, and divided from his company, he fell amongst Pirates, who took him prisoner, and delivered him upto Grypus, by whom he was put to death, [Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 2.] Josephus reports, that he was slain in a fight with Grypus, [lib. 13. cap. 17.] Porphyrius, That he poisoned himself upon discontent for the losse of his army, in the fourth year of the CLXIV Olympiad, [in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 227.]

Cleopatra upon regret that her honour was likely to be somewhat impaired by the victory which her son Antiochus Grypus had obtained over Alexander Zebinas, pre∣sented him as he came ab exercitatione (an ab exercitu?) from the exercise, (or rather from the army) with a cup of poison. But Grypus, having had some intimation of the treachery before hand, pretended respect to his mother, desired her to drink first, and upon her refusal, urged her with much importunity. At last he charged her with the design of poisoning him, and sets before her the party that discovered it to him: telling her, That she had no other plea left for her innocency, then to drink her self, what she had prepared for her son. The Queen was forced to yeild, so that she her self perished by that same poison, which she had tempered for another. She being removed, Gry∣pus was pretty fast seated in his Throne, enjoying an eight years peace, without any disturbance in State, [Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 2. compared with Appian. in Syriac. pag. [Year of the World 3883] 132.]

The 27 Jubilie. [The Julian Period. 4593]

Lucius Opimius, [Year before Christ 121] Consul in the year in which C. Gracchus (brother to Tibecius Gracchus) the Tribune, was slain as he was encouraging the commons to sedition, the aire was so temperate, that Pliny reports, how wines then made, lasted to his time, which was about 200 years, being brought to a form of candid honey, [Plin. lib. 14. cap. 4. and 14.] In the same year also there appeared a bow about the body of the Sun, [Id. lib. 2. cap. 29.]

Ptolemei Euergetes the II, [Year of the World 3888. a.] or Physcon, [The Julian Period. 4597] died 29 years after the decease of his brother Philometor, [Year before Christ 117] [Ptolem. in Regum Canone. Clem. Alexandrin. lib. 1. Stromat. Euseb. Chronico. Epiphan. de Ponderib. & mensur. Hieronym. in cap. 9. Daniel.] He left behind him three sons. One was called Ptolemei Apion, a By-blow by a Harlot; to whom was be∣queathed by his father in his Legacy, the kingdom of the Cyrenians, [Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 5. cum Appiano in Mithridaticis, pag. 255.] The other two sons Cleopatra bare un∣to him, the daughter of the former Cleopatra, who was both his sister and wife: the younger of the two was called Alexander; but the Senior, by Ptolemei in Regum Ca∣none, as also by Porphyrius, Eusebius, Hierome, and Epiphanius, called Soter; by Strabo, [lib. 17. pag. 795.] Trogus Pompeius, [Prolog. lib. 39. & 40.] Pliny, [lib. 2. cap. 67. & lib. 6. cap. 30.] Josephus, [lib. 13. cap. 18.] and Clemens Alexandrinus, [lib. 1. Stromat.] Lathurus, or Lathyrus: by Athenaeus, [lib. 6. cap. 6.] and Pausanias in Atticis, Philometor: which last sirname (viciously rendred Philopater by Natalis Comes who translated Athenaeus (was given him by way of derision, as Pausanias hath observed: for never was there any of the Kings, that more hated his mother than he did, [Pausan. Attic. pag. 7.]

Physcon, upon his death-bed, left the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra his wife, and to one of the sons, whom she should make choice of. As if it were likely the State of Egypt should be more quiet, and free from commotions than the kingdom of Syria; when the mother by making choice of one of the sons, was sure to make the other her enemy, [Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 3.] She, supposing that Alexander the younger son would prove more plyable and flexible to her commands, moved the Egypcians in his behalf: But seeing she could not prevaile with the commons to receive him for their King, she was forced to elect her eldest son Lathurus (who was banished to Cyprus by his father upon her instigation:) They two reigned together in Egypt ten years, [Id. ibid. Pausan. in Atticis, pag. 7, 8. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.]

Cleopatra, [Year of the World b.] before she would give the kingdom to Lathurus, [The Julian Period. 4598] took away his wife from him; [Year before Christ 116] and having forced him to divorce his most endeared sister Cleopatra, command∣ed him to marry the younger sister Selene: In which action she shewed more partiality towards her daughters, than was befitting a mother, whilst she took away the husband from the one, and gave him to the other, [Iustin. ut supra.]

After Antiochus Grypus had enjoyed to himself the kingdom of Syria 8 years entire without any interruption, [Year of the World 3890] up started his brother Antiochus of Cyzicenus as his rival in the kingdom; [The Julian Period. 4600] they both had the same mother, [Year before Christ 114] but Cyzicenus came by the Uncle An∣tiochus Sidetes: Grypus had a design of removing him by poison, which was the cause he appeared sooner in armes in competition for the kingdom than he thought to have done. This Antiochus was sent away by his mother Cleopatra (for fear of Demetrius Nicator her former husband whom she had forsaken) to Cyzicum, and was brought up by Craterus the Eunuch, and from thence received the sirname Cyzicenus, [Iustin. lib. 39.

cap. 2. Appian. Syriac. p. 132. Porphyr. ut sup. p. 227. Ioseph. lib. 13. c. 17.] But Grypus, hearing of his brothers levying of forces against him at Cyzicum, laid aside his intended expedi∣tion against the Jews, and prepared to meet him, [Iosephus, ibid.]

Cleopatra, [Year of the World 3891] formerly the wife of Ptolemei Lathurus, [The Julian Period. 4601] but afterwards divorced from her husband by Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, [Year before Christ 113] as hath been said, was married to Anti∣ochus Cyzicenus in Syria: who, that she might not seem at her marriage to bring to her husband the bare name of wife, trucked with the army which lay at Cyprus, and brought it over to her husband as her dowry. By the accesse of those forces, he thought himself to be upon pretty even terms with his brother, so that he gave him battle, but he was foiled in the field, and forced to fly away to Antioch. Grypus made after him to Antioch, and besieged it: Cleopatra the wife of Cyzicenus was in the Town: which as soon as taken, Tryphena, the wife of Grypus, commanded in the first place, that her sister Cleopatra should be sought for, not out of any mind she had to release her now she was prisoner, but least she should chance to escape the miseries which commonly attend Captivity, who had invaded this kingdom chiefly out of emu∣lation to her, and who by her espousals with the sworn enemy of her sister, had made her self her enemy also. Moreover, she laid to her charge, That she was the cause of bringing in the forreign forces, upon the differences betwixt the two brothers, and also, that upon her being divorced from her brother, she married out of the kingdom to one who was no Egyptian, contrary to her mothers will. But Grypus endeavoured what in him lay to stave off his wife from her intended cruelty, and told her that it was against the law of arms, after victory obtained, to proceed violently against women, especially such as are allyed in blood to us, as Cleopatra was, who was her own sister, his Cousin German, and Aunt to her own children. To these relations of blood he added the reverence which was due to the Temple, where she had taken Sanctuary, winding up all with this, That he should neither impaire any thing of Cizicenus his power, by putting her to death, nor advantage him if he should send her back to him inviolate. On the contrary, Tryphena, deeming these speeches to proceed from down∣right love rather than from pity and commiseration, sent some souldiers into the Tem∣ple, who killed Cleopatra, having first cut off her hands, as she embraced the image of the goddesse, that no lesse hostility might appeare to be betwixt the two sisters, than there was betwixt the brothers. [Justin, lib. 39. cap. 3.]

Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, the mother of these two sisters (in the fourth year of her reign) having made Alexander her younger son King of Cyprus, sent him thither in person, that by his means, she her self might seem more formidable to her eldest son Lathurus, who was her partner in the government of the kingdom. [Pausan. in Attic. pag. 7, 8. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. p. 225.]

Alexander Jamnaeus, [Year of the World 3892] in the 16 year of his age, had by his wife Alexandra a son, cal∣led Hircanus, whom upon the tidings of Caesars victory at Actium, Herod put to death, when he had passed the age of 80 years. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.] From whence we gather, that this Alexandra, called also Salian, by the Ecclesiastical Writers (as is above, the year of the World, 3862.) was not the same with that Salome, wife of Aristobulus, whom the Grecians call Alexandra; and who, after the decease of her hus∣band, constituted this Alexander Jamnaeus, at that time 22 years old, King in his room, (for Josephus computes that he reigned 27 years, and lived 49) as is to be seen in Jose∣phus, [lib. 13. cap. 20.]

Upon a second clash between the two brothers, [The Julian Period. 4602] Antiochs's, [Year before Christ 112] Cyzicenus and Grypus, Cyzicenus won the day, and withall, took Tryphena, Gryphus his wife, prisoner; who a little before had killed her sister, & by serving her the same sauce, sacrificed to the ghost of his wife. [Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 3.] He chased his brother also out of his kingdom, and reigned over the Syrians in his room. [Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] Grypus upon this his deprivation, withdrew to Aspendum, and from thence he took upon him the surname Aspendius. But Cizicenus entred upon his kingdom the first year of 167 Olympiade. [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227.]

In the second year of the same Olympiade, [Year of the World 3893] Antiochus Grypus returned from Aspen∣dum, [The Julian Period. 4605] and regained Syria, [Year before Christ 111] but Cyzicenus held Coelosyria; so that the Empire was sha∣red between them. [Id. ib.]

Antiochus Cyzicenus, as soon as he got into possession of the kingdom, applyed himself to revellings and luxury, and courses alltogether unbeseeming Kings. For be∣ing extreamly addicted to Anticks, Stage-plaiers, and all sorts of juglers, he learned their arts with a great deal of vehemency: he applyed himself also to Poppit-playing, and placed his chifest delight in making the images of living creatures, in bulk five cubits, covered over with gold and silver, to move of themselves, and other Engines of that nature. Moreover, he was much addicted to unseasonable huntings, and often times would steal forth privately by night with a servant or two to hunt Boars, Lyons and Leopards. Many times he was in danger of his life, by his rash encountring with wild-beasts.

[Diodor. Sicul. lib. 35. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 385.] Concerning the luxury of the other brother Antiochus Grypus, see what Athenaeus reports of him, [in lib. 5. cap. 9. & lib. 12, cap. 19.] out of the 28 book of Posidonius of Apamea his Histories.

The war, [Year of the World 3894] with which those two brothers wore out one another, [The Julian Period. 4604] prov••d a great ad∣vantage to John Hircanus; [Year before Christ 110] for by this means he secured the incoms and revenues of Judea, and had the conveniency of hording up great sums of mony in banco: so that, observing what pitifull havock Cyzicenus made in his brothers Country, and how Grypus received no supplies out of Egypt to give him a check, but that he and his brother by their mutuall encounters did receive many overthrows one from the other, in a while he began not to care a rush for either of them. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]

Hereupon he marched with his army against the Samaritans, who were under the dominion of the Kings of Syria, upon regrett of some injuries offered by them to the Marisieni (were now Idumeans reduced but a little before under his command) far∣mers to the Jews, and in league with them. Having therefore besieged Samaria, a City very well fortifyed with a trentch and double wall, for the space of 80 furlongs, he left his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus to manage the leagure: by whose plying them so fast without, and by the famine raging within the Samaritans were driven to such extremity, that they were forced to feed upon such things, as were scarce mans meat: and at the last, glad to beg assistance from Antiochus Cyzicenus. [Id. ibid. cap. 18.]

Cyzicenus coming as fast he could to relieve the Samaritans, [Year of the World 3895] was routed by Aristo∣bulus his souldiers, and the two brothers pursued him so close at the heels as far as Scy∣thopolis, that he hardly escaped. Upon which very day it is reported, That Hircanus the High Priest, as he was alone offering incense in the Temple, heard a voice, relating unto him the late victory which his sons had obtained over Antiochus. After they had beaten Antiochus they returned back to Samaria, and forced the Samaritans to retreat within their walls, so that they were constrained once more to beg Antiochus his relief, [Id. ib,]

Antiochus Cyzicenus, with about 6000 souldiers, which Ptolemei Lathurus had sent him in spight of his mother Cleopatra's teeth (for he was not as yet deposed by her) at the first stragled up and down Hircanus his dominions, plundering with his Egyptians, where so e're he came, not as yet daring to meet him in the field, being over∣matched, in strength, yet hoping by his pillaging of the Country he should draw off Hircanus from the siege of Samaria. But after he had lost many of his men by an am∣bushcado which the enemy had laid, he marched away to Tripolis, and committed the managing of the war with the Jews to two of his Commanders, Callimander and Eupicrates; of these, Callimander encountring the enemy with greater resolution than discretion, had his party routed, and himself was slain in the place. As for Epi∣crates, it appears plainly, he betrayed Scythopolis, and some other Towns to the Jews, having been well greased in the fist for his paines: neither did he in any one particular advantage the distressed Samaritans, whilst he was in power: so that, Hir∣canus, after he had spent a full year about the reducing Samaria, not content with the bare surrender of the City, levelled it to the very ground. [Id. Ibid.]

The Seleucians, who were seated near Antioch in Syria, having obtained a liberty of living after their own laws) make their computation from hence. [Fasti Siculi. anno 4 Olympiade 167.]

Hircanus, [Year of the World 3896] of the sect of the Pharisees, [The Julian Period. 4606] (both a disciple and a great favourer of theirs) having invited some of the most eminent amongst them to a feast: [Year before Christ 108] took exception at one Eleazer, who confronted him with a false imputation, how that his mother, being taken prisoner in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, was fain to enter into service for a livelyhood: and because the scandall was not so deeply resented by the rest of the company, as he expected it should have been, he grew enraged against the whole sect of the Pharisees, by the instigation of Jonathan a Sadduce, and deserting the Pharisees, turned Sadduce. Now, the Pharisees commended to the people many traditions, which they received from their ancestours by hand, which are not found written a∣mongst Moses his Laws. Therefore the Sadduces abrogated them, and invalidated their authority, saying, That those constitutions were onely obligatory which are found in writing. And from hence arose the great contestation betwixt them both: whilest that the richer sort sided with the Sadduces, the Pharisees made use of the populacy. Whereas therefore Hircanus would have punished some of the Pharisees, who were tenacious of their constitutions (notwithstanding, he had abrogated them) there a∣rose a sedition amongst them: which although at that time he soon appeased, yet did both he and his sons thereby incurre the odium of the common people. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 18.]

John Hircanus dyed, having executed the High Priests office 29 years, as Eusebius tells us out of Josephus, lib. 8. Demonstrat. Evangelic. cap. 2. and Hierom. translating him into Latin, repeats it in his commentaries upon the ninth Chapter of Daniel: all∣though in our books, and in the old translation of Ruffinus, Josephus sometimes allows him 33 years. [as in lib. 1. Belli. cap. 3.] sometimes 31 years. [as in lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18. & lib. 20. cap. 8.] His Father Simon dyed in the 177 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, in the 11 month, Sabat, [1 Maccab. 16. 14.] about February, viz. of the 4579 year of the Julian Period. His wife Alexandra (as we shall see hereafter) de∣ceased about November of the 4644 year of the Julian Period: There is 65 years and almost nine years difference: So that deducting that 37 years which Josephus assignes to the reign of his sons and his wife, there remaines to Hircanus onely 28 years, and a∣bout nine moneths.

Some of the Modern men are of opinion (but upon no good ground) that this John was the Writer of the first book of the Maccabees: giving out withall, that these words in the latter end of the book were added by some body else. Concerning the other things of Iohn, both of his wars, and his noble acts, wherein he behaved himself manfully, and of his building the walls, (viz. of Jerusalem, which demolished by command of An∣tiocus Sidetes) and of other of his deeds, Behold they are written in the Chronicles of his Priest∣hood, from the time he was made High Priest after his father. Probably, in that fourth book of the Maccabees, which Sixtus Senensis in the end of the first book of his Bi∣bliothecae Sanctae avows, that he saw translated out of the Hebrew into Greek, in a Ma∣nuscript at Lyons, in Sontes Pagninus his Library amongst the Predicants, begin∣ning after this manner: And after Simon was slain, Iohn his son was made High Priest in his room. Out of which book it is supposed, that Josephus himself took his relation: who reckons up three speciall dignities which Hircanus held all at once, namely, the sovereign authority over the nation, the High Priesthood, and to be a Prophet: for he tells us, that by reason of his often entercourses with God, he attained to so great a foresight of future contingencies, that he long fore-told the short enjoyment which his two eldest sonnes should have of the kingdom which their Father left them. [Iosephus, lib. Belli. 2. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18.]

Concerning the Tower which Herod afterwards called Antonias Tower) built by him, and wherein he laid up the robe and the rest of the High Priests ornaments: thus the same Josephus writes in the the 20 lib. of Antiquit. cap. 6. Hircanus, the first High Priest of that name, built a Tower near unto the Temple, and lived in it most part of his name. And because he kept in his own custody this High Priests robe, which no body used but himself, he put it off in that place, when he went to resume his ordinary apparel; which custom of his was observed by his sons also, aud their posterity. After Hircanus his decease, the stones which were set in the High Priests brest-plate, and the Onyx stone upon his right shoulder, (by whose radiation the will of God was wont to be intimated to the people of the Jews) upon Gods displeasure for their prevarications and transgressing his laws, grew dimme and lost their lustre, as the same Authour signifies, [lib. 3. Antiquit. cap. 9.] 200 years before he began to compose those his books, concerning the Jewish Antiquities, which as he in the close of that work declares, compleated in the 13 year of Domitians Empire (that is in the 4807. year of the Julian Period.

Iudas, eldest son of Hircanus, otherwise called Aristobulus, and surnamed Philellen (from his familiarity and commerce with the Greeks or the heathens) succeded his father in the government and the High Priesthood, but he enjoyed them but for a year: and he was the first of any, who after the return from the captivity in Babylon, set the Crown upon his head, and reduced the State to a monarchy, [Ioseph. lib. 1. Belli. cap. 3. Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 16. & lib. 20. cap. 8.] Although Strabo hath writ, that his brother and successour. Alexander, was the first that made himself King, [lib. 16. pag. 762.] making likely no account of Aristobulus, in regard he lived so short a time after he had engrossed the soveraignty to himself.

Aristobulus advanced his second brother Antigonus, whom he affected far above the rest, to a partnership in the kingdom, but committed the other three, and kept them bound in prison. He cast his mother also into prison, who contested with him for the principality (for Hircanus had left her soveraign of all) and he proceded to that height of cruelty, that he famished her to death in the prison. [Ioseph. lib. 1. Bel. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19.]

Cleopatra in Egypt being much troubled that her son Ptolemei (Lathurus) was joyned with her in the government of the kingdom; stirred up the people against him. [Iustin, lib. 39. cap. 4.] For having culled out from amongst her Eunuchs, such of whose loyalty and affection she was most confident she brought them into the publick assem∣bly pittifully cut and slashed, charging Ptolemei, as if he had both suborned men to lie in wait for her, and also mangled and disfigured her Eunuchs. The Alexandrians

were so enraged at that spectacle, that they had like all of them to have fallen foul upon Ptolemei: but seeing he had conveyed himself privately away out of the danger, and taken shipping: they saluted Alexander King, who was returned from Cyprus, not very long after this accident fell out. [Pausan. in Attic. pag. 8.]

Before he was thus banished the kingdom, his mother Cleopatra had taken from him his wife Selene: the indignity was the greater, in regard that he had had two sons by her, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4.] As for Alexander, who was called in by his mother, and made King of Egypt in his brothers room, he at that time reckoned upon the eighth year of his reign in Cyprus, and his mother upon the eleventh year of her reign in E∣gypt, [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.] Athenaeus [lib. 12. cap. 27.] notes how that Alexander grew at last every whit as fat and swagbellyed as his father Phys∣con: where he brings in this passage concerning him, out of Posidonius Apamenus in the 47 book of his Histories. The King of Egypt out of favour with the commons, blinded with the insinuations and flatteries of his familiar acquaintance, and living in continual luxury, could not walke a step, unlesse he were supported by two men. But in the dancing which were usual at the Feasts, he would leap bare-foot from the higher beds, and move his body in dancing as nimbly and with as great activity as the best.

Aristobulus marched with an army into Itruraea, [The Julian Period. 4608] and layed a great part of it to the confines of Judaea: [Year before Christ 106] forcing the inhabitants under penalty of banishment to admit of circumcision, and other Jewish ceremonies: which Strabo also confirms in these words out of Timagenes the Historian. He (Aristobulus) was an upright man, and one who drave on the Jews interest very much; for he enlarged their territories, and an∣nexed part of Itruraea unto them, and made it sure under the covenant of circumcision, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 19.]

When Antigonus was upon his return from the wars in triumph, [Year of the World 3899] at what time the Jews held their solemn Feast of Tabernacles; It happened, that King Aristobulus fell sick and kept his bed in the tower which in aftertime was called Antonius tower: But his brother Antigonus, intending to be present at the holy solemnities, went up to the Temple very gloriously attired; but the main end of his going thither was, his devo∣tion for the sick Kings recovery. Aristobulus having been advised by some pickthanks (who meant no good to Antigonus) that he should beware of his brother who had a design upon him, placed some of his guard in a dark vault under ground near the tower, commanding them, that if his brother came unarmed, no one should dare to meddle with him; but if otherwise, they should fall upon him and slay him: yet did he send underhand, one to desire him not to come with his armes. But Salome the Queen, and the rest of Antigonus his back-friends, perswaded the messenger to deliver unto him a clean contrary errand, and to tell him, that the King had a great mind to see him as then he was, in his warriours garb: By chance, one Judas of the sect of the Essens, a person famous amongst them for prognostications of future contingencies, had foretold, that Antigonus should die that very day in Stratons tower: not knowing that there was any other Stratons tower besides that which afterwards was called the Cesarean tower, and was distant from Jerusalem 600 furlongs. When therefore he espyed Antigonus going up to the Temple on that day, he wished he might die immediately, fearing least thereby, he might be proved a false impostour, who hither∣to had the repute of a true Prophet. But presently after, Judas heard that Antigonus was killed in that aforesaid place under ground, which was called by the same name of Stratons tower, as was that other Cesarean upon the sea coast, [Ioseph. lib. 1. Belli, cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19.]

Aristobulus his distemper, upon remorse for his horrid murdering his brother, grew worse and worse, and at last his pains were so violent, that he vomitted blood. As one of his servants was carrying forth the blood to empty, it happened, that his foot sl••p∣ped, so that he spilt Aristobulus his blood upon the very same place which was stained with Antigonus his gore. Aristobulus, having notice given him of the accident, ac∣knowledged the just judgement of God therein, and immediately gave up the ghost, in extreme anguish both of body and mind, [Id. ibid.]

After Aristobulus his decease, his wife Salome (whom the Grecians call Alexan∣dra) released his brothers whom he had kept prisoners a long while, and made Alex∣ander Jannaeus King, in regard he was both elder than any of the rest, and did also exceed them in modesty. Who, as soon as he was possessed of the kingdom, put one of his brothers to death, upon discovery of some treasonable design against him; But he expressed a great deal of civility to the other, who contented himself to live a retired life, and at ease, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 20.] He was called Absolom, and was taken pri∣soner at Hierusalem by Pompey 42 years after, [Id. lib. 14. cap. 8.]

Alexander Jannaeus, [The Julian Period. 4609] having ordered the affairs of the kingdom in such wise as seem∣ed most behooful to himself, [Year before Christ 105] marched with an army against Ptolemais: and having won the field, he forced the enemy to retreate within the walls, and then besieged them,

and made his batteries. At the same time, the two brothers Philometor or Grypus, and Cyzicenus in Syria, weakening one anothers strength by their mutual encounters between themselves, minded not the extremity the Ptolemaians were in. Zoilus a Tyrant, who, observing the dissentions between the two Brothers, took an opportunity to seize upon Stratons Tower and Dora, stood the besieged in some stead, but it was very inconsiderable. Ptolemeus, Lathurus thrown out of the kingdom of Egypt, by his mother Cleopatra, possessed himself of Cyprus. To him the Ptolemaians made their addresses by their Ambassadors, beseeching him, that he would come and rescue them from the danger they were in by Alexander. Upon their engagements, that as soon as he was entred Syria, he should have the Gazaeans, and the Ptolemaians on his side, Zoilus also, and the Sidonians, and many other assistants, encouraged by the their fair promises, he prepared for the voyage. [Id. Ibid.]

In the mean time Demenaetus, a person popular, and of eminent authority, perswaded the Ptolemaians, to alter their resolutions; telling them, That they had better under∣goe the uncertain chance of war with the Jews, wherein happily they might get the better, than to submit to a certain bondage by calling in a Lord over them: and more∣over, thereby not onely undergoe the brunt of the present war, but also they were to expect another from Egypt. Cleopatra would not fit still, and suffer Ptolemei to glean up forces from the parts adjacent, but would quickly be upon her march, with a strong power to hinder his levies; for the Queen endeavoured to drive him out of Cyprus also. [Id. ibid.] Neither did his conjecture faile him in this particular: for Cleopatra, after she had banished her son, did not rest satisfied in that, but persecuted him up and down with war, and not onely chased him out of Cyprus, but killed the General of her own army, for that he let him escape, when he had taken him prisoner. Although Ptolemei did not quit the Island, because he thought himself not able to match her in power, but because he was ashamed to engage against his mother in a war, if we will credit Justin herein. [lib. 39. cap. 4.]

Ptolemei thorefore, although he had heard upon the way, that the Ptolemaians had changed their minds, yet he sailed forwards; and arriving at Sycaminum, he landed his forces there, which consisted of about 30000 Horse and Foot. From thence he marched to Ptolemais with all his forces, and encamped there: but when he saw the Ptolemaians would neither admit of his Legates into the Town, nor hear them so much as speak, he was put into a great perplexity: but after that Zoilus and the Gazaeans were come to him, desiring his assistance against the Jews, and Alexander who pillaged their Country, the siege of Ptolemais was raised for fear of Ptolemei. [Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 20.]

Alexander Jannaeus, [Year of the World 3910] having lead home his army, began to play tricks, calling in Cleopatra privately against Ptolemei, but in publick professing him his Friend and Allye. He promised him also 400 talents of silver, if in lieu thereof, he for his sake would re∣move Zoilus the Tyrant, and give his Country to the Jews. Ptolemei very willingly strook up the bargain with him, but when he saw afterwards, how that Alexander trucked underhand with his mother Cleopatra, he broke off the league which he had made with him. [Id. ibid.]

When the Senate had given leave to Marius (who was upon an expedition against the Cimbrians) to demand supplies from the nations beyond the seas: he wrote to Nicomedes King of Bithynia to that effect: Nicomedes replyed, That the Bithinians were most of them carryed away, and kept slaves by the custome-gatherers in several places: whereupon there issued out a decree from the Senate, prohibiting any free man of the Allies of the people of Rome to serve as slaves, in any province; with fur∣ther order given to the governours of the provinces to set them at liberty, where any such were forced. [Diodorus, Siculus, lib. 38. in Bibliotheca, Photii. cod. 244.]

This Decree of the Senate at the first promulgation of it, [The Julian Period. 4610] was duly and strictly observed; [Year before Christ 104] but afterwards neglected by Licinius Nerva, Pretor of Sicily, which oc∣casioned the second servile war in Sicily, in which the revolters made one Salvius, a southsayer and a minstrel, their King, whom afterwards they called Tryphon. [Id. ib. cum Dion. in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 633, 634.]

C. Marius, and C. Flaccus (or rather Flavius, being Consuls, about three of the clock, there was a defect of light in the sun. [Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis.] Which allmost totall Eclipse of the sun the Astromicall calculation counts unto us as happening in this 4610 year of the Julian Period, on the 19 day of July.

The Ascalonites (having obtained to be a free State) compute the time thereof from hence, as hath been noted in the Sicilian Chronicles, at the CLXIX Olympiad, to which agrees the Chronicle of Eusebius, in which the 380 year of their account is joyned with the second year of Probus the Emperour, falling in with the 4990 year of the Julian Period.

Ptolemei Lathurus, leaving his Commanders with a Brigade of his army, to besiege Ptolemais, which had shut her gates against him, who also at last won the City; mar∣ched away himself with the residue of his Forces against Judea, to pillage and reduce it. Alexander Jannaeus having received intelligence of his coming, carried out of his own Dominions about 50 (some Writers rather think 80) thousand men, and thus provid∣ed, marched to meet him. But Ptolemei, coming unawares on the Sabbath day upon Asochis a City of Galilee, stormed it, and took it: and carried away with him about 10000 prisoners, besides other great booties. Next he fell upon Zephoris not far di∣stant from Asochis; having lost many men before the place, he drew off, to encounter with Alexander Jannaeus, whom he met at the River Jordan over against Asophos, not far situate from the River. As for Alexander, he had 8000 which were wont to fight in the Van bearing Targets of Brasse, whom he called Hecatontomachi: These were faced by Ptolemeis Van, who used Targets of Brasse likewise. They were some∣thing back ward at the first to charge the enemy; but in conclusion, they were per∣swaded by Philostephanus, a person skilful in ordering martial affairs, to passe over the River, where the Jews were encamped. The victory for a while was banded from one side to the other: but at last, Ptolemeis souldiers routed the Jews; and in the pursuite did execution on them so long, that their armes were wearied, and the edge of their swords blunted. It is said, that 30 thousand, (or as Timagenes hath computed in his writings 50000) Jews fell in that battel: all the other being either taken prisoners, or escpaed by flight. As for Ptolemei, when after the victory he had roved all the day about the Country, at even retreated into some of the villages belonging to the Jews: which, when he saw they were thronged with women and children, he commanded his souldiers to fall on, and to slay them promiscuously, and after they had chopped them in pieces, to cast them into scalding cauldrons, to the end, that those which had escaped out of the fight, might believe that the enemy fed on mans flesh, and so might thereby become more dreadful and formidable to the beholders. This piece of cruel∣ty, both Strabo and Nicholaus Damascenus recite in their Histories, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 20, 21.]

Cleopatra, [Year of the World 3901] Queen of Egypt, [The Julian Period. 4611] observing how her son Lathurus his power increased every day, [Year before Christ 103] by his subduing the City of the Gazeans, and his uncontroled plunderings in the Jews Country: held it small policy to let him go on as he did; especially when as he played most about the entrance into Egypt, and gaped after that kingdom: wherefore to check him, she forthwith raised forces both for sea and land: entrusting Chelcias and Ananias with the command of them, Jews both, and sons of that Onias who built the Temple in the Seigniory of Alexandria, [Id. ibid. cap. 18. & 21.] For, that the Queen did all things by the advice of those two favourites, Josephus confirms, by this testimony taken out of the History of Strabo the Cappadocian. Most of those which entred Cyprus with us at the first, and of those also who afterwards were sent thither by Cleopatra, revolted presently to Ptolemei [Lathurus.] Onely those Jews which were of Onias his side remained constant in their loyalty, in regard that their country-men Chelcias and Ana∣nias, were in high esteem with the Queen.

Cleopatra, having deposited a considerable part of her wealth in the Island Cous, where also she left her grandchildren and her last will and testament: ordered Ptole∣mei Alexanders son, to arrive at Phoenicia with a great Fleet, and upon the countries revolt, and flocking in to her, she came to Ptolemais; but being denyed entrance, she resolved to storm it. In the mean while, it happened that Chelcias one of her chief Commanders died, as he was in the pursuite of Lathurus about Coelosyria: as for La∣thurus he quitted Syria, and made what haste he could to get into Egypt, supposing that the Garrisons there were all drayned by Cleopatra, and so fancying to himself fair hopes of surprizing them unawares; but he found it otherwise. [Iosephus, lib. 13. cap. 21.]

The Egestan and Lilybetane fugitives in Sicilia, created themselves a King, one Athenio, a shepherd, a Cilician by birth, who feigned that the gods by the stars had intimated unto him, how that he should be King of all Sicily; and that therefore it behoved him to favour the Country, and to spare the cattell and fruits therein as his own. Notwithstanding all this, as soon as Tryphon sent for him, he submitted him∣self to him as King, contenting himself with the Generals place of the army under him, [Diodor. Sicul. lib. 36. ut supr. compared with Cicero, in Verr. lib. 2. with Flrous, lib. 3. Histor. cap. 19. and with Dion. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 637.]

Cleopatra, [Year of the World 3902] hearing of her son Lathurus his endeavours, [The Julian Period. 4612] and how his attempts upon Egypt had not succeeded to his hearts wish, [Year before Christ 102] sent a Brigade of her army thither, and chased him clean out of the Country: And now he, being once more driven out of Egypt, spent the following Winter at Gaza, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.]

In the mean while Cleopatra won Ptolemais, with its Garrisons: Thither repaired unto her Alexander Jannaeus, with presents in his hands; who was entertained by her

after such manner, as was befitting one that had been oppressed by Lathurus, and had no other refuge to betake himself unto. And when certain of the Queens favourites would have perswaded her to seize upon that Country also, and not to suffer such a number of good Jews to lie at the beck of one single person: Ananias advised the con∣trary; telling her, what a high piece of unjustice it would be, for her to strip a man of his fortunes, who was both her fellow-warriour, and the kinsman of Ananias himself: for if she did so, she would in short time, by offering injury to Alexander, lose the affe∣ctions of the whole Nation of the Jews. Cleopatra followed his counsel, and did not onely at that time refrain from doing him any injury, but shortly after, renewed the League which was formerly betwixt them at Scythopolis a City of Coelosyria, [Id. ibid.]

Alexander Jannaeus being now secured from the fear he had of some imminent dan∣ger from Ptolemei Lathurus, undertook an expedition into Coelosyria, and besieged Ga∣dara, [Id. ibid.]

L. Licinius Lucullus, being sent by the Senate against the slaves that had revolted, came into Cicily with an army 17 thousand strong, consisting of Italians, Bithynians, Thessalonians, Acarnans, and Lucans. Athenio the Cilician marched out to meet him with 40 thousand men: who having lost 20 thousand of his men, slain outright, and being himself desperately wounded, yet made a shift to escape, by lurking amongst the dead carkases, [Diodor. Sicul. ut supr.]

The Jews and the Arabians infested Syria with robberies by land: The Cilicians occasioned a war at sea, by their piracy, which the Romans waged in Cilicia by An∣tonius, [Prolog. lib. 39. Trogi.] Marcus Antonius (the Orator, grandfather of M. Antonius the triumvir) at that time Praetor, sent to that war instead of the Consul, and staying at Athens many dayes, in regard it was bad sailing, heard Mnesarchus, Carne∣ades, and Menedemus, 3 most learned men disputing there, as he did afterwards Me∣trodorus Scepsius in Asia. Then being come unto the Province by the assistance of the Byzantians he encountred the pirates with good successe; yet in the engagement he lost M. Gratidius his Admiral, [Cicero in lib. 1. & 2. de Oratore, & in Bruto. Liv. lib. 68. Corn. Tacit. lib. 12.] To which that passage of Julius Obsequens, about the consulship of C. Marcus, and Q. Luctatius, is to be referred. The Pirates in Cicily (lege Cilicia) were vanquished by the Romans: and another passage in lib. 68. of Livies Epitome: An∣tonius the Praetor in Sicily (it must be read Cilicia, as in the former citation) chased the Pirates at sea. From whom also he rid in triumph, as Pighius tells us in the third tome of his Annals at the DCLI year Vrbis, (of the City) about the end.

The fourth Calippick Period begins.

Alexander Jannaeus took Gadara after he had spent ten moneths in the siege, [Jo∣sep. lib. 13. cap. 21.]

Marius and Catulus, being Consuls,—Archias the Poet of Antiochias, who after∣wards described the Mithridatick war in Greek Verse (and many of whose Epigrams are extant in the Greek Anthology) came to Rome: where he had the chief hand both in Ciceroes first applying himself to any studies, and also in putting him into a me∣thod, [Cicero, pro Archia, Poeta.]

C. Marius, though in a posture ready to fight the Cimbrians in Gaule, delayed the engagement, pretending how that by the advice of certain Oracles, he did onely lie at catch for a convenient time and place for a victory: For he carried about with him in a Litter a certain Syrian woman, called Martha, who was reported to have skill in prophesying: He had her in great reverence, and never sacrificed but upon her inti∣mation. She had formerly been with the Senate to treat of those matters, and foretel what should happen, but the Senate put her by, and would not vouchsafe her an hear∣ing, [Plutarch in Marius.]

Near upon the same time, Battaces, or Batabaces, Priest of the great Mother Idea, came to Rome from Pessinunt in Phrygia; and coming into the Senate, he told them, he was commanded thither by his Goddesse with t••ings of a great victory which should happen to the people of Rome, and the high renown they should get in a war: adding withal, that the religious rites of the Goddesse were profaned, and therefore publick expiation ought to be made of them at Rome. He brought also along with him a garment, and other ornaments of the body, new, and such as were never seen by any Roman before that time: he brought also a golden Crown of an unusual bulk, and a long Robe interwoven with flowers, and gilded, all very glorious and royal. After he had made a speech to the people from the Oratours pleading desk, and per∣swaded them to receive his superstitious worship, he was entertained at the publick places of receipt for strangers: but was prohibited by Aulus Pompeius Tribune of the people, to bring his Crown with him: Being by the other Tribune brought unto the Court, and questioned concerning the expiation of the Temple, he returned a very superstitious answer. As for Pompeius, after he had called him an hedge-priest, and an

Imposture, and driven him out of the Court, dissolved the assembly and went home, where he fell suddenly sick of a violent fever; so that soon after he became speechlesse, and was most grieviously tormented with the squinacy; and upon the third day (or as others, the seventh day) he dyed. All which some interpret to have happened unto him by a divine providence, for the indignity and injury he offered to the Priest, and to the goddesse her self: For the Romans were naturally inclined to superstiti∣ons. Thence it was, that Battaces in his holy dresse, was treated so magnificent∣ly by the men and women, and that when he left Rome, he was atteended out of Town in such great pomp. [Id. ibid. & Diodorus Siculus, lib. 36. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.]

A servant belonging to Servilius Caepio, gelding himself for the worship of Mother Idaea, was transported over seas, and never to returne back again to Rome. [Julius Obse∣quens ut supra.]

Alexander Jannaeus wan Amathus the best fortified Castle of any neer Jordan; [Year of the World 3903] where Theodorus, Zenons son, deposited what ever things he had in highest estima∣tion. But Theodorus, coming suddenly upon him, recovered what he had lost, p••llag∣ed Alexanders carryages, and slew ten thousand Jews. But Alexander, as soon as he had recurited his losse, set upon the Countries along that sea coast, took Raphia, and Anthedon, which Herod afterwards named Agrippias. [Joseph. lib. 1, Belli. cap. 3. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 21.]

Manius Aquilius, [The Julian Period. 4613] the Colleague of C. Marius, [Year before Christ 101] in his fifth Consulship, was sent as Generall against Athenio the Cilician, who after the decease of Tryphon, was made King of the Runagadoes in Sicilie: He behaved himself so gallantly in the service, that he got a most famous conquest over the Rebels: For he encountred with their King Athenio himself, and at last, got the better of him. Whilst the souldiery strived amongst themselves, whose prisoner he should be, he was torne in pieces by them in the contest. [Diodor. Sicul. ut sup. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 19.]

Ptolemei Lathurus quitted Gaza, and returned again to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra into Egypt. [Iosephus, lib. 13. cap. 21.] whose hard usage of Lathurus affrightned her young sonne Alexander so far, as that it occasioned him to leave him, preferring a secure and safe life before an hazardous kingdome. Wherefore Cleopotra, fearing least her eldest sonne Lathurus might procure An∣tiochus Cyzineus his helping hand towards the recovery of Egypt, dispatched away supplies to Antiochus Grypus, and sent unto him also Selene (Lathurus his wife) to be married to the enemy of her former husband; and called back, by her Ambassadors, her son Alexander into the kingdom. [Justin lib. 39. cap. 4.] And this was the ground of their civill wars which arose betwixt the Kings of Syria, which Livy recites in lib. 68.

That the Fugitives in Sicily were all put to the sword in severall battels, [Year of the World 3904] in the time of C. Marius, and Lucius Valerius, Consuls, Julius Obsequens notes in his little Book de prodigiis: For Aquilius the Proconsul pursued the remainder of the Fugitives (ten thousand whereof yet were left) untill he had reduced them all under his power, and thereby put an end to the second servile war, after it had continued allmost four years. [Diodorus Siculus, ut supra.] In which wars Athenaeus gives up a tally of ten hundred thousand slaves that were lost. [l••b. 6. cap. 7.]

C. Marius, [The Julian Period. 4614] then the sixth time Consul, [Year before Christ 100] chiefly by the assistance of L. Apuleius Sa∣turninus, tribune of the people, banished Q. Metellus Numidius, who came to Rhodes, and there addicted himself to the studies of philosophy, and was at leisure to read Authours, and hear the discourses of the most eminent schollars. [Cicero in Pison & pro Sextio. Livie, lib. 69. Plutarch. in Mario. Appian. Belli. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 367, 369.]

Ambassadors came to Rome from Mithridates with a good round sum of mony, with hopes of corrupting the Senate therewith. Saturnius, Tribune of the people, a sworn enemy to the whole order of Senatours, taking notice thereof, and supposing that he had them now on the hip, bespattered the Embassie, with reproaches and oblo∣quies. The Ambassadors called him in question for this, and so musled him by the instigation of the Senatours, who clapped them on the back, and promised them their helping hand. Saturninus was in great danger of his head for this his violating the Ambassadors, whose priviledges the Romans alwayes held in a most religious esteem: But the people did not onely rescue him in this extremity, but also declared him again Tribune of the people. [Diodorus Siculus, Legat. 34.] Yet that Incendiary being engaged in a fresh mutiny, was slaine therein, this very year of C. Marius, (now the sixteenth) and Valerius Flaccus Consuls. [Cicero in 8 Philippica, & pro Rabirio. Appian. belli. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 369. 360. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.]

When as in every assembly, for the space of two whole years together, Q. Metellus his restoring from banishment was taken into debate: Q. Metellus his son traversed the market-place, having his beard and hair over-grown, and in a nasty garment; where with tears in his eyes, he prostrated himself to the Citizens, beseeching them to recall his father home again. The people, allthough they would by no means put the banish∣ed in hopes of returning, by doing any thing on their behalf, which was contrary to law, yet in compassion to the young man, and being moved with the importunitie of his entreaties, they recalled Q. Metellus from banishment, and gave to his son the sirname of Pius, for his singular affection and care he had of his father, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi, p. 390.] Yet Aurelius Victor, in his hook de viris Illustribus, cap. 62. writes, how that the father, (viz. Q. Metellus) being banished to Smyrna, and recalled home by the Calidian law, when the letters to that purpose were brought unto him, as he sat accidently in the theatre, beholding the pasports, he would not vouchsafe to read them, untill such time that the show was over.

C. Marius, not brooking to look Metellus in the face after his returne home, sailed into Cappadocia and Galatia, pretending a piece of devotion, in which he stood enga∣ged to the Great Mother Idaea, but in very deed to raise and foment new wars: and to bring his designe about, he thought good to egg forward Mithridates (by whom he was received with all civillity and respect, and who at that time, as it appears plainly, was busie about taking up arms) with these words: Either endeavour, O King, to put your self into such a condition that you may be too hard for the Romans, or else quietly submit unto their commands. This saying amazed the King, as one who often heard of the name, but never till now of the freeness of the Roman tongue, to vent what it pleased. [Plutarch in Mario.]

Alexander Jannaeus, being enraged against the Gazaeans, because they had called in Ptolemei Lathurus to their assistance against him, both assaulted their City, and wast∣ed the Country. In the mean time Apollodorus, Commander of the Gazaeans, with 2000 mercenaries, and 10000 which he armed out of the Townsmen, sallyed forth by night into the Jews Camp; and whilst it was a night-fight, the Gazaeans had the better of it, the enemy supposing that Ptolemei was come to their relief: but as soon as day∣break, and the truth of the businesse appeared, the Jews rallyed forth into a body, and falling upon the Townsmen with all their might and main, killed about 1000 of them: yet for all this, and though victuals also grew scarce, would not they stoop to a resigna∣tion of themselves, but were ready to undergo any hardship, rather than they would be brought under the power of the enemy. Aretas also, King of the Arabians, bare up their spirits a while, by giving out, and putting them in hopes (though in vain) of some great matters he would do for them, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.]

Lysimachus, [Year of the World 3907] envying the great favour his brother Apollodotus was in amongst the Gazaeans, [The Julian Period. 4617] killed him, [Year before Christ 97] and then drawing together a band of souldiers, delivered up the City to Alexander Jannaeus; who at first marched in very calmly, but presently after let loose the souldiers to fall upon the Townsmen, to kill and slay without controle. The Gazeans indeed lay slaughtered in every street; yet did they not dye unrevenged, but strugling with their assailants, killed as many of the Jews: but others of them quitted their houses, and set them on fire, to prevent the enemies plunder; others killed their wives & their children with their own hands, that they might not be led away into cap∣tivity. The Senatours, 500 in number, had retired themselves into Apollo's Temple; for it happened that at that very time, that the enemy was let into the City, a Senate was held there. But Alexander cut the throats of them all, and after he had dismantled the City, returned back to Jerusalem, a year after his drawing up his forces to block up Ga∣za. [Id. ibid.]

At the very same time also Antiochus Grypus was put out of the way, by the treachery of Heracleon, having lived 45 years, and reigned 29. [Id. ibid.] or rather 26, as it is read in Porphyrius his fragment; eleven of those 26 years, he reigned alone, the other 15, joynt partner with Cyzicenus. He dyed in the fourth year of the CLXX Olym∣piade. [in Graec. Euseb. Scalig. pag. 227.] Grypus left behind him five sons, the first Se∣leucus, whom Josephus will have to succeed his father, the second and third twins, by Tryphaena, daughter to Ptolemei Physcon, King of Egypt, Antiochus and Philip▪ the fourth Demetrius Eucaerus; the fifth, another surnamed Dionysius.

To Mithridates Eupator, [Year of the World 3908] King of Pontus, was born a son, called Pharnaces, who lived fifty years. [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius being Consuls, [The Julian Period. 4618] Ptolemei King of the Cyrenians (Phys∣con's son by a Curtesan) dyed, [Year before Christ 96] and left the people of Rome his heire. [Liv. lib. 70. Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Cassiodorus in Chronica.] The Cities of that kingdom were enfranchized by a decree of the Senate, as Livy testifies, although Plutarch in Lucullo shews, how that the Cyrenaeans soon after were miserably harrased with continuall usurpations and wars.

Anna the Prophetesse, [Year of the World 3909] daughter of Phanuel, [The Julian Period. 4619] of the tribe of Aser, [Year before Christ 95] being married, lived with her husband seven years from her virginity. [Luc. 2. 36.]

Tigranis, son of Tigranes who was delivered up to the Parthians, as hostage, was re∣stored by them into his fathers kingdom of Armenia, upon their receipt of 70 portions of lee land of his Country, as a gratuitie, [Strabo. lib. 11, pag. 532. Justin, lib. 38. cap. 3. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 118.] as is gathered out of the 25 year of his reign, mention whereof will be made hereafter out of Plutarchs Lucullus, at the year of the World, 3934.

Q. Mutius Scaevola, [Year of the World 3910] being sent Proconsul into Asia, made choice of his most intimate friend, P. Rutilius Rufus for his Legate, (whom Pomponius in D. de orig. Juris, erro∣niously makes the Proconsul of Asia) and used his advice and counsel in managing the affairs of the province, and making laws: he also had a great hand in restraining the injuries and exactions of the Publicans, who did extreamly oppresse those of that pro∣vince: For as often as any who had been pinched by those tole-gatherers, made their addresse unto him, he condemned them wheresoever he came, by upright Judges, purposely commissionated, and delivered over the parties condemned to the persons whom they had injured, to be them confined to prison. Moreover, by his discharging both his own expences, and the expences of his retinue, out of his own private purse, he soon inclined the hearts of all in the province towards the people of Rome. [Cicero. lib. 2. de oratore. Diodorus▪ Siculus, in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 393, 394.]

Seleucus, [The Julian Period. 4620] son of Antiochus Grypus, [Year before Christ 94] having gotten together a considerable force, marched against his Uncle Antiochus Cyzicenus. Cyzicenus came with his army from Antiochus, and gave him battle, but was overcome: and being by his horse's running away with him, hureyed into the enemies Camp, seeing no possibility of getting off a∣gain, slew himself, after he had reigned 18 years: And Seleucus, having won the king∣dom, retreated to Antioch. [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227.] Josephus relates, how that Cyzicenus was taken prisoner in the fight by Seleucus, and afterwards put to death. [lib. 13. cap. 21.] But Trogus, that he dyed in the battle which was fought betwixt him and Grypus his sons. [lib. 40. Prolog.]

Cn. Domitius, and C. Coelius being Consuls, a Decree of the Senate came forth, whereby all persons were prohibited to lend any money to the Cretians. [As∣con. Pedianus in argument. orat. pro C. Cornelio.] See ann. Mundi 3935. out of Dion.

Q. Mutius Scaevola, having held the government of Asia not above nine moneths, for fear he should be chargeable to the Exchequer, resigned that honour. [Cicero ad At∣ticum, lib. 5. epist. 17, cum Asconio Pediano in orat. Cicer. contra L. Pisonem.] The while he held his imployment in Asia, so uprightly and so stoutly did he manage it, that the Senate ever after by their decree propounded Scaevola's administrations as a model and form to be imitated by all those that should succeed in that province. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 15.] The Grecians also inserted in their Calendar a festivall day, in honour of him, which the Asian called Mutia. [Ascon. Pedian. in 3^tiam contra Verram, & Divi∣nationem contra eundem] concerning which Cicero thus, in Verrem 2^dâ. Mithridates in Asia, whereas he was Master of all the whole Province did not put down the Mutia, although he was not onely an enemy, but such an enemy, as was too Violent and cruell in other matters, yet would he not violate the honour of the man, which was hallowed with the ceremonies of the gods.

Yet was his Legate Publius Rutilius Rusus, a person of high innocencie, who had joyned with him in vindicating Asia from the exactions and injuries of the Publicans, called in question as a receiver of bribes, by a factious party of the Gentry, (which he with the Proconsul had punished for acting exorbitantly, in gathering the rents.) But he was of such an entire trust, and innocence, that from the day that his accusers set to implead him, to the cognizance of the cause, he neither let his beard or his hair grow, not put on an unfashionable garment, nor laid aside his Senatours robes, nor cringed to his adversaries, nor inclined the Judges: neither when the Praetor had granted him leave to make his apologie, did he make a speech which might seem beneath his spirit, (such a spirit as would become every good man, whose chance it is to be loaden with calumnies, and who rather pittyed the case of the Common-wealth, than his own con∣dition) or let a word drop from his mouth, which might seem to derogate from the splendour of his fore-past years. [Liv. lib. 70, Ascon Pedian. in Divinatione contra, Verrem. Valer. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 4. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 637. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.] Concern∣ing whom, M. Cicero in his first Diolgue de oratore, speaks thus. Seeing that man was the very pattern of innocency, and not one person in the whole City of greater integrity or sanctimony: he would not onely not petition the Iudges favour, but would not so much as suffer his advocates to plead his cause with greater flourishes and amplifications, than the bare account of the truth it self would permit: some few particulars of his defence, he put over to Cotta, an eloquent man, and

his sisters son. Q. Mutius also pleaded some thing on his behalf, after his old manner, with∣out any flourishing, plainly and clearly. And in Bruto. At what time, that most innocent per∣son was called to trial (by which judgement we know the Common-wealth to have been shaken) although there were then in the City, those two eloquent men, L. Crassus, and M. Antonius; yet would he not entertain either of them for his advocate: But he pleaded his own cause himself, and C. Cotta spake some few things, in regard he was his sisters son, who though but a youth, yet shewed he himself an Oratour. Q. Mutius, also spake in Court, clearly indeed and smoothly, as he alwayes did, yet not with such ardour and volubility, as that kind of processe, and the great∣nesse of the cause required.

And thus the Gentry of Rome, having by the vertue of the Gracchian laws gotten into their hands the power of sitting in Judgement, condemned (to the great grief of the City) Rutilius, a person not onely surpassing any of his time, but any that ever lived, upon the act of bribery, [Vellei. Paterculi. lib. 2.] No sooner was sentence past upon him, and an estimate made in money of what he stood charged in Court, but he forth∣with parted with all he had; whereby he evidenced, that he was altogether clear from the crime objected against him. For all he could rap and rend, came not near to so much, as his accusers said he got in Asia by his extortion: and every particular of his estate was by him shewed to have been conveyed unto him upon just and lawful titles. The envy of this mans condemnation, fell upon C. Marius, to whom his vertue was a great eye-fore: which was the reason that Rutilius, not liking the carriage of things in the City, not enduring to live and converse any longer with such a fellow as Marius, left his Country of his own accord, and went into Asia, and lived there an exile at Mitylene, [Dio. ut. supr. pag. 637, 638.] And whenas one of his friends thought to have comforted him and cheared him up in his banishment, by telling him, That civil wars would shortly break forth, and then all the banished might return home. What in∣jury (said he) did I ever to you, that you should wish me a worse return home, than I had going into banishment? I had rather that my Country should blush at my banish∣ment, than grieve at my return home, [Seneca. in beneficiis, lib. 6. cap. 37.] His banish∣ment did no whit impa••re his former glory and wealth: for all the Cities of Asia sent their Embassadors to waite upon him: And not onely Q. Mutius, but whatever Ci∣ties and Kings had formerly been beholding unto him for any courtesie, sent unto him very many presents: so that now, in respect of wealth, he was in a far better condition, than ever he was before his banishment, [Valer. Maxim. lib. 2. cap. 10. Dio ut supr. pag. 638.]

Antiochus Eusebes, [Year of the World 3911] or Piu••, [The Julian Period. 4621] son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, [Year before Christ 93] having, by the means of a Curtezan who fell in love with him for the comelinesse of his person, escaped a plot which Seleucus his Cousin German had laid for him (although the Syrians ascribe his preservation to the merit of his piety, for which he got the sirname Eusebes) came to Aradus, and having set a Crown upon his head, commenced a war against Seleucus, to whom in one battle he gave so great an overthrow, that he never after was able to stand in the field but was chased out of all Syria, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 21. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 133.]

Seleucus, fleeiug into Cilicia, after he had been a while received by the Mopsuesti∣ans, began to exact Tribute of them; but they took that his exaction so ill at his hands, that they set fire on his Palace, and burnt both him and his friends, [Ioseph. ibid.] That he was burnt in the common place of exercise in regard he had carried himself so, be∣yond all measure, violently and tyrannically, Appian relates, [pag. 132.] That he was burnt alive by Antiochus Cyzicenus his son, Eusebius in Chronico: but Porphyrius writes, That after he had betaken himself to the City, and perceived that the Mop∣suestians had a design to burn him alive, that he laid violent hands on himself, [ut supr. pag. 227.]

The two Seleuci twins, Antiochus and Philippus, drew up their Forces against Mop∣suestia and took it, and levelled it even to the ground, in revenge of their brothers death: which was no sooner done, but Antiochus Pius, son of Cyzicenus came upon them on the sudden, and discomfited them. As for Antiochus, he fleeing on horseback out of the battel, and attempting to get over the River Orontes, was drowned in the stream. But his brother Philip (to whom Scaliger attributes a Coyne to belong, which did beare this Inscription: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and Antiochus Pius, beginning their reigns together from the third year of the CLXXI. Olympiade, and having both of them considerable Forces, contested be∣tween themselves which of them two should be sole Lord of all Syria, [Porphyr. ut sup. pag. 227.]

Ptolemei Lathurus, [Year of the World 3912] having sent for Demetrius Eucaerus, [The Julian Period. 4622] fourth son of Antiochus Gry∣pus from Cnidus, [Year before Christ 92] made him King of Damascus. Antiochus Pius joyning his Forces with his brother Philips, opposed him very valiantly for a while, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.] But at length, Antiochus was worsted, and forced to flee for refuge

to the Parthians, [Porphyrius, ut supr. Eusebius in Chronic.]

When as Mithridates King of Pontus had seized Cappadocia, [Year of the World 3913] having made away both the sons which the King of the Cappadocians (son of that Ariarathes, which died in the war against Aristonicus, and of another Laodice, of whom formerly) had by his sister Laodice: he resigned up the kingdom to his own son but 8 years of age, to whom he gave the name of Ariarathes, appointing Gordius for his Guardian. Nico∣medes Philopator, King of Bithynia. being somewhat jealous least, having now gotten Cappadocia, he might happily attempt to invade Bithynia which bordered upon it, suborned a youth marvellous handsome, as if Ariarathes had had three, and not onely two sons, who was to be a petitioner to the Senate about the restoring him to his fa∣thers kingdom. He sent also his wife Laodice (Mithridates his sister, who after the de∣cease of her former husband Ariarathes, was married to Nicomedes) to Rome to te∣stifie, that Ariarathes had three sons. As soon as Mithridates had notice hereof, he also with the like impudence, dispatches Gordius to Rome, whose errand was to avouch to the Senate, how that the youth to whom he had delivered the kingdom of Cappa∣docia, was descended from that Ariarathes, who in the war of Aristonicus, had brought supplies to the Romans, and died in the service, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 1, 2.]

The Queen of the Galadeni waged war with the Parthians. [The Julian Period. 4623] Josephus writes, [Year before Christ 91] how that Antiochus Pius, Cyzicenus his son, being called to her assistance, behaved himself gallantly, but had the mischance to miscarry in the fight; so that after his decease, the kingdom of Syria remained in the power of the two brothers, Grypus his sons: Philip, and Demetrius Eucaerus, [lib. 13. cap. 21.] Whereas Eusebius in Chronico termina∣tes the reign of Seleucus his race in the two years, which he attributes to Philip Grypus his son. But seeing that after this time Appian in the end of his Syriacks teacheth us, that both Antiochus Pius was driven out of his kingdom by Tygranes; and Josephus, that Philip also with his two brothers, Demetrius Eucaerus, and Antiochus Dionysius, waged war with the Kings of Damascus, and possessed themselves of the kingdom of Syria, [lib. 13. cap. 22, & 23.] It seems more probable, that Antiochus Pius, being returned from the Parthians (to whom Porphyrius and Eusebius confirm, that he went not against his enemies, but as to a Sanctuary and Refuge for himself) recovered that part of Syria which Philip had usurped for the space of two years: and that Philip to repaire that losse, contested with his two brothers, Demetrius and Antiochus, about the joyning of the kingdom of Damascus to his Principallity, (which commotions be∣tween the Kings of Syria, seem to be those which Livy hath described in his 70 book) and claimed to himself all the remaining parts of Syria, which were not in the hand of Cyzicenus his son. The Syrians being at last quite wearied out with the various skir∣mishes which Philip had, sometimes with Antiochus Pius, sometimes with his brothers, for the space of eight years together, they deserted the Seleucians, and voluntarily put themselves under the command of Tigranes King of Armenia; as Justin shewes in the beginning of his 40 book. And as for that sirname of Pius, which was given to An∣tiochus, Appian (in the forecited place) is of opinion, that it was given him in derision by the Syrians; because he had married Selene, which had formerly been the wife both of his father Cyzicenus, and his Uncle Grypus: and therefore plainly tells us, That he was by the just judgement of God, thrown out of the kingdom by Tigranes.

The Senate of Rome, being well acquainted with the endeavours of the two Asiatick Kings, and their design to steale away other mens kingdoms by obtruding false titles; took Cappadocia away from Mithridates, and to chear him up, Paphlagonia from Ni∣comedes: And because it might perchance be thought a disparagement to deprive those two Kings of that, which they were resolved ef••soones to give away unto some others; the Senate made both people a free State. But the Cappadocians refused this profered liberty, and sending Embassadors to Rome, told them, That it was utterly im∣possible for them to live without a King: The Romans wondering thereat, gave them leave to elect a King out of their own body: so Ariobarzanes was made King, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 2. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 540.] The Romans, having renounced Gordius, whom Mithridates had commended unto them, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 5.]

L. Cornelius Sylla, [Year of the World 3914] after his Praetorship was expited, (which as Velleius Paterculus intimates in •• lib of his History, he discharged the year before L. Caesar, and P. Ru∣tilius were Consuls) being appointed over Cilicia, was sent Embassador into Cappa∣docia; his expedition was glossed with the specious pretence of settling Ariobarzanes the new elect in his kingdom: but the true occasion of his going thither, was to crush Mithridates his designs, whose head was full of plots. Sylla brought no great force with him thither, but by means of the Allyes who readily profered their service, he slew a great company of the Cappadocians, but a far greater number of the Armenians, who came to assist Gordius; threw out Gordius himself, with the new obtruded young

King Ariarathes, to whom Gordius was assigned Governour by Mithridates) and proclaimed Ariobarzanes King, according to the decree of the Senate, Mithri∣dates saying not one word all the while against it. [Livie. lib. 70. Plutarch in Sylla. Appian. in Mithridatic, pag. 208. & lib. 1. Bell. Civill. pag. 396.]

The Parthian Ambassadors came to Sylla, [The Julian Period. 4624] from their King Arsaces, [Year before Christ 90] to intreat ami∣ty with the people of Rome, [Livie. lib. 70. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.] There never being before that any correspondence held between those two nations. Orobazus the Parthian had the chief managing of the Embassie; who, meeting with Sylla, residing about Euphrates: Sylla is said to have caused three Seates to be placed, one for Ariobar∣zanes, another for Orobazus, and a third for himself: so seating himself in the midst be∣twixt them both, he gave audience to the Ambassadors; wherefore the Parthian King shortly after put Orobazus to death: Others gave out, that he flew Sylla, as if he had ex∣posed the Barbarians to open derision; whilst others exclaimed against him, as being an arrogant person, and one who had discovered his ambition very unseasonably. It is recorded also, how that a certain Chalcidian of Orobazus his retinew; after he had viewed Sylla's countenance, and very curiously observed the temper bent and moti∣ons, both of his mind and body, and examined his disposition by the wiles of art, de∣clared openly, That it was impossible, but Sylla must needs come to be some great man ere long; and that he wondred extreamly, that he himself could endure to make a stand where he was, and not already to be head of all. [Plut. in Sylla. compared with Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 24.]

No sooner was Sylla returned home to Rome, but Censorinus impeached him of bribery, as one who against law had taken a great sum of mony of a kingdom in friend∣ship and amity with the Romans: but he did not prosecute the accusation, but let it fall. [Plutarch. ibid.]

Mithridates inveagled Tigranes, King of Armenia, (not dreaming that the Romans would take any exception thereat) to side with him in the war which he had been a long while hammering out against the Romans; perswading him by Gordius to en∣gage in war. Ariobarzanes, whom the Romans had set as King over the Cappadocians; buzing him in the ear, as if he were but a dull fellow, and such an one, who had neither spirit nor life in him at all: And to seem to play fair play, he profered him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage. [Justin lib. 38. cap. 3.]

Mithridates, [Year of the World 3915] and Bagoas, Tigranes his Commanders, having driven out Ariobar∣zanes, who upon their first approach, took up bag and baggage; and made what hast he could towards Rome, placed Ariarathes in the kingdom: and so by Tigranes his assistance, Cappadocia began again to be under Mithridates jurisdiction. [Id. ib. Appian. in Muithridatic. pag. 176.]

At the same time, Nicomedes Philopator, being deceased, the Senate of Rome made his son Nicomedes, whom Nisa, (a common dancer, as Mithridates in Justin, lib. 38. cap. 5. calls her) bore unto him, King of Bithynia. Mithridates sent his elder brother Socrates; who also himself was called Nicomedes, and surnamed Chrestus, or the Thrifty, against him with an army; who, after he had beaten out his brother, seized upon the kingdom himself. [Justin, ibid. Appian. pag. 176. & 178. Memnon in Excerptis Photii, cap. 32.]

Nicomedes, then devested of his kingdom, made his humble addresses to Rome: whereupon it was decreed in the Senate, that both he and Ariobarzanes should be re∣stored into their kingdoms. To effect this, Embassadors were presently dispatched away; Manius Aquilius (who quelled the servile war in Sicily) and Malthius, or (as it is read in the MS.) Marcus Altinius [Iustin & Appian. ut supra.] Lucius Cassius also, who held Asia Pergamena, with a small army, and Mithridates himself was ordered to assist them. But Mithridates sat still, and helped them not, because that the title of Cappa∣docia was then in dispute, and the Romans had taken away Phrygia from him. [Appian. ibid. pag. 176, 177.] but put them off with a long story of his grievances, and shewing the Ambassadors at what vast expences he had been at, both upon publick and private accounts. [Dio. Legat. 30. in edit. Graeca, vel 31. in Graeco latina.] Although he himself in an oration of his, which Trogus Pompeius hath put upon the file, affirms, that both his son was turned out of Cappadocia, which by the law of nations appertain∣ed to him, [The Julian Period. 4625] as Conquerer; [Year before Christ 89] and also that he had slain Chrestus, King of Bithynia, in favour to the Romans. [Iustin, lib. 38. cap. 5.]

Mithridates, resolving ere long to encounter the Romans, engaged Tigranes in his quarrel, upon mutuall covenant, That Mithridates should have the Cities and the fields for his share, and Tigranes, the people and the plunder. And Mithridates, understand∣ing well enough how great a task he had undertaken, sent his Ambassadors abroad, solliciting assistance: some he sent to the Cimmerians, other to the Gallogrecians, to the Sarmatans, and the Basternans; for, by his presents and favours, he had made sure of every one of those nations before hand, when his designe of engaging the Romans

came first into his head. He commanded also an army to repaire to him out of Scythia. [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3.] All those which inhabite Tanais and Ister, and the lake Mae∣otis, being ready at his beck. He sent also into Egypt and Syria, to draw the Kings there into an association with him. He had already 300 ships with decks, and builded more every day, having sent for Masters and Pilots out of Phoenicia and Egypt. He had also his fathers kingdom which was twenty thousand furlongs in length: he drew also to his side with him, many of the adjacent Countries, and amongst the rest the Colchi a warlike Nation, [Appian. in M••thridatic. pag. 178, 180.] He was seized also of that Country which is bounded with the River Halys, as far as the Tibarens and the Ar∣menians: and within the River Halys as far as Amastris, and some parts of Paphla∣gonia: Moreover he annexed to his Dominions, the Sea coast towards the West, unto Heraclea: and on the other side, he laid unto Pontus, all the Country betwixt that and Colchis, and Armenia the lesser, [S••rabo, lib. 12. pag. 540, 541.] Aulus Gellius writes how that he had twenty five Nations which did homage unto him as subjects, [lib. 17. cap. 17.] Valerius Maximus 22. [lib. 8. cap. 7.] So Quintilianus, [lib. 11. cap. 2.] Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 24. & lib. 25. cap. 2.] and that he was thoroughly skilled in every one of their several languages, so well, that he never used any Interpreter, whensoever he had occasion to speak with the people. We read also in Sextus Aurelius Victor, his book de viris illustribus, cap. 76. how that he could speak 22 several languages: al∣though in this place for 22. the Manuscripts compute fifty.

As soon as the Roman Legates with Cassi••s his souldiers, and some other supplies levyed out of Galatia and Phrygia, had re-inthroned Nicomedes in Bithynia, and A∣riobarzanes in Cappadocia; they presently advised them both, by their often incursi∣ons, to pester Mithridates his Country which bordered upon them, thereby seeking oc∣casion of a quarrel, upon confidence of the assistance they were like to find in case Mi∣thridates should resent the provocation. Yet had neither of the so much spirit, as to dare to provoke so potent a neighbour, by downright acts of hostility. But the Le∣gates importuning Nicomedes (who upon covenant was engaged in deep summes of money to the General and Legates themselves for his restitution, and in other summes of money, which he had taken up upon interest of the Romans in Asia, which was now called in) he was forced at this pinch, though much against his will, to make his en∣rodes into Mithridates his Dominions: so that he destroyed and pillaged the Country as far as the City Amastris, without the least controule or check from any body. For Mithridates, though he was sufficiently provided at this time, yet did he decline to fight, and suffered the enemy to range at pleasure; that so all the World might see, that he did not commence the war against the Romans, but upon many, and those ve∣ry just, grounds, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 177. cum Liv. lib. 74. & Dione. Legat. 30, vel. 31.] Of which insolencies of the Romans Salust (in the 4 book of his History) brings him in thus, complaining in an Epistle of his to Arsaces. For why should I name my self, who being on every side by kingdoms and Principalities divided from their Empire, be∣cause it was reported that I was rich, and resolved against their service; they provoked by the war of Nicomedes, that was privy to their wickednesse, and testified before the Kings that after∣wards ensued, &c.

As soon as Nicomedes was returned home with his rich booty, Mithridates sent Pe∣lopidas the Oratour to the Roman Generals and Legates (knowing well enough that Nicomedes did what he did by their abetting and instigation) to expostulate with them concerning the injuries and violencies offered unto him by Nicomedes. And when as Nicomedes his Embassadors laid all the blame upon Mithridates, as giving the first occasion of those his proceedings: The Romans replyed, That they were nei∣ther well pleased that Nicomedes should any wayes molest Mithridat••s; neither would they suffer Mithridates to right himself by waging war with Nicomedes. Mi∣thridates receiving no better satisfaction, but rather conceiving himself plainly baffel'd by the Romans, sent his son Ariarathes with a great hoste to seize upon the kingdom of Cappadocia: who soon beat out Ariobarzanes, and reigned himself in his stead, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 179. compared with Livie, lib. 76. and 77. Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.] Maltius also, or M. Altinius, the Roman Legate, was defeated there at the same time, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 4.]

Mithridates sent his Agents to Rome, to desire the Romans, that if they accounted Nicomedes their friend, that they would either perswade him, or else compel him whe∣ther he would or no, to do what was just and right: But if they held him an enemy, that they then would give him leave to avenge himself of him. The Romans, did not onely not gratifie him in any one particular demanded, but proceeded to threaten him, if he did not straitwayes resign back Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and conclude a peace with Nicomedes: They commanded also his Em••assadours to depart the Town the same day, laying a strict prohibition upon him, that unlesse he submitted to their in∣junctions

and did accordingly, he should never send Ambassadors again to Rome. [Dio. Legat. 31. vel. 32.]

In the mean time, Mithridates dispatched away Pelopidas to the Roman Generals, whose errand was to acquiant them, how that he had sent some Ambassadors to com∣plain of them to the Senate, and therefore warned them to be present, to justifie their actions; and that they should not dare to begin, or act, any thing, untill they had re∣ceived a decree from the Senate and people of Rome, to authorize them. This sound∣ed something harsh and insolent, whereupon they enjoyned Mithridates not to meddle with Nicomedes, and to quit Cappadocia: (for they would themselves take care to see Ariobarzanes restored) as for Pelopidas, they charged him forthwith to depart the Camp, and never to return, but upon the Kings execution of what was commanded: with this answer was he dismissed, yet not without a convoy, in case he should attempt to corrupt any by the way. [Appian.]

The Roman Generals (not staying for the determination of the Senate and the people, concerning this so great war) presently drew up their forces out of Bithinia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Gallograecia; and to those L. Cassius his army, which he kept for the securing of Asia, joyned themselves. They put their forces into severall divisions. Cassius pitched about the confines of Bithinia, and Galatia. Manius Aqui••lus had his brigade to make good the passage, by which Mithridates was to enter Bithy∣nia. Q. Oppius lay in the borders of Cappadocia, each of them had 40000 Foot and Horse. They had a fleet also riding about Byzantium; Minutius Ru••us, and C. Po∣pilius being Admirals, to keep the entrance into Pontus. Nicomedes also sent 50000 Foot, and 6000 Horse to their assistance. [Idem.]

Mithridates had in his own army 250 thousand Foot, and 40 thousand Horse, 300 ships with decks, 100 Gallies with two oars on a bank, and other preparations answer∣able to so numerous an army. Neoptolemus and Archelaus, two brothers, had the command of these forces, the King himself also took the charge of many things on his own person, Amongst the auxiliaries, Archathias, Mithridates his son, brought 10000 Horse out of Armenia the lesser: Dorylaus was over the Phalanges of foot (armed cap a pe) Craterus had the command of 130 Chariots with Sithes. [Ibid.]

As soon as Nicomedes and Mithridates his Generals (for he was not there himself) discovered each other in the Campaigne near the river Amnias, they presently put their bodies in batalio: Nicomedes all the men he had; Neoptolemus and Archelaus, onely their light hatnessed Foot, Arcathias his Horse, and some Chariots, for the Phalanx consisting of 8000 men, was not yet come up, but was upon the march. The victory kept not constant to one side, but sometimes one, sometimes the other had the better: till at last Mithridates his Commanders (though their souldiers were far inferiour in number) with their Chariots armed with Sithes, did so mowe the enemy off, that it is not to be believed how many were slain in the place, Nicomedes himself was forced to flye, with his company, in Paphlagonia; so that the enemies Camp being desert∣ed, the plunder and the monies fell to the Conquerours. [Id. compared with Memnon. cap. 33. and Strabo lib. 12. pag. 562.]

Nicomedes thus chased out of the field, pitched near the place where Manius Aqui∣lus lay, with his brigade. Mithridates got upon the mountain Scoroba, which divides the Bithynians and the Ponticks. He sent out 100 Horse of Sarmatans, as his Scowts, who lighting upon 800 of Nicomedes Horse, took some of them prisoners. Neopto∣lemus and Nemanes an Armenian, having upon his first entrance into the Village Pacheus, about seven houres after the fight, overtaken Manius Aquilius, as he was drawing off his forces, (when Nicomedes was gone to Cassius) forced him to fight, having at that time with him 4000 Horse, and ten times as many Foot: whereof 10000 were slain outright, and 3000 taken prisoner. As for Aquilius himself, after this disaster, he made as fast as he could towards the river Sangarius, and by night got over, and so escaped to Pergamus. [Appian. compared with Livie. lib. 77.]

Cassius, Nicomedes, and all the Roman Legates, removed their Camps, and march∣ed to Leontocephale, the best fortified Castle in all Phrygia: where they exercised a company of fresh-water souldiers, which they had raked together from amongst the trades-men, husbandmen, and the scum of the people, and made a new muster of Phrygians also: but seeing that all of them seemed backward to their service, they dismissed them all, and retreated thence. Cassius marched away with his sorces to Apamea, Nicomedes to Pergamus, and Aquilius towards Rhodes. As soon as tidings hereof were brought to those that were set to keep the entrance into Pontus, they dis∣persed themselves, having delivered the inlets of Pontus and Nicomedes his ships, as a prize to Mithridates. [Appian.]

Mithridates sent all the prisoners he had taken in this war home, with provision in their snapsacks; hoping by that act of Clemency, to get the good opinion of his ene∣mies. [Id.] This mild passage was so cryed up every where, that all the Cities gene∣rally came flocking in to him, and sided with him; in such wise, that Ambassadors came to him from all Cities, inviting him by their publick decrees, to come into them: calling him their god and deliverer. And upon notice of the Kings approach, the people came huddling out of the severall Cities, in white garments, to salute him, and received him with great joy and acclamation. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 401.] The Titles of honour which they conferred upon him, were so notable and so high, that they suited not with one that was but a mortall man, they called him their God, and implored his assistance. [Athen. lib. 5. cap. 11,] their Lord, Father, Preserver of Asia, Evius, Dionysius, Nysius, Bromius, Bacchus, [Cicero. pro. Flacco.] And why the Title of Bacchus was given above all the rest, Plutarch gives the reason in the first book of his Symposiacs.

Mithridates hereupon, (Nicomedes having shifted for himself, and withdrawn into Italy) at his very first coming, seized upon all Bithynia, so that he had nothing else to do there, but to ride in circuit from City to City, to settle and compose things, and put them in order. [Memnon. cap. 33. Liv. lib. 76. & 77. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 502. Appian. pag. 183.] From thence he marched with a considerable army into Phrygia, a pro∣vince belonging to the people of Rome, [Liv. lib. 77.] where he took up the same quarters to lodge in, which Alexander formerly had done: taking it for a very happy Omen, that it should so fall out for Mithridates, to lodge at night where Alex∣ander himself had taken a nap. And so he ran over all Phrygia, My••a, and Asia, pro∣vinces but lately fallen to the Romans, as far as Caria and Lycia. [Appian. pag. 183.]

Mithridates, [Year of the World 3916] having sent his Commanders round about, subdued Lycia, Pamphy∣lia, and other places as far as Ionia. [Appian. pag. 184.] he invaded Paphlagonia also, and drove out thence Pyloemen the King, who was a confederate of the peo∣ple of Rome. [Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. compared with Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 209.]

The Athenians sent an Ambassadour to Mithridates, one Athenio, son by an Egyptian slave, to Athenio the Peripatetick (who being after the decease of his Master left heir, and enrolled a free denizon of Athens, took upon himself the name of Aristion, and taught young boyes Rhetorick, and the Peripatetick Philosophy) He had no sooner shuffled himself into the list of the Kings favorites, but he forth∣with sollicited them by his letters, to new inventions in State. [Atheneus, lib. 5. cap. 10. & 11. Ex Posidonii Apameni Historia.] He was a person compounded of impudency and cruelties, and one, who had as it were raked the kennel of Mithridates his vices, and picked out the most vile of them for his own imitation. [Plutarch. in Sylla, and his transcriber Dio, in Valesii Excerptis, pag. 649.]

Mithridates, having promised security and protection to the Laodiceans, inhabiting near the river Lycus, to whom Q. Oppio, Proconsul of Pamphylia had retreated with his Horse and Mercenary souldiers, upon condition that they should deliver Oppius up into his hands: they dismissed the Mercenaries indeed; but as for Oppius, they brought him to Mithridates, ordering the lictors to go before him in derision. Mithri∣dates received him at their hands, and carried him about him withersoever he himself went, priding himself extreamly in this, that he had taken a Roman Generall prisoner. [Livie. lib. 78. Athenaeus ut supra, cap. 11. Appian. pag. 184.]

Mithridates his party, sweeping all before them in Asia, as they went, without con∣trole, all the Cities strangely revolting from the Romans: the Lesbians resolved not onely to yield up themselves to the King, but to deliver up Aquilius also unto him, who flew away to Mitilene, and lay there, to be cured of a disease. Whereupon they sent to his lodging, a company of choice youths, stout and resolute; who came rush∣ing into the room where Aquilius was, and took him and bound him, supposing that he would be a most rare present, and very acceptable to Mithridates. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 401.] together with Aquilus the M••tylenians, delivered other pri∣soners to Mithridates.

The King carried Aquilius (who had been the chief promoter of the Embassie, and the prime author in this war) bound upon an Asse, whithersoever he went, and for∣ced him with his own mouth, to proclaim to the lookers on, that he was Manius Aquilius: And the same Manius, coupled to one Bastarnes, a tall fellow, sive cubits in stature, was sometimes led on foot in a chain, by a Trouper. At last after he had been scourged, and put upon the Rack at Pergamus, Mithridates commanded melted gold to be powred down his throat; in exprobration of the Romans

corruption and bribery, [Athenaeus & Appian. ut supr. compared with Cicro in Orat. pro lege Manilia, & lib. 5. Tusculan. quaest. Liv. lib. 78. and with Pliny lib. 33. cap. 3.]

The King, after he had appointed Governours of the several places he had subdued, went to Magnesia, Ephesus, and Mitylene; and finding a cheary welcome amongst them all. The Ephesians upon his coming, took down all the Statues of the Romans which they had set up amongst them, [Appian.]

Mithridates Generals, received of the Cities with favour and good liking, found a∣mongst them a good bank of gold and silver, which the former Kings had horded up, and a good provision for war: by this he thought himself sufficiently stocked, so that he forgave the Cities their arrears both publick and private, and a release of tribute or taxes for the space of five years, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3.] I, in revenge of the injuries done unto me, drave Nicomedes out of Bithynia, recovered Asia, King Antiochus his spoile, and eased Greece of that heavy burden under which it groaned:] sayes he of himself, in an Epistle of his to Arsaces. [lib. 4, Histor. Salust.]

Mithridates, upon his return from out of Ionia, took Stratonicea, set a fine upon it, and placed a Garrison in it; where, casting his eye upon a very beautifull Virgin, cal∣led Monima, Philopome••es his daughter, he took her along with him, and put her amongst his women: But as for the Magnetians, he continued the war with them and with the Paphlagonians, and with the Lycians also, because they made some resistance, and would not suffer him to lay his Garrison amongst them, [Appian.] In which dispute the Magnetians about the mountain Sipylus, wounded Archelaus Mithridates his General, who lay pillaging upon their borders, and slew many of his men, [Pausanias in Atticis, pag. 18.]

Cleopatra the Egyptian Queen, thinking by some secret plot to have circumvented her son Alexander, and to have worked his overthrow; was taken her self by him, and put to death. Neither was she ever a whit to be pitted, who had played such not∣able pranks, as to drive her own mother from her marriage-bed; made her two daughters widows, by forcing them to barter their husbands; engaged in a war a∣gainst one of her sons, and never left till she had banished him: and for the other, de∣prived him of his kingdom, and after plotted his destruction, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4. compared with Pa••sanias in Atticis, pag. 8. with Athenaeus, lib. 12. cap. 27. and with Euse∣bius in Chronico.] Yet he had reigned, together with his mother, 18 years, [Porphyr. in Greek Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.]

As soon as ever it came to be known, that Cleopatra was slain by her son Alex∣ander, the people presently were in an uproar; which made Alexander shift away for himself: After whose withdrawing, the Alexandrians dispatched away Embassadours to Cyprus to Ptolemei Lathurus the elder brother, and delivered up the kingdom of E∣gypt unto him: who held it for the space of 8 years (or as Porphyrius hath more ex∣actly computed the time) 7 years and 6 moneths, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 5, Pausan. Por∣phyr. & Euseb. ut supr.]

Anna the Prophetesse, [The Julian Period. 4626] daughter of Phanuel (her husband being deceased, [Year before Christ 88] a wi∣dow) went not out of the Temple, but served God with fastings and prayers night and day for 84 years together, until such time as she saw Christ himself in the Temple, [Luc. II. 37.]

The Italians which had revolted from the Romans, sent unto Mithridates, to sol∣licite him to march with his Forces into Italy against the Romans: for by that means it would prove no great piece of businesse by their united Forces to shatter the Roman power. Mithridates replyed: That he was resolved to march into Italy, but not until such time he had compleated his Conquest over Asia, with which his hands were now full. The Italians upon Mithridates his refusal of associating at present, began to de∣spair, and grew quite out of heart: whereby it came to passe, that the war with the confederates, or the Marsian war, was laid asleep, [Diodor. Sicul. in Bibliotheca, Photii, ••od. 244.] In which, amongst the supplies sent unto the Romans from forreign parts (mentioned by Livy in his 72 book) there were sent from the Heracleots of Pontus, two gallies with four oares on a bank; whereof Memnon makes mention in his Hi∣story of them, [cap. 31.] And on the Italian side, amongst others, Agamemnon the Cilician Pirate appeared, [of whom Diodor. Siculus speaks in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 398. and P. Orosius, in lib. 5. cap. 18.]

Mithridates, finding how that the Citizens of Rome which were dispersed thorough the Cities of Asia were an hinderance, to the accomplishing of his design, sent private letters from Ephesusto the Governours, and Magistrates of the Cities, giving order to them, that they should all of them upon the same 30 day, set upon the Roman and Italian sorjourners, with their wives, children, and all other free-borne inmates of the Italian Race, kill them, and let them lie unburied: One moyety of their goods were to go to the King, the other to the assacinates. He threatned also by a common cryer, to lay a fine upon any that should dare to bury any of the slain, or should conceale any

of them that had escaped the massacre: propounding a reward to those that should discover them; engaging to a slave his liberty, if he would murder his Master, and to the debtour one half of his debt, to kill his Creditour. Their instructions being pri∣vately sent to all of them; when the day appointed was come, it is not possible to ex∣presse or comprize in words, what a multitude of Roman Citizens were massacred at that time, in what a sad condition most of the Provinces were in: how pittiful a plaint there was both of those that were to be slain, and those that slew them; whereas every one was compelled either to betray his innocent guests and friends, or they themselves lie obnoxious to the penalty and fine imposed upon those that should secure them, [Ap∣pian. in Mithridatic, pag. 185. 206, 209, 212. compared with Cicero, in Orat. pro lege Manilia, & pro Flacco, and with Memnon in Excerpt. cap. 33. with Livy, lib. 78. with Velleio Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 18. with Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. with Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Then the Ephesians dragged such as had taken sanctuary in Dianas Temple, from the very embraces of their shrines, and put them to the sword: the Pergamenians in their quarters, struck them through with darts, as they clang to the statues in the Temple of Esculapius, whither they had flown for succour, when as they could not by any means be perswaded to come forth. The Adramyttians killed them with their children in the waters as they attempted to swim over sea: the Caunians (who after the conquest gotten over Antiochus, were assigned over to the Rhodians, and a little be∣fore, restored by the Senate to their priviledges, haled the Italians (who had escaped to the sacred Court of that City) from the very Altars; and after they had slain the infants before their mothers eyes, proceeded in the same cruelty against them, and last of all, put their husbands to the sword. [Appian. ut supra, pag. 185.] The Trallians indeed slew not one man with their own hands, but (to avoide the scandal of imbru∣ing themselves in the blood of such as had put themselves under their roofs) hired a bloody fellow, one Theophilus, a Paphlagonian to do the feat: who acted so savage∣ly, that he shut them up in the Temple of concord, and then fell upon them with his sword, cutting off their hands, as they imbraced the statues. [Id. ibid, compared with Dion. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 642.]

P. Rutilius Rufus, a person who had been Consul, living in banishment amongst the Mitylenians, escaped the Kings sury against all Gown men, by taking upon him the Philosophers buskin and mantle, [Cicero. pro. C. Rubinio Posthumo.] so that the fiction of Theophanes the Mitylenian (he that wrote the affairs of Pompei the great) is not at all to be credited; who reported, how that in the sort 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was taken by Pompei, there was, amongst other pretious secrets of King Mithridates his, found an oration of Rutilius his making, whereby he put the King upon this cruel massacre of the Romans. [Plutarch in Pompeio.] For other Romans besides Rutilius, were put to this shift of changing their garb, the better to escape the danger which was at that time so imminent. [Athenae. lib. 5. cap. 11.] The floating Islands, Calaminae, in Lydia, saved many of the Citizens lives. [Plin. lib. 2. cap. 95.] yet for all that, there was slain in that one day fourscore thousand of them, [Memnon. cap. 33. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2.] and not 150, as the tally is given up by Plutarch, [in Sylla] and by Dion, who trode in his steps. [Legat. 36. vel. 37.]

Mithridates wafted over into Cous, where he found a party willing to receive him; the Coians presented unto him the son of that Alexander, who had reigned in Egypt formerly (who was called also Alexander) whom his grandmother Cleopatra had left in Cous, with a great stock of monies: he received him at their hands, and brought him up like a Kings son, and he was well supplied out of Cleopatras treasures with wealth, exquisite pieces, made by the Artificers, Jewels, all things belonging to womens dresses, and a great hord of monies, all which he sent away into Pontus. [Appian, in Mithridaticis, pag. 186. 252, 253. & Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 414.] Josephus from the books of Strabo his Histories avoweth, how that Mithridates (besides those treasures belong∣ing to Cleopatra) carried away with him 800 talents of the Jews mony; which he supposes was desposited by the Jews in Asia in that Island, out of fear of the Mi∣thridatick war, and that that mony was designed for the Temple of Jerusalem. [lib. 14. cap. 12.]

Alexander, the father of the aforesaid young Alexander, in the 19 year of his reign in Egypt, (on Cyprus 26.) was foyled in a sea sight by the Egyptians, Tyrrus, one of the Blood-Royall being Admirall: in such manner, that he was forced with his wife and daughter, to flye to Myra; a City in Lycia: from whence, as he was bending his course towards Cyprus, he was enconutred by Chae∣reas, a sea Captain, and was slain. [Porphyr. in Graec. Eusebius, Scaliger, pag. 225.]

Athenio, or Aristio, Ambassadour, upon his return home to the Athenians out of Asia from Mithridates, was driven by tempest to Carystia in Eubaea, to fetch him

thence the Athenians sent some long ships, and a chaire supported with silver feet: the greatest part of the City running out of town to salute him. He had no sooner got the power of the City into his own hands, but he acted the Tyrant; either killing those that favoured the Romans, or else delivering them up to Mithridates. Many, to a∣void their falling into his clutches, escaped to Amisus, a Colony of the Athenians in Asia, and were received into the City, [Possidonius, Apamenus, apud Athenaeum, lib. 5. cap. 11. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo, and with Pausanias in Atticis, pag. 18.]

Whatsoever Italians escaped out of Asia, found a sanctuary at Rhodes, and a∣mongst those was L. Cassius the Proconsul of Asia. The Rhodians fortified their Walls, and Ports, and placed their Engins: some Te••missians and Lycians affording their assistance. Upon Mithridates drawing near with his Fleet, they pulled down the Suburbs, that they might not be as a shelter to the enemy, or serviceable to them; and put their ships into a posture of fighting, some in the front, others on the sides, [Appian.] The Rhodians were over-matched in nothing but in the number of ships: in all other things they had the odds by far: as being the better Pilots, knew better how to order their ships, plye the oares, had the more sprightly souldiers, the more expert and valorous Commanders: When as on the contrary, the Cappadocians were but fresh-water souldiers, seldom exercised at sea fights, and which commonly proves the bane of all, did all tumultuously and without any order, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 402.]

The Cappadocians being now ready to engage with the enemy at sea in the presence and eye of their King, desired to approve their loyalty and affections unto him; and seeing that their advantage lay onely in that their ships were more in number than theirs, they endeavoured all they could to surprise and intercept the enemies Fleet, [Diod. Sicul. ibid.] But at length, Damagoras the Admiral of the Rhodians Fleet, af∣ter Sun-set, with six ships fell upon 25 of the Kings: two of which he sanke, and forced other two to flee into Lycia: and so having spent the night at sea, returned back a∣gain. In this encountet, one of the Chian ships, an associate, in the route fell foule upon Mithridates his ship as he was encouraging his souldiers: so that the King himself had like to have fallen into the enemies hands, for which he afterwards punished the Master and Pilot, and was displeased with all the Chians. After this, as Mithridates his land Forces were upon sail to him out of Asia, in ships and gallies, a sudden storm drove them upon Rhodes. The Rhodians fell upon them as they were disordered and di∣spersed by the tempest; boarded some of them, sanke others, and fired othersome: and brought away 400 prisoners. At last Mithridates, having brought his engines and scaling-ladders to take the City, was beaten off, and forced to retreate from Rhodes in disgrace, [Appian. compared with Memnon cap. 33. and with Livy lib. 78.]

From hence he went to Patara and besieged it; where wanting materials for en∣gines, he began to cut down Latona's grove: but was by a threatning dream com∣manded to desist, and not to meddle with those consecrated trees: Leaving Pelopidas to carry on the war in Lycia, he sent Archelaus into Greece to draw either by faire or soule means, as many Cities as he could into his association: Whilst he himself, en∣trusting his Commanders with many great businesses, employed himself in levying of souldiers, making armes, and sporting himself with his Stratonicean women: He also busied himself in the examination of all such persons as were impeached of treason, either by attempting somewhat against his own person, or innovation in state, or any which were but in the least manner inclined that way, [Appian. pag. 188.]

Archelaus the Kings General, being sent before into Achaia with 120 thousand Horse and Foot, had the City of Athens delivered up into his hands by Aristo the A∣thenian, [Liv. lib. 78. Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] From whence he went out with his Fleet and provisions to Delos, which had revolted from the Athenians, and reduced other Castles. He also seized upon some monies which had been dedicated to Apollo, and sent it away by Aristo to the Athenians, appointing a convoy of 2000 souldiers to secure it upon the way, [Appian. pag. 188, 189.] But it happened, that Apellicon Teius, [as Appian. reports it, lib. 5. cap. 11.] an Athenian Citizen, and a most intimate friend of Athenion, or Aristo, (in regard they were both Peripateticks) came with all speed with some companies of Foot to Delos: where he stayed a while, thinking him∣self safe enough; whenas he had neither placed the guards with that care he ought, nor yet secured the hinder part of the Island with Garrison or Trench: Orobius (or Orbius) the General of the Roman army, to whose trust Delos was committed, ob∣serving the mans negligence and imprudence in that particular, came with his Forces in a dark night, and fell upon them, heavy with sleep and drink; cut the throats of the Athenians and their auxiliaries, to the number of six hundred, as if they had been so many sheep: about 400 of them he took alive; but Apellicon, who so worthily commanded the Party, gave them the slip: Many of them for their security flew to

the villages adjacent; but Orobius pursued them, set fire to the houses, and burnt both them, their Helepolis and other engins, belonging to a Leagure: And when all was done, erected a Trophie and Altar with this Inscription.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Hic peregrina jacet gens, circum littora Deli Quae pugnans animas perdidit in pelago.

Here lies 'ith'sea, a forreign nation neer The shoars of Delos; which dy'd fighting here.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Insula Cecropid••m quum devastata tumultu est, Illis Cappadocum juncta ubi turma fuit.

When those of Athens spoil'd the holy Isle, The Cappadocian King receiv'd a foyle.

Methrophanes sent by Mithridates with another band of souldiers, [Year of the World 3917] made great de∣populations in Eubaea, and the Country of Demetrias, and Magnesia: Cities extremly averse to the Kings faction. Bryttius (or Brutius Sura, Sentius, Praetor of Macedonias, Legate, as Plutarch shewes) with some small forces which he brought out of Mace∣donia, set upon him, and encountered him at sea: and having sanke one great ship, and one friggot called Hemiolia, put to sword all the men that were in them, Metrophanes standing by and looking on. But the spectacle seemed so dreadful to him, that he hoysted sail and made away with all speed: Bryttius after him as fast as he could drive, but the wind so befriended Metrophanes, that Bryttius was glad to give over the chase, and fall upon Sciathus an Island which was the common receptacle for the Bar∣barian theeves and robbers. As soon as he became Master of the place, he hung up all the slaves that were found therein, and the free-men he punished with the losse of their hands, [Appian.]

Of the sons of Mithridates, one of them held that ancient kingdom in Pontus and Bosphorus, as far as the waste above the Lake of Maeotis: not one body offering to ap∣pear against him. The other Ariarathes, proceeded in the conquest of Thracia and Macedonia. The several Generals which Mithridates sent forth with armies domi∣neered also in other quarters: Archelaus the chief of them having with his Fleet got the command almost of the whole sea, brought the Islands Cyclades under his juris∣diction, and as many others as did lie within Malea, [Plutarch in Sylla.] Eretria, Chalcis, and all Eubaea coming in, and siding with Mithridates, [Memnon cap. 34.]

Lucius Sylla (L. Cornelius Cinna the Consul, [The Julian Period. 4627] pressing forward his march) went as Proconsul into Greece with 5 legions, [Year before Christ 87] and some other companies, to manage the Mi∣thridatick war, [Plutarch, in Sylla, Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 642. Appiaa. in Mithri∣datic. pag. 390. & lib. 1. Civ. Bell. pag. 399.] Mithridates at that instant resided at Per∣gamus, where he was very busie in distributing amongst his friends, his wealth, princi∣palities, and places of command. Amongst the many prodigies which presented them∣selves to Mithridates whilest he abode at Pergamus, it is said, that at the same instant, that Sylla put to sea with his Fleet from Italy, the Pergamenians in the Theatre were letting down with an engine a Statue of victory, bearing a Crown upon Mithridates his head: but it chanced, that when the Crown was just come to his head, it fell to the ground, and was burst in peices. This accident being no good omen, struck the peo∣ple with a strange kind of horrour, and Mithridates himself was in great amazement thereat, although at that time, all things had succeeded well to him, [Plutarch in Sylla.]

Amongst the other strange visions which appeared to Mithridates upon his first de∣signing his war against the allies of the people of Rome, these are recited; at the time of the Consulship of L. Sylla, and Q. Pompeius, by Julias Obsequens, these following. At Stratopedo, where the Senate usually sat, the Crowes killed a Vulture, with their beakes; The form of Isis seemed to assault with thunder an huge Star fallen from hea∣ven upon the same place. At what time Mithridates was busie in firing the Grove de∣dicated to the Furies, a great laughing was heard, but no body found to whom it might be ascribed as the authour: and when by the advice of the Soothsayers, he would have sacrificed a Virgin to the Furies, a sudden fit of laughing burst forth from the throat of the Damosel which disturbed the sacrifice.

M. Cicero, at Rome, applied himself close to Molon the Rhodian, who was both

the most eminent for pleading of causes, and the best instructer. [Cicer. in Bruto.] this was that Alabandensian Oratour out of Caria, as hereafter shall be declared out of Strabo, in the year of the World, 3927.

Sylla, being entred Attica, having sent away part of his forces to oppose Aristion in the City, marched in his own person straightway to Piraeum, where Archelaus, Mithri∣dates his Generall, had retreated within the walls. [Appian.]

Winter season drawing on apace, [Year of the World 3918] Sylla encamped near Eleusine, where he drew a deep trench from the mountaines to the sea; and wanting ships, he sent to Rhodes to fetch them. [Id.]

Sylla, at last, took Athens, having been a long while pinched for provision, and that in the Calends of March, as he himself relates in his commentaries, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Plutarch hath it. Comparing that day with the beginning of the moneth Anthe∣sterion, of which time the memory of Ogygis his floud is celebrated by the Athenians. But howsoever the Athenians lunary Anthesterion in Plutarchs time, may sometimes answer the Julian March, yet in the false computation of the year, observed at this time by the Romans, the Kalends of March might seem rather to fall out upon the Attick Posideon, and the Julian December,

The Rhodians, finding it alltogether impossible for them to bring supplies to Sylla by sea, [The Julian Period. 4628] in regard that Mithridates fleets lay straggling about, [Year before Christ 86] advised L. Lucullus, a man of great repute amongst the Romans, and one of Silla's Ambassadors, to saile privately into Syria, Egypt, and Libya; and from the Kings and Cities there, which used the art of navigation, to gather together what ships he could, and so joyn that fleet with their Rhodian fleet: He in the midst of winter, not at all dismayed at the present difficulties at sea, with three Grecian banks, and as many Rhodian Frigats, put himself upon the hazard of the wide sea, and the enemies ships, which (in regard they were masters at sea) lay straggling thick up and down the main; yet for all this, he arrived at Crete, and got that Island to side with him. [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 192. Plutarch in Lucullo.]

Aristio the Tyrant, and others, who upon taking of the City, retreated into the fort of Athens, after they had been a long time besieged by Curio, were forced at last to resigne up for want of water. And upon the same day and moment, on which Curio brought the Tyrant out of the fort, the Skie over-cast on the sudden, whereupon issu∣ed such a violent storm of rain, that the fort was supplyed afresh with water. Sylla proceeded by Capitall punishment against Aristion and his company, and all such who had borne any office amongst them, or had any manner of wayes violated the consti∣tutions which the Romans setled amongst them, after their conquest of Greece: to all the others he granted his free pardon. [Appian ibid. pag. 195. 196. Plutarch in Sylla. Strabo. lib. 9. pag. 398.] Pausan reports, That upon Aristions flying to the Temple of Minerva for sanctuary, Sylla commanded him to be dragged thence, and put to death. [in Attic. pag. 18.] Others say that he was poysoned by Sylla. [Plutarch. in Sylla.]

Magnesia, which was the onely City in all Asia, which remained loyall, valiantly defended it self, and held out against Mithridates. [Liv. lib. 81.]

Lucullus, observing how that the Cyrenians were alwayes infested with Tyrants, and continually embroyled in war, setled the affaires of their Common-wealth, and enact∣ed laws, whereby to secure the peace of the State for the future. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] For after their infranchisement by the Romans, which was ten years before, they had been grievously oppressed by Nicocrates and his brother Leandri, and lately eased and relieved from under that pressure by the industry of Aretaphila, Nicocrates his wife, as Plutarch shews in his litle book of womens vertues. And another ten years after, Cy∣rene was made a province by the Romans, as shall hereafter be made to appear out of Appian, ad annum Mundi 3928. But Josephus affirms, out of the books of Strabo his Histories, that Cyrene was at this time disturbed by a mutiny of the Jews, and that Lucullus was dispatched thither in all hast by Sylla to pacifie it. [lib. 14. cap. 12.]

As Lucullus was bending his course from Cyrene, into Egypt, he very neer lost all his ships, by a sudden incursion of Pyrates: yet he himself escaped safe in person to Alexandria, where he was received with a great deal of honour; for the whole fleet gloriously trimmed, and adorned, went to meet him, as their custom was to do unto their King, when he at any time returned from sea. Ptolemei also (Lathurus, whom Plu∣tarch very unfitly in this place calls a youth) treated him very courteously; for he ap∣pointed him his lodging & his table at Court, which was never before known to be done to any forreign Commander, and for the discharge of his expeences, and defraying

his cost he allowed him not as usually he did to others, but four times as much: yet did not Lucullus admit of any thing but necessaries, neither did he receive any presents, although some of them were worth 80 talents. It is said, that he neither went to Memphis, nor stept to see any of the famous wonders of Egypt; those things being sights for some idle spectatour, or one that travels for pleasure, and not for such as he, who had left his General in the open field marching against the Garrisons of the ene∣my, [Plutarch in Lucullo.]

Aurelius Victor writes, that Lucullus wrought Ptolemei King of Alexandria, to side with Sylla the Consul, [de. vir. illustr. cap. 74.] But at that time, neither was Sylla Consul, but Proconsul: neither would Ptolemei then be brought to admit Sylla into his association, for fear he should draw a war upon his own head. Yet did Ptolemei grant unto Lucullus ships to convoy him into Cyprus: and when he was upon his im∣barquing, saluted him, and courted him, and tendred him an Emerald set in gold; which Lucullus at the first profer refused, but when as the King shewed him his own picture cut upon it, he dared not but take it; lest, if he should be thought to depart in some discontent, he might chance to be way-laid at sea, [Plutarch, ut supr.]

Lucullus with those ships he had gathered from amongst the port Towns as he sail∣led by, renouncing all such as had been engaged in piracy, crossed over into Cyprus: upon intelligence that the enemy lay lurking under the promontories to catch him, he thrust his Fleet into harbour, and wrote to the Cities there about to provide him Winter quarters, and provisions, pretending he would abide there with his Fleet till Spring. But as soon as ever the wind served, he put to sea again. In the day time he sailed with low sailes, in the night he spread all the canvas he had, and by that stratagem arrived safe with his Fleet at Rhodes, [Id. ibid.]

Cinna the Consul, sent his Collegue Lucius Valerius Flaccus with two legions into Asia, to govern the Province, and to manage the war against Mithridates. He was but a raw souldier, and therefore C. Fimbria, one of the Senatous went along with him, who was a man of repute amongst the souldiers. Livius, Aurelius, Victor, and Oro∣sius, call him Flaccus his Legate, Dio his Lieutenant General, Strabo Quaestor, Vel∣leius Paterculus, General of the Horse. When they took this imployment upon them, the Senate gave them in charge, that if they saw Sylla stood entire to the Senate, then they should assist him, but if they found him otherwise inclined, they should first fight him. But it happened that soon after they had put to sea from Brundusium, many of their ships were shattered and torne with a tempest; and a party also from Mithrida∣tes fired the ships which were upon the forlorn, [Memnon, cap. 36. Liv. lib. 82. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 594. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 650. Appian. lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 396. & in Mithridatic. pag. 204. compared with Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Taxiles, Mithridates his General, marching out of Thracia and Macedonia with 100 thousand Foot, and 10 thousand Horse, and 90 Chariots with sithes, sollicited Arche∣laus to side with him: these two uniting their Forces led under their colours 120 thou∣sand men (Memnon acknowledgeth more than 60 thousand) consisting of Thraci∣ans, Ponticks, Scythians, Cappadocians, Bithyninas, Galatians, Phrygians, and others which came out of Mithridates his new Provinces. Sylla, taking along with him L. Hortensius, who had brought 6000 men out of Italy, engaged with Taxiles his forces near Chaeronea, although he had not at that time above 1500 Horse, and not lesse than 15000 Foot, as Plutarch gives up the tally: but Appian sayes, that his whole body was so small that it answered not to so much as the third part of the enemies. Yet Sylla wan the day, having killed upon the place 110 thousand of the enemy, (or 100 thou∣sand, as in Livies Epitome) and pillaged their Camp. Archelaus made shift to escape to Chalcis with not many more than 10 thousand men. Sylla gives out, that he mis∣sed of his army at this bout, not above 14, (or as others, 15) men: and that two of those also, returned towards evening to the Camp, who were supposed to have been dead, [Memnon, cap. 34. Liv. lib. 82. Plutarch in Sylla. Appian. in Mithridatic. Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Sylla, having received intelligence how that Flaccus (who being of the other faction was made Consul) was sailing over the Ionian Sea with some legions, pretending that he came against Mithridates, but indeed against himself: marched into Thessalia to meet with him, [Plutarch.] Flaccus was a person very ill qualified, covetous, rigorous and cruel in punishing, which made him so detestable to the souldiery, that part of those which were sent by him into Thessalie, ran away to Sylla's Camp: and it is probable, the rest had followed, had not they been kept from revolting by Fimbria, who was reputed the better souldier, and of a softer temper. [Appian. pag. 204.]

Archelaus (in regard the Romans were unprovided of a Navy) roved about the Islands securely, making what havock he pleased all along the coast; and which is more: He adventured ashoar, and laid siege to Cerinthus; but being way-laid in the

night by some Romans which were strangers in those parts, he made what hast he could to get aboard again, and so loosed from thence, and returned back to Chalcis, more liker an Archpyrate than a Warriour. [Appian.]

Mithridates was much apalled at the news of his parties overthrow, as well he might: yet was he not so much discouraged, but that he would make new levies out of all the nations under his dominion. And bethinking himself, how that there were not wanting such, who (seeing him once going down the wind) would either now, or upon some other occasion, designe his ruine; he thought it policy to secure all those he suspected, before the war brake out afresh. [Appian.]

He began with the Tetrachs of the Galatians, as well those of them which he had about him, as his friends, as those which were not as yet subdued unto him; killing them all with their wives and children, except three, which saved themselves by flight, of these, some he surprized by treachery, the rest he massacreed in one night at a revel∣ling; being jealous that not any one of them, would remain loyall unto him, if Sylla should chance to come into those parts. And after confication of their gods, he thrust Garrisons into their Cities, and constituted Eumachus over the whole nation. But pre∣sently after the Tetrarchs, which escaped, having drawn together a band of their Clients out of the Country, ejected both him and his Garrisons out of Galatia; so that Mithridates had nothing out of that nation, but mony. [Idem.]

And being incensed against the Chyans, ever since that time a ship of theirs in the sea fight with the Rhodians, chanced unadvisedly to fall foul upon the Kings Vessel: he first set to sale the goods of all such Citizens, who were gone away to take part with Sylla: and after that, sent some persons, to take cognizance of the Roman facti∣on amongst the Chians. At last, Zenolius (or as Memnon will have it, Dorylaus) arriving there with an army, under colour of passing into Greece, by night surprized the walls of the Chians, and their most considerable forts, and after he had placed guards at the gates of the City, he assembled the Citizens together, and compelled them to deliver up their arms, and the best mens sons for hostages, all which he sent away to Erithrae. After this, letters came from the King to the Chians, about levying an imposition upon them, of two thousand talents: to defray this, they were forced to take down the ornaments from their Temples, and make their women club their at∣tyring implements, to make up the sum. Yet did Zenobius pick a quarrel with them, pretending that their mony was not down-weight: whereupon he ordered the men apart themselves, the women and children by themselves, to be carried a ship-board: and so after he had divided their lands amongst the Ponticks, pluckt the Chyans mise∣rably from their native Country, and sent them into the Euxine sea, to Mithridates. [Id. Ib. compared with Memnon. cap. 35.]

But the Heraclians, (betwixt whom and the Chians, was great correspondence and friendship) set upon the Pontick ships, which carryed the captives upon the way, and brought them into their City, they not making any resistance at all, for indeed they were over-matched, and truly at that instant, they relieved the Chyans, and very freely supplyed them with necessaries: but in processe of time, they restored them to their own Country also, having first expressed a great deal of bounty towards them, by gifts and largesses. [Memnon. ut supra.]

The Ephesians commanded Zenobius approaching the City with his souldiers, to lay down his arms at the gate of the City, and to enter with a very small company. He was contented so to do, and went to Philopoemenes (father to Monima, one of Mi∣thridates his concubines) from whence by a Beadle he summoned the Ephesians toge∣ther. But they expecting no pleasant propositions from him, deferred that convocation till the next day: and at night, having met together, they exhorted one another to set upon Zonobius, so they cast him into prison, and killed him there. And then having placed their guards about the walls, they armed the common people, and drew them up in∣to companies, fetched home the corn out of the fields, and secured the youth of the City from making any combustion. The Trallians, Hypaepenians, Mesopolites, and some others, (amongst whom the Smyrdeans, Sardians, and Colophonians, are reckon∣ed by Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.) terrified with the sad disaster, that had lately befallen the Chians, hearing of the Ephesians exploits, followed their example. [Ap∣pian.]

Fimbria, [Year of the World 3919] having out-ran Flaccus, and gotten a long way before him in his march, thought he had now lit upon a most convenient season, for some commotion or other: and therefore, that he might endeare the souldery unto him, he permitted them to make incursions into the Countries of their Allyes, and make what havock they pleased therein, and to take captive every one they met withall. The souldery very readily embraced this license, so that within few dayes, they had scrambled together abundance of wealth by their plundering. But those that had been spoiled of their

goods, went to meet the Consul, and made bitter complaints to him of the injuries they had received: who being much troubled at the businesse, commanded them to follow him, and he himself would see restitution made to every one that had suffered: and with threats commanded Fimbria to return forthwith to the owners, whatsoever had been taken away from them. He laid all the blame upon the souldery, who did this without any commission from him, but covertly, he advised them not to regard the Consuls commands, not suffer that to be taken from them, which they had gotten by law of arms: upon this, when Flaccus commanded restitution to be made of their ra∣pine, adding threatnings to his commands, the souldiers refused to obey; so that there followed a great mutiny in the Camp. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 406, 409.]

When Sylla (upon his march to meet Flaccus) was come as far as the Town Melitea; intelligence was brought from sundry places, how that the Country which he left behind him was over-run with another army of the Kings, no lesse, than that which was there before. For Dorylaus (who had arrived at Chalcis with a great fleet, in which he carryed 80 thousand armed men, of the most exercised and best experienced of all Mithridates his souldiers) presently brake into Baeotia, and having gotten that coast, marched on-wards to fight Sylla. [Plutarch in Sylla.]

This Dorilaus, sonne to Philaetor, brother of that Dorylaus the Muster-master, (of whom mention was made at the year of the World 3879.) was brought up with Mithridates: And the King all that while was so taken with his com∣pany, that when he came to mans estate, he did not onely advance him in par∣ticular, to the highest places of honour, and endowed him with the Priesthood of Comana in Pontus, but also invited his kinsmen, the sonnes of Dorylaus the Muster-master, and Sterota, a woman of Macetis, Lageta (whose daugh∣ter was mother to Strabo the Geographer) and Stratarcha, after their fathers de∣cease, to come to him at Cnossus. [Strabo. lib. 10. pag. 477, 478. & lib. 12. pag. 557.]

Dorylaus with his 80 (as Plutarch and Appian, or with 70, as Eutropius and Orosi∣us have it) thousand choice souldiers: and Archelaus (who in vain had disswaded him from the fight) with the ten thousand (which were the remaines of his former forces) falling upon Sylla near Orchomenus, lost 15000 of their men (as Appian and Orosius, or 20000 as Eutropius) amongst whom was slain Diogenes, Archelaus his son. Soon after, they had a second encounter, and in this, the whole residue of Mithridates his forces were cut off. For 20000 were driven into a moore close by, and there put all to the sword, they all the while crying quarter in their barbarous gibbridge, not under∣stood by them that slew them, as many more of them were forced into a river, where∣in they all perished: the rest, miserable wretches! were slain on all hands. [Appian, compared with Livy. lib. 82. with Eutropius, lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.] Plutarch relates, how that the marshes were all overflown with the bloud of the slain, and that a pool was filled up with dead carkasses: In such wise, that in his time, though allmost 200 years after this fight, many of the Barbarians bowes, helmets, pieces of coats of males, and swords, were found buried in the mud.

As for Archelaus himself, he having for two dayes (as Sylla saith in Plutarch) or three dayes (as Eutropius hath it in his fifth book) lurked in the Marshes of the Or∣chomenians stript and naked, at last, lit upon a little Vessel, and in it wasted over into Chalcis; and wheeresoever he met with any of Mithridates forces, he drew them hastily up together into a body. As for Sylla, he pilled and made what havock he could in Boeotia: It being used to revolt upon every fresh emergency: from thence he passed into Thessaly, and there took up his winter quarters, expecting Lucullus his arrivall with shipping. And because he heard no news of his coming, he builded other ships. [Appian.] Although Livy gives out, [lib. 82.] how that Archelaus delivered up himself and the Kings fleet unto Sylla; and Aurelius Victor writes, That by Archelaus his treachery, Sylla intercepted the fleet. [de vir. illustrib. cap. 76.] and that it was evident, that there was frequent entercourse privately betwixt Sylla and Arche∣laus, as well for other reasons, as for that he had given unto that Cappadocian, a cer∣tain piece of ground, consisting of 10000 acres in Eubaea (where Chalcis was) yet both Sylla endeavoured to wipe off all those suspicions in his commentaries. [Pluta. in Sylla, and Dio followed him. Legat, 33. or 34.] although some expressions in a letter of Mithridates to Arsaces intimates, That those suspitions were faster rivetted into mens judgements, than that they could be so easily taken off. [in the fourth book of Salusts Histories.] Ar∣chelaus the unworthiest of those that were under me, gave a check to my enterprizes, by his be∣traying my army. And what is delivered by Strabo, That same Archelaus, who waged war against Sylla; grew afterwards in high estimation with the Romans, and with Sylla himself, and the Senate. [lib. 12. pag. 558, & lib. 17. pag. 796.]

In the interim, Flaccus came to Byzantium, where Fimbria caused a mutiny against him: Flaccus had given command to his souldiers to abide without the walls, whilst he himself entred the City: wherupon Fimbria began to accuse Flaccus for receiving money of the Byzantins: boasting by way of obloquie, that he was gone to pamper his genius in the City, whilst they abroad in the field under their skins, endured the roughnesse of the Winter. These passages so highly enraged the souldiers, that they brake into the City, and killing some few which they met by chance on the way, they dispersed themselves into several houses, [D••o. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 650.]

L. Valerius Flaccus, passing thorough the confines of the Byzantins into Bithynia, encamped at Nicaea, [Memnon cap. 36.] whereof Cicero (in his Oration for Flaccus, this mans son) It was one and the same time when all Asia shut her gates upon L. Flaccus the Consul (or now rather Proconsul) but did not onely receive that Cappadocian (Mithrida∣tes) into their Cities, but sent purposely to invite him to come unto them.

Upon some difference betwixt Fimbria and Flaccus his Treasurer, [The Julian Period. 4629] Flaccus was chosen Umpire: [Year before Christ 85] who had so small regard of Fimbria's honour, that Fimbria threatned (as Appian hath it, to return home to Rome) or (as it is in Dion) Flaccus threatned to to send him to Rome whether he would or not. Whereupon Fimbria so vilely re∣proached Flaccus, that Flaccus took away his command from him, and assigned ano∣ther to succeed him, [Appian. pag. 204. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 650.]

Fimbria thus upon that variance cashiered, [Aurelius Victor, de vir. illustrib. cap. 70.] repaired to the souldiers at Byzantium; where he saluted them as if he were going to Rome, and desired letters from them to their friends there: complaining moreover of the great injury done unto him, and advising them to beare in mind the good turns he had done them, and that they should take heed and look to themselves; covertly hinting hereby, as if Flaccus had some design upon them. When he found his words had made some impression upon them, and that they wished him well, but were jealous of Flaccus: then he ascended the pulpit, and in plain termes stirred them against Flac∣cus: and amongst other things, he laid to his charge, that he received money to betray them, [Dio. ut supr.]

Fimbria, having again crossed the Hellespont, animated his souldiers to rapines and all kind of villanies, exacted monies from the Cities, and divided it amongst the soul∣diers: who having obtained an uncontrouled licence to do what they listed, and al∣lured moreover with the hopes of a large income, loved Fimbria as one who had de∣served extremely well of the whole army, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 409.]

Flaccus being gone towards Chalcedon with his fleet, Fimbria took the advantage of his absence; and first began with Thermus who was left Propraetor, and took from him the Fasces, or Ensignes of his authority, as if he had taken that Magistracy upon him from the army: This put Flaccus into a chafe, and fetched him back again, but Fimbria made him ply his heeles, and take sanctuary at a private mans house: whence in the night he scaled the walls, and stole away first to Chalcedon, and thence to Nico∣media, and caused the gates to be shut. But Fimbria following him close at the heeles, made the Roman Consul (or rather one that had been Consul, as Velleius stiles him) and the Commander in chief in this war, to hide himself in a well, whence Fimbria dragged him and slew him. After he had cut off Flaccus his head, he threw it into the sea, but left the corps lying upon the ground unburied, [Appian. pag. 204, 205. com∣pared with Memnon, cap. 36. and 42. Liv. lib. 82. Velleius, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 594. Aurelius, Victor, de viris illustrib. cap. 70. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.] As for Nicomedia, that became the souldiers booty by Fimbria his concession, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 409.]

Mithridates, having sent an army against those that had revolted from him, after he had reduced them, proceeded most rigorously against them, [Appian. pag. 202.] He forced all the Cities in Asia, and miserably pilled the Province, [Liv. lib. 82.] But fearing least others should prove disloyal: he made the cities of Greece free; promi∣sed by the publick Cryer to all debtours, a cancelling of their obligations: to all in∣mates enfranchisement in their several Cities they dwelt in: and to servants their liber∣ty; hoping (which indeed happened not long after) that by these his acts of grace, he might engage all that were in debt, all inmates and servants, to stick close to him, and tooth and naile help to maintain that power he was now in, [Appian. ut supr.]

In the mean time Mynio, and Philotimus, Smyrneans, Clisthenes, and Asclepiodo∣tus Lesbians, (every one of them the Kings intimate friends, but Asclepiodotus had al∣so sometimes been Commander of his mercenary souldiers) conspired against Mithri∣dates. Asclepiodotus himself was the first that revealed it: and that he might pro∣cure credit to what he said, he caused the King to lie under a bed, and hear what My∣nion should say. The Treason being thus discovered, all the Conspiratours died upon

the rack: yet many others were shrewdly suspected to have a hand in it. But when as 80 Pergamedians were seized on, as being complices in this conspiracy, and others in other Cities, then the King dispatched his Inquisitors into all parts, who executed about 1600 men upon this account: Every one of the Inquisitours, charging their enemies with treasonable engagement. The accusers themselves, not long after, were either punished by Sylla, or killed themselves, or accompanied Mithridates in his flight into Pontus. [Appian. ibid. & pag. 213. compared with Orosius, lib. 6, cap. 2.]

Amongst others, Diodorus, Mithridates his Praetor, who professed himself an Aca∣demick Philosopher, and a pleader of causes, and a Rhetorician, slew all the Senates of the Adramitteans, to please the King. And being gone with the King into Pontus, upon his being deposed, he starved himself to death, to prevent the disgrace which was likely to fall upon him, by reason of some great enormities, which were to be charg∣ed upon him. [Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 614.]

L. Lucullus, by the addition of some Rhodian ships, with that fleet which he ga∣thered together out of Cyprus, Phoenicia, and Pamphylia, wasted all the enemies coasts, and now and then by the way, skirmished with Mithridates his fleet. [Appian. 207, 208.] He perswaded the Coans, and the Cnidians, to thrust out the Kings Gar∣rison, and take up arms with him against the Samians, He drave the Kings party out of Chios. He relieved the Colophonians, and set them at liberty, having seized upon Epi∣gonius their King. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] And by Marena his means in Asia, brought off Mithridates his fleet to Sylla. [Aurel. Victor. de viris illustrib. cap. 74.]

C. Fimbria, (having slain Flaccus in Bithynia, and being seized of his army) now saluted Generall (as it is in Velleius, lib. 2. cap. 24.] got the Cities under him: some voluntarily submitting themselves, whilst others were forced to stoop whether they would or not. [Year of the World 3916] [Memnon. cap. 36.] But he put many persons to death, not out of any justice or demerit, but meerly to gratifie his passion, and out of cruelty. For, having on a time commanded some posts to be fastened to the ground, to which he was used to have men bound, and scourged to death: when he saw that there were more posts provided, than persons adjudged to this punishment; he ordered to lay hold on some of the compny that stood by, and bind them to the posts: lest otherwise they might seem to have been set up to no purpose. [Dio in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 653.]

The same Fimbria, being admitted into Cizicum, professing himself a friend to the place, as soon as he was got in, began to impeach all the wealthiest of them, and charged them with some crime or other: two of these, the principall men of the City, after he had passed sentence on them, he caused to be whipt with rods, to terrifie the rest, and afterwards struck off their heads, and set their goods to sale; forcing others out of fear to give to him all they had. [Diodor. Sicul. ibid. pag. 409.]

Mithridates, Mithridates his son, joyning with Taxiles, Diophantes, and Menander, three most expert Commanders, and being well provided with an army, marched out against Fimbra: And in regard they surpassed in multitudes of souldiers, Fimbria re∣ceived some losse in the fight. But they being come to a river, which parted both ar∣mies: Fimbria in a great storm of rain (which happened somewhat before morning, passed over the river, and so surprized the enemy, as they lay asleep in their Tents, that they never perceived him: He made such great slaughter amongst them, that very few, onely of the Commanders and Horse, escaped. [Memnon. cap. 36.]

Amongst them was Mithridates the Kings sons, chased out of Asia to Miletopolis, got safe from thence, to his father at Pergamus, with a company of Horse. But Fimbria making an assault upon the Kings ships, as they lay in harbour, drave him out of Pergamus: and after he had taken the City, pursued him as he was flying into Pitance, where he besiged him, and endeavoured to draw a trench about the place. [Id. ibid. Liv. lib. 38. Appian. pag. 205. Plut. in Lucllo. Aurel. Victor. de vir. illustr. cap. 70. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Mithridates, being now driven clear out of the land by Fimbria, and penned up by him into a corner, looking seaward, summoned and called together all his fleet, from their severall quarters: being somewhat loath to engage in fight with Fimbria, who was both a smart fellow, and a Conquerour to boot. Fimbria observing this, in regard he was himself at present destitute of a fleet, sent in all hast to Lucullus, to desire him by all means, that he should bring his fleet, and joyn his hand in taking him, who of all the Kings was the most bitter and cruel enemy of the people of Rome. And to speak truth, they had snapped him, if Lucullus would have preferred the weal pub∣lick, before the gratifying of some private animosities, and would have straightned him at sea, by driving up with his fleet against him, but he not yielding to that advise, gave oppertunity to Mithridates to escape by sea, and occasion to Fimbria to delude his army. [Plut. & Oors. ibid.]

Mithridrtes being gone with his Fleet to Mitylene: Fimbria went up and down the Province, clapping fines upon the heads of those that were of the Cappadocian faction, and wasted the grounds of such that had shut their gates against him, [Appian. ut. supr.] And by reason of the sundry revolts of Cities to the Romans, he recovered a very great part of Asia, [Memnon, cap. 36. Liv. lib. 83.]

But making the like attempts upon the Trojans, they posted away to Sylla; who af∣ter he had engaged himself to come to their relief, and warned Fimbria not to meddle any further with those that had submitted themselves to him, he commended them for returning to that alliance they formerly had with the people of Rome: Yet he told them, it was not much matter to whether of them two they submitted themselves, in regard, that both of them were Roman Citizens, and alike descended from the Tro∣jans. For all this, Fimbria stormed the City, and entred it upon the eleventh day, va∣pouring how that he, within the space of eleven dayes, had reduced that City, under his power, which Agamemnon, though provided with a Fleet of a 1000 ships, and the whole power of Greece, had much adoe to take in ten years years time. The reason is plain, replied a certain Trojan: Because there was not amongst us an Hector, who would stand stoutly to maintain the City. He killed all he met, making no difference at all: and fired almost the whole City: Those that were imployed upon the Embassie to Sylla, he tormented to death. Neither did he forbeare the holy things; no, nor from such who had fled unto the Temple of Minerva for sanctuary; but burnt them and the Temple together. Moreover he pulled down the walls, and the day following surrounded the City, espying whether he could find an thing that had escaped his fury: neither did he suffer either any fair court or consecrated house, or statue, to be left in the City, [Liv. lib. 83. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 554. Appian. pag. 205. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 653. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Although Fimbria commanded Troy to be fired, because they were something slow in opening the gates to him: yet Aurelius Victor writes, how that Minerva's Temple stood untouched, [De viris illustrib. cap. 70.] Which as he saith, was without all doubt preserved by the Goddesse her self. But Julius Obsequens and Appianus, confirm, that both the Temple was then burnt, and that amongst the ruines thereof the Palladium that ancient Image, which was supposed to be taken away by Diomedes and Ulysses in the time of the Trojan war, was found safe and entire: Which Image at that time found out by Fimbria, as Servius upon the second book of the Aeneid, hath noted, was after∣terwards carried to Rome. Notwithstanding Strabo informs us, that several like Images of Minerva were shewen at Lavinium, Luceria, and Siritis, as though they had been brought from Troy, [lib. 6. pag. 264.] Appian writes that this destruction of Troy, happened on the CLXXIII. Olympiad, [pag. 206.] and that some compute 1050 years distance betwixt this and that former overthrow by Agamemnon: where∣as according to Eratosthenes, Apollodorus, and Diodorus Siculus, accounts, there were 1099 years betwixt that former destruction of Troy, and the fourth year of the CLXXIII. Olympiad, in which this desolation happened.

Lucullus first routed the Kings Fleet about Lecton in Troas. Again at Tenedos, when he saw Neoptolemus making towards him with a greater provision than before: He rid at some distance, before, off his Fleet, in a Rhodian Frigot with five oares. Dama∣goras was Master of the ship; one who wished extreme well to the Romans, and was most expert at sea fights. Neoptolemus coming onwards very violently, and com∣manding the Pilot to direct his forecastle against the enemy: Demagoras fearing the bulk of the Kings ship, and the force of its brazen beake, dared not to close in the front, but gave order to the Pilot to stop the course of the ship by turning her hastily about: and so by breaking the blow off, the enemy running violently on, the ship was not hurt, in regard he struck onely against such parts of the ship which were under water. But as soon as the residue of the Fleet came up to him, Lucullus commanded the Pilot to steere about: and then after sundry expressions of his valour, he compelled the ene∣my to hoyst sail, and drave as fast as he could in the pursuite of Neoptolemus, [Plutarch in Lucullo.]

Aretas, King of Coelosyria (invited by the Damascens to take the government upon him out of the ill will they ba••e to Ptolemei Mennaeus) being entred with an army into Judaea: after he had given the foile to Alexander Jannaeus at Adida, marched home again upon articles, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 23.]

When Cinna and Carbo began to play their pranks at Rome, proceeding violently against the most eminent persons of the City without controule, the greater part of the Nobility stole away first into Achaia, and afterwards into Asia unto Sylla; so that in a short time, there was in his Camp an appearance of a Senate, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 23. Plutarch, in Sylla, and out of him Dio. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 649.] All of them were instant suiters to him, that he would hasten to the relief of his own Country, which was at present not onely in extream hazard, but in a manner lost already, [Eutrop.

lib. 5. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 20.] Metella also his wife, having hardly escaped with her own life and her childrens, came to his house, telling him how that his house and the village pertaining thereto were fired by the enemy, and therefore beseeching him to come and help the City, [Plutarch.]

Mithridates, casting up with himself what a number of men he had lost (and in how short a time) since he first advanced an army into Greece, wrote Archelaus to make peace with Sylla, upon as honourable conditions as he could, [Appi••n. pag. 206.] Sylla was now in a great perplexity, neither enduring to desert his Country in that sad exi∣gence it was now in, nor yet very well knowing how he could leave Asia, having not as yet compleated the Mithridatick war: whereupon Archelaus of Delos offered him∣self to negotiate the treaty, having brought along with him some hopes, and private instructions from Archelaus the Kings General. Sylla was so well pleased herewith, that he in all haste would go himself to conferre with Archelaus. They met at Sea near Delos, where Apollos Temple stands. Archelaus beginning his Speech, deman∣ded of Sylla, that he would give over his Asian and Pontick Expedition, and go home to quench the civil war there: That the King, his Master, would supply him with what silver, ships, or men, he pleased. Sylla replying, advised him to disclaim Mithri∣dates, and he himself should reign in his stead: That himself would call him an Ally and friend of the Romans, if he would resign up the Kings Fleet to him: Archelaus seeming to detest so treacherous a motion; at last Sylla propounded some conditions of a peace to be concluded with the King, [Plutarch in Sylla.] Amongst which, this was one: That the King should draw out all his Garrison souldiers from all places, ex∣cept those in which he had souldiers before the violation of the peace. Archelaus hear∣ing this, forth with cleared the Garrisons. Concerning the other Articles, he wrote unto the King to know his pleasure therein, [Appian. pag. 207.]

The Articles agreed on, Sylla draws off, and comes to Hellespont, passing thorough Thessalie and Macedonia: having Archelaus in his company, who was very civilly treated by him: for Archelaus, falling into a most dangerous disease near Larissa, Sylla stopt his march; and took no lesse care of him in his sicknesse, than if he had been one of his own Commanders or Pretors: which thing increased the suspition that lay hard upon Archelaus; how that he shewed none of the fairest play in the battle at Chaeronea, [Plutarch, in Sylla, and out of him Dio. Legat. 33. or 34.]

Ambassadours from Mithridates came hither to Sylla: their errand was to desire of him, that the delivery up of Paphlagonia and the ships, should not by any means be included in the Articles; adding withal, that they could obtain easier conditions from the other General Fimbria. To whom Sylla in a rage replyed, That Fimbria should smart for this, and that he himself would see, as soon as he came into Asia, whether Mithridates stood in greater need of peace or war. But Archelaus interceded to Sylla, and taking him by the hand, allayed his fury with his teares: And at last intreated, that he might be sent to Mithridates; engaging, the Mithridates should either con∣clude a peace upon Sylla's own terms, or else if he refused to sign those Articles, he would either be the death of Mithridates, or else (for the Greek copies vary in this par∣ticular) dispatch himself, [Plutarch, and out of him Dio. Legat. 34. or 35. Appian. pg. 207.]

Alexander Jannaeus, [Year of the World 3920] after the concluding of a peace with Aretas, (in the sixth year before his death) leading an army against the neighbouring people, took the City Dia by storm, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 23.]

Archelaus being returned from Mithridates, met with Sylla at Philippi in Mace∣donia: telling him, how that all things fell out according to his hearts wish; but with∣al, that Mithridatis desired by all means that he would give him a meeting. Where∣upon Sylla marched thorough Thracia to Cypsela: having sent Lucullus (who was now come with his Fleet to him) afore to Abydos. Lucullus afforded him a safe pas∣port out of the Chersonesses, and helped him much in transporting the army, [Plutarch, in Sylla, & Lucullo. Appian. pag. 207. 208.]

Sylla met with Mithridates at Dardanus, a Town of Troas. Mithridates had there with him, 200 ships with oares, 20000 of land Forces, 600 Horse, and a great strength of Chariots, armed with sithes. Sylla 4 Regiments of Foot, and 200 Horse. There they parled, both of them being gone aside into the field with a small Retinue: each army looking on. Mithridates coming up to him and reaching forth his right hand, Sylla asked him, whether he would accept of a peace upon Archelaus his condition? The King demurring a while, and each of them casting complaints and accusations in one anothers teeth, at length Mithridates scared thereunto by Sylla's passionate Ora∣tion, consented to those Articles of peace which were tendred to Archelaus. After which, Sylla saluted him, embraced him, and kissed him. [Memnon, cap. 37. Plutarch, in Sylla, and out of him, Dio. Legat. 35. or 36. Appian. pag. 208, 209, 210.]

The Articles of peace were these. That Mithridates should content himself with

what was his fathers, that is, with what command he had in Pontus, and should not have any thing to do with Asia, or Paphlagonia. That he should resign Bithynia to Nicomedes, and Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes. That he should release all Comman∣ders, Legats, Prisoners, Runnagadoes, Fugitives, the Chians, & all such as he had carryed away captives with him out of the Cities into Pontus. That he should pay to the Ro∣mans two, or (as Memnon hath it) three thousand talents. That he should deliver up to Sylla 70, or (as Memnon hath it) 80 ships, pointed with brass, with all their ammu∣nition. And lastly, That the Cities now under the Roman Jurisdiction, should not be questioned for their revolting to the Romans side. Yet did the Romans soon after, bring many of them under slavery, and bondage, contrary to the tenour of the arti∣cles for peace. [Memnon. and Plutarch ut supra, and Dio transcribing Plutarch, Legat. 33. or 34. Appian. pag. 207. Liv. lib. 83. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 23.] And thus was the first Mithridatick war, (begun four years before) ended by Sylla, who in lesse than three years space, slew 160 thousand of the enemies, recovered Greece, Macedon, Ionia, Asia, and severall other nations which Mithridates had seized on, took the Kings fleet, and confined the King himself to the strait tether of his fathers kingdom. [Appian. lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 396. cum Mithridatic. pag. 206. & 209. & 210.] Nor was there any one thing in all Syllaes several atchievments more remarkable than that, allthough Cinna and Marius his faction were up in Italy for three years together, yet did he not conceal his intention of coming against them to fight them, nor did he lay aside the businesse he had now in hand, adjudging it the right Method, first to crush in pieces an enemy, and then to avenge a Citizen: First, to secure from fear abroad, by getting a conquest on a forreigner, and afterwards to represse a rebellion at home. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. compared with Plutarch in Collat. Syllae & Ly∣sandri.]

Mithridates, having resigned up his ships to Sylla, and 500 archers, with other things due upon covenant; he sailed with the remainder of his ships into his fathers king∣dom, into Pontus. [Memnon. ut supra. Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 594. Plutarch, and out of him Dio. Legat. 36. or 37. Appian. pag. 210.] But Sylla, (perceiving this peace was not very toothsome to the souldiery) who thought it hard, to see the King, who was the most bitter enemy they had, and who had slain in one day, so many thousands of such Roman Citizens, who lived in Asia, now with his treasure, and the spoiles he had got in the war to saile away out of Asia, which he had allmost exhausted for some years together, by plunder and imposition, cleared himself, telling them, he was glad to be rid of Mithridates upon any condition, for fear he should have joyned with Fim∣bria, and then he should have been too weak, to grapple with them both. [Plutarch & Dio. ibid,]

From thence Sylla removed within two furlongs of Fimbria, who lay encamped about Thyatira. Sylla demanded of him, that he would deliver up the armies to him, in regard he took that command upon himself against lawes. Fimbria in a flout replyed, That he himself, did not come very well to the command he was in. Upon this, Sylla laid siege, and beginning to draw his trench, Fimbrias souldiers came run∣ning out of their Garrison, to salute Sillaes men, and were very serviceable to them in helping them to cast up the trench, [Plutarch ibid. Appian. pag. 210. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Fimbria, admiting at this sudden alteration, assembled the residue of the souldiery, and desired them to stick to him: but they relusing to be brought by any means to fight against their fellow Citizens, he rent his garment, and shook every one of them, by the hand begging of them not to desert him. But when that did nothing prevail, and observing, how that very many were stealing away to the enemy, he went about to the Colonels Tents, and having corrupted some of them, summoned the soul∣diery again, and pressed upon them an oath of alleagiance. And when the Venetians cryed out, that every souldier ought to be called by name to the oath: he commanded the Cryer, to name onely such as he had by his bounty made his own creatures, and afore all, Nonius was cited one, who had been his Camplice in all villanous attempts. But he also resusing to swear, he drew his sword at him, and threated to kill him, but was glad to desist, because the souldiery by a joynt shout, seemed to resent it. [Appian. ut supra.]

After this, Fimbria suborned a slave, tempting him with monies and hopes of his free∣dom, to go to Syllas Camp, making show, as if he had been a runnagado, and there to stab Sylla: but his heart beginning to faile him in the enterprize, and being suspected by his trembling, that he came upon no good errand, and thereupon being laid hold on, he confessed the whole businesse. This filled Syllas army with anger and scorn; so that they standing about Fimbrias trench, by way of reproach, called him Athenio, which was the name of one, who was King for a few dayes over the sugitives in Sicily. [Id. ib.]

Fimbria, seeing this plot would not take effect, and now past all hopes, betook him∣self to a strong Fort, and from thence invited Sylla to a parley. Sylla would not go himself, but sent Rutilius in his stead. This went to Fimbria's heart, that Sylla should not vouchsafe that to him, which was never wont to be denyed, even to common ene∣mies. And after he had craved pardon, if happily he had offended by reason of the rawnesse of his years: Rutilius replyed, That Sylla was willing he should passe safe to the sea side, upon condition he would quit Asia (of which he was the Proconsul) to him, and saile away. Fimbria told him, he knew a better way than that, and so returning to Pergamus, went into Esculapius his Temple, and stabbed himself with his sword. But finding the wound was not mortal, he desired his servant to do so much for him, as to dispatch him; who first killed his Master, and afterwards killed himself. Sylla gave his body to be interred by his chief servants. [Id. pag. 211. compared with Livy, lib. 83. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Plutarch in Sylla Aurel. Victor. de vir. illustribus cap. 70. and Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Fimbria's army came and tendred their service to Sylla, who entertained them, and joyned them to his own body. Soon after, he sent Cuno with command to settle Ni∣comedes and Ariobarzanes in their kingdoms. He sent also a full narrative of all occur∣rences unto the Senate, taking no notice at all how that they had voted him an enemy to the State. [Appian. p. 21.]

Sylla rebuilt Troy, [The Julian Period. 4630] which was demolished by Fimbria. [Year before Christ 84] [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. compared with Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 594.] He also settling the affairs of the Province of Asia, Enfranchized the Trojans, Chians, Rhodians, Lycians, Magnesians, and several other people, and entolled them among the Allyes of the people of Rome, either as a remuneration for their assisting him in the wars, or to chear them up after those great calamities they had undergone out of the great affection they bare to the people of Rome. But to all other Towns he sent Souldiers to see proclamation made, requiring all slaves whosoever had received their freedom from Mithridates, to return immedi∣ately to their masters respectively. This edict was sleighted by many, and many Cities revolted also upon it, so that there ensued hereupon great bloudshed, both of the slaves, and free born, promiseuously, upon sundry occasions. The walls of many Towns in Asia were demolished, and some of the inhabitants were sold under the spear, and what men or City soever were found to be of the Cappadocian faction, were severely fined; especially the Ephesians, who through a base obsequiousnesse had in a scorn taken down out of their Temples, the Roman offerings. [Appianus, pag. 211.]

After all was quiet and hushed again, Cryers were sent throughout the Province, summoning the chief persons of all the Cities in Asia, to appear before Sylla at Ephe∣sus, upon a set day; who when they were met together, made a speech to them upon the judgement seat; wherein he recited how well the Romans had deserved of the Asians, and what ill requitals the Asians had returned them, and in the close, pro∣nounced this sentence upon them. I amerce you a while five years tribute, which I charge you presently to pay down upon the naile; and moreover, you shall disburse the monies spent upon this war; and what other sum the present state and condition of the Province shall require, I shall lay the tax upon the Cities proportionally, and fix a time for the bringing of it. Such as I shall find to make default herein, I shall look upon them as enemies. Thus said, he distri∣buted the mulct by portions to the Liutenants, and assigned persons also to levy it. [Id. pag. 221, 213.] And to that end was that division of Asia made by him into 44 regions, which Cassindius in his Chronicle makes mention of, at the fourth time of L. Cinna's Consulship, and the second of Cn. Papyrias. For as Cicero in his first epistle of his first book, Q. Frateus confirms his laying an impost upon all parts alike, so doth he also in his oration, to Flaccus avouch, That he laid it proportionally upon all the Cities of Asia.

Plutarch writes how that Sylla besides this amercement of 20000 talents which he levyed generally upon the whole; he plagued them severally also by quartering inso∣lent and unruly souldiers in their private houses: Ordering every Landlord to pay to a souldier quartered in his house, 16 Drachmas a day: and that he should find him not onely his supper, but provid also for as many friends as he would bring along with him. A Captain was to have 50 drachmas a day, and two suits of cloaths, one to weare at home, and another abroad, [Plutarch in Sylla.] The care of collecting the general Taxe of 20000 talents, and of coyning the money, was intrusted to Lucullus: which seemed to the Cities of Asia some alleveation and easement of Syllas hard usage: in regard he had alwayes demeaned himself, not onely harmelessely and uprightly, but mercifully and mildly, in such a sad and pensive Province as this was at present, [Id. in Lucullo.]

But the Cities being extreamly empoverished, and over head and eares in debt, some of them pawned their theaters to the Usurers, others their places of receipt, or

their arsenals, or their ports, or something or other which belonged to the Publick: So importunate were the souldiers with them, and pressing for their monies. After payment was made, they carryed the monies to Sylla: Asia in the mean while be∣moning the sad calamities she lay under, [Appian. pag. 213.]

At this same time also, the Pirats were busie in all parts of Asia, and they appeared so openly, as if they had been so many true and lawful Fleets. They were first put to sea by Mithridates, who being likely to lose all he had gotten in those parts, was re∣solved to do what mischief he could: but now they were encreased to so great a num∣ber, that they were not onely dangerous to such as sailed at sea, but grew formidable to the very Ports, Castles, and Towns. It is certain, that Jassus, Samu••, Clazomenae, and Samothrace, were taken when Sylla himself resided in these parts: and it is gene∣rally reported, that they took out of the Temple at Samothrace, as many ornaments, as were in estimation worth 1000 talents. But Sylla, either because he thought them unworthy to be protected by him, they having carried themselves so basely towards him: or because he hasted to Rome to quell the commotions there, wasted over into Greece, [Id. ibid.]

When as Sylla proferred to carry home again with him P. Rutilius Rufus, who lived an exile at Mitylene: he continued in banishment, lest he might do any thing which was not consonant to law; and from thence he removed to Smyrna, [Valer. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 4. Seneca, epistle 24. Quintilian lib. 11. cap 1. Dio in Excerpt. Va∣les. pag. 638.] He was made a free Denison of that City, [Cicero, pro Bibli.] and there spent his years in study, [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.] Nor could ever be brought to return home to his Country, [Dio ut sup.] Of whom Seneca in lib. de providentia, cap. 3. Is Rutilius to be looked upon as unfortunate, because those that condemned him will plead his cause in all ages? because he more contentedly suffered himself to be pluckt from his Coun∣try, than to part with his banishment? because he onely of all the rrst, dared to deny Sylla the Dictator something, and when he was called home, did not onely give back, but flew farther off? And Ovid in Pont. lib. 1. Elea. 4.

Et grave magnanimi robur mirare Rutili, Non cui reditus conditione dati: Smyrna virum tenuit—

Rutilius his fortitude admire, Who being call'd home, had rather still retire; In banishment at Smyrna than return; For Sylla's profer he alone did scorn.

But Alexander, son of Ptolemei Alexander, late King of Egypt, who fleeing from Mithridates (to whom he was delivered up by the Choans) to Sylla, was entertain∣ed by him, and admitted amongst those of his more familiar acquaintance; and went along with him out of Asia into Greece, and from thence to Rome, [Appian. lib. 1. Bell. civil. pag. 414. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225. fin.]

Alexander Jannaeus led his army against Essa or Gerasa, where Theodorus, son of Zeno, had secured whatsoever he thought most precious, and he esteemed of greatest value. After he had begirthed the place with a triple wall, at length he became Ma∣ster of it, [Joseph. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23. compared with cap. 21. and lib. 1. Bell. cap. 3. & 4.]

L. Muraena with the two Fimbrian (or Valesian) Legions, was left behind by Sylla to settle and order matters in Asia, [Appian. pag. 213.] To which is to be re∣ferred that passage of Julius Exuperantius concerning Sylla. He left Murana his Lieu∣tenant over the Province, and appointed him over the Valesian Souldiers, whose fidelity as to civil wars he somewhat suspected: and with the other moiety of the army in a passion he marched away to suppresse the Marian faction, which was up. Although that Author writes this passage as happening before Sylla commenced the war with Mithridates, at which time there was no Valesian or Fimbrian Legions, and not after the war was ended.

L. Lucullus was left Quaestor in Asia with Munaera the Praetor; who carried him∣self so discretly whilst he had the command of the Province, that he got abundance of credit by it, [Cicero in Lucullo.] So that by reason of his employments in Asia, he was not engaged in the commotions of Sylla and Marius in Italy, [Plutarch. in civi. Vita.]

Sylla, putting off with his Fleet from Ephesius, arrived the third day at Pyraeeum; and having discarged the Rites of Religion, he took to himself the Library of Apelli∣con the Teian, wherein were many books of Aristotles and Theophrastus which yet were very rare to come by, [Plutarch in Sylla.] For Apellicon having a good purse

and well lined, had purchased Aristotles Library, & many other good Libraries beside. He got also into his clutches by stealth out of Metroum (the Temple of the Phrygian Goddesse) the Originals of the Decrees which were published by their ancestors, and out of other Cities he scraped together whatsoever was either ancient or secret, and kept close as a rarely, [Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 1. ex Posidon. Apameno.] For all this, he was a person which was more taken with the sight of the books, than the study of them: for, having purchased of the heirs of Nileus Scepsius, with a great sum of money Aristotle and Theophrastus their books, many whereof were spoiled with wet and worm-eaten, out of a desire he had to repair those places which were gnawn out, he transcribed the books afresh, but was mightily out in filling up the void places; so that the books he set forth abounded with Errata's. Upon the decease of Apellicon Sylla took his Library to himself, [Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 609.] and enriched his own Library at Rome therewith, [Lucian. in. lib. adversus indoctum.]

Mithridates, being returned unto Pontus, reduced in a very short time many of those Nations which, when he was in his low ebbe, revolted from him, [Memnon, cap. 37.] beginning first with the Colchi. But they, when they saw him marching towards them, desired of him that his son Mithridates might be appointed King over them: which was no sooner granted, but they returned to their obedience. The King being jea∣lous that his sons ambition was the cause of that motion, called him to him, and bound him with fetters of gold for a while, and not long after put him to death: Notwith∣standing the singular good service he had done him in Asia against Fimbria, [Appian, in Mithridatic. pag. 213, 214.]

When Sylla lay at Athens, a benumming distemper fell into his feet, which made him saile to Adipsus, and there he used the hot baths, keeping holyday all the while, spending his time at stage-playes. [Plutarch in Sylla.]

Sylla arrived with his army at B••u••dusium, [Year of the World 3921] in the CLXXIV. Olympiade. [Ap∣pian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 401.] L. Scipio and C. Corbanus being Consuls. [Liv. lib. 83. Julius Obsequens de prodigiis, Eutropius, lib. 5.] returning into Italy, on the fourth year after his putting out thence, and not after the fifth year, as Julius Obsequens hath deli∣vered it.

The Thebans having revolted from Ptolemei Lathurus, he waged war against them. [Pausan. in Attic. pag. 8.]

L. Lucullus was very desirous to bring the Mitylenians, who had openly revolted from Sylla's side, to acknowledge their fault, and to submit to some easie punishment for following Manius. But when he saw they grew more furious upon it, he set upon them with his Fleet, vanquished them, and forced them to retire within their walls. Whilest he beleagured the Town in the day time he sailed openly towards Elea; but came back again privately in the night, and cast anchor, having placed an ambuseado near the City. The Mitylenians came tumbling out of the Town in great disorder, and very furiously, with an intention of seizing of the Camp, sup∣posing it had been deserted by the enemy: but Lucullus came upon them ere they were aware, and took a great number of them prisoners: of those that resisted he slew five hundred; led away six thousand slaves, and took with him a huge booty, [Plutarch in Lucullo.]

Mithridates provided a Fleet and a great army to go against the Bosphoranes, who had shaken off their alleigeance to him. The preparation he made was so consider∣able, that most thought (as Cicero intimates, in Oratione prolege Manilia) he never intended to make use of it against the Bosphorans, but against the Romans: for nei∣ther had he as yet, resigned to Ariobarzanes the whole and entire possession of Cap∣padocia, but reserved some places thereof to himself; and did also suspect Archelaus, as if (when he was in Greece) he had granted more to Sylla than was meet, in the Articles of peace, [Appian, in Mithridatic. pag. 214.]

Archelaus posted away in a fright to L. Muraena: and by his instigation prevailed with him to be before hand with Mithridates, and to war upon him first: as Appian hath it in his Mithridatick. And that Archelaus revolted to Sylla (whose Deputy Muraena was in Asia) Dio writes in his 39 book: and that he and his wife and children went to the same Sylla, Otosius delivers, [in lib. 6. cap. 2.] So that small credit in this particular is to be given to Memnon, who hath delivered, that Archelaus, did not one∣ly abide all the while with Mithridates; but that he did also stand stoutly to him in the last Mithridatick war, [Vid. supr. ann. Mundi. 3919.]

L. Muraena, out of an itching desire he had to ride in Triumph, renewes the war with Mithridates, [Liv. lib. 86. Appian. in Muthridatic. pag. 213.] For passing thorough Cappadocia he made an invasion upon Com••na the greatest City under Mithridates his command, and famous for the Religion and costly Temple that was therein: and besides this, he killed some of the Kings Cavaliers, [Appian. ibid. pag. 214.

Mithridates dispatched some Ambassadors to Murena; who, being Grecians by birth, and Philosophers by profession, did rather condemn, than commend the King. Upon their pleading the articles of peace concluded with Sylla; Murena denyed that he ever did see any such covenants: for Sylla never wrote any, but contenting him∣self with the execution of what was agreed betwixt them, left the Country. Thus said, Murena falls presently to plundering, not sparing the monies which was consecra∣ted for holy uses; and so taking up his winter quarters in Cappadocia, he made the kingdom thereof surer to Ariobarzanes, than ever it was, and built the City Ecinina upon the frontires of Mithridates his kingdom. [Memnon cap. 38. Appian. pag. 214.]

Seeing now by reason of the mutual enmity of the Seleucidae amongst themselves, [The Julian Period. 4631] both the Kings and kingdom of Syria were quite exhausted by a deadly war; [Year before Christ 83] the people thereof ran to strangers for succour, and began to look towards forreign Kings; some judging it most convenient to call Mithridates King of Pontus, others to invite Ptolemei out of Egypt, but considering again with themselves, how that Mithridates was engaged already in a war with the Romans, and that Ptolemei had ever been a professed enemy to Syria, they generally concluded upon Tigranes King of Armenia. who besides his own strength at home, was fortified with the Parthian association to boot, and an affyance with Mithridates. Upon this he was called into the kingdom of Syria, and kept it 18 years, [Justin. lib. 40. cap. 1. & 2.] until such time that Pompei deprived him of it, and laid it to the Roman Empire.

Fourteen of those 18 years, Magadates was over Syria, with an army, as Tigranes his Vice-Roy, until such time as he was forced to march away with that army to the relief of his King: But upon the defeating of Tigranes, the kingdom of Syria was by Lucullus given to Antiochus Asiaticus. [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 118, 119. & 133.] In the interim, Antiochus Pius (father to this Asiaticus) who was by Tygranes dispossessed of Syria, as far as from Euphrates to the sea shore, and by him dispossessed also of part of Cilicia, kept close a while in another corner of Cilicia, which as yet neither Tigranes nor the Romans had medled with. [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 243. Justin. lib. 40. cap. 2.] But his wife Selene, with her two sons, reigned in Phaenicia, and some other parts of the lower Syria; as we gather out of the 13 book of Josephus, cap. ult. and in the fourth of Cicero in Vetrem.

Mithridates sent both to the Senate and to Sylla, to complain of Murena, [Appian. pag. 214.] And both he and Murena sending Ambassadors one against the other, sollicited the Heraclians for supplies. But in regard the power of the Romans seemed dreadful to them on the one side, and that they feared the neernesse of Mithridates on the other side, they answered the Ambassadors; That in such a storm of war as this, they had much ado to secure their own houses, much lesse could they attend the relief of others. [Memnon. cap. 38.]

Alexander Jannaeus wan Gaulana and Seleucia. [Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 23.]

L. Murena, [Year of the World 3922] having wafted over Halys, a great river of it self, and at that time swelled with violent rains, took 400 of Mithridates his Villages; the King making no opposition at all, expecting the returne of his Ambassadors from Rome. Murena, when he thought he had got booty enough, returned back again into Phrygia and Galatia; where Callidius, who was sent to him from Rome upon Mithridates his complaints, presented him indeed with no decree of the Senate, but denounced in the open audience of all, that he should forbear any farther to molest the King, who was a confederate with the Romans. This said, he took him aside, in the presence of others, and talked with him privately; yet for all this did not Murena abate any whit of his former violence, but at that instant made incursions upon the frontiers of Mithri∣dates. [Appian, pag. 214, 215.]

Some, [The Julian Period. 4632] and those not a few, [Year before Christ 82] advised Murena to invade Sinope, and attempt the get∣ting of the Kings palace it self; for that being once taken, other places would be subdued without any difficulty. But Mithridates, having well fortified that place with garrisons, begins now to fall to the businesse himself. [Memnon. cap. 38.] And having commanded Gordius to fall upon the neighbonring Villages, he himself got together many cattle, and carriages, Countrymen as well as Souldiers, and pitched on the other side of the bank, opposite to Murena his Camp. Neither parties engaged, until Mi∣thridates was come with a greater army, and then there followed a bloody fight be∣twixt them. There the King got over the river in spight of Murenaes teeth: having also got the better of Murena otherwayes, the King plyed him so hard, that he was forced to retreat to a hill naturally fortified, and make what hast he could through the mountains, to get to Phrygia, having lost many of his men, either in the flight, or in the fight. [Appian. pag▪ 215.]

This so famous, quick, and (as it were by the By got) victory, and bruited abroad by the nimble wing of fame, brought many to side with Mithridates; who having beaten, even out off Cappadocia, all Muraena's Garrison souldiers, made a great Bone∣fire on the top of a high Hill, after his country manner offered sacrifices to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or to Jupiter powerful in war, [Id. ibid.]

L. Cornelius Sylla, [Year of the World 3923] created Dictatour, that he might seem to continue still the an∣cient model of the Common-wealth, permitted M. Tullius and Cornelius Dolobella to be made Cossi by the people: although he being evidently sole Monarch over all, was above them too, [Appian. lib. 1. Bell. civil. pag. 412.] In the beginning of whose Consulship he triumphed gloriously over King Mithridates (as Eutrop us hath it in his fifth book) on the third of the Calends of February (as appears by the pieces of the Marble on which the Triumph was engraved) which day falls upon the Julian November. And although that Triumph was very great in regard of the stateliness of it, and rarity of the spoiles they had taken from the King: yet did the shew receive a greater lustre and splendor from the exuls. For the most eminent men and chief of the City, bearing Crowns on their heads, attended Sylla's Chariot, calling him their Deliverer, and their Father, in regard they were by his means brought back into their native Country, and had their wives and children restored unto them, [Plutarch in Sylla.]

This one thing of Sylla deserved commendation; that when upon the laying down the command he had in Asia, he rod in Triumph, he did not beare before him the name of any one Town belonging to the Citizens of Rome, as he did of many Ci∣ties in Greece and Asia, [Valer. Maximus. lib. 2. cap. 8.] Sylla transfer'd 30000 pound weight of Gold, and 7000 of Silver, under that account; which his son C. Marius had brought from the conflagration of the Capitol and other devoted places to Praeneste. He also the day before transfer'd of all the other spoiles of the Victory 50000 pound weight of Gold, and 150000 of Silver, [Plin. lib. 33. cap. 1.] From whence it is plain the Triumph held for two dayes space.

Alexander Jannaeus, having reduced under his power the valley (called Antiochus his valley) and the Fort Gamala, put Demetrius Lord of those places beside his command there, having received many accusations against him; and at the just end of the third year of that his Expedition, led his army home again: the Jews giving him a hearty welcome home for his good successe he had had. At this time the Jews kept many of the Cities of the Syrians, Idumaeans, and Plaenicians, near the sea coast. The Town of Straton, Apollonia, Joppe, Jamnia, Azotus, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, Rhino∣corura. In the Mediteranean parts, in the Country of Idumaea, Adora, and Mansia, and Samaria: the mountains also of Carmel and Itabyr; besides these; Scythopolis, Gadara, Gaulanitis, Selucia, and Gabala; some Moabitish Cities also: Essebon, Medaba, Lemba, Oronas, Telithon, Zara, Aulon of Cilicia, and Pella: the last of which they demolished, because the inhabitants refused to admit of the Jewish ceremonies. They possessed also some other Cities of Syria, and those no obscure ones, all which they lately annexed to their kingdom, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 23.]

L. Cornelius Sylla Dictatour, adjudging it a great shame that Mithridates a confe∣derate should be infested with a war, sent Aulus Gabinius, to charge Muraena in good earnest, to desist from his hostility with Mithridates: and that he should endeavour to reconcile Mithridates and Ariobarzanes one to the other. At that meeting, having given his son about 4 years old, as hostage to Ariobarzanes: and that under that pre∣tence, keeping still to himself that part of Cappadocia which he had garrisoned, and something else over and above: made a general entertainment for the company: At which he designed a certain weight of Gold to those that should get the better at drink∣ing, or eating, jeering, singing, and other solemn sports: Every body had a share herein, but onely Gabinius, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag, 215. 216.]

Thus was the second Mithridatick war ended, in the third year thereof, [Id. ibid.] In which Muraena after he had with a great deale of violences and vigilancy afflicted Mithridates, drew off from him, leaving him rather abated in something, than quite crushed in pieces. As Cicero speakes in his Oration for Muraena his son; whom the Orator addes to have been a help to his father in his difficulties, a comfort in his la∣bours, and a rejoycer in his victories. Who also in his 1. lib. against Verres, teacheth how that the people of Milesia upon Muraena's order, built 10 ships out of the revenues of the people of Rome, as the several Cities in Asia did proportionably; which Fleet was by covenant to serve the Romans in all extremities at sea whatsoever: as Asconius Pedianus hath noted upon the same book, or the Oration against Verres.

L. Lucullus spent the time of his Quaestorship in the peace of Asia, whilst Muraena was waging war in Pontus, [Cicero in Lucullo.]

Sylla Dictatour, called Muraena out of Asia, [Cicero pro lege Manilia.] M. Thermus succeeded him in the Praetorship of Asia, [Sueton in Julio, cap. 2.] It is probable also

that Liteullus was called back from his Praetership of the same time with Murena, upon this ground, because he sat upon the bench at Rome, with Aquillus Gallus, the Judge in Quintius his cause; which (as Aulus Gellius lib. 15. cap. 28. and Hierom. in Chronic. tells us) was pleaded by Cicero in the 26 year of his age, M. Tullius, and Cn. Dolo∣bella Consuls.

Alexander Jannaeus, [The Julian Period. 4633] as soon as he had a little respite from wars, [Year before Christ 81] fell into a disease, a quartan ague which held him three whole years, he might thank his intemperance for it; yet for all this, did not remit any thing of his warlike imployments, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 4. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23.]

L. Murena, being come to Rome, triumphed very honourably; his son graced his triumph with some military presents; who served under him whilest he was General. and made his fathers victory and triumph, the onely end of his taking up his arms. [Cicero pro Murena.]

Mithridates, being now at leisure, subdued Bosphorus, and appointed Machares, one of his sons, King over that nation. [Appian. pag. 216.]

Molo, the Rhetorician, coming Ambassadors to the Senate, concerning the re∣wards of the Rhodians, was the first of any strangers that had audience without an interpreter: He deserved that honour, in regard the Roman eloquence was beholden to him for that force and vigour, which it hath; at which time Cicero himself plyed under him. [Cicero in Bruto. Valerius Maximus, lib. 2. cap. 2.] as he had done also some six years before, as we have hinted in its due place.

Julius Caesar being sent by M. Thermus Pretor of Asia, sent into Bithynia to fetch the fleet, tarryed a while with Nicomedes: It was whispered abroad, how that he had prostituted his chastity for the Kings lust to tyre upon: and the bruit was improved by his going to Bithynia again in a very short time, under pretence of getting in some monies which were due to a certain free man, one of his clients. [Sueton. in Iulio. cap. 2.]

L. Cornelius Sylla, Dictator, wheresoever he found amongst the slaves of those persons he had prescribed a lusty young fellow, he made him one of the commons; and of these he made above 10000. first confering on them their freedom and enfran∣chisements, and called them Cornelians, after their Patrons name: the policy of this was, that he might be sure of a party of 1000 in the City amongst the commons, to side with him upon all emergencies whatsoever, [Appian. lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 413. & 416.] Servius upon the tenth of the Eneiods, reckons Polyhistor, to be one of those which were made free Denizons by Sylla. And that Alexander Polyhistor lived in Syllaes time, was made free, and surnamed Cornelius (although he was so called from his Patron Cornelius Lentulus, to whom he was sold, and whose School-master he was made) is confirmed by Suidas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For he calls this Grammarian Cratetis his Scholler, Milesium: whom Stephanus Byzantinus avows to be the son of Ascl••piades of Cotyaeum, a City in the lesser Phrigia, and to have written 42 books of all kind of things. Concerning whom, Eusebius is to be consulted, [lib. 9. Euangelic. Praeparat. cap. 17.] where also he cites many passages out of the book he wrote concerning the Jews.

Ptolemei Lathurus, having reduced the Thebaeans in the third year of their revolt, fined them so extream rigorously, that whereas before they could outvye the richest Cities in all Greece for wealth; they had not now left them the least print of their former fortune. So Pausanias in his Atticks, [pag. 8.] relating this, as if it belonged to the Boeotian Thebes, and not to the Egyptians. Whereas we have observed out of Appians Mithridaticks, [pag. 190.] how that almost at the very same time in which the Thebans revolted from Ptolemei, that greater Thebes of Boeotia, fell off from Archelaus, Mithridates his General, to Sylla the Roman General.

But this Ptolemei Lathurus, dyed not long after. [Pausanias ut supra.] 36 years and six moneths, after the decease of his brother Philometor. His daughter Cleopatra, wife of Ptolemei Alexander (who was younger brother to Lathurus, and had killed his mother, who was compartner with him in the throne) succeded him; she reigned six moneths. [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 225.] Pausanias avows that of all Lathurus his issue, Berenice was onely legitimate, [ut supra] who dying before his fa∣ther, her Bastard issue, Ptolemeus, seized the kingdom of Cyprus, Cleopatra, and after her Novus Dionysius, or Auletes the kingdom of Egypt, unlesse happily she whom Porphyrius calls Cleopatra, be the same with her whom Pausanias names Berenice.

Sylla Dictator, sent Alexander son of that Ptolemei Alexander, who killed his mother (whom he had admitted to his own familiar acquaintance, and brought along with him out of Asia) to the Alexandrians, to be their King: their issue male failing, and the women being forced to have some of their own blood for their husband: Sylla's drift was, the hopes he had of getting together a good hord of gold out of that wealthy kingdom. [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 414.]

C. Julius Caesar in the gaining of Mitylene was rewarded by M. Thermus, with corona civica, [Sueton in Julio cap. 2.] Mitylene was quite demolished to the ground: It was the onely City which kept up armes after Mithridates was defeated, [Liv. lib. 89.] And so that noble City by the law of War, and right of Conquest, was brought under the jurisdiction of the people of Rome, [Cicero in Agraria. 2.]

Alexander, [Year of the World 3924] having taken to wife Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, after he had resided 19 dayes with her, killed her, [Porphyr. ut supr.] Appian writes how that this King, be∣ing very domineering and insolent upon presumption of his interest in Sylla, was by the Alexandrians on the 19 day of his reign, dragged out of his Palace into the place of exercise, and there put to death. But it will appear out of Suetonius and Cicero, that he reigned 15 years after the death of his wife; against the common errour of Histori∣ans and Chronologers; who begin the reign of Ptolemei Auletes here, and confound his years with the years of Alexander.

Mithridates, making attempts upon the Achaeans, neighbours to the Colchians, who were (as some phansie) reliques of those who, returning from Troy, came thither up∣on mistake of their way, lost two moieties of his army; partly by being circumvented with an ambush: partly in plain fight, and the hardnesse of the weather, [Appian. pag. 216.]

Mithridates, at his return home, sent some to Rome to copy the articles of the League betwixt him and Sylla. Ariobarzanes also sent others, either voluntarily, or by the instigation of others, to inform that Cappadocia was not entirely resigned unto him, and that Mithridates did keep back the greater part of it to himself. But Mithridates was commanded by Sylla to quit Cappadocia, before the Articles should be enrolled, [Id. ibid.]

After the Province of Cilicia was setled, Cn. Dolobella was sent thither to be Pro∣consul: Cicero affirms, that there was added to this Province, besides the three Teri∣tories of her own, the Pamphylian, Isauric, and the Cilician, three other Teritories of Asia; the Cibyntic, Synnadensian, and Appameensean, situate in the Regions of Phrygia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. But when Dolobella bringing along with him C. Malleolus his Quaestor, and C. Verres his Lieutenant, was come as far as Delos: Verres there caused some ancient images in the night time to be taken covertly out of the Temple of Apollo, & to be put aboard the ship that was appointed to carry burthens. Upon the sudden there arose such a violent tempest, that Dolobella could not onely not possibly lance forth, when he would, but had much adoe to abide at anchor in the haven, so monsterously did the waves beate against the ships. The ship which was fraught with the images being driven and cast out by the violence of the waves, is split; those images of Apollo are found floating upon the shoare: by Dolobellas order they are layed up again in the Temple, the tempest abates, Dolobella looses from Delos, [Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, lib. 1.]

The same Verres carryed away very neate images from Chios, Erythrae, and Hali∣carnasus. He took also from Tenedos (to the great grief of the City) the Statue of Tenes, a very curious piece. It is said that he built the City, and that it was called Tenedos from his name, [Id. ibid.]

Verres, having by his importunity prevailed with Dolobella, that he might be sent to the King, Nicomedes of Bithynia, and Sadala of Thrace, Allyes of the people of Rome, came to Lampsacus in the Hellespont: where, upon Rubrius his Pages attempting to carry to Verres the daughter of one Philodamus, a most eminent Citizen: the Lamp∣sacens by the perswasion of Themistagoras and Thessalus, came flocking together in the night to protect the Virgins chastity: in the hurly burly Cornelius, Verres his lictour, was slain outright, and some of his servants, whereof Rubrius was one, re∣ceived some cuts: They had much adoe also to save the Lieutenants house from be∣ing fired. Dolabella upon Verres his suite, giving over the war (which at that time was by him managed in Cilicia) and marching out of that Province into Asia, obtained of C. Nero (who succeeded M. Thermus in the Praetorship of Asia) that Philodamus and his son might after judgement passed upon them, be beheaded, [Id. ibid. compared with Asconius Pedianus upon the same.]

Charidemus, [Year of the World 3925] Captain of a ship at Chius, being commanded by Dolabella to attend Verres departing Asia, came with him as far as Samos: where Verres assaulted the most ancient Temple of Juno of Samos, and carryed from thence the Pictures and the Images. The Samians went to the Chians and charged Charidemus with the sacri∣ledge: but he made it evidently appear, that what was done, was none of his doings, but Verres his. Upon this, Embassadors came from Samos to C. Nero into Asia, to complain of him: who received this answer; That such complaints as these, which concern the people of Rom's Legate, ought not to be carryed to the Praetor, but to Rome, [Cicero ibid.]

The Milesians had a fleet, which upon covenant the people of Rome were to make use of upon any occasion at sea. Verres demanded of them one of those ships to attend him as a convoy to Myndus; they immediately furnished him with a gallant ship, the choicest of ten, and well trimmed. Verres, as soon as he arrived at Mindus, com∣manded the Souldiers and the Saylers to return to Miletum on foot by land, and sold the ship to L. Magius, and L. Fannius, who left Marius his army, and came to live at Mindus, but afterwards they sided with Sertorius and Mithridates. He that had the command of the ship, declares what Verres had done: the Milesians caused the Decla∣ration to be entred into the publick regestrye. But Cn. Dolobella, upon Verres his request, did his best to have him, that made the Declaration, puished, and besides that, gave strict charge to have the Declaration taken out of the rolls again. [Id. ibid. com∣pared with Asconius Pedianus upon him.]

C. Malleolus, C. Dolobella's Questor, being slain in the war, Verres forthwith obtained the office of Questor-ship from Dolobella, who, having gotten the guardian∣ship of a Ward, began to finger his goods. [ibid.]

When the Provinces were allotted to the Consuls; Cilicia fell to Servilius, Macedonia to Appius, Claudius Servilius having gone to Tarentum to visit his Collegue, who lay sick there, took his journy to the City Corycum, [Salust. Histora. lib. 1. apud Priscian. lib. 15.] being ordered to go to quell the Pirates, who, under the conduct of Isidorus, roved about in the next sea, (betwixt Crees and Cyrenae, Achasa, and the creck of Malea) which from the spoyles was called the Golden Sea. [Flor. lib. 3. cap. 6.] Julius Caesar served under Servilius, but it was for a very short time, [Sueton. in Iulio, cap. 3.] and L. Flaccus was Tribune of the Souldiers. [Cicero pro Flacco.]

Cn. Dolobella, being called home from his province of Cilicia, and accused of extortion at Rome, by a young fellow, M. Emilius Scaurus, was condemned, and sent away unto banishment. The Action was estimated at thirty hundred thousand sefterces, meerly upon those particulars. This his Quaestor C. Verres had exacted above measure from the Cities of Lycia, Pamphilia, Pisidia, and Phrigia, corn, hides, hair-cloaths, sacks and such wares: and that he did not receive them in kind, but exacted mony for them. Verres himself, who was the main actour in the businesse, and a complice, gave strong evidence against him. For Verres was unwilling to give account of his Liutenants-ship, and his questor-ship, til such time that Dolobella (who onely knew where to find fault with them) was condemned and ejected. [Cicero, act. 2. in Verre lib. 1. Vid. Pighii Annal. Rom. tom. 3. pag. 280, 281. & 286. 287.]

Alexander Jannaeus, [Year of the World 3926] tyred out with his quartan ague, and on that consideration, engaging himself in an unseasonable warfare, at length being quite spent, dyed in the confines of the Gerasens, having reigned 27 years. At that instant he was besieging Ragaba Castle, which is situated beyond Jordan. Upon his death-bed, he advised his wife Alexandra, to conceale his death for a while from the knowledge of the Souldiers: and that after she were returned in conquest to Jerusalem in great state, she should give the Pharisees a little more freedom than ordinary; in regard that those kind of people had a great influence upon the Jews, when they had a mind, either to do a shrewd turn to an enemy, or to pleasure a friend. For the common people did place a great deal of confidence in them, though prone through envy to appeach any man whatsoever: and that he himself got the ill will of that nation for no other cause; but that he had given some offence to that sect. He perswaded her therefore, that she would give way, that they might have the disposal of his corps, and that she would not act any thing in state-administrations, but upon their determinations, and good liking; and so it would fall out, that both he should be the more honourably interred, and she and her son should reign without molestation. [Joseph lib. 1. Bell. Judaic. cap. 4. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23. compared with lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Queen Alexandra (callled also Selena, [The Julian Period. 4636] by Ecclesiastical Writers) having taken the Castle Ragaba, [Year before Christ 78] according to her husbands intimations, left all things concerning either his Corps, or the kingdom to the discretion of the Pharisees, and thereby recon∣ciled them so to her, that they became her friends, who before were her most impla∣cable enemies. Hereupon did the Pharisees assemble the common people, and made a speach to them, crying up the famous exploits of Alexander, and bemoaning what a good King they had lost. They so wrought upon the people, that they sadded all their hearts, and caused them to put finger in eye: neither was there any King before him, for whom they made so stately a funeral. [Id. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 24.]

It seemed, that Alexander drawing on towards his end, had in his last will and testament both left the administration of the kingdom to his wife Alexandra, and also the election of the High Priest to her discretion. She declared Hyrcanus her

eldest son High Priest, not so much for the prerogative of his years, as for that she saw he was a meer slug, one that had no metal in him, and so lesse fear of his attempting any thing against that power she had gotten into her hands. As for her younger son Aristobulus, she was very well contented that he should live a private life, in regard he was of a more fiery and sprightly disposition than his brother. She governed the king∣dom nine years, her son Hircanus holding the High-priesthood all that while. She was very gracious with the people, both because of the favour she was in with the Pha∣risees, as also because she seemed to be much troubled at her husbands exorbitances. To speak truth, she was onely honoured with the bare title of Queen: the Pharisees had the managing of all State-affairs, to whom also, the people were expressely char∣ged to give obedience: So that, if it appeared that Hircanus her father in law had ab∣rogated any of the ordinances, which the Pharisees had brought in according to the traditions of their Elders, whatsoever it was, she caused it forthwith to be restored, and put in force again: the Pharisees also gave order for the calling back of exiles, and for the release of prisoners. Yet some things there were which the woman her self or∣dered and disposed: and besides she maintained a great number of hired souldiers, and did so mightily improve her strength, that she was formidable to the neighbour∣ing Princes, and took hostages of them, [Id. ibid. compared with lib. 26. Antiquit. cap. 8. & lib. 1. Belli. cap. 4.]

Mithridares, upon an expresse from Sylla, restored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes; and thereupon dispatched away Embassies to Rome to get the Articles of the Peace to be enrolled, [Appian. pag. 216.]

M. Lepidus, and Q. Catulus Cossi: Sylla died, [Liv. lib. 90. Appian, lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 416.] He made an end of the 22 book of his Commentaries, two dayes before his death: he said, That the Chaldeans had foretold him, how, that after he had lived very splendidly for a while, he should dye in the flower of his felicity. [Plutarch in Sylla.] He bequeathed in his Will those his Commentaries to Lucullus, whom moreover, he nominated upon his death-bed, as Guardian to his son; passing by Pompey: which one thing, was thought to be the very source from whence sprang all that grudge and emulation which ensued betwixt those two, both of them being youths, and their bloods boyling with a desire of glory, [Id. in Lucullo.]

M. Cicero, after he had been six months at Athens with Antiochus Ascalonita, a most Renowned and most Sage Philosopher of the ancient Academies, and with Demetrius Syrus, a well experienced, and no mean Oratour, hearing of Sylla his death, sailed into Asia: and travelling cleane thorough that Country, exercised his faculty with the choicest Oratours in those parts. The chief of them were, Menippus a Stra∣tonician (surnamed Catocas, of Caria) Dionysius Magnes, Aelchylus a Cnidian, and Xenocles an Adramyttean, [Cicero in Bruto, & Plutarch in Cicerone: compared with Strabo lib. 13. pag. 614. & lib. 14. pag. 660. and with Diogenes Laertius in Me∣nippo.]

At the same time also, a certain woman of Miletum was sentenced to death, for that she had caused an abortion to her self by potions; being hired thereunto for a piece of money by those which were the second heirs; neither had she more than she deserved: who had by that one fact of hers destroyed, the hope of a parent, the me∣mory of a name, the support of a kindred, the heir of a family, and in all likelihood, a Citizen of the Common-wealth, [Cicero pro Aulo Cluentio.]

P. Servilius Proconsul, subdued Cilicia: He so disordered the Pirats light and fly∣ing Barks with his heavy men of War, that he got a bloody victory over them, [Liv. lib. 90. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 6. Eutrop. lib. 6.] He set upon Cilicia and Pamphylia with that violence, that he almost utterly ruined them, being desirous onely to bring them under, [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23.]

Julius Caesar, upon the bruite of Syll's death, left Cilicia, and returned in all haste to Rome, [Sueton in Julio, cap. 3.]

In regard that Mithridates (Sylla being now dead) could hear nothing from the Magistrates at Rome, concerning his Embassie to the Senate: the King suborned Tigranes his son in law, to make an invasion upon Cappadocia, yet was not the plot carryed so covertly, but the Romans had an inckling of it, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 216] Amongst whom, Salust (in lib. 1 histor.) brings in L. Philippus, (in an Oration of his at that time before the Senate against Lepidus) speaking in this man∣ner. Mithridates in latere vectigalium nostrorum quibus, &c. idest: Mithridates lies upon the borders of our revenues, which we yet enjoy, watching an opportunity to make war upon us.

Tigranes, [Year of the World 3927] having encompassed Cappadocia round as it were with a net, that no one could escape him, brought away with him from thence about 300000 men, and car∣ryed them into Armenia, assigning them places with others to inhabit: where he first put the Crown of the kingdom of Armenia upon his head, and called the place

Tigranocerta, that is, the City of Tigranes. [Id. ibid.] He built the City betwixt Iberia and Zugma, which lies near Euphrates, and peopled it, with those men he brought out of the twelve Cities of Greece, which he had wasted. [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 532.] In that City there were abundance of Greeks, driven out of Cilicia, many Barbarians running the same fortune with them Greeks, Adiabenians, Assyrians, Gordyens, Cappadocians, all whom he brought thither, having ruined their several Countries, and forced them to replant there. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] At this very time also, at which he wasted Cappadocia thus with his incursions, he drove the Mazace∣nians out from their habitations, and carryed them into Mesopotamia, and stocked the greater part of Tigranacerta with those inhabitants. [Strabo, lib. 12. cap. 539.]

Geminus, an excellent Mathematician, wrote his book of Astronomy, out of which Proclus his Sphaere is taken) 120 years after that the Egyptians Isia fell on Eudoxus his winter Solstice, or the 28 of December; as he himself shews in [cap. 6. Vid. ann. Mundi 3807. a.]

M. Cicero being come to Rhodes, [The Julian Period. 4637] applyed himself to the same Molon, [Year before Christ 77] whom he had formerly heard at Rome; he was both an excellent pleader in true causes, and a good writer, and also very discreet in taxing and noting of faults, and wise in in∣structing, and in teaching, he did the best he could to keep Cicero within the Channel, and to represse him in regard that he did, by a kind of youthful licentiousnesse, com∣monly over doe, and as it were, overflow. [Cicero in Bruto.]

At the same time Apollonius, a great master of Oratory, grew in great esteem; whom Strabo surnames 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Soft, and others Molo: which is the reason that some (amongst whom Quintilian is one, lib. 12. cap. 6.) confound him with the other Molon. They were both of them Alabandians of Caria, Schollers of Menecles the Alabandian, and both coming out of his School, professed the same art at Rhodes; although Molon came thither later than the other: which was the ground of Apol∣lonius his applying that of Homer to him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 655, 660, 661.] Cicero alwayes calls one of them Molon; the other in lib. 1. de oratore, he calls Apollonius the Alabandian: where M. Antonius is brought in thus speaking of him. For this one thing I alwayes liked that famous teacher, Apollonius the Alabandian; who al∣though he taught for money, yet did he not suffer any whom he thought incapable of being made an Oratour, to loose their labour with him, but sent them home again; and that his cu∣stome was to exhort and perswade every one to buckle himself to that art, he in his judgement thought him most fit and inclinable unto.

It is reported of this Apollonius, that in regard he was not through paced in the Roman tongue, he desired Cicero to declame in Greek: Cicero was well enough contented with the motion, supposing that Apollonius could the better correct him in case he should do any thing amisse, whilest others stood in a maze admiring him, and others strived to eutvye one another in applauding him, Apollonius was observed neither to look cheerfully any time of that while he was speaking, and after he had done, to sit a good time, as it were musing, and pensive. But at last, perceiving Cicero took some regret at this his carriage, he said thus: Truly Cicero I commend and admire thee; yet I cannot but pitty Greece her condition: when I see the two onely ornaments which were left us, Learning and Eloquence: that they also should be by thee carryed away to the Romans. [Plutarch in Cicernoe.]

Cicero heard Posidonius the Philosopher at Rhodes, as Plutarch affirms, and Cicero himself reckons him in the list of those which instructed him; [in lib. 1. de natura Deorum, & lib. de fato.] As for this Posidonius, Philosopher of the Stoick Sect, he was indeed born at Apamea in Syria; but being in processe of time made a Citizen of Rhodes: he was called a Rhodian, as appears by Strabo, [lib. 14. pag. 654.] and out of Athenaeus, [lib. 6. cap. 6.] where this also is to be noted by the By: that, whereas Josephus writes, how that Posidonius and Apollonius of Malon, or Molon (as it is writ elsewhere) afforded to Apion the Grammarian, matter for those his fables, concern∣ing the Jews and their Temple, [lib. 2. contra Apion, pag. 1065.] by the name of the first he means this Posidonius the Apamenian, Cicero's Master in the Stoick Philoso∣phy; out of the books of whose Histories, we have quoted so many passages above: but by the name of the later, that Apollonius we last spoke of, or rather that Molon his equal, who (as above said) is reckoned by Cicero [in his Bruto] amongst the Writers, and by some deemed to be one and the same person with that Apol∣lonius.

P. Servilius, Proconsul in Cilicia, subdued the Isaur's, and wan some Cities of the Pyrates. [Liv. lib. 93.] He demolished the City Isaura it self, and dismantled many forts which the Pyrates held along the sea coast. [Strabo;] who saith, that he had seen Servilius, [lib. 12. pag. 568, 569. & lib. 14. pag. 665.] He took Lycia also, and the

Cities of note therein, having besieged them, & forced them to resign. Besides, he roved all over the mountain Olympus, and levelled to the ground three great Cities: Olym∣pus, Phaselis, and Corycum. He was the first of any Romans that led an army through Taurus, he made it the bound of his march, and having taken a strict view of the side of the mountains which incline towards Cilicia, he brought the Isauri, quite worne out with the wars, under the power of the Romans. [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23. compared with Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. with Salust. lib. 1. Histor. apud Priscianum lib. 15. with Asconius Pedianus, in 3. Verrinam. and with Eutropius. lib. 6.] Cicero in his first and second Agraria, confirms, how that the Countries of the Attalians, Phaselians, Olympians, and the Country of the Agarenses, Orindians, and Gedusians were brought in to the people of Rome, by Servilius his victory. Cicero also [in 40 contra Verrem lib.] adds this passage particularly concerning Phaselis. That Phaselis which P. Servilius took, was not at first a City of Cilicians and Thieves; Lycians, who were Grecians, inhabited it: But in regard it was situated in such a place, and lay so high and strong, that the free booters which came out of Cicily, necessarily had re∣course thither: the Pyrates associated with that Town, first by commerce, and after by allyance.

L. Magius, [Year of the World 3928] and L. Fannius, both runnagados out of Fimbria's army, joyned them∣selves with Mithridates, and perswaded them to enter into an association of wars with Sertorius, who at that time was up in arms in Spaine against the Romans, Mithri∣dates sent these two as his Ambassadors with letters to Sertorius, promising him a supply of mony and ships for the war, and requiring of him in lieu thereof his confir∣mation of all Asia unto him, which he had resigned up to the people of Rome, upon the articles of peace betwixt him and Sylla.

The Ambassadors being come into Italy in that bark which the Mindians bought of Verres: and from thence hasting away to get to Sertonius: The Senate noted them enemies to the State, and ordered to attach them: yet, for all that they could doe, they got safe to Sertorius: who, having called toge∣ther an assembly of his own friends about him, which he called his Senate; he would by no means allow of those conditions, although all the rest were generally for them: For he denyed that he would ever give way that the Province of Asia, which he had unjustly taken from the people of Rome, and which, after Fimbria had wrested it from him again by force of arms, he had returned back upon articles with Sylla, should ever relapse into Mi∣thridates his power again. But as for Bithynia and Cappadocia, which had ever been under his command, and did not at all belong to the people of Rome, he did not envy him these; yet, upon these terms, the leage was con∣cluded betwixt them, and confirmed by mutual oaths; That Mithridates should supply Sertorius with 3000 talents, and forty ships; and that Sertorius on the other side should make him a grant of Cappadocia and Bithynia (to which two Appian addes, not onely Paphlagonia, and Galatia, but Asia it self also) and that he should send him a Generall and Souldiers accordingly. Mithridates dispatched into Asia the Generall which was sent him; M. Marius, (Appian calls him, Varius) one of the Senatours which were banished; and joyned with him the two Lu••i••, Magius and Fannius, to be as his Counsel∣lors, who, loosing from Dianium, a sea town of Spain, arrived at Sinope of Pontus, where Mithridates then was; upon their telling the King how that Sertorius had denyed him Asia: the King said to his friends, What will Sertorius sitting in his Palace injoyne hereafter, who, though as far distant from us as the At∣lantick Ocean, takes upon him already to prescribe bounds to our kingdom; and to denounce war against us, in case we should attempt any thing upon Asia? For all this, Marcus Marius concluded a league with him to Sylla's content. The King kept Marius with himself, and in a very short time preferred him a General into Archelaus his place, who had deserted him, and turned to Sylla. [Cicero, pro lege Manilia. & pro Murena, item. act. in Verrem, lib. 1. compared with Asconius Pedianus in eundem. Livie lib. 93. Plutarch in Sertorio. Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 216, 217. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

After the Capitol was rebuilt (together with which (some seaven years before) the books of Sybilla were burnt) C. Curio the Consul motions the Senate, That some Ambassadors should be sent to Erythrae, who were to take care to get the Sybills verses again, and bring them to Rome. P. Gabinius, M. Otacillius, and L. Valerius were sent upon that errand, who got those verses transcribed by private hands, and brought them to Rome: and Curio and Octavius, the Consuls, laid them up in the Capitol, which then was repaired again by Q. Catulus. [Fenestella, quoted by Lactantius, lib. 1. institut. cap. 6. & lib. de ira Dei cap. 22.] Upon which grounds Varro sayes that Etythraea was belie∣ved

to have writ those books of the Sybils, which the Romans have recourse unto; because those Verses were found in the Island Erythaea, after the firing of Apol∣los Temple, in which those books were laid up: if we may credit Servius, [in Ae••oid. 6.] For the Temple which was burnt was not Apollos, but Jupiter Capitolinus his: and although after the Temple was repaired, Embassadours were sent by order of the Senate to Erythrae in Asia, to get those Verses transcribed: yet those books which were afterward extant and brought to Rome, were not got out of Erythrae onely, but procured from other Cities besides, both Italian and Grecian; and out of private mens Libraries also, under what name soever of the Sybills those books went: in which also many things are found to be suppositions, as appears by the difference of those which they call Acrostickes. As we find out of Varroes own books of divine things: to be related by Dionysius Halicarnasseus, [lib. 4. antiquit. Roman.] and by Lactantius Firmianus, [lib. 1. in Instit. cap. 6.] and Tacitus also in [lib. 6. Annal.] hath declar∣ed how, That the Verses of Sybilla, whether one or more, were sought for in Samos, Troy, Ery∣thrae; and thorough all Africa also, and Sicily, and the Italian Colonies: and that the Priests had in charge, with all the care that mortal men could take, to discover the true from the false.

Pliny in the 2 book of his natural History, cap. 35. reports, how that in the time of Cn. Octavius, and Cn. Scribonius Curio Cossi: Licinius Syllanus Proconsul, and his company saw a spark fall from a Star, which increased in bulk as it came nearer the earth; and being grown to the bignesse of the Moon, gave as much light as if it had been some cloudy day: and when it withdrew up towards heaven again, it grew into the fashion of a lamp. But seeing that Syllanus is no where found amongst the Ro∣man surnames, Pighius is of opinion, that instead of Licinius Syllanus in Pliny; it should be L. Junius Syllanus: So that Junius (who about this time was sent with the Procon∣suls authority into Asia in the room of Cn. Nero) might seem with his company to have been an eye-witnesse of this Prodigie.

Nicomedes King of Bithynia dying without issue, [Year of the World 3929] made the people of Rome his heire by testament: whereupon his kingdom was reduced unto the form of a Province, [Liv. lib. 93. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 4. & 39. Appian. lib. 1. Bell. civil. pag. 420. & Mithridatic. pag. 175. & 218.] To this relates Mithridates his complaint of the Ro∣mans in an Epistle of his to Arsaces, [lib. 4. Salust. histor.] After Nicomedes was dead, they rifled all Bithynia: notwithstanding his son Musa, whom he nominated King, was without all question then born.

In the same year also (with which ended the CLXXVI Olympiade) the people of Rome had their bounds widened by the accesse of the Province of Cyrene unto them: Ptolemei Apion the King thereof, of the Family of Lagidarus, having bequeathed it as a Legacy to them; as Appian writes [in his 1. lib. Bell. civil. pag. 420.] adding more∣over in the end of the Mithridaticks; that this King was a bastard of the Family of the Lagi: which character of Appian, shews that he was the same person with him whom Justin related in lib. 39. cap. 5. to be the sonne of a Curtezan, and who passed over the inheritance of the Crown of Cyrene to the Romans: where notwithstand∣ing he addes, That that part of Lybia was made a Province: whereas we have heard before out of Livie (at the yeare of the World 3908.) how that after Ptolemei Apions decease, the Senate of Rome enfranchized all the Cities of the kingdom of the Cyrene∣ans: So that, at that time they might seem to have received their grant of freedom, but now to be reduced into the form of a Province. And that then Ptolemei King of Cyrene upon his death••bed, did make the Romans his heirs in his last testament, in the first year of the CLXXI. Olympiad: and that afterwards Lybia was left to the Romans as a Le∣gacy by King Apion in the fourth year of the CLXXVIII. Olympiad Hierom hath noted [in Chronico Eusebiano:] placing this later almost eleven years later than Ap∣pions accounts here require, Eutropius hath related this very thing nine years later, viz. To that Caecilius Metellus's Cretian triumph. At which time (as sayeth he in the sixth of his Breviary) Lybia also was annexed to the Roman Empire by the last will of Apion, who was King thereof: in which Berenice, Ptolemais, and Cyrene, were the Cities of greatest note. Jornandes, [in lib. de regn. & tempor. succes.] hath thus written concerning this matter. Lybia, that is to say, all Pentapolis, was granted under its liberty to the Romans by that first Ptolemei: and afterwards rebelling, Apions decree subdued it to the people of Rome. And before him Sixtus Rufus in his Breviary. We were beholden to Ptolemei the elder his bounty for Cyrene, and the other Cities of Lybia Pentapolis: Lybia came to be ours by King Apions last will and testament, And Ammianus Marcellinus followed him. The dryer Lybia we got into our hands by King Appians last Will: Syrene and the other Cities of Lybia Pentapolis, by Ptolemeis liberality. See the learned Valerius his notes upon the place, who so explains this History, that he denies that there were two Ptolemei Apions. besides, Cicero [in 2 Agrarias] mentions the Cyrenian lands which were Apions: as Corne∣lius Tacitus [in 14 annal. lib.] does the land which were once King Apions and by him bequeathed to the people of Rome, together with his kingdom.

The remainder of this Summer, and the whole Winter following, Mithridates spent in preparation of wars against the Romans: in felling of Timber, building ships, and making arms. [Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 217.] He contracted his forces to a right and meet scantling; for he dismissed the tabble multitudes, the hidious Barba∣rians, took away the provision of such arms as were guilt, and set with pretious stones: instead of these, he made swords after the Roman fashion, composed good substantial Shields, and made a muster rather of well managed and experienced horses, than of those which were neat and hansome. Moreover, he provided ships that were not adorned with Cabbins guilt over, or baths for Curtezans, or delicate Chambers to keep his women in, but such as were strowed with arms, darts, and mony. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] he carryed to sea 200 Myriades of Medimna's of corn. He had supplies ready at hand, besides his old forces, Chalibians, Armenians, Scythians, Taurians, Achei∣ans, Heniochians, Leucosyrians, and those that inhabit about the river Thermodoon, commonly called the land of the Amazons. There came in to him in Asia his old forces. He had supplies also beyond sea out of Europe, Sarmatians, Basilians, Jazy∣gians, Corallians, Thracians, and all the nations which inhabit about the river Ister, and the mountains Rhodope and Aemus, and the Basternians also, who were the gallantest men and stontest of them all, [Appian ut supra.]

Julius Caesar, [The Julian Period. 4639] a very youth, [Year before Christ 75] (about 25 years of age) resolved to withdraw to Rhodes; with an intention, at his leisure to apply himself to Apollonius Molon, the most eminent teacher of Oratory at that time: as he was sailing hither in the winter quarter, the Pyrates (who now were so well furnished with ships, that they pestered the sea) took him prisoner about the Island Pharmacusa, (which lies near the Asiatick shoar above Miletum.) When the Pyrates demanded of him 20 talents for his ransom Caesar laughed at them, as being ignorant who it was that was their prisoner, and promised that he would give them 50 talents; and sent forthwith his companions and servants to the Cities of Asia, to procure the mony for his release; keeping onely with him one Physitian, and two others to attend him in his Chamber. Being left with these three for 38 dayes together amongst a company of Cilicians, the most savage people in the World, he behaved himself after that manner, that he struck both a terrour and a reverence into them: neither would he all that time suffer his shoos to be pluckt off, or ungirt himself; that, in case there should happen some extraordinary alteration, he might not be suspected by them, who had clapped no other guard upon him, but that of their eyes: wheresoever he went to repose himself, and take his rest, he sent one to them to be hush, and keep no din: and he would familiarly play and exercise with them, as if they had been of his retinue, and not he their prisoner. he wrote verses also and orations, which he pronounced in the midst of them. If any of them did not admire and applaud them, he would call them openly dull fellows, Barbarians; and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them. They were very well pleased with his humour, ascribing that freenesse of his tongue to his sim∣plicity and years. [Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 41. S••eton in Julio. cap. 4. Plutarch in Caio. Caesare.] It is reported, that whilst he was in hold, he cryed out, O Crassus, how wilt thou be tickled at the heart, when thou shalt receive tidings of my captivity. [Plutarch in Maneo Crasso.]

The monies of all the Cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar, but Caesar would by no meanes pay down the 50 talents, until he had forced the Pyrate, to deliver up hostages to the Cities: After this, being set on shore, the night following he gets a fleet, such as he could scramble together of the suddain, and with it, loosing out of the port of the Milesians, he made towards the Island, before which the Pyrates as yet lay at anchor: part of their fleet he forced to hoyst and away, others of them he sank, and the residue of the ships he boarded, and became master both of them and the men that were in them. Overjoyd with the triumph of the nights expedition, he returned to his company: the Pyrates money he seized upon, as his own booty, and the Pyrates themselves he committed to prison at Pergamus. When he had done that, he went to Junius the Proconsul of Asia, into Bithynia (for he at that time had the command both of Asia and Bithynia, lately reduced into a Province) demanding justice might be done upon the Captives, and crucified them; as in mertiment he had often in the Island foretold them he would do. [Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 42. Sweton. & Plut. ut supr.] But because, before their yielding themselves up, he swore he would crucifie them: he first commanded their throats to be cut, and then to be fastened to the Crosse. [Sueton. cap. 74.]

The Spring coming onwards, the third Mithridatick war was commenced; which after it had continued for eleven years and an half, was at last ended, by the death of Mithridates himself. Mithridates, having now called in all his fleets together, sacrificed (as his custom was) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or to Jupiter, powerful in battle, and drowned his Chariot and Horsos in the Sea, as a sacrifice to Neptune; and thus done, made

what hast he could into Paphlagonia: with Taxiles and Hermocrates, Generals of his army, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 217, 218.] He had in his army 120. (or 140. as Appian hath it) thousand Foot, trained up after the Roman model, 16. thousand Horse, besides a hundred Chariots with Sithes: There followed also the Camp, ano∣ther great company of such as were to guard the wayes, carry burdens, and of such as did traffique also, [Id. ibid. in Lucullo.]

Mithridates, as soon as he was arrived at Paphlagonia, made a high vaunting speech to the souldiery; and when he saw he had sufficiently stirred them to a detestation of the Romans, he made an invasion upon Bithynia, which had lately been bequeathed to them by Nicomedes his testament, [Appian. pag. 218.] Livie sayes, that Mithrida∣tes got it all into his hands, [lib. 93.] and Plutarch in Lucullo, that he was very wil∣lingly entertained by all the Cities of Bithynia.

Asia also, by reason it was most intollerably oppressed by the hard usages of credi∣tours and publicans, lapsed to Mithridates, [Plutarch ibid.] He with M. Marius, or Varius, (whom Sertonius had sent to him out of Spain to be his General) took some Ci∣ties thereof: and when they entred the Cities, the King put Marius formost with the rods and axes, as if he were the supream Magistrate, and then the King followed, as one of his Officers. Some of the Cities he enfranchized upon his own score; To others of them, what immunities he granted, he said they came not from him, but were Sertorius his acts of grace. Thus Asia, which before was plagued with the Publicans, and opressed by the coveteousnesse and abuses of the garrisoned souldiers, begins to pirck up again, and did heartily wish, that alteration of Government which was ex∣pected, might take effect, [Id. in Sertorio.]

Julius Caesar, observing what havock Mithridates made in the adjacent countries, being ashamed to sit still with his hands in his pockets, when the Allyes were in that distresse: left Rhodes, whither he was gone, and passed over into Asia: where, getting together what supplies he could, he drave the Kings Lieutenant clean out of the Pro∣vince, and by that means kept the Cities, which before were wavering and ready to revolt, constant in their loyalty, [Sueton, in Julio, cap. 4.] although he (Junius) whom the people of Rome had appointed their chief Magistrate in Asia, did out of coward∣linesse put some remora to his undertakings, [Vellei Patercul, lib. 2. cap. 42.]

Eutropius and Orosius (out of Livie, as their manner is) relate, how that P. Servi∣lius ended the war in Cilicia and Pamphylia within three years, and thereupon was cal∣led Isauricus. In Cicero lib. 3. in Verrem (which Oration is called Oratio Frumen∣taria) he is said to have commanded the army seven years. Whereupon we have referred his first going into the Province to the year before this fifth year, in which also he was Consul. Cicero in lib. 5. contra. Verem, affirms, that this one man took more of the robbers Commanders alive, than all they had done, which had been before him: and how amongst the rest, he recovered one Nico, a famous Pirate, who had broken his chaines and escaped, with the same gallantry that he first took him prisoner. Ammia∣nus Marcellinus [in lib. 14. Historiar.] writes, how that Cilicia and Isauria mutually enga∣ged in a war of pyracy, and having some troups of land robbers, were by Servilius the Procon∣sul made to passe sub jugum, and after that made tributary. Jornandes in lib. de regnorum ac temporum successione, writes, how that he overcame Pamphylia, Lycia, (or rather Cilicia, and Pisidia) and reduced them all into Provinces: And that Octavius this yeares Consul, was sent into the Province Cilicia, we gather from Plutarch in Lucullo.

Which way soever Servilius marched, it was a very pretty sight to see the several prisoners and captives he carryed along with him: People came flocking unto him from all parts, not onely out of those Towns thorough which they marched, but from all the places adjacent, purposely to see: which made the people of Rome take more delight, and to be more pleased with this triumph, than with any that ever had been before, [Cicero, in Verrem, lib. 5.] In this triumph also the several images, and orna∣ments, which he brought away from the City Olympus after he had taken it, were carried on Chargers in State before him that rod in Triumph: all which he afterwards caused to be entred into the common tables, and brought into the Treasury: wherein the number of those images were not onely specified and described, but the bulk, figure, and condition, of each one in particular, [Id. in eundem, lib. 1. & Ascon. Pedianus ibid.] Valerius Maximus mentions this Triumph of Servilius, [lib. 8. cap. 5.] Eutropius, Sextus Rusus; and Claudian the Poet, [in lib. 1. in Eutropium,] thus speaks of him:

Indomitos curru Servilius egit Isauros. Servilius Charioted th'untam'd Isaures.

M. Antonius (father to M. Antonius the Triumvir.) having by the favour of Cotta the Consul, [The Julian Period. 4640] and Cethegus his faction, [Year before Christ 74] obtained of the Senate, an unlimited commission for guarding of all the sea coasts, wheresoever the people of Rome had any command; and being a most vile person himself, had his companions sorted accordingly, wasted Sicily, and all the Provinces. [Cicero, act. 2. in Verrem. lib. 2. Lactant. Institut. lib. 1. cap. 11. Ascon. Pedianus in Divinationem, and and upon the forecited place of Cicero, contra Verrem.]

The Province of Gallia Cisalpina, fell to L. Lucullus the Consul, but Octavius, dying, who held Cilicia. Lucullus having by the means of Praecia, a common strumpet, made Cathegus his friend, who at that time bore all the sway at Rome, got the Pro∣vince Cilicia assigned to him; and in regard that Cappadocia lay near to Cilicia, they generally voted that Lecullus should undertake the Mithridatick war. Yet M. Cotta his Collegue in the Consulship, after much importunity, prevailed with the Se∣nate, that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis, and defend Bithynia. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] And so both the Consuls were sent to this war: the one was to make good Bithinia, the other to follow Mithridates in Asia. [Cicero pro Muraena, Memnon cap. 39. Eutrop. lib. 6.] For that Lucullus the Consul had not onely Cilicia, but Asia also, (properly so called) allotted unto him, and that he had the command of it for the space of seaven years, is evident out of Velleius Paterculus. [lib. 2. cap. 33.]

Lucullus, having listed a Legion in Italy, passed over with it into Asia; where he takes to him the Fimbrian Legions, and two others besides; which, to a man of them, were long since corrupted through luxury and covetousnesse. The Fimbrians, in re∣gard they had lived a long while, as it were, masterlesse, and uncontroled, were the more intractable, and malapert; yet very warlike, and both skilful and patient in military labours and undertakings. But Lucullus reformed the one, and calmed the fiercenesse of the other. [Plutarch ut supra. compared with Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 219.] He did the best he could also by inflicting punishments upon the Userers, and the Roman Publicans, by whose exactions the Asians were brought to revolt, to make them more moderate in their dealings: and he quelled all insurrections of seve∣rall people, when as there was scarce a nation but was up in arms. [Plutarch ibid.]

Mithridates, having both another numerous army upon the march, and also 400 ships of 30 oars, besides a great company of lesser ships, which they commonly called Penteconteri and Cercurae, sent away Diophantus Matharus, with a considerable force into Cappadocia, to thrust in Garrisons into the Cities; and if Lucullus intended to enter Pontus, to interpose and stop his passage. As for Mithridates himself, he kept with him 150 thousand Foot under colours, and 12 thousand horse, and 120 Chariots with Sithes, which followed the Horse: and good store of all sorts of warlike En∣gines. Thus provided, he making a flying march through Timonitis, Cappadocia and Galatia: within nine dayes he reached Bithynia. Lucullus in the mean while com∣manded Cotta to stay with all his fleet in a Port of the Chalcedonians. [Mem. cap. 39.]

Mithridates his fleet staying by Heraclea in Pontus, were denyed admittance, yet the Citizens gratified them so far in their requests, as to afford them the freedom of their market: where after some truckings, and chaffering betwixt them, as are usual in those places, two of the most eminent persons of Heraclea, Silenus and Satyrus were carryed away prisoners by them: they could not get off again, but upon this condition, That they should assist Mithridates in this war against the Romans, with five Frigots. This made the Romans fall out with the Heracleans: For whereas the Romans had appointed in the other Cities publick sale to be made of the Citizens goods. They exposed Heraclea also to sale. Upon the coming in of these which were com∣missionated for that businesse, and their exacting monies, contrary to the customs of the Common-wealth; the Citizens grew much perplexed, who looked upon this action as a hansel of that slavery which would shortly ensue. Whereupon (when as their condition was such, that it required rather an Embassy to be dispatched to the Roman Senate, to beg their favour, and to put a stop to the sale of their goods) they, by the perswasion of a bold desperate fellow in the City, murdered the Publicans, and that with such secrecy, that there was not any one body which had the least intimation of their death. [Id. cap. 40.]

M. Cotta, upon the bruite of Lucullus his coming, and that he was already encamped in Phrygia, making account that he was now cocksure of the victory, made what hast he could to fight Mithridates, before Lucullus was come in to him; that Lucullus might not share with him in the glory of the victory. [Plutorch.] Marius (or Varius) and Eumachus, Mithridates his Generals against Lucullus, having in a short time drawn together a great army, engaged with P. Rutilius (M. Cotta his Liutenant)

at Chalcedon, in which battle Rutilius was slain, and the best part of his army. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] the Basternians having routed the Italian foot, and done great execu∣tion upon them. [Memnon. cap. 41.]

Mithridates marching up to Chalcedon, whither the Romans flocked from all parts to Cotta: Cotta being but a raw Souldier, came not out against him: But Nudus, the Admiral of his fleet, with a brigade of the army, took the field, on that part which was best fortified; but being beaten off thence, made back to the gate of Chalcedon, over hedge and ditch. When they came to the gate, there was such a crowding of them to get in, that those that had them in pursuit, could not throw a dart, which was not sure to hit. But as soon as they let down the Port-cullis for fear of the enemy, they drew Nudus and some other Commanders into them with ropes; all the rest were slain in the midst of their friends and enemies, they all the while holding up their hands to both, but to no purpose. [Appian.]

Mithridates, thinking that it was best for him to make use of his late good fortune on the same day moves with his Fleet toward the haven: where having broke down, the iron chaine which was in the entrance of the haven, fired four of the enemies ships; and carried away the other 60, tying them to one anothers sternes: Neither Nudus, not Cotta, making any resistance, but keeping close all the while within the walls. The Romans in the engagement, lost about three thousand men, amongst whom Lu∣cius Manlius a Senatour was one. Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians, who were the first that attempted the haven, [Idem.] Plutarch tells us, that Cotta lost upon land 4000. foot besides those 60 ships with their men. Memnon sayes, that in one day the land and sea were most shamefully filled with the carkases of the Romans: eight thousand of them being slain out right in the sea-fight, and 4500 taken prisoners: and of the army of Foot which consisted of Italians, 5300. were cut off; whereas Mithridates on his side, lost onely about 30 Basternians, and 700 others, out of his whole com∣pany.

And this was that battle near Chalcedon, in which M. Aurelius Cotta the Consul was defeated, [Liv. l••b. 93.] of which Mithridates in an Epistle of his to Arsaces, (lib. 4. Histor. Salust.) thus writes. I totaly routed Marcus Cotta the Roman General near Chalcedon on land, and have deprived him of a most gallant fleet at sea. The sad calamitous condition Cotta was now in both at sea and land, mightily advanced both the Kings wealth, and his name, [Cicero, pro Muraena.] For by this successe of Mithridates, all mens spirits began shamefully to flag. But Lucullus who lay encamped along the river Sangarius, hearing of this greater overthrow, and observing his souldiers cou∣rage somewhat dampt thereat, quickned them up again with a parcel of good words. [Memnon, cap. 41.]

When as Archelaus (formerly one of Mithridates his Commanders, but now turn∣ed to take part with the Romans) would have made Lucullus believe that he might with his bare look obtain the whole kingdom of Pontus, (Mithridates being now with his army in Bithynia) he replyed, That he would not be deemed a greater coward than the common Huntsmen are, that not daring to adventure upon the wild beasts them∣selves, he should go to their empty dens; Tus said, he marched against Mithridates, having in his company 30 thousand Foot, and 2500 Horse. When he came first to the view of the enemy, he was astonished to see such a numerous body, and therefore desired to wave an engagement, and to gain time: but recollecting, how that Marius (whom Sertorius had sent out of Spain to be Mithridates his General) was marched up against him, and did provoke him to fight, he drew up into battalia. Just as the army were set to engaging, (upon no evident change, but the Heaven cleaving asun∣der of the sudden) there seemed to fall betwixt both armies, a great flaming body resembling a hogshed in shape, and silver fire hot: this strange apparition so frighted both parties, that it staved them off from fighting. They say this prodigy happened in Phrygia, about Otryae. [Plutarch.]

L. Lucullus the Consul, with his Horse had some skirmishes with Mithridates his Horse, and came off with good successe: He made also some expeditions, and was fortunate in them; which so flushed his Souldiers, and made them so eager upon fighting, that he had much adoe to keep them from mutiny. [Livie lib. 94.]

Mithridates, looking upon the City Cyzicum as a gate to let him in into Asia, which, if he could but once break open, and pluck up, the whole Province would lye open to him: resolved to remove thither the hot brunt and violence of the war. [Cicero pro Murena.] For it was the most famous City of all Asia, and a faithful friend to the peo∣ple of Rome. [Id. pro lege Manilia.] and which in the late overthrow at Chalcedon, had lost 3000 Citizens, and 10 ships. Hereupon the King, meaning to give Lucullus the slip. As soon as he had supped, having the oppertunity of a thick and misty night, removed his Camp, and by break of day, gets to the top of the mountain Adrastia

(otherwise called Dindymus) which was situated opposite to the City. [Plutarch.] Strabo writes how that Mithridates with 150 thousand Foot, and a great body of Horse, made an invasion upon the Cyzicenians, and took the mountain Adrastia, and the Suburbs. [lib. 12. pag. 757.] Appian relates how that Lucullus, having in all but 30000 Foot, and 1600, Horse, encamped over against Mithridates about Cyzieum; and that he learned from the runnagadoes, that Mithridates had about 300000 men, Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum. above 300000 men, by famine and sick∣nesse; as we read in Orosius. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] Moreover it is given out (as we find in Plutarch) That of the whole rabble of Scullions, and Souldiers Lucullus slew no lesse than 300000 men. Whereas Eutropius in the sixth book of his Breviary hath writ far more modestly. The following Winter and Summer, Lucullus slew of the Kings party very near an hundred thousund men.

Mithridates, having begirthed the Cizicenians with ten brigades, assaulted them also by sea with a fleet of 400 ships. [Strabo pag. 757, 576. compared with Plutarch.] And seeing the Cyzicenians, knew not what was become of Lucullus: The Mithridatians gave out that those his tents which were pitched before their eyes, were supplies of Armenians and Medes, which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates. Demonax, sent from Archelaus into the City, was the first that informed them of Lucullus his being nigh at hand: but they gave no credit to him at all, supposing what he said was a meer forgery, whereby to alleviate their present sufferings: untill a boy, who had been taken prisoner by the enemy, and made an escape, pointed out to them with his finger the place where the Romans lay encamped. [Plutarch.] Lucullus sent a messenger to them, one of his souldieus, who had the command of his tongue, to bid them be of a good courage; this Souldier bearing himself up above water with two bottles.

Lucullus, [Year of the World 3931] falling upon Mithridates his reare, defeated the Ponticks, and got a glorious victory, in which he slew something more than 10 thousand of them in the fight, and took 13000 prisoners. [Memnon. cap. 42.]

Lucullus espyed a mountain very covenient to pitch his Tents in; which if he could but once get into his hand: he was sure to get provision enough for his army, but to starve the enemy: There was but one passage to come to it, and that a very narrow one; which also Mithridates had clapped a guard upon to secure it, being thereunto advised by Taxiles and some other of his Commanders. L. Manius or Magius, the Umpire of the league betwixt Mithridates and Sertorius, sent privately a messenger to Lucullus and then perswaded Mithridates to permit the Romans to passe by, and to encamp where they thought best themselves; buzzing him in the ear, that the Fimbrian Legions, which formerly had served Sertorius in the wars, would leave their colours and turn away to him; and this they would do within a day or two: and that that might spare the expence of sweat and blood, when they were sure of a victory without striking a blow. Mithridates, suspecting nothing was so unwise as to lissen to his coun∣sel, and thereupon suffered the Romans quietly to enter the passage, and to fortifie the mountain against him; by which reason the Romans might have a plentiful supply of provision from all those parts which lay behind them, when as Mithridates on the contrary being shut out by a lake, mountain and river, was debarred from all impor∣tation by land, aad therefore could expect but slender incomes to his Camp. Seeing that there was no way for him to get out, neither could he by force of arms make Lucullus retreat, meerly because he neglected the passage. The winter quarter also drawing onwards, was likely to hinder all importations to him by sea. [Appian.]

Plutarch writes, that Lucullus encamped about Thracia, which they called, Comes; as deeming it the most fit place to obstruct all wayes and quarters from whence Mithri∣dates could hope for a supply of provisions. As for that party which Mithridates sent to bring in the Fimbrian Legions to him, who made shew as if they intended to turn to his side, Memnon tells us, that they were all put to the sword by the same Legion.

Nicomedes, [The Julian Period. 4641] a Thessalian, [Year before Christ 73] had framed notable Engines to batter the City, [Plutarch.] amongst which the Helepolis, as they called it, about a hundred cubits high, was the most remarkable one. Upon this another Tower was erected, planted with Engines, to sling out stones, and several sorts of weapons: But before they planted the Engines, Mithridates gave order that three thousand of the Cizicenians, whom he had taken prisoners, should be brought in the ships to the walls of the City: if happily the City, out of pity to them, and relenting at their cries, would give up. But seeing that essay was to no purpose, (there being by the command of Lysistratus their General, a Cryer appointed, who from the walls exhorted them, That seeing that it was their hard fortune to fall under the power of a stranger, to bear it out as well as they could) Mithridates used all the strength he could both by sea and land, to reduce the City: the Townsmen all the while within being as industrious to defend it: yet,

do what they could, they could not perfect their walls entire, but that part of them being fired, fell down about evening: but the heat of the fire was so scorching, that the enemy was not able to enter. The Cyzicenians themselves by night repaired the breach. [Appian.]

At last Lucullus found a way in the night to send into the City some Auxiliaries. [Strabo.] For finding that in the lake Dascylite, there were pretty big boats: he took away one of the biggest of them, and carryed it in a Wagon to the sea side, and put as many Souldiers in it, as it could well hold; who privily by night got into the City, the enemy knowing nothing thereof. [Plutarch.]

Now was the time of Proserpina's festival, in which the Cyzicenians were wont to offer a black Hei••er. Tshey being unprovided with such an one at this time, made one of dough, and brought it to the Altar. The Hei••er which was designed for Proserpines festival, was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians Herds on the other side the sea. Upon the day of the Festival, she left the other Herds, and swimmed over alone to Cyzicum, passing all the way through the enemies fleet, and by diving under water, got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbour, and so passing through the midst of the City, came to the Temple of Proserpina, and presented her self before the Altar. The Cyzcicenians sacrificed her, and upon this grevv mightily enlivened in their hopes. [Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.]

It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras (who was the chief Magistrate, as saith Julius O••sequens) for Plutarch gives him no other title, but that of his being the peoples tutor; and told him, that she had provide a piper a∣gainst the pipers: or, as Plutarch renders it, that she forthwith sent a Libyan piper a∣gainst the Pontick trumpeter. The Cyzicenian wondering with themselves what this voice should be, about break of day it began to be foule weather at sea, as if it had been a tempestuous winde. The Kings engins which were now drawn up to the walls, by their creaking and crashing first discovered what was ready to insue: Presently after there arose an extream violent South wind, which in the moment of an hour did so shatter the rest of the Kings engins, that they were made utterly unserviceable; and did so shake the wodden tower which was erected upon the Engin, that it overturned it on the ground, [Id.]

It is Chronicled also, that at Troy Minerva appeared to many in their sleep, drop∣ping with swet, and shewing how that part of her vaile was cut off: telling them, that she came from the relief of the Cyzicenians. The Trojans were wont to shew the pillars whereon the decrees and letters concerning this accident were engraven, [Plutarch.]

Mithridates was advised by his friends to loose with his Fleet from before the City: but he not one whit dismayed at what had happened, got up to the mountain Dindy∣mus, and from thence cast up a bank all along to the walls of the City; upon which he erected Towers. He caused also Mines to be made under the very walls, [Appian.] The Cyzicenians notwithstanding all this, held out so stoutly, that they had very near taken Mithridates alive in one of the Mines, which he himself had digged, by counter∣m••ning him: but he got away safe, having espyed the danger he was in, [Strabo. pag. 576.]

The Winter being come, Mithridates was cut short also of victual by sea; if so be he had any at all. The army therefore being in great distresse for necessary provision, many of them died by famine, some were glad to feed on mans flesh, others using herbs for their constant food, fell into diseases, and the dead carkases lying all the while un∣buried, ushered in the plague to boote, [Memnon, cap. 42. Strabo, pag. 576. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutar. Appian. Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Whilst Lucullus was gone to gain some castle or other, Mithridates strives to make some use of this opportunity: Hereupon, commanding part of his Forces to march home with their armes; but with this item, That they should be sure not to come in sight of the enemy, he sent almost all his Horse, those also which were for burden, and of his Foot; such as were lesse serviceable, unto Bithynia: for the horses were now grown weak for want of provender, and starke lame by reason their hoofes were bea∣ten and worn away for want of shoos. Lucullus hearing of this, hasted to the Camp, again by night as fast as he could; and by break a day, made after them with 10 com∣panies of Foot, and all his Horse. Although at that instant there fell such a violent storme, that many of the souldiers, what with the Snow, and other inconveniencies, for very cold were forced to lie down, not being able to follow: with the rest he over∣took the enemy at the passage of the River Rhyndacus, where he did such execution on them, that the women of Apollonia came out and plundred the carriages, and stripped the slain. There were taken at this fight 6000 Horse, and an infinite number of beasts for burdens, 15 thousand men: all which Lucullus carryed away with him, besides the pillage of the enemies Camp. Lucullus at this bout killed more than 15000

men; if we may credit Orosius. Salust is of opinion, that this was the first time the Ro∣mans ever saw any Camels: as if those, who under Scipio their General defeated An∣tiochus, and those who fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea, had not known well enough what kind of beasts Camels were, [Plutarch, Appian. Oros.]

Fannius, who clapt in with Mithridates, and Metrophantes the Kings Pretor, have∣ing received a blow from Mamercus, escaped with two thousand Horse into Moesia: and removing from thence unto Moeonia, fell upon the dry and parched hills and champian of Inarime: where being weldred for a long while, at last they got out, and arrived at the Kings Camp, without any notice taken of them, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Eumachus the general, and other of Mithridates his Colonels, up in armes in Phrygia, killed many Romans, with their wives & children. They subdued the Pisidians also, the Isauri, and Cilicia, until Dejotatus, one of the Tetrarchs of Gallograecia, lighting upon them as they were roving about, killed them and many of their souldiers, and so gave a stop to proceedings, [Liv. lib. 94. Appian. pag. 222. Oros. ut supr.]

Jubilie the XXVIII. [Year of the World 3932]

The Cyzicenians having undermined those mounts which the King had cast up all along from Dindymus to the City, and fired his Engins, and knowing well enough that the enemy was much weakened by famine, did so pester them with often sallyes, that Mithridates was resolved to draw off and be gone, [Appian.] Of which he him∣self in a letter of his to Arsaces, [Salust. lib. 4. histor.] thus: At my laying siege to Cy∣zicum with a great army, I wanted provision, and in regard I could get none from all the parts about, and that the winter also had blocked up the sea that none could be expected that way; I was forced (not by any compulsion of the enemies) to march back into mine own kingdom. For Plutarch tells us out of Salust, how that Lucullus, first at Cyzicum, and afterwards at Amisus, lay encamped with his souldiers two whole Winters. Concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum, see Cicero [in orat. pro lege Manilia, pro Muraena, & pro Archia poeta.]

Mithridates resolving suddenly to be gone, that he might keep off Lucullus from fol∣lowing too fast upon his reare: sent Aristonicus a Grecian Admiral of his Fleet to sea: but Lucullus by some foule play, took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shoar; and withal seized upon 10000 crowns which he carryed along with him to inveagle part of the Roman army, [Plutarch.]

The King left his land Forces with the General to march with them away to Lamp∣sacus: Hermaeus and Marius (the Generals which Sertonius sent) conducted thither 30000 men. But Lucullus following hard upon the reare, at last overtook them un∣awares as they were passing the River Aesepus, whose waters at that time were higher than ordinarily they were wont to be. He took very many of them prisoners, and killed 20000 of them outright (above 11000 of which were reported to have been Marius his souldiers) so that the two Rivers, Granicus and Aesepu••, were all ove•• coloured with blood. But one of Mithridates his Nobles, knowing how mightily the Romans were addicted to coveteousnesse, commanded the souldiers to scatter their snapsacks and money about, purposely to retard the pursuers in their march, [Memnon, cap. 42. Polybaeus stratagem. lib. 7. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutarch, Appian. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

As for Mithridates himself, he, purposing to return by sea, sailed by night to Parium, [Appian.] whilest his souldiers intending to put off with him crowded on every side so thick into the ships, whereof some were already filled, others were to be filled presently after, that it happened, that, by reason of the multitude striving to get a ship-board, some of the ships were sunk, and others overturned. The Cyzicenians observing this, assaulted the enemies Camp, where they cut the throats of the sick that were left be∣hind, and carryed away whatsoever they found there, [Memnon, cap. 42.]

Lucullus entring Cyzicum, was received with a great jollity, and magnificence, [Plutarch.] In honour of whom they afterwards instituted some playes which they called, Lucullea, [Appian.] The Romans conferred a great deal of honour upon the City, and granted them their freedom, [Strabo lib. 12. pag. 576. Tacit. annal. lib. 4. cap. 36.]

Mithridates, after his men were driven to Lampsacus, and besieged there by Lucul∣lus, sent his Fleet thither, and transported them and the Lampsacenians together: And having left fifty ships with 10000 men aboard them unto Marius or Varius, the Serto∣rian General, Alexander a Paphlagonian, and Dionysius the Eunuch, himself with the greater part of them made for Nicomedia: But it happened that many of these and the others, were cast away in storm, [Ibid.]

Mithridates, having scrambled up together as well as he could some forces in Pontus, sat down about Perinthus, and made some attempts against it: but seeing he could not master it, he sent his forces away into Bithynia. [Memnon. cap. 42.]

Antiochus (the Asiatic) and his Brother, the young sonnes of King Antio∣ochus, (Pius) who kept in their hands part of the kingdom of Syria (which was not seized on by Tigranes) came to Rome, to request the kingdom of Egypt which they thought did of right belong to them and their mother Selene; and there they tarryed almost two whole years, keeping all the wile a Princely guarb and retinue. [Cicero lib. 4. in Verrem.]

Antipas, [The Julian Period. 4642] or Antipater, [Year before Christ 72] the Idumean, the prime of his Nation, both for birth and wealth (son of the other Antipas or Antipater, who they say was by Alexander King of the Jews, and his wife Alexandra appointed Governour of all Idumea) had by his wife Cyprus, (who was born at an eminent place, amongst the Arabians) his son Herod: afterwards King of Judea, for he was 25 years old when his father set him over Galilee, of which more is to be said at the year of the World, 3957. [Vide supra. ann. Mundi. 3875.] although Nicolaus Damascenus to curry favour with Herod (whose life he writ whilest he was yet alive) hath derived Antipaters pedigree from the Princes of the Jews, who came from Babylon into Judea; [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.] as also in the 35 Chapter of the Arabic History of the Jews, (set out at the end of the Parisian Bibles, with many tongues) we read, how that Antipater was a Jew, descen∣ded from the loins of some of them which came up out of Babylon with Ezra the Priest; and that he being appointed by Alexander Jannaeus, Governour of the Country of the Idumeans, took a wife from thence. But Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides, (in Euseb. l. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. c. 6. & 7.) and Ambrosius, who followed him, [lib. 3. comment. in Luc. cap. 3.] reports upon a tradition of those who were called the kinsmen of our Saviour, according to the flesh, how that Antipater was the son of one Herod, an Ascalonite, who had the charge of Apollos Temple there; and that being by some Idumean robbers carryed away captive from Ascalon, he was instructed in the manners and disciplines of the Idumeans. And this is the most received opinion of all the Christian Fathers.

Borba, coming with a strong band of Italians and Triarius, one of Lucullus his Commanders, laid siege to Apamea. The Citizens, for a good while, stood it out as well as they were able against the enemies, but in conclusion opened the gates, and let them in; as Memnon hath it: Although Appian writes, how that Triarius, being arrived there, took the City by storme, and put to the sword abundance of the Apa∣menians in their Temples, whither they flew for sanctuary. Soon after the Roman army took Prusa, a very well fortified City, under the mountain Olympus: and after they had wan it, pillaged it. From hence Triarius removes with his army to Prusias, which lay upon the sea. Prusias King of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans, and called it after his own name, being formerly called Cierus (or Chius) from the river which glided by it. As soon as he drew the City, the Prusians thrust out the Ponticks, and received them in. Thence they came to Nicaea, which was a Garrison of Mithri∣dates: But the Ponticks, understanding full well, how that the Citizens hearts enclined to the Romans, stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia; so that the Ro∣mans got that City under their command without any trouble at all. [Memnon. cap. 43. & 49. Appian. pag. 223. compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Lucullus being come to Hellespont, got his fleet ready, and arriving at Troas, stept aside into the Temple of Venus. The same night in his sleep he fancied to him∣self that he saw the goddesse standing by him, and saying,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Quid dormis animose leo, quum proximus adsit Hinnulus ecce frequens.— Sleep'st thou now Lion stout? Whole Herds of fawnes rove here about.

Whilst he was telling this his dream to his friends, day not yet broke, some came from Troy and told him how that there appeared 13 of the Kings ships, with five oars a bank, at a port of the Achaians, and that they were bound for Lemnus. Lucullus presently puts off from Troas, took all the 13 ships, and killed Isodorus their Admiral. [Plutarch, compared with Appian.]

Lucullus, in pursuit of his victory, made after Marius, or Varius (who was sent by Sertorius to be General) Alexander and Dionysius; and overtaking them about Lemnus, in the desert Island (where Philoctetes his Altar, with the braze•• Serpent is to be seen) bare up to them, using all the while, but came language to them: for before the engage∣ment, he gave order to to his Souldiers, that they should by no means kill any one that had but one eye: meaning Marius who had lost an eye, whom Lucullus had designed first to vex with obloquies & reproaches, and then to kill. Lucullus observing how that they stood still in a place, and had drawn all their ships to the shoare, held still his oars, and sent two ships out of his company, to try if he could make them lanch forth. But they made not towards them; but defending themselves from their hatches, did mightily gaul the Romans. The place was such, that they could by no means vvheel about, nor vvas it possible for the ships vvhich vvere tossed by the vvaves, and floating to make any considerable impression upon the enemies fleet vvhich leaned to the land, and had as it were good sure futting: wherefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships another way, by which there was a passage into the Island, and landed all his chief Foot there. Who coming upon the backs of the enemy, killed some of them, and made the others retreat to ship-board: they were so fearful of Lucullus, that they dared not ad∣venture to lanch into the deep, but sailed along the coast; so that now they were played upon, both from sea and land, to their great slaughter and confusion, striving to get away. [Plutarch.] Lucullus either sunk, or took two and thirty of the Kings ships, besides a number of ships for burdens. Among those that were slain, there were very many of them who had been prescribed by Sylla. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

The day following, the three Generals were drawn out of the cave, where they had hid themselves. Marius (or Varius) was by Lucullus his order put to death. [Id. ibid. compared with Appian.] Alexander was reserved for that solemnity; but Dionysius soon after dyed of a draught of poyson, he carryed about with him. [Ap∣pian.]

These were the two sea victories which Lucullus got, one before Tenedus, the other in the Egean sea, both indeed distinctly mentioned by Memnon, [in 44 chap.] but celebrated by Cicero in diverse places, as but one. For in Orat. pro lege Manclia he sayes, That the great and well trimmed fleet which Seriorius his Commanders were in all fury hauling into Italy, was overcome and vanquished by Lucullus, and pro L. Murena. Do you think that that sea fight at Tenedus, when the enemies fleet heightned in their hopes and spirits, made a direct course for Iatly, under most spiritly Generals, was ended after small bickering, or a light skirmish? and in Orat. pro Archia poeta. Where he cries up Lucullus his defeating the enemies fleet, and that incredible sea fight at Te∣nedus.

Lucullus dispatched his letters laureat to the Senate, with a recital of his archievements as was the, manner of conquerours. [Appian.] And when as the Senate decreed to send him three thousand talents to procure him a fleet, he wrote them word back again, That he had no need of the mony; vauting withall, That he was also to drive Mithridates out of the sea, with the ships of their Allyes. [Plu∣tarch.]

After this, he poasted with all speed to to chace Mithridates, being in hopes to find him about Bithynia, secured there by Voconius, whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia, to attend upon Mithridates in his flight. But Voconius, being engaged at Samothrace, in the religious ceremonies, and solemnizing the festival dayes there, came too late. Mithridates hoist sail, and made what hast he could to get to Pontus, ere Lucullus should come up to him, but was taken with a tempest, so that his fleet was partly shattered, partly sunk, that all the coasts about, for many dayes together, were spread with the wracks cast up thither by the waves. They say, that this tempest was raised by Diana Priapina, against the Ponticks, in revenge of their ••ifling her Temple, and taking down her image out of its place.

Dio writes, how that Mithridates was twice wracked, as he was sailing to Pontus, and that he lost by this unhappy accident about 10000 men, and 60 ship: The re∣mainder of them being dispersed severally as the wind took them. Mithridates him∣self in a letter of his to Arsaces in Salust, sayes, That he lost his best Souldiers and his fleet by two wracks, at Para and Heraclea. Orosius saith, That Mithridates, having manned his fleet, and sailing against Byzantium (whither Eutropius saith he was chased by Lucullus) was caught by a tempest, and lost 80 ships with brazen beaks. To conclude, Florus reports, That a tempest beating upon this fleet of above 100 ships, and a very great preparation for war in the Pontick sea, did so tear and shatter it, as if it had been done by a formal sea fight.

Whereas the hulk in which Mithridates was, by reason of its great bulk, was judged by the Pilot not possible to be brought to shoar in so boisterous a storm, in regard it

already leaked, and was almost filled with water: Mithridates, though perswaded by his friends to the contrary, leaped into the ship of one Selemus a Pyrate, the Pyrate himself helping him: trusting himself with Pyrates, who brought him safe to Hera∣clea in Pontus, (as saith Plutarch;) first to Sinope, and afterwards to Amisus, as Appian and Orosius.

Cotta, willing to salve up his former losses, removed his forces from Chalcedon, where he then lay, to Nicomedia: and encamping 150 furlongs off the City, was something wary how he engaged the enemy. There Triarius of his own accord in all haste, and as it were with running marches, comes in to Cotta, and then, both the Roman armies prepared to go against the City. But the King, knowing that Lucul∣lus had obtained already two notable Victories over the Ponticks at sea, and seeing himself at present over-matched by the Roman Forces, removed back his Fleet into the River: where he lost some ships with 3 oares a bank, in a tempest: yet he him∣self got away with most of his ships to the River Hypius, [Memnon, cap. 44.]

Mithridates, staying here because of the tempest, heard say, that Lamachus of Hera∣clea (a trusty old friend of his) sat at the helme of the Common-wealth: whereupon he trucked with him by many fair promises, to receive him into the City, and to do the best he could for him: he sent him also some monies upon this account. Lamachus, having prepared a great Feast for the Citizens without the City (during which he had engaged upon his word to Mithridates that the gates should not be shut) made the people drunk, that so Mithridates (which was plotted) might upon that very day come upon them unawares, and catch them napping: So that the City became his own, no body, so much as, dreaming of his coming. Next day the King summon'd the City together, spake very friendly to them, and after he had exhorted them to re∣main loyal to him, committed the City to be kept by Connacoriges, placing a Gar∣rison therein of 4000 men. His pretence was, meerly to defend and protect the Ci∣tizens, in case the Romans should attempt any thing against it. From hence he sailed directly towards Sinope: having before his leaving the City, distributed some monies amongst the Citizens, but especially the Magistrates, [Id. ibid.]

Lucullus, having recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia, passing thorough Bithynia and Galatia, made an invasion upon Mithridates his kingdom: and joyned his Forces at Nicomedia with Cotta and Triarius his Brigades. that so they might break in into Pontus. [Eutrop. lib. 6. Plutarch, & Memnon, cap. 45.] But newes being brought of the taking of Heraclea, when as yet they knew nothing of the plot, but supposed it to be resigned up upon a voluntary desertion of the whole City; Lucullus thought it the best way, that he, with the whole power of his army, should march thorough the Me∣diterranean and Cappadocia, against the King and his whole kingdom; that Cotta should endeavour to regain Heraclea, and that Triarius should take the Fleet and inter∣cept Mithridates his ships which were sent into Creet and Spain, in their return, about the Hellespont and Propontis, [Memnon, ut supr.]

Mithridates, having received intelligence hereof, applied himself for new prepara∣tion of war, and thereupon sent for supplies in all haste to his son in law Tigranes the Armenian, and to his son Macharus then reigning in Bosphorus, and to the Parthians. He ordered also Diocles to go to the bordering Scythians, to sollicite them with many gifts, and a great weight of gold: but he run away with the gifts and the gold to Lu∣cullus: The other also refusing to meddle. Tigranes, though he hung back a great while (a letter of Mithridates his to Arsaces inserted in the 4. book of Salusts Histories, confirms that this war was begun upon his denial to be an assistant therein) yet at last he promised to sent supplies being wearied thereunto by the importunity of Mithrida∣tes his daughter, [Id. ibid. compared with Appian.]

The Embassadour which Mithridates sent to Tigranes, was Metrodorus Scepsius, who left his Philosophy and turned Polititian: Mithridates had promoted him to that degree of friendship, that he was called the Kings father: and being made a Judge, it was not lawful for any man to appeale from his sentence to the King. Tigra∣nes, asking the Embassadous what he thought of this businesse of sending supplies a∣gainst the Romans: the Embassadour replyed; As I am an Embassadour I advise you to send, as I am a Counsellonr I am against it. Tigranes sent Metrodorus back to Mithri∣dates, whether he would or no; but he died by the way, either by the Kings contrive∣ment, or falling into some disease; for there is talke of both. For Tigranes had inform∣ed the King, of what he had said, supposing that Mithridates would think never a whit the worse of Metrodorus. Tigranes, to expresse his sorrow for what he had done, in∣terred his corps very nobly, sparing for no cost for him, now dead: whom he had be∣trayed when he was alive, [Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 609, 610. Plutarch, in Lu∣cullo.]

Mithridates sent several Generals against Lucullus; [Year of the World 3933] there happened many bicker∣ings betwixt them, with interchangeable successes, but in most of them the Romans

got the better, [Memnon, cap. 45.] At the first Lucullus was in such a distresse for vi∣ctual, that there were 30 thousand Galatians which followed the Camp, whose work it was to bring each of them a measure of corn upon their shoulders. But after he had marched a little farther, he subdued and spoiled all the way: and presently after, as be∣ing in a fortunate Country, and such as for many years had not felt the dint of war, a slave was sold for 4 Drachmaes, an oxe for one Drachma; goate, sheep, cloath, and other things, at the same cheap rate. And because they were not able to carry away all the booty, there being such abundance of all things: some of them left it behind them; others spoiled it, [Plutarch & Appian.]

After this, Lucullus attempted to reduce Amisus, and Eupatoria, which Mithrida∣tes built near to it, and called by his own surname, and made it his Palace Royal: but a Brigade of his army he sent to take Themiscyra, situated upon the River Ther∣modoon. They used towers against the Themiscyrians, and cast up works, and dig∣ged such large mines, that the parties often fought under ground: The Townsmen opened their mines on the top, and thorough the holes let down Beares and other wild Beasts, and swarmes of Bees amongst the pioneers. They met with other hard ser∣vices at Amisus: The Amisians fighting stoutly in their own defence, sometimes by sallyes, sometimes by provoking them to single duels, [Appian.]

Lucullus, spinning out the time before Amisus by a lingring siege; his army began to cry out of that his loytering: and grumbled extreamely, that all the Cities they had taken were taken by a free surrender, and not one of them by storm, and that he as yet had not given the plunder of any one City to the Souldiery. Lucullus replyed, That as for his ecking out and prolonging the siege, it was done upon good grounds: for he hoped thereby to wear out Mithridates his Forces, by little and little: neither would he willingly compel him, despairing of his own strength, to repair to Tigranes for suc∣cour, and so make him his enemy also. Concerning whom Plutarchus brings in Lucullus, speaking thus. It is but a few dayes march out of Cabirae into Armenia, where Tigranes resides, that lazie king of kings; who is so powerful, that he wrests Asia from the Parthians, carries the Grecian Cities into Media; holds Syria and Palestine, dethrones the kings, Seleucus his successours, and plucking their daughters and wives from their mansions, carries them along with him prisoners. This Tigranes is a neighbour to Mithridates, and his own son in law.

Cotta, removing his Camp, marched with his Romans first to Prusia, formerly called Cierus: and from thence went down to the Pontic Sea, and passing by the sea coast, pitched before the walls of Heraclea, which stood upon the top of an hill. But the Heracleans did trust much to the strength of the situation, and joyning with the souldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned amongst them, resisted Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them. And to speak truth, more fell of the Roman side, that of the other; yet the Heracleans received many a wound from the Romans Darts. Wherefore Cotta gave over the storm, and sounded a retreate to his souldiers: and pitching somewhat farther off, set himself wholy to obstr••ct the coming out of the besieged for to fetch victual in to them. Whereupon the Heracleans being in a distresse for victual, sent their Embassadours to the Colonies about, desiring that they would let them have victual for their money: and the Embassie was gladly entertained, [Memnon, cap. 49.]

A little before this, Triarius, furnished with the Roman Fleet, out of Nicomedia, had made an assault upon the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent towards Creet and Spain: But when he had notice given him, that the rest of the ships were gone back unto Pontus (for many of them were lost by storm, and sea fights in several places) he made after them, and overtaking them at Tenedus, fell upon them: Lu∣cullus had with him 70 ships, the Ponticks somewhat fewer than 60. After they had ran violently upon one another with their forebeaks; the Royalists for a while endured the enemies brunt pretty well: but soon after, they were made to run, and the Ro∣mans obtained a compleate and famous victory: And this made an end of that great Fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia, [Id. cap. 50.]

Mithridates sent provisions, armes, and souldiers, very plentifully to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae: where having taken up his winter quarters, he levyed ano∣ther army, [Appian.] There came to him thither, 40 thousand Foot, and 4 thousand Horse, as Plutarch and Appian gives up the number: or 40 thousand Foot, and 8000 Horse, as Memnon computes them.

Olthacus, (whom Appian calls Olcabas, a Scythian) Prince of the Dardarii, who inhabite about the Lake Maeotis, a person highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel, and civil deportment, being in some of Mithridates his Garrisons, and contest∣ing with some of the Princes, his countrymen for superiority, promised to do a great exploite in the behalfe of Mithridates: viz. That he would kill Lucullus. The King highly commended him; but made as if he had been angry with him for it, and very

formerly reproached him, whereupon he takes his Horse, and rides away to Lucullus, and was very friendly treated by him. [Plutarch.]

The first year of the CLXXVII. Olympiade now at hand, in the spring time, Lucullus, leaving Muraena with two Legions to continue the leagure at Amisus, with three other Legions, marched through the mountains against Mithridates. [Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. lib. in Bibliotheca Photii. Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian.] This Muraena was Liutenant to Lucullus the General, and son to that Muraena, whom Sylla had left Praetor in Asia. During the time of his Liutenantship, (as Cicero declames in an Oration on his behalf) he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemes forces, took many Cities, some by storm, others by siege: he behaved himself so in Asia, which at that time was well provided with all delicacy, that he left not the least impresse of his covetousnesse or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war, that he did many noble acts, without the Generals assist∣ance, the General nothing without him.

Mithridares had so ordered his guards, that they might both keep off Lucullus, and give notice also by fires, in case any thing should happen extraordinary. Phoenix, one of the Blood-Royal, had the charge of them; who indeed, according to agree∣ment, gave a sign of Lucullus his approach, but he himself and all his forces run away to Lucullus; and the mountains being hereby now made securely passable, Lucullus marched down to Cabirae. [Appian.]

Mithridates, having passed the river Lycus, and come into the wide Champain, provoked the Romans to fight. [Plutarch.] Having sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their armies, by their daily skirmishes, did but try one ano∣thers strength. [Memnon. cap. 45.] But afterwards, their bodies of horse engaged, in a fight, wherein the Romans turned their backs, and Lucullus was forced to retreat back to the mountains. In this fight Pompeius or Pomponius, General of his Horse, was taken prisoner, and brought to Mithridates grievously wounded. When Mithri∣dates asked him, Whether if he should grant him his life, he would become his friend for the future: Truly, saith he, I shall, if so be you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, he should still persist to be his enemy. Upon this reply, the Barbarians would have killed him, but the King would not suffer them; Saying, That he would not expresse any cruelty upon valour, meerly because unfortunate. [Plutarch & Appian.]

After this, Mithridates drew up his forces into Battalia, and stood in that posture for many dayes together; but seeing Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked every way about, which way he might march up to him. [Appian.]

In the mean time Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian, being, in regard he had been a means in preserving many Romans in the last engagement of the Horse, admitted to the society of the Table, counsails, and secrets, came to Lucullus, as he was at noon sleeping in his Tent; having, as usually, a short dagger by his side, as if he had had some matter of moment to impart unto him. But being put back by Menedemus, Lucullus his Chamberlaine, fearing least he might be questioned, stole out of the Camp, and getting a horse-back, rode away to Mithridates. [Plutarch & Appian.] He discovered to the King also another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away to Lucullus, who was presently seized upon. [Appian.]

Lucullus, being afraid to come down into the plain, in regard the enemy was too hard for him in horse, and yet much troubled how to pass through that mountainous region, which was both long, full of woods, and combersome: he light by chance upon some Grecians, who had hid themselves in a certain Cave thereabouts; The ancientest of them, Apollodorus (who, as Appian sayes, was an Hunter, and well versed in the tracts of the mountains) undertook to be his convoy, and to bring him down to a place where he might safely encamp; which also had a Castle hanging over Cabirae. Lucullus, making use of this guide, kindled fires in the Camp, and matched away: and having got through the woods, without any inconvenience, through a path never yet trode by any, arrived at last at that Castle. At day break, he was espyed pitching his Tents over the enemies heads, in such places, where, if he had a mind to fight, he might fight; but if minded to sit still, he could not be forced to fight: yet for all this, he avoided the fields, for fear of the enemies horse, and encamped behind a sowers full of vvaters. [Idem.]

Whereas neither of the armies thought of fighting at present. It is reported, That as the Kings party were in pursuit of a deer, the Romans crossed the way, and stopt their chase. Here begun the quarrel, more flocking in on both sides. At length the Romans were made to flye: but Lucullus coming down into the plaine himself alone, and running up to the formest of those which were running away, commanded them to stay and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitting to the General, the others stopped also, and so rallying together, they easily made the enemy to flye, and pursued them to their very Camp. Lucullus, being returned from pursuing

the enemy, put them to the wonted disgrace, viz. took away their arms, commanded them to dig a Trench of twelve foot, all the other souldiers standing by and looking on. [Plutarch.]

Victual beginning to faile, Lucullus sent a party into Cappadocia to fortage: He often skirmished with the enemy, until at one time the Royalists beginning to ply their heels. Mithridates run from the Camp, and, railing at them for flying, forced them back again; and did put such a dread upon the Romans, that they ran back without any stop to the mountains: yea, though the Royalists gave over the pursuit, yet every one flew from his fellows, supposing the enemy had been still at their heels, such a strong fear had possessed them all. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts, to signifie this his victory. [Appian.]

Sornatius, being sent by Lucullus with ten companions of foot to fetch in provision, (seeing Menander, one of Mithridates his Commanders following after him) stopped till they came up to him, fought them, and killed many of them, and put the rest to flight. [Plutarch.]

After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia, that so the army might be provided plentifully with victual. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates his Generals, sent Menemachus, and Miron, against him, vvith 4000 foot, and 2000 horse, hoping, by placing an ambuscado in the vvay, they might intercept their carryages on their return homwards. [Memnon. cap. 45. Phlegon. ann. 1. Olymp. 177. & Plutarch.] For, seeing that Cappadocia was the only place from whence Lu∣cullus might expect supplies of provision for his Camp, Mithridates was in good hopes to reduce him to the same distresse, he himself was put to at the league of Cizycum. [Appian.]

But the Kings party, falling by chance upon a party of the forragers, in some narrow passages, and not tarrying till they came into more open places, could not make use of their horse in those straits. Whereupon the Romans, drawing themselves up as fast as they could into rank and file, the cragginesse of the places where they were be∣friending them, set upon the Kings party, slew some of them, forced others of them down the precipices of the rocks, and the rest they made run away by whole troups. [Id.] The Romans, having received some supplies from Lucullus, pursued them to the very Camp of Diophantus and Taxiles: where followed a stout encounter, and the Pon∣ticks stood to it for a while: but as soon as their prime Commanders began to give ground, the whole army slunk back, and the Commanders themselves were the first that carryed the tidings of this defeat to Mithridates. [Memnon. cap. 45.] Plutarch sayes, That all the Horse and Foot which came with Menemachus and Myron, were cut off, excepting two onely. Eutrop••us writes, That 30000 of the Kings choicest Souldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. [lib. 6.] Livy hath given out, That Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good successe, having slain more than 60 thousand of the enemy. [lib. 97.] taking into the account those also, who a little after were slain, when Mithridates was made to flye.

The news of this defeat came not so soon to Lucullus his ears, as it did to Mithri∣dates. [Appian.] And Adrianus had marched by Lucullus his Camp in great pomp, carrying along with him a great number of Waggons laden with provision and spoile; at the sight whereof Lucullus began to dispond, and his Souldiers to fear and tremble, [Plutarch.] But the King, being confident Lucullus would suddenly be upon the bones of him, now he was dastitute of Horse, began to be afraid, and think of flying: which resolution of his he strait discovered to his friends in his pavilion. But they, not waiting so long till the Trumpet sounded to trusse up bag and baggage, removed all their goods out of the Camp before break of day; there were such a company of them, that the Sumpter-beasts crowded one another: which was no sooner espyed by the army, who knew the drivers of the Sumpter-beasts, but they, then feare impro∣ving their suspitions, taking it very unkindly, that they had not notice given them, as well as the rest, rushed violently out of their Trenches. [Appian.] And running in a great chase to the gates, rifled the packs, and fell foul upon those that were carrying them away, putting them all to the sword. Amongst whom Dorylaus the General was one, who having about him but a purple garment, which he had upon his back, was killed for that very garment. Hermaeus also a southsayer, was trod to death in the gates. [Plutarch.]

The Souldiers run away over the fields, observing no order, but every one making the best shift for himself; not staying till they received order from their Generals and Commanders. As soon as the King perceived in what disorder they ran, and what hast they made, he came running out of his pavillion, thinking to have said something to them, when so body would lend him an ear, but pressed so hard upon him, that he fell down in the crowd. [Appian.] Memnon writes, That he lay close for some time at

Cabira, and afterwards made his escape. [cap. 46.] but Appian reports, That he presently took horse, and away to the mountains, having but a small retinew with him: Plutarch tells the story thus; Mithridates, having not so much as a Serjeant or a Groom staying with him, went out of the Camp with the other throng, neither was there any of the Kings party which had a Horse ready at hand. But at length, though late, Ptolemei the Eunuch, who was provided of a Horse, espying him tossed to and fro in the fight, leaped off, and profered his Horse to the King.

Lucullus being certified concerning the victory of his victuallers; and seeing the flight of their enemy, he sent a good brigade of Horse to pursue them in their flight: And as for those which remained in the Camp, and had put themselves in a posture of defence, those he environed with his Legions; giving them charge to for∣bear pillaging the enemies Camp, till such time that they had killed as many of them as might be thought requisite. But the Souldiery, casting their eyes up∣on the gold and silver vessels, and the rich garments, regarded not the Ge∣nerals prohibition. [Appian.] The King himself had been taken by a company of Galatians, which had him in chase, though they knew not so much, had not one of his Mules, which carryed the Kings treasure, cast himself betwixt the King and his pursuers; either of its own accord, or by the Kings policy to stop them: For whilest they were busie in gathering up the gold, and quar∣relling amongst themselves about dividing the spoile, the King made a shift to escape their clutches, [Memnon, cap. 46. Plutarch & Appian.] And when as they had taken Callistratus the Kings Secretary, and Lucullus had given com∣mand to bring him into the Camp; those that conducted him, finding that he had a girdle about him, in which he had saved 500 crowns, killed him by the way. [Plutarch.] Cicero writes this escape of Mithridates out of Pontus, thus, Mithridates, flying away, left behind him in Pontus, a very great bank of gold and silver, and other pretious things, part whereof he had received from his ancestours, and part raked up together in his first war in Asia, and piled it up together in his own kingdom. Whilst our men were over busie in trussing up all they found, the king himself slipped out of their hands.

Lucullus came as farre as Talaura in the pursuite of Mithridates: from whence, because, this being now the fourth day, Mithridates had gotten the start of him, and escaped into Armenia, to Tigranes, (not into Iberia, as it is read amisse in Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 24.) he marched back again, and gave the Souldiers the plunder of the Kings Camp. [Plutarch.] He sent M. Pompeius Commander in chief against Mithridates, whilst he himself, with all his forces remo∣ved to Cabira. [Memnon. cap. 47.] But Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, [in lib. 4. histor. Salust.] puts this varnish upon the whole businesse: Having recruited my army at Cabira, and there having passed many battles betwixt me and Lucullus, both of us fell into distresse of victuals. He was supplyed from Ariobarzanes his kingdom, (Cappadocia) which had not felt the smart of war. And I, in regard that all parts about were wasted and destroyed, withdrew into Armenia.

Mithridates, having got safe to Comana, from thence hyed him away to Tigranes with 200 Horse. [Appian.] But he could by no means get his sonne in law to treat with him; for he would not vouchsafe him, who had lost so great a kingdom, so much as to come into his sight, or acknowledge him his kinsman: yet he procured from him a grant for the protection of his person, and assigned him a princely table in some of his Castles, nor was wanting in such duties of hospitality. [Memnon, cap. 48. Appian.] Although Plutarch writes that he put him off with a great deale of contempt and scorn, and that he was in some remote corner, cooped up in morish and unhealthful places.

When Mithridates was upon his flight, he sent Bacchus, or Bacchides, one of his Eunuchs, to kill (it mattered not what way) his Sisters, Wives, and Concubines, which were kept at Pharnacia. [Memnon. cap. 49. Plutarch. & Appian.]

Amongst the many that were of them, two of the Kings sisters, were Roxane and Statira; who had lived Virgins almost forty years: and two of his wives Ionians borne, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian. When Bacchides came to them, and told them that they must dye, but they should have the liberty to chuse what kind of death they thought most easie, and freest from pain. Monima plucked the diademe from off her head, and made it fit for her neck, and hanged her self by it: but that presently breaking, O thou cursed band, (said she) wilt thou not serve for this use? Then she kicked it about, and spit on it, and presented her bare throat to Bacchides. Berenice took a cup of poyson,

part whereof she gave to her mother, who was present there, and asked for it: so they drank both together. The poyson did work upon the weaker body, but it did not dispatch Berenice, in regard she had not taken her full dose. Wherefore Bacchides seeing her in pangs, and a long while dying, stepped to her, and strangled her. It is reported also, That of those two Virgin-sisters, one of them, after many a curse and reproach against her brother, drank off her poyson: but Satiras spake no∣thing bitter or unworthy of him, but praised him highly in that, when he himself was in jeopardy of his life, should notwithstanding have some consideration of them, as to provide, that they should dye free women, and unconfronted. [Plu∣tarch.]

Lucullus, having besieged Cabira; the Barbarians resigne upon articles, whereupon he takes them into league, and takes possession of their holds. [Memnon, cap. 37.] Upon the surrender of Cabira, and many other Forts, he found rich treasures, and Prisons, wherein many Grecians, and many also of the Kings acquaintance were bestowed: who, having long since given themselves over as so many dead men; might not so well be said to be presented alive by Lucullus his favour, as to be brought to life again, and as it were receive their second births. Amongst the rest, Nysa, Mithridates his sister, was taken, to her great preservation. [Plu∣tarch.]

The Governours of Mithridates his Garrisons, came all unanimously into Lu∣cullus, excepting a very few. [Appian.] Amongst these, was Strabo the Geogra∣phers Grandfather, by the mothers side (brother to Moaphernes, the Governour of Colchis, under Mithridates, as he shews in lib. 11. pag. 499.) the reason of his falling off, was, because Mithridates had lately killed Tibius his Cousen German, and and his sonne Theophilus. He was the cause of the revolting of fifteen other Garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 557.] And thus was Pontus laid open to the Roman Legions, which before was on all sides blocked up, that the people of Rome could not enter it. [Cicero. pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia.]

The Romans, having done their work with Mithridates, fell aboard the Cre∣tains, meerly out of an ambition to reduce that noble Island; yet they pre∣tended, as a cause of their so doing, That the Cretians favoured Mithridates, and had let him have Souldiers for his money in his army against the Romans, and that for his sake he had entred into an association with the Pirates, which M. Antonius had at that time in chase, and offered Antonius himself the Legate, an affront; and had given him two arrogant answers. Here∣upon Antonius presently invades the Island, in such great hope and confidence of a victory, that he carryed in his ships, more chains than arms. But the enemies intercepted many of his ships, and binding those that they took priso∣ners with sailes and ropes, hung them up; and in that manner the Cretians hoisting saile, returned back triumphantly to their harbours. As for Antonius himself, he fell into a disease, and so by his death ended the war which he had undertaken with little successe: yet for all this he obtained the surname of (Creticus.) [Livie lib. 97. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 7. Asconius in Oratio. de praetura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.]

Antiochus (Asiaticus) sonne of Antiochus (Pius) having tarryed almost two whole years at Rome with his brother, and yet not promised from the Senate a grant of those things he demanded concerning the kingdome of Egypt. Upon his returne home, took his journey through Sicily, and came to Syracuse; and there lodged in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along with him to Rome a Candlestick, very artifically made of bright gemmes, which he intended to have bestowed in the Capitol: but in regard the Temple there was not yet compleated, he resolved to carry it back again with him into Sy∣ria; and to send it back to the Capitol, by the hands of his Ambassadors, with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiters Image, which was done the year following by Q. Catulus. But this Candlestick, and many other cups of gold beset with gemmes, and another Cup for wine, cut out of one great gemme, which Verres, the Praetor of Sicily, cheated him off; and when he demanded them back of him again, Verres charged him to depart the Province before night, telling him, That he had received advertisement, that the Pirates were coming out of his kingdom into Sicily. [Cicero in Verina 6. sive lib. 4. in Verrem.]

Upon frequent massacres in Judea, of the old friends of Alexander (Jannaeus) which were effected by the subtilty of the Phatians, Queen Alexandra dissembling the businesse; the chief of them with Alexandraes younger sonne

Aristobulus, made their addresses to the Court and beseeched the Queen, that they might either be all slain there, or else that they might be dispersed severally into Ca∣stles, where they might passe the remainder of their lives in some security from their enemies treacheries. Whereupon she (for want of better counsel at that time) entrusted them with the command of all the Castles: Excepting Hircania, Alexandrium. and Machaerus, in which places she had treasured up whatsoever things were of highest estimation with her, [Joseph. lib. 13. Antiq. cap. 24.]

Cotta, lying still at the leagure before Heraclea, had not as yet made an assault a∣gainst it with his whole army; but had onely brought up against the Town some few of his Romans, placing the Bythinians in the front. When he saw many of them were wounded and slain, he betook himself to his Engins: none of them terrified the besieged so much, as that which they called their Testudo (which was an Engin fen∣ced with boards and raw hides, under the shelter whereof they might safely scale the walls) hereupon Cotta draws up his whole Body out of the Camp, and led them up against a Tower, which they had great hopes to make a breach upon. But seeing that the Tower had not onely endured one or two batteries without any hurt at all, contrary to all their judgements, but the Ram also was broken off from the Engin: the Heracleans began to chear up, Cotta contrariwise to despair of ever taking the Town. The day following they plyed their Engin again, but to as little purpose as before: So that Cotta burnt the Engin, and cut off the Carpenters head which made it. And then leaving a sufficient guard at the walls of the City, with the residue of his army, he encamped in the Lycaean Champain; in regard it afforded plenty of provision: whereby he reduced the City to a great exigence, all the country about Heraclea be∣ing utterly destroyed. Whereupon they forthwith dispatched an Embassie to the Sythians the inhabitants of Chersonesus, and to the Theodosians, and to the Princes about Bosphorus, about an association: which took effect accordingly, [Memnon, cap. 51.]

Whilst the enemies plyed the City from without, they were almost as badly plagued by broiles amongst themselves within the Town: For Mithridates his Garrison-soul∣diers, were not onely not content to feed upon what the Townsmen themselves lived on; but scourged the Citizens, and enjoyned them to provide them such things, which at that time could not be easily procured. The Governour Connacorix himself was more urgent than his souldiers; for he did not restrain their insolence, but freely per∣mitted them to do what they did, [Id. ibid.]

Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans, [Year of the World 3934] and the Tibarenians, [Plutarch.] He gained also Armenia the lesse, which before Mithridates was Master of [Id. & Eutrop. lib. 6.] And after he had gone over all Pontus, and setled the Province, he came up with his Fleet to the Cities thereof, which lie upon the sea coast, [Appian.]

Amisus was still besieged: Callimarchus the Governour having quite tired out the Romans, with his Engin-devices and his plots, [Plutarch] Lucullus came to the Lea∣gure himself, and exhorted them fairly to resign; but seeing he could not prevaile, he removed the siege to Eupatoria; seeming as if he had been very carelesse in the assault∣ing it. Those that kept the Garrison, encouraged by the like example of carelesnesse, continued still in their security. Whereupon Lucullus commanded his souldiers in all haste to apply the scaling-ladders to the walls: And so Eupatoria was taken, and im∣mediately pulled down to the ground, [Memnon, cap. 47.]

Not long after Amisus was taken, [The Julian Period. 4644] which (as Plutarch confirms out of Salust, [Year before Christ 70] ) had held out another winters siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus was wont to draw off his souldiers, to refresh themselves: on the same did Lucullus with his ladders scale the walls, [Id. ibid. & Plutarch.] A little part of the walls being taken by the enemy, Callimachus, either out of his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty, or else contriving thereby a way to escape, (for no body did hinder any that would hoyst sail and away) left the City and set it on fire. As soon as the flame caught hold of the walls, the souldiers flew presently upon the spoile: But Lu∣cullus, out of pity to the perishing City, would have stopt the fire from without the walls, and exhorted his souldiers also to help to quench it: But none of them regarded him, but shouted and clattred their armes. So that Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the souldier, that he might save the City from being burnt to the ground. But they did clean contrary; for when, as all places already began to be chapped and gape with the fire, and the flame peep out of every corner, the souldiers themselves set fire on some houses. Whilst the City was taking, the fire was quenched by a storm which fell mira∣culously. Lucullus repaired many places before he departed thence, [Plutarch,] and staving off the souldiers from any farther slaughter of the Citizens, he gave both the City and the Country to those that survived, [Memnon, cap. 47.]

At the same time was Tyrannio the Grammarian was taken prisoner, whom because Lucullus would not willingly have made a slave, Muraena received in gift and manu∣mitted

him, using the gift nothing ingenuously. He was an Amisen by birth, as Strabo who was one of his auditors, shews in his 12 book, [pag. 548.]

Selene the Queen, (otherwise called Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, raigned joyntly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes King of Armenia had not seized upon) sollicited the Syrians to drive out Tigranes. And some Cities of Phoenicia she did draw off from their allegiance to him. Tigranes hereupon entred Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo.] In which Expedition, it is probable, that Tigranes recovered those 70 Valleys of Armenia fortified about with hills and mountains, which when he was an hostage he gave to the Parthians as a gratuity: and wasted the Countries of the Parthians which lies about Ninus and Arbela, [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 532.] For this undoubtedly is that late war of Tigranes against the Parthians, mention whereof is made in Mithridates his letter to Arsaces the year following (in lib. 4. histor. Salust.) in which also Dio affirmes (in his 35. book of histories) That a certain country, about which there was a dispute, was taken from the Parthians.

In the ninth year of Alexandria, Queen of the Jewes, to Matthias Curtus the Priests son, Josephus was born: he was Grandfather to Josephus the Historian; as he him∣self shews in the beginning of the book of his Life.

Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemei Mennaeus, who had been a very troublesome neighbour to that City: But he mar∣ched back again without any remarkable action, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 24,]

About this same time it was noised about that Tigranes was entred Syria with an army of 500000 men, and that he would suddenly come into Judaea: the bruite there∣of, and that not without cause, put the Queen, and the whole Nation into a fright: whereupon they dispatched Embassadours unto him with rich Presents lying at the Leagure of Ptolemais, which City he took soon after. The Embassadours, having found him there, intreated that he would be confident he should receive no other than fair and square dealing from their Queen, and the whole Nation of the Jews. He on the otherside, commended them for their coming so long a journey to do their homage to him, and bid them hope all well from him, [Id. ibid.] For although Appian writes how that Tigranes over-ran all the Nations of the Syrians on this side Euphrates as far as Egypt, [In Syriac. pag. 118.] and Lucullus saith expressely, in Plutarch that he got Palestine, yet, That he marched not towards Egypt beyond Phaenicia is evident out of the sixth book of Eutropius, who saies that Tigranes was master but of part of Phae∣nicia onely.

Lucullus sent Appius Claudius (his wifes brother) Ambassadour to Tigranes, to demand the delivery of Mithridates unto him. [Memnon. cap. 48. & Plutarch.] The Kings Captain brought him through the upper Countries, a way which they needed not to have gone, winding and turning, and far about; untill such time as one of his own free men, a Syrian born, shewed him the right way. Having him for their guide, in five dayes they retched Euphrates, and came to Antioch, which was called Epi∣daphne. Having received orders to tarry there for Tigranes. (who was gone from thence to subdue some other Cities of Phaenicia, which were not yet reduced under his power) he made many of the Princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenian heartily, to side with the Romans. Amongst whom Zarbienus King of the Gordians was one. [Plutarch.]

Appius, besides, promised Lucullus his assistance to many other Cities (brought under Tigranes power) which had covertly sent Ambassadors to him; but charged them for the present to lit still, and not make any commotion. For the Armenians did so Lord it over the Graecians, as was grievous and intollerable. The King himself above the rest, grew so arrogant, and high flowen upon his good successe, that whatever mortal men wish to themselves and admire, he thought was not onely at his disposal, but purposely created for himself: many Kings waited upon him as his Servitours. But four he had in his retinue, as his attendants and guard, who in their liveries ran on foot by his horses side. And when he sat upon his throne, and gave answers to the na∣tions that applyed themselves to him, they stood with their hands clasped together, and their fingers folded one within another; which posture above all others, was accounted an acknowledgment of their vassalage. [Id.]

L. Metellus, appointed to succeed Verres in the Praetorship of Sicilia, [Ascanius in Divinat.] going against the Pirates in Sicilia, (not Cilici, as false in Livies Epitome) came off with honour. [Liv. lib. 98. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3.] Upon the Sicilians impeach∣ing Verres of extortion, Cicero, (who was designed the Edil) on their behalf fell into a contest with Ho••••ensius, who was designed Consul. [Cicero in Bruto.] In which Q. Cecillus Niger endeavoured what he could, but all in vain, that himself, and not Cicero, might have the managing of the impeachment of Verres. This Q. Cecilius Neger was Verres his Quaestor in that Isle. He was a Sicilian indeed by descent,

(as Pedianus hath observed, in Divinatione adversus Caecilium) but a free man by con∣dition, and a Jew by Religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero, where also he re∣lates the jest which Cicero put upon Caecilius for being a Jew, Quid Judaeo cum verre?

That passage of Cicero in his fifth book against Verres, contributes somewhat to∣wards the discovery of the state, in which things were at present. Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretians in a battle; let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemei King; let him speak and think whatsoever Hortensius would have him. To which agrees another passage in an Epistle which Mithridates wrote the year following to Arsaces, Salust. lib. 4. histor. The Cretians were at that instant the onely people which retained their freedom, and King Ptolemei: And a little after, Ptolemei puts off the day of battle being hired thereunto. The Cretians have been now once assaulted, and are resolved not to make an end, but in their utter extinguishment. By comparing of which two places together, any man may gather, how that the Romans did turn that right which Antiochus (Asiaticus) made use of amongst them for the recovery of the king∣dom of Egypt, to their own advantage: that they deemed it convenient that Ptole∣mei Alexander should be called King, so long as he would purchase the quiet posses∣sion of that kingdom by paying a constant salary: and that they fully resolved to com∣mence afresh the first Cretick war, which happened to be interrupted by the fall of M. Antonius; which was performed accordingly, as we shall see in the History of the year following.

Lucullus being marched into Asia, which as yet was in arreares a fourth part of the fruits upon the account of a fine, in which Sylla had amerced it, imposed a tribute pro∣portioned to their houses and number of servants, [Appian.] For the Collectors and Usurers had made such havock of the Cities of Asia, and had treated them so slavish∣ly, that they were not only compelled privately to sell their sons and their daughters, but to put to publick sale their ornaments, pictures, images, and the upshot of all was, that they became slaves to their creditours.

Lucullus took such a course with those pestilent fellows, that within four years time, all obligations were satisfied, and possessions restored free again to their owners to in∣herit. This publick debt was twenty thousand talents, which Sylla had laid upon Asia: The creditours were allowed onely double the sum, which by their usuries had amounted to 120 thousand talents. The creditours thought this something too hard measure, whereupon they traduced Lucullus at Rome, and wrought some of the Gran∣dees there to be against him. But Lucullus was not onely beloved of those Nations to which he had done those good services, but also was mightily endeared to all the o∣ther Provinces, who esteemed those people very happy, whose fortune it should be to have such a Governour as he was, appointed over them, [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, after he had fully setled Asia with many excellent laws, and an universal peace, did not omit Pleasures and Festivities. For residing at Athens, he delighted the Cities with Shewes, Triumphal Feasts, Wrestling, and Fencings. The Cities kept these Lucullia by course in honour of him, with which notwithstanding he was not so much taken, as he was with the intimation of the cordial affection they bore unto him, [Idem.]

Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena, having a while kept her close prisoner in the Castle at Seleucia, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 749.] whereby it happened that An∣tiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt in right of his mother, was dispossessed also of that part of Syria which she held.

No sooner was Tigranes returned to Antioch, but Appius the Legate declared open∣ly, that he was come to fetch away Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus his Triumphs, and upon his refusal to surrender him, to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled at the Legates peremptorinesse; but held his countenance to see what he had more to say. In almost 25 years time he had not heard a free voice until now: for so many years he had raigned, or rather played the part of a forrager. To Appius he replyed: That he knew well enough that Mithridates was a very naughty man, yet he must have a respect to the affiance which was betwixt them: And that all the World might well cry out on him, if he should resign up his wives father into the hands of his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithri∣dates, and if the Romans would bring in a war, he could return them as good as they brought. He was much offended at Lucullus, because in his letter he had saluted him King onely, and not King of kings: and therefore to be quit, writing back to him, he would not vouchsafe him the title of General. Appius returned with all speed to the General, having amongst many other Presents, accepted onely of one cup of Gold, lest happily the King might have taken distaste, if obstinately refused them all, [Id. compared with Memnon, cap. 48.]

Zarbienus, King of the Gordyans, together with his wife and children, was put to death by Tigranes, upon discovery that he had covertly stroke hands with Lucullus, [Plutarch, in Lucullo.]

As soon as Appius was returned, and the war intended with Tigranes appeared on foot: Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the work had been done already. And then marched back again into Pontus; and encamped before Sinope, or rather besieged the Kings party of Cilicians which were garrisoned therein, [Id. compared with Appian. pag. 228.] For as the City was assaulted from without the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the Commander which King Mithrida∣tes had appointee to keep the Town: viz. Cleochares, as Orosius, or Bacchis, as Stra∣bo calls him: For he, fearing some piece of treachery ere long, and thereupon com∣mitting several massacres amongst the Cuizens, brought things to that passe, that the Citizens had neither heart couragiously to resist the enemy, nor yet were they in a ca∣pacity to treate upon articles of surrender, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 546,] Which Tragedy we have delivered more at large by Memnon, thus

Leonippus, to whom with Cleochares, the care and defence of the City was en∣trusted by the King, perceiving things in something a forlorne condition, sends to Lu∣cullus about delivering up the City. But Cleochares and Seleucus the Arch-pirate (for even he was Mithridates his Legate, and was in equall authority with the rest) having sented out the plot, called a Council, and accused Leonippus: but the Citizens would by no means lissen an eare to the accusation, being highly opinionated of the mans in∣tegrity; whereupon Cleochares his faction, being afraid of his interest among the Commons, slew him treacherously by night. The Commons indeed laid the accident deeply to heart: but Cleochares and his party bore all the sway, and did what they list themselves: supposing that by their carrying things with such an high hand, they might happily escape calling to an account for the massacre of Leonippus, [Memnon, cap. 55.]

Mean while Censorinus, Admiral of the Roman Fleet, sailing with 15 Gallies, car∣rying three oares a bank, which were fraught with provision, from Bosphorus for the Roman Camp, arrives neer Sinope. Cleochares and Seleucus their Sinopian Gallies under the command of Seleucus, put to sea, and fought with Censorinus: the Italians were worsted, and their ships with their provision brought away as prize. Cleochares and his Collegue, elevated with this successe, deport themselves more tyrannically than before; for they hale the Townsmen to execution without any legal processes, and cruelly abuse them sundry other wayes. But it chanced that Cleochares and Seleucus fell at oddes, whilst Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war, but Seleucus would have all the Sinopians put to the sword, and the City to be delivered up to the Romans as a gallant gratuity: But seeing they could not agree about the businesse, they put all they had into ships, and sent them away to Machares, Mithridates his son, who at that instant was resident at Colchis, [Id. ibid.]

About the same time, Lucullus drew up closer to the City, and made a most furious storm: But Machares Mithridates his son, dispatched an Embassie unto Lucullus, whereby he petitioned that there might be a League of frienship and association be∣twixt them. The petition he courteously received, and told him, that there should be a firm League betwixt them, provided that henceforward he should not send any sup∣plies of provision to any of the Sinopians. Who not onely observed what was en∣joyned him, but whatsoever was designed for the relief of Mithridates his Party, he took order to have it conveyed to Lucullus, [Id. cap. 56.] Upon this Machares King of Bosphorus, having presented Lucullus with a Coronet of a thousand crowns in esti∣mation, was admitted an allye and confederate of the people of Rome, [Liv. lib. 98. compared with Plutarch, & Appian.]

Cleochares and Seleucus, observing how things went, thought themselves but in a desperate condition: Whereupon they fell foule upon the Citizens, and massacred ma∣ny of them, carryed abundance of wealth on ship-board, gave the Town first to the souldiers to plunder, and afterwards set it on fire. Thus done, they burnt their greater ships, and in the lighter they sailed away by night to the inner parts of Pontus, inha∣bited by the Saneg••ans and the Lazians. Lucullus perceiving by the blaze of the flame what was done, commanded his souldiers to scale the walls: And as soon as he was entred the Town, he put to the sword 8000 of the Kings Party who remained behind: but took pitty on the rest, and made what speed he could to quench the fire, and re∣stored unto the Citizens their goods. Thus was this miserable City by the counter∣change of friends and foes, ruined by them that came to defend it, and preserved by them that came to ruine it, [Memnon, cap. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosins lib. 6. cap. 3.]

The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope, and afterwards of his enfranchizing it, is bruited to be some admonition which he received in a dream.

For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side, speaking these words; Go a little forwards Lucullus, for Autolychus is coming to meet thee. When he was awake he could not pos∣sibly imagine, what this should mean: yet that same day he took the City, and in his pursuite of the Cilicians, (who made what haste they could to ship themselves and a∣way) he espyed a Statue lying upon the shoar side: The Cilicians purposed to have made it their companion in their escape, and to that end wrapped it up in cloaths, and bound it up with cords; but they had not time enough to bring it a ship-board. When they had unfolded it, Lucullus saw, that it was like him who had appeared unto him in the night, and learned afterwards that it was the Statue of Autolychus, who was the founder of the City of Sinope: Upon the hearing this, there instantly came into his minde Sylla's injunctions, who in his Commentaries gives this item; how that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain, as that which is exhibited in dreams, [Plutarch, & Appian.] This Statue of Autolychus, which was Sthenides his handy∣work, and Billarus his Sphere he took along with him; but left all other ornaments of the City behinde him, [Strabo, lib. 12.]

After he had done at Sinope, he restored Amisus also to its inhabitants, who in like manner had all conveyed themselves away by shipping: and to the City he granted the exercise of their own lawes and their freedom, [Appian.] He peopled Cities for other Grecians also, even for as many as would but desire that favour of him: adding withal to each City 120 furlongs of land. Moreover, of the Athenians, who in the time of Sylla had escaped thither to dwell because of Aristions tyranny, as many as he found surviving, he clad decently, gave to each of them 200 drachmes, and sent them back into their Country, [Plutarch.]

Amasea (Strabo the Geographers country) as yet stood it out in armes, but it was not long ere it also did fealty to the Romans, [Memnon, cap. 56.]

Cotta, having destroyed all about Heraclea, once more attempted the walls, but perceiving his souldiers somewhat slack and coole in the charge, gave it over; and sent for Triarius, ordering him with all speed to block up the way, and intercept the Townsmens receiving supplies by sea, [Id. cap. 51.]

Triarius accordingly took along with him all the ships he had of his own, and 20 Rhodian, which altogether made 43. and with this Fleet sailed away into Pontus: upon timely notice given to Cotta of his coming, Cotta drew up his army to the walls of the City, and Triarius discovered himself at sea. Hereupon the Heracleans, some∣what troubled at Triarius his sudden approach with his Fleet, put to sea with 30 ships, indeed, but they were not so well manned as was requisite: all the other were imployed in making good the City against the enemies assaults. The Rhodians gave the first onset on the Heraclean ships, in an instant there were sunk three of the Rho∣dians ships, and five of the Heracleans. Hereupon the Romans came into the fight, who although they were soundly shattered in the scuffle, yet they did more hurt to, than they received from, the enemy; and in the close, routed the Heracleans, and forced them to retreat back to the City, with the losse of 14 of their ships. The con∣quering fleet rode into the great Port, and Cotta also drew off his foot from storming the Town. [Id. cap. 52.]

Triarius his men every day made their sallies out of the port, to hinder the bring∣ing in of provision to the besieged; whereupon there ensued such a scarcity of victuals in the Town, that a pottle of corn was risen to 80 Atticks: and amongst other perplexi∣ties, the pestilence brake in amongst them, occasioned either by some distemper of the air, or an unusual course of dyet. It ended them not all alike, but some after this manner, some on that, as if their maladies had been different. Amongst whom, Lamachus himself was one, whose pangs of death were more violent and tedious, than any of the others. This contagion raged most amongst the Souldiers of the Garrison, in so much, That of three thousand, there dyed one thousand. [Id. ibid.]

Conacorix, [Year of the World 3935] now even ready to faint under this heavy pressure of so many aflicti∣ons, resolved to betray the City to the Romans, and to purchase his own security, though he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, was assistant to bring about the plot, one who stood in great emulation with Lamachus, in all con∣sultations, who also, after Lamachus his decease, was appointed over the Garrison. Conacorix, provididing for himself, not daring to trust Cotta overmuch, who was but a slippery fellow, and not much to be relyed upon, imparted the matter to Triarius; neither did Damopheles shew himself a slug in bringing the businesse to a head: so that having struck up so fair a bargain for the surrender, as that they thought them∣selves in a good condition, they applyed themselves close to their works. But it hap∣pened that the conspiratours transactions came to be blazoned amongst the common people: whereupon they flocked altogether, and called for the Governour of the City, and then Brithagoras, a person of eminent authority amongst his Country men, ear∣nestly

requested Conacorix, that he would give way to a treaty with Triarius, con∣cerning the general safety of them all; but he was very obstinate against any such pacification; yet did he very chrastily draw the Heracleans with his fair words, into a wile. [Id. cap. 53.]

Hereupon Conacorix, in the dead of the night, shipped all his men, and quitted the Town, for that was the tenour of the covenant made with Triarius, That they should march away quietly, with all their bag and baggage: as for Damopheles, he opened the gates, and let in the Roman army, and Triarius: some of them came rushing in at the gate, others clambred up the walls. And now the Heracleans saw they were betrayed, some of them yielded up themselves, and the rest were slain: their houshold-stuffe, and whatsoever things they had laid aside, in hopes to secure, were plundered; indeed, the enemy proceeded with a great deal of cruelty against the Citizens, for the Romans remembred, what great losses they had received in the late sea fight, and what great troubles they were put to, in assaulting the Town: In revenge whereof they did not so much as forbear those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places, but slew them near the Altars and the Temples, though earnestly crying for quarter. Their condition seemed so desperate, that many esca∣ped over the walls, and dispersed themselves about the Country, whilest others were forced to flye to Cotta. [Id. ibid.]

Cotta, being certainly informed by these that came in to him, how that the City was taken, many men slain, and the Town plundered, was all a fire at the news, and in great indignation marched as fast as he could to the City. His army also was very deeply discontented, not only that hereby they had lost the glory of their valiant atchievements, but were also in a manner cheated of all their prizes and booties: whereupon, they fell most bitterly upon their Country men, and had undone one ano∣ther, by killing each other, had not Triarius, hearing of the combustion, interposed, and put an end to the civil war, by pacifying Cotta, with a parcel of good words, and promising faithfully an equal distribution of all they had taken in the Town. [Ibid.]

Cotta, having received intelligence, how that Conacorix was seized of Teium and Amastus, immediately dispatched away Triarius to recover their Cities again out of his hands, whilst he himself abode at Heraclea, where, taking into his custody, those that submitted themselves, and the prisoners, he proceeded to other matters; in all his administrations, expressing the height of cruelty. For searching up and down in every corner for the wealth of the City, he kept not his fingers off from consecrated things. He took down the statues and images, very fair ones, and good store of them; yea, he carryed Hercules out of the market place, and plucked off his ornament from the pyramide, and sundry other things out of the Temple and Cities every whit as rare and beautiful as they, and put them a shipboard. And for his farewell, he com∣manded his Souldiers to bring fire, and burnt the City in many places. Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued, having stood out two years siege. [Id. cap. 54.]

Triarius, arriving at the Cities assigned him by Cotta, recovered them upon arti∣cles, having engaged Conaorcix (who thought to palliate his delivering up Hera∣clea by seizing on other Cities) for his failing away without let or molestation. [Id. ibid.]

Cotta (having dispatched things after that manner as hath been said) delivered up all his forces, both Foot and Horse, to Lucullus, and dismissed the Auxisiares which he had of the Allies respectively into their Countries, and so sailed away himself with his fleet. But it happened that part of the Fleet which carryed the spoiles of Heraclea, being over heavily fraughted, sunk under water, not far from shoar, and the other moity, was by a contrary North wind dashed against the sands, which caused the ships to discharge much of their loading. [Ibid.]

Lucullus, leaving Sornatius behind him, with 6000 souldiers, to order the Province, took along with him 12 thousand Foot, and lesse than 3000 Horse (two Legion, and five hundred Horse, saith Appian) and entred Cappadocia; where, having Ariobar∣zanes his friend, he marched very long marches to the River Euphrates, where Cappa∣docia is severed from Armenia. [Salust. Histor. lib. 4. apud Nonium, in voc. Naves codicariae. Memnon, cap. 58. Plut. Appian.]

Euphrates at that instant, was by reason of the winter swelled high, and rough: but about evening, the water began to abate, and by break of day, the river was reduced within the bounds of its own banks. Whereupon the inhabitants fell down in adora∣tion of Lucullus, in regard the waters did not asswage, as we say hab nab before, but as it were on purpose in the very nick to affoard him a ready passage. No sooner had he wafted over his army, but a pleasant prodigy presented it self to him. One of the Oxen consecrated to the Perian Diana (whom the Barbarians beyond Ephrates wor∣ship

with high reverence) though those beasts are not usually taken, but with much adoe, came of its own accord, and offered it self for a sacrifice to Lucullus. Lucullus also himselfe sacrificed a bull to Euphrates, for his so fortunate passage over: All that day he encamped there. [Plutarch.]

The next day, and some dayes after, he marched through Sophenes; he offered not the least injury to the inhabitants, they having both resigned themselves up to him, and chearfully entertained his army, [Idem.] onely he demanded some monies from them; for the inhabitants of those Countries have a kind of a natural antipathy against all fighting; insomuch, that they would not vouch∣safe to interpose themselves when Tigranes and Lucullus were so hard at it. [Ap∣pian.]

In those parts there was a Castle, wherein a great deale of Treasure was conceived to be reposited; the Souldiers had a great minde to have a bout with it: But Lucullus, pointing at Taurus, which might be seen aloof off, Let us, said he, rather set upon yonder strong hold; what is here stored up, is only reser∣ved to reward the conquerours, and so marching onwards, he passed Tigres, and entred Armenia. [Plutarch.]

Upon this instant of Lucullus his invading Armenia; Alexandra, Queen of the Jews, fell dangerously sick. Whereupon Aristobulus her young sonne, affecting the kingdome, stole out in the night, taking along with him only one servant, and repaired those Castles, which his fathers friends had the com∣mand of: his wife was onely privy to the designe, whom he left at home with his children. The first place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was one of those in command, He received Aristobulus very readily. [Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with lib. 1. Belli. cap. 4.]

The day following, the Queen took notice of Aristobulus his absence, yet had no thoughts of his being gone about innovation in the State. But when as mes∣senger after messenger came and brought the news of this Castle, then of that Castle being seized on by her sonne: then both the Queen her self, and the whole Nation were in a maze and confusion, fearing that if he should chance to get the kingdom into his hands, he would call them to a strict account for their hard usage of his intimate friends. It was therefore thought fit to secure his wife and chil∣dren in the Fort which was near the Temple. In the mean time, there was great confluence of men to Aristobulus, hoping to get something by this innovation in the State, so that now there was not wanting either the noise, or the guarb of a King. Aristobulus gleaned up an army out of mount Libanus, Trachonitis, and the neighbouring Provinces, [Id. ibid. lib. 13. cap. 24.]

Whereupon Hircanus the High Priests, and the Elders of the Jews, make their addresse to the Queen, desiring her speedy advise in these state emergences, she bid them do whatsoever they in their judgements thought most conducible to the publick interrest, and to employ the present strength and treasure of the kingdom to that be∣hoof. For her own particular, she was at present in such a weak condition, both in body and mind, that she could not be lessure for those publick administrations. Thus said, she not long after dyed. [Ibid,]

After her succeeded Hircanus, her eldest son, in the third year of the 177 Olympi∣ade. Q. Hortensius, and Q. Metellus (afterwards surnamed Creticus) being Consuls. [Id. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 1.] His mother in his life time had passed over the king∣dom to him, but Aristobulus, though younger brother, did exceed both in strength and authority. [Id. lib. 1. cap. 4.]

Upon the Consuls casting lots for their Provinces, the managing of war designed against the Cretians, fell upon Hortensius: but he, taking more delight in the City and the Forum, (in which he had the first place after Cicero) freely granted this expedi∣tion to his Collegue Metellus. [Xiphilin. ex Dione.]

Upon the Senates decree of going to war against the Cretians, [The Julian Period. 4645] the most grave and sage ones amongst them, [Year before Christ 69] deemed it most convenient to dispatch Ambassadors to Rome, to clear all allegations, and to pacifie the Senate with fair words, and bag their re∣conciliation. This motion was entertained; whereupon they sent thirty of their most eminent men, upon this Embassy to Rome; hoping that they should not onely obtain a new ratification of their former contracts, but also looked to be thanked for the favour they had shewed to their Quaestor and Souldiers, which they had taken prisoners in the late engagement with M. Antonius. The Ambassadors by giviug private visits to the Senatours, at their several Houses, had so wrought them to their fide, that when they were brought into the Senate, and had given discreet satisfaction to the charges that were against them, and exactly recited the good offices they had done, and their association of War under the Ro∣man Generall. It was resolved, That the Cretians impeachments should

be taken off, and that henceforward they should be reputed amongst the Friends and Allyes of the people of Rome: but Lentu••••s, (surnamed Spinther) got this decree reversed: whereupon this particular businesse was severall times taken to debate by the Senate; and in the upshot, it was concluded, That the Cretians, in regard that they had sided with the Pirates at sea, and had been sharers in the prizes taken, should sent to Rome all their Pirate-ships, even to very boats of four oars, and what∣soever ships they had in their possession, which they had taken from the Romans. Demand also was made, for the resigning up all Prisoners, Runnagadoes, the 300 fa∣mous hostages. Lasthenes also, who had fought with Antonius, and Panares, and besides these, 4000 talents of silver. [Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. al. 38.]

The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians, which were at home, to these particulars; but presently sent one of the Consuls, to receive what was demanded, and if in case they refused to part with them, to wage war with them. And certain it was, they would not part with them: For was it imaginable? that those, who, at the beginning, ere any such things were exacted from them, or before they had obtained a victory, would by no means be brought to acknowledge any misdeameanour committed by them, should now, after they had been flushed with a victory, tamely submit to so many, and such high demands. The Romans knowing full well what would be the result of all, and suspecting the Legates would be tampering with some, by greasing them in the first, to obstruct the wars, made a decree in the Senate, prohibiting any person whatsoever, to lend them any thing. [Dio. ibid.]

The Cretians, debating the commands of the Senate, the most politick of them were of opinion, That every particular was to be observed; but those of Lasthenes his faction being somewhat obnoxious, and fearing they should be sent to Rome, and there smart for what they had done, animated the people, exhorting them earnestly to contend for their liberty. [Diodor. Legat. 35.]

Cotta being now returned to Rome, was highly honoured by the Senate, and en∣nobled with the surname of Ponticus, because he had taken Heraclea. [Memnon. cap. 61.]

Mithridates had been resident in the parts of Armenia, a year and eight moneths, and as yet had not been admitted to the sight of Tigranes his son in law. But being at last overcome by his importunity, to present himself, he met him with a gallant train, and received his father in law with a Princely magnificence. Neverthelesse, three dayes passed without any conference betwixt them, but afterwards, by the sumpteousnesse of the entertainments, he gave sufficient intimation of his affecti∣on towards him. [Memnon, cap. 57.] Then in the conference, which was held very private at Court, they abated the suspition of Metrodorus Sceptius, and other friends on both sides, on whom they fathered the cause of all, and so Mithri∣dates was sent back again into Pontus, being furnished with ten thousand Horse. [Memnon.]

Lucullus drew up a company against the City, wherein he was informed that Tigranes had secured his Curtezans, and most of those things which he held most deare, and were had in greatest estimation by him. [Idem. cap. 58.]

Tigranes having hanged up a fellow, who brought the first news of Lucullus his being upon his march, as a mover of the people; no body ever after brought him any tidings. But at last, finding it to be so indeed; he sent out Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with two (as Appian) or three (as Plutarch hath it) thousand Horse, and a vast number of Foot, with orders to take Lucullus alive, and bring him to him, that thereby others might be deterred from that or the like enterprise. [Plutarch and Appian.]

A moiety of Lucullus his Forces were encamped, the remainder, were upon their march, when the Scouts brought news of the enemies approach. Whereupon Lucul∣lus fearing lest the enemy should fall upon his men, finding them in a distraction and in no posture: he made an halt, and applied himself to fortifie his Camp: But sent Sex∣tilius the Legate with 1600 Horse and almost as many foot, with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy, and not to stir till word was brought him that the Camp was thoroughly fortified. Yet Mithrobarzanes came so furiously upon him, that he was necessitated to fight: Mithrobarzanes himself was slain in this engagement, all the rest, excepting a very few, took themselves to their heeles, and were slain in the pur∣suite, [Plutarch.]

Tigranes removed from Tigranocerta, and committing the custody of the City to Mancaeus his trust. went about the country to levie an army, and retreating to Taurus, made that place the general Rendezvouz, [Id. compared with Appian.] But Lucullus plyed him so close, that he could not draw into a Body: For he sent Muraena to sup∣presse and take all companies he found marching to Tigranes: Sextilius also was sent another way, to meet with a great band of Arabians, and to hinder their joyning with the King, [Plutarch.]

Sextilius, coming upon the Arabians ere they were aware, as they were encamping, took the greatest part of them: Muraena marching after Tigranes, overtook him with a very great company in an uneven and narrow dale, who having gotten some advan∣tage of the place, he engaged him: but Tigranes, leaving behind him all his carriages, made away as fast as he could. Many of the Armenians died in the fight, but far many more were taken prisoners, [Id.]

Sextilius, having forced Mancaeus to retreate into Tigranocerta, fell to plunder the Kings Palace which was situate without the walls: and to draw a trench about the City and the Castle, to place the batteries, and undermine the walls, [Appian.] At last Lucullus himself came in to them, and layed close siege to the City: supposing that Tigranes would not suffer him to sit still before the Town, but in a rage would come down and fight him, [Plutarch.] But the Barbarians did him a great deale of mischief, not solely by their darts, but with their Naphtha, or fire-pitch which they shot out of their Engins. This Naphtha, is a kind of a pitchy substance, so scalding, that it burns up all it cleaves to, neither will any moisture quench it, but with a great deale of difficulty, [Xiphilin. ex. Dione.]

Mithridates by Embassadours and by letters, (as Plutarch, not in person, and then first meeting with Tigranes, as Appian hath it:) was very instant with him, by no means to fight the Romans, but by declining all engagement, to rove about the coun∣try with his Cavalry, and to waste all about, if possible thereby to bring the enemy to a distresse of victuals. Just as Lucullus had not long since before Cyzicum, made him mouldre away an army without fighting a stroak.

The Armenians and the Gordians joyned with Tigranes: To these, every man of the Medes and Adiabaus were brought by their Kings. The Arabians also came flocking in from the Babylonian sea, many Albans from the Caspian sea, and the Ibe∣rians their neighbours, and not a few of those free people which inhabite near Araxes, [Plutarch.] Of these, some came out of meer affection to the King, others being sol∣licited thereto by gifts: as Plutarch, and others out of very fear, as Cicero hath ob∣served, in Oratione Maniliana. For a strong and vehement opinion had wholy possessed the minds of those barbarous people, that the Roman army was drawn into those quarters, upon no other design, but to ransack their Regions and wealthy Temple. And upon this very account▪ many Nations, and those very considerable ones, rose up in armes against Lucullus.

Upon the general Rendezvouz of all these Forces, Tigranes his eating-tables, and council-tables sounding nothing but Victoria, Victoria, and how roughly they would handle the enemy, if they once got them under their clutches. Taxiles himself, who was Mithridates his Legate, and of his assistance, was in danger of losing his head: because in a Council of War, he was altogether against fighting with the Romans; saying, that the Roman armes were things utterly unvanquishable: and in regard Mithridates himself seemed out of envy to put Tigranes by the glory of that Victory, he would not waite until he came, lest he might share with him in the glory of the day, [Plutarch.] whereas but just before he had dispatched some in all haste to call him back to him, [Memnon, cap. 58.]

Tigranes ordered about sixe thousand souldiers to go and defend the City in which his Curtezans were kept: who there charging thorough the Roman Brigades, got in∣to the Town; and finding their return intercepted by a valley of archers, sent away the Kings Concubines, and the Treasures safe by night unto Tigranes: But upon break of day, the Romans and the Thracians fighting with those Armenians, slew a very great many of them; neither was the number of the prisoners taken inferiour to those they slew in the battle, [Memnon, cap. 58. and Appian. whose account is rectified out of Memnon.]

Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the residue of his army; very much trou∣bled (as they say) that he was now to conflict onely with one of the Roman Generals; viz. Lucullus, and not with the whole herd of them. For he had in his army, of Archers and Slingers 20000. of Horse 55000. of Foot armed Cap a pe, digested partly into Regiments, partly into Squadrons, 150000. of those who were designed for barracadoing passages, and such like services 35000, [Plutarch.]

As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host upon Taurus, and from the top of the hill, took a view of the Roman army, beleaguring Tigranocerta: the Barba∣rous

rabble in the City, welcomed the Kings arriving with howlings and acclamations, and menacing the Romans from the top of the walls, pointed them to the Armenians on the hill. [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, leaving Muraena with six thousand Foot, to continue the siege of Tigrano∣certa, marched himself against Tigranes, having in his band 24 Regiments of Foot, (amongst whom there were not above 10000) all his Horse, Slingers and Archers, being about 1000, and encamped near a river, in a great spacious field. [Id.] No sooner had Tigranes a sight of the Romans Camp, but he presently disdained the thinnesse of them, and reproached them, saying: If these men be come as Ambassadors, there are abundance of them indeed, but if as enemies, there is but a forty company of them. [Mem∣non. cap. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex Dion••.]

As Lucullus was waiting his army over the river, some of his Commanders advised him to have a care of what he did that day, in reguard it stood in the Kalendar amongst the unlucky (they call them the black) dayes: For on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under the conduct of Cepion. Lucullus replyed, It be∣hooves us therefore to sight the more stoutly now, if happily we may render this so dismal and black day, a day of jollity and graulat•••• to the Romans. That day was the day before the Nones of October. [Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camill.. & Apotheg••••.] as the year indeed then went with the Romans: but falling in according to the Julian computati∣on, with the fifth moneth, or July, upon the beginning of the fourth year of the 177 Olympiade, to which this fight is truly referred by Phlegon.

Lucullus, perceiving his Souldiers somewhat fea•••• of those which were armed cap a pee, bid them be of good courage, there being greater trouble in stripping than in overcoming them: and he first charging them upon the hill, and perceiving the Bar∣barians to give ground, cryed out, We have overcome them, fellow Souldiers. [Plurarch in Apothegm.] No sooner was Tigranes his right wing forced to flye, but the left also began to shrink, and in conclusion, they all turned their backs, and so the Arme∣nians fled confusedly, and in a hurty, and the slaughter was answerable to the number of men. [Memnon. cap. 59.] The Romans continuing the execution for 120 fur∣longs, trampled all the way upon bracelets and chaines, till night came upon them. Being forced thereupon to give over the chase, they fell to stripping the dead bodies, which Lucullus by proclamation had prohibited, until such time they had done sufficient execution on the enemy. [Appian.]

Phlegon gives up the tally of the number slain of Tigranes forces, to be 5000, and more taken prisoners, besides a rabble route: Orosius saith, [lib. 16. cap. 3.] That 30000 men were reported slain in that battle; of Foot above 100000, saith Plutarch, fell that day, and very few of the Horse escaped. Of the Roman army there were but 100 wounded, and five slain. Antiochus the Philosopher, in his Commentary, De Diis, mentioning this fight, avows the Sun never to have beheld the like. Strabo [in lib. histor.] relates, How that the Romans themselves were ashamed of what they had done, and jeered themselves, for putting on their arms against such cowardly s••••ves. Livy saith, That the Romans never in all their lives, fought at such a disadvantage for number; the Conquerors, not equalizing the twentieth part of the Conquered; nay, not so much. [Plutarch.]

Suppose, we say with Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes, that Lucullus had 18000 men in his army; that number multiplyed by twenty, will make 360000. now ascribe to Tigranes, not 150 (as Plutarch) but 250 (as Appian) thousand Foot, or Horse not 50, (as Appian) but 55 thousand as Plutarch: to these add with Plutarch 20000 Archers, and 35000 Pages: the result will be, the aforesaid 360 thousand; which if to be admitted for exact, then neither Phlegons, nor Memnous account, came not near the truth, as too low the one assigning Tigranes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have in his army 40000 Foot, and 30000 Horse: the other allowing him but 80 thousand Foot and Horse together. As their account is under rated, so Eutropius is as much extravagant in over rating. The King (saith he) came with 600 thousand Clibanarii, and 100 Archers and armed men: The Clibanarii were Horse armed cap a pe in armour of proof, as they are described by Salust. (lib. histor. 4. cited by Nonius in voc. Cataphracti,) now Plutarch intimates, That Lucullus himself writ to the Senate, that Trigranes had in his army only 17 thou∣sand of those Clibanarii, so that there is no doubt, but Eutropius was extreamly mista∣ken in giving up that monstrous sum of 600 thousand. In Sextus Rufus his Breviary, there are not reckoned above 7500 of those Clibanarii: but of Archers 120 (al. 130.) thousand.

Tigranes, in the very beginning of the engagement, quitted the field, running as fast as he could to one of his Castles, having scarce 150 Horse in his company; where, finding his son in as forlone a condition as himself, he pluckt off the Diadem and Turbant from his head, and resigned them up to him, bidding him, not without tears in his eyes, to shift for himself, if he could devise any possible means, which had

not as yet been essayed. The young Prince dared not carry those Ensignes Royal, up and down with him, but committed them to a most trusty friend, to preserve for him; who soon after had the ill fortune to be taken prisoner, and brought to Lucullus; and the Souldiers at the same time also seized upon the Turbant and the Diadem, and gave them to Lucullus, [Memnon. cap. 59. & Plutarch. compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3. and Xiphilin. in Epitome Dionis.] as for Lucullus, he marched back to Tigranocerta, and plyed the siege more closely than ever before. [Memnon. ibid.]

Mithridates made no great haste to the fight, supposing that Lucullus would ma∣nage this war with the same caution, and delay as formerly he was want to do: and upon that account, being sent for by Tigranes he played the trewant in his marches. But soon after, lighting by chance upon the way with some few Armenians amazed and ready to drop down for fear, he thought all went not right on Tigranes side: But soon after meeting with other companies stript and wounded, from whom he received an exact narrative of the defeate; he made what haste he could to find out Tigranes. And finding him both desolate and disconsolate, he insulted not over him, as he had served him formerly; but dismounted from his horse, and (after a mutual bemoaning each others sad misfortune) resigned up to him his own princely Retinue which at∣tended him, and bid him courage for the future, [Plut.] Having somewhat cheared him up, he furnished him with royal Robes, as rich as any he was wont to weare. He made also some proposals concerning levying new Forces, (being himself already pro∣vided with a considerable army) making no question but another field would repair all the former losses. But Tigranes, ascribing more prowesse and discretion to Mithri∣dates, and thinking him fitter to deal with the Romans in a war than himself, left all to his managing and arbitrament, [Memnon, cap. 59.]

Mancaeus, taking from the walls of Tigranocerta a sad view of his friends defeated, fell to disarming all the Grecian Mercenaries, suspecting they would ••rove false to him: who fearing they should be laid hold on, provided themselves with good cudgels, and drew themselves up into a body, and so kept together day and night. And seeing Mancaeus coming and marching against them with his armed Barbarians, wrapping their garments about their armes instead of bucklers, they bravely charged them: and as fast as they slew them, presently divided their armes amongst themselves: And supposing they were now sufficiently provided with armes for the present, after they had seized upon some Forts upon the walls, they called in the Romans that beleagured them, and received them into the Town. So Appian and Plutarch, who dissents in no one particular from him. Dio in his 35 book relates, that the most part of the Inha∣bitants were Cilicians, and that they, upon some difference which happened betwixt them and the Armenians, let the Romans into the Town by night, who plundered all, but what the Cilicians were owners of. But Memnon delivers out, how that Mi∣thridates, or rather Tigranes his Commanders, seeing how desperately things went on their side; having procured articles for themselves, delivered up the Town to Lucullus, [Memnon, cap. 59.]

Lucullus, having won Tigranocerta, and taken the Kings Treasures which were there, he gave up the City to the plunder of his souldiers, in which (besides other riches (there were found 8000 talents of coyned money: Moreover he gave out of the spoile 800 drachmas to every souldier; and finding many players which Tigranes (being about to dedicate the Theater he had built) had gathered together from all parts, he made use of them for his interluds and Triumphs, [Plutarch.] Many wives of the chief Officers which were taken, he preserved from injury, and by that means drew their husbands to his side, [Dio. lib. 35.] The Grecians he furnisht for their journey and sent back into their Country: The Cappadocians, Cilicians, and other Barbarians that were forc'd thither, he suffered also to return. And so it happened, that by the ruine of one City (for the Works being but half finished, Lucullus had de∣molished them, and left onely a small village) many, having received back their Citi∣zens, were repaired, by whom, as he deserved, he was afterwards esteemed as their Founder, [Plut. cum Strabone, in fine lib. 11. pag. 532. & lib. 12. pag. 539.]

Then came there Embassadors almost from all the East begging his friendship, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3.] and the Nations of the Sophenians, joyned themselves to him: Antiochus King of the Commagens (which is a Country of Syria situate by the river Euphrates and Taurus) Alchaudonius a petty Prince of Arabia and some others having sued for peace by their Embassadors were received, he joyned also a great part of Armenia to himself. [Plutar. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Q. Metellus advancing with three Legions to the Cretian war, and having over∣come Lasthenes neer the City of Cydonia, was called Emperour, and destroyed the whole Island with fire and sword: forcing the Cretians into their Castles and Cities, [Florus lib. 3. cap. 7. Phlegon Olymp. 174. an. 4. apud Photium. Appian legat. 30.] making no reckoning of their friendship when it was offered to him.

Cleopatra the Daughter of Ptolemy was borne at Auletta, being the last Queen of Egypt of the Macedonian race, she lived 39 yeares as Plutarch witnesseth in Antonio.

Tigranes, and Mithridates, going about the severall Countries, raised another army the Command of which Mithridates was intrusted with. [Plutarch & Appian.]

Magadates, who in the behalf of Tigranes had with his army commanded all Syria by the space of fourteen yeares, brought it away to the assistance of his King: by which meanes Antiochus, the sonne of Antiochus (the holy) & Silena, who had obtei∣ned the name of Asiaticus, because he had had his Education therein, wrought him∣self into the Kingdome by the connivance of the Syrians. Nor did Lucullus that had newly beat out Tigranes from the lands he had gotten, invey him his ancient possession [Appian in Syriac. pag. 118. 119. 133.] but Strabo about the end of his eleaventh book writes that Lucullus beat out Tigranes, out of Syria and Phoenice, and that by the same Lucullus after he had overcome Tigranes, Antiochus the sonne of Cyzicenus, (or rather his Grandchild by his sonne) was called King of Syria untill that Pompey took that away which Lucullus had conferred, but we read in libr. 40. cap. 2.] of Justin that there were foure yeares space betwixt the time he received it and the time it was taken away.

Tigranes and Mithridates sent Embassadors to beg aid, both of their Neighbours, and of Arsaces the Parthian King, traducing the Romans to him, and suggesting that as soon as by their being destitute, and forsaken by others, they had conquered them, they would turne their armes upon him. [Dio. lib. 35.]

This Arsaces was called so being the common appellation of the Kings of Parthia, his proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus, but he was called Phradates from Memnon: and it is delivered by Phlegon Trallian [in Photii Bibliotheca cod. 97] that in the year before which was in the third year of 177 Olympiade that Phraates succee∣ded Sinatrucus, the deceased King of the Parthians, but Dio more lately reports Phra∣ates to have succeeded Arsacus, yet Appianus saies he succeeded Sintricus, which we shall see in its proper place, and that this Arsaces had enjoyment of the Empire six years before the third war of Mithridates was begun, these words mentioned in an epistole he writ to the same man (of which more hereafter) do sufficiently show. Thou being remooved a far offand all others being obnoxious I again renewed the war; from whence wee conclude his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux.

This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for stirring up a new war, about a cer∣taine Country that was in controversy betwixt them, which Country Tigranes had new yeilded up to him againe, Moreover the Parthian look't to have the great Val∣lyes Mesopotamia and Adiabene should have bin delivered into his possession, as the reward of his Confederacy, but Lucullus being certified of the Embassages, Tigranes and Mithridates had sent to Arsaces, he also sent some of his with threates if he assisted them, and promises if he would take part with the Romans, And being urged by Lucullus's Embassadors that he would either assist him, or at least stand Neuter he pro∣mising friendship privately to both, performed it to neither, [Memnon cap. 60. Plutar. & Appian & Dio. 35.]

Amongst the reliques of the fourth book of Salusts History there remains the intire letter of Mithridates, to Arsaces about this very affaire in which he seemed to turn the indignation he had conceived against Tigranes for waging the late war into his ad∣vantage, for he (saies he) being guilty shal receive what alliance you please, and extenuates the great victory the Romans had obteined against him by saying, that by constraining the Multitude into so narrow places that they could not fight he lost the field, and they attributed their victory to their owne vertue, which indeed was but his imprudence: and afterwaods stirrs him up against the Romans in this manner. But you (saies he) to whom Seleucia the greatest Citie, the Kingdome of Persia, and very great riches do belong, what can ye look for but deceit for the present, and war for the time to come? the Romans have war every where, but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries affords the richest spoile, they Invade, they Cozen, but of one war they pick occasion for another, and by those meanes (being made great) they either suppresse the designes, or destroy the Authors, which is not difficult, if you in Meso∣potamia, and in Armenia inviron their armies whilst they are without victuals, and releif, &c. and thou shalt hrve the reputation to have assisted great Kings, and to have supprest great Robbers. Which I do desire and exhort you to do, vnlesse you had rather by our ruine enlarge one Empire then by our friendship become a Conquereur your self.

As soon as the unwelcome tidings of the affaires M. Cotta had managed at Hera∣clea, arrived at Rome, he was in publick disgrace, and his great riches augmented their envy; to avoid which he brought back most of the spoiles into the treasury, which yet could not make the Romans the more moderate in as much as they suspected he restored a few things out of that great abundance he had got, having learned also that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddainly to be dismist by a publick decree. [Memnon cap. 61.]

Moreover Thrasymedes an Heraclensian, before on Assembly, did publickly accuse Cotta, and commemorated the benevolence of his City to the Romans, and shewed, that if they had any way transgrest, it was not done by the consent of the City; but by the fraud of their Magistrates, and the power of their adversaries: with great la∣mentation he laid before them the burning of the City, and forgot not with teares to remember how Cotta had converted all to his private profit. There came also a multi∣tude of captives men and women with their little ones clothed in mourning weeds, and kneeling, with great lamentation held up their hands. The Roman Nobility in∣clining to commiserate their case, Cotta came forth, and after he had pleaded a little in his own tongue, he returned; when Carbo arising replies: We O Cotta gave you Commission to take, not to destroy the City. And after him some others arose, and with like crimination exprest their indignation against him. To many therefore he seemed worthy of banishment, but with more moderation, they onely took away his Dignity. And restored their lands, sea, and harbours, to the Heracleans: with this proviso, that none of them should be made slaves, [Id. ibid.]

Thrasymedes, these things being past, sent back the people into their Country, but stayed himself with Brithagora, and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome, performing those things which the custom of the Country required, [Id. cap. 62.]

Lucullus was condemned not of strangers onely, but his own Citizens, that he would not pursue Tigranes, but give him leisure to escape, whom he might easily have sub∣dued, had he not aimed at the continuance of his own command; and therefore the Government of Asia (properly so called) which was committed to him before, was assigned to the Praetors, [Dio, lib. 35.]

Lucullus went then to the Gordyens, and clebrated the Obsequies of their King Zarbienus whom Tigranes had killed, forasmuch as he had secretly entred into League with him, and put fire himself to the pile of wood that was garnished with Royal Robes, and Gold, and the spoiles had been taken from Tigranes, pouring on the sacri∣fice with his friends and kindred, and pronouncing him his friend, and a Confederate of the people of Rome. To these he commanded a sumptuous Monument to be made out of the Kings Treasury, and dedicated to him: by which means the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus, they would have left their habitations and have followed him with their wives and children, [Plutarch.]

In the Courts of Zarbienus, there was found much Silver and Gold, and in his Gra∣naries, there was laid up ten times three hundred thousand medimni, which is about 5 bushells. So the souldiery was supplied, and it was a great honour to Lucullus that he had taken nothing out of the Treasury, but kept up the war with the spoiles of the war, [Id.]

Here met him Embassadours from Arsaces King of the Parthians, desiring his friendship and aliance; which being not unwelcome to Lucullus, he on the other side sent Sicilius, or rather Sextilius to him; but Arsaces suspecting from his Eminence in matters of war, that he had sent rather in relation to the discovery of his Country and strength, than to the treaty they were about, yeilded no supply to the Romans; yet he carryed himself so, as that he attempted nothing against them, but kept himself as a neuter betwixt both parties, [Id, cum Dione, lib. 35.]

When Lucullus had learnt that he was wavering in his counsels, [Year of the World 3936] and that he desired privately of Tigranes Mesopotamia, as the reward of his friendship; he resolved to passe by Tigranes and Mithridates as enemies already conquered, and by hastening his march against the Parthians to try their valour and strength. He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his Embassadour there, and to several others, that they would bring the forces they had there to him, as if he had been to advance from the Country of the Gordyens against the Parthians; but the souldiers were refractory and would be won neither with fair means nor foule, declaring, that if they were left there with∣out relief, they would depart to Pontus. The report of these things being brought to Lucullus, corrupted even those souldiers he had with him, by reason of their riches and luxury, hankering after ease, and hating the severity of war: But as soon as they un∣derstood the fury of the Ponticks, they cryed them up as persons fit to be imitated and esteemed; professing they had already by their many atcheivements merited their rest and discharge. And so Lucullus was forced to lay aside his Expedition into Parthia, [Plutarch.]

Furthermore the Island of Delus is seated in the Aegean Sea, [The Julian Period. 4646] to which place they flocked with their Merchandize from all parts. [Year before Christ 68] It is full of riches, small and without a wall, yet secure and feared nothing (as Cicero speaks in his Oration, pro lege Mani∣lia) The Pirate Athenodorus took it, and carryed the inhabitants captive, destroy∣ing the images of their gods: but Caius Triarius repaired the ruines and built a wall about it; as Trallianus Phlegon hath observed in his fifth book of his Chronicles, in

the fourth year of the 177 Olympiade, [In Bibliotheca, Phocii, ••od. 97.]

Mithridates made armes in every Town, and calling a muster, took account of al∣most all the Armenians; out of which selecting 70000 Foot, and half as many Horse, he dismissed the rest; which, after he had digested into companies and troups, accor∣ding to the Italian Discipline, he delivered over to the Ponticks to be trained, [Appian.]

In that year wherein Q. Marcius the King did alone execute the office of Consul, Lucullus in the midst of Summer (for by reason of the cold he was not able to invade them sooner) he advanced with his army against Tigranes. After he had passed the mountain Taurus, and discovered the green fields, he was astonished; that the season was there so backward by reason of the cold. Neverthelesse, he came down into the plains, and after two or three battles, in which the Armenians assaulted him, he routed and disperst them. [Plut. cum. Dione, lib. 35.] And whilst Mithridates remained upon a hill with the Foot, and part of the Horse; Tigranes, fal••ing with the remainder upon the Roman forragers, was overcome; by which means, they fetch their provisions with more security afterwards, and nearer Mithridates, and removed their Tents nearer also, [Appian.] and intercepting the supplies were carrying to Tigranes, they brought (which they greatly feared) a great scarcity upon their enemies. [Plu∣tarch.]

Lucullus destroyed one part of the Country, supposing the Barbarians might have been provoked to have fought in its defence; but when he found that would not do, he marched out against them, and his Horse being very much prest by the Cavalry of the enemy, (there being no conflict at all with the Foot) he coming in with his Targets to their relief, put them presently to flight, yet they received no great losse themselves, but casting their arrows back upon those that pursued, they killed many outright, and wounded many, which wounds, were very grievous, and hard to be cured for the arrows had a double point, and so placed, that they were presently mortal, whether they were pulled out or left in. [Dio.]

In Creet, when Lasthenes the Governour of Cydonia, was besieged therein by C. Metellus the Proconsul, and had fled from thence to Gnosus, Panares, another Go∣vernour of the City, making his peace, delivered it to Metellus; who afterward laying siege to Gnosus, Lasthenes put all his wealth into a house, and set it on fire, and then fled from Gnossus. [Appian. Legat. 30.] Gnosus, Lyctus, and Erithraea, with many other Cities, were taken by Metellus, [Livy, lib. 99. Florus. lib. 3. cap. 7. Appian Legat. 30.] but the Cretians being long besieged by Metellus, and brought to great extremity, were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urin;s, and their Cattles. [Valer. Max. lib. 7. cap. 6.]

Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata, Tigranes's Court, where his wife and children were; which he not enduring, raised his Camp, and after four dayes march, came and sat down by the Romans, having the river Arsamia betwixt them, which the Romans must of necessity passe to attach Artaxata. [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, having performed his sacrifice to his gods, drew forth his army, as if he had been certain of victory; and placing 12 Cohorts in the front, he disposed the rest into reserves, least they might be encompast by the enemy, in whose army there were placed a great and select body of Horse; before whose colours there stood the Mar∣dian and Iberian Lanceers, that used arrows also on horse-back, in which Tigranes did principally trust, as the most valiant amongst his strangers, yet they performed nothing remarkable, onely skirmishing for a while with the Romans, but not able to endure the force of the Legions; they ran away themselves, and drew the Horse after them [Id.]

As soon as they were disperst, and he beheld Tigranes Horse advance, suspecting their splendour and multitude, he remanded his own from the persu••t; in the mean time with those nobles and officers he had about him, marched up against them that came towards him; who, being affrighted, fled before they came to a charge. Of the three Kings, that were then in the field, Mithridates, King of Pontus, ran away most shamefully, not so much as enduring the shour of the Romans. The Romans having them in chase, so long a space as a whole night, were not only weary of killing, but taking prisoners, and were tired with taking and carrying away their very mony and prizes. Livy reports, that in the former battle, there were more, but in this, the nobler and more considerable of the enemies, taken and slain. [Id.]

The Pirates were at this time grown to that height, that having overspread the whole sea, they did not onely intercept provisions, intended for the fleet, but would land and destroy both Provinces and Islands; so that the Romans, that had conquered the whole World, were only unsecure at sea. [Plutarch in Pompeio. Appian. in Mahri. Dio lib. 36. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.] which the next year, Cicero in his Oration

for the Manilian law recalled thus to their Memories, what country for: these yeares, have you secured from Robbers? what stipend or contribution to your selves? what Confederate have you defended? or who is it was protected by your ships? how many Islands think you are deserted? how many Cities either forsaken for feare, or taken by Pyrates from your freinds? it was anciently the property of the Romans to war far from home, and rather exercised their forces in the defence of their freinds fortunes, than of their own: shal I say for these many years your s••as have bin shut up to your freinds, and though our Army was at Brundusium they durst not send but in the midst of winter? why should I complain they were taken that came to us from abroad, when the very Embassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed, shal I say the sea is not safe for our Merchants: when twelve of our guard (there being two Praetors Sextilius and Bellino taken as Plutarch reports) fell into the hands of the Pyrates? why should I remember you of Colophon and Samos two noble Cities, or of many more that have bin taken, when you know your own harbours, and those very parts you inhabite your selves, have bin taken by those enimies, was there then this Government, when the Roman Embassadors, Praetors, and Questors were in∣tercepted, when publick and private Commerce out of all provinces was forbidden us? when the seas were so shut up that we could have no trading either in private or in common? this (as all things else) he exprest most Elegantly.

The common receptacle of these Pyrates, was Cilicia the rough and the principall seat of the war: they had in every place Castles, Towers and desert Islands, and se∣cret creeks for their ships, but more especially they came forth out of this part of Cili∣cia called the rough, which was without harbours and rising with exceeding high rocks, from whence by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians; because that evill which began in Cilicia, drew the Syrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians, Ponticks, and all the Easterne Countryes into a combination, who by reason of the tedi∣ousnesse of Mithridates's war, being more inclineable to do mischeif then to endure it, they changed the land for the sea, so that in a short time there became many thousands of them. [Appian pag. 234.]

They had above a thousand Pickeroones, and 400 Cities that they had taken, and the Temples at Clarius, Didaemaeus, and Samothrace that were inviolate and untoucht before, they pillaged and dispoyled that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion, to Aesculapius at Epidaurus, to Neptune in Isthmus, Taenarus and Calau••ia, Apollo in Actium and Leucade, Ju••o in Samos Argis and Lucanium, they performed some rites of Strangers in Olympus; some secret Mysteries of which those which had their deno∣mination from the Sun remained, being at first showen by them: after a worser man∣ner they insulted over the Romans, for if any of their prisoners called himself a Roman, they presently counterfeiting feare knock't their knees together, and falling down at his feet, humbly implored his pardon, and whilst he imagined them reall and sincere, some of them furnished him with shooes, others with garments least he should be other∣wise any longer unknowne, and when at this rate they had long mock't and deluded the man, putting down a ladder into the Sea they bad him go down in safety, if he would not they tumbled him downe headlong, and drowned him. [Plutarch in Pompeio.]

About the Autumnall Equinox great tempests unexpectedly infested Lucullus his Army, [Year of the World 3397] it snow'd for the most part, and froze when it was clear, and the ice was trou∣blesome, by which meanes it fell out the rivers afforded but little water for the Horses, and if they brake the ice, the peices hurt their legs and made it difficult to passe: the Country being woody they were daily dabled with the fall of snow from the trees and constrained to rest incommodiously in the wet: first therefore they petitioned Lu∣cullus by their Tribunes, afterwards growing tumultuous they in the night cryed out to their armes, Lucullus begged earnestly but in vaine, beseeching they would only cheer up so long til they had destroyed the work of the greatest Enemy of the Armeni∣ans, since Carthage was taken, for it is reported (as abovesaid in 4526 year of the Julian Period) that Arxata was built by the advice of Hannibal the Carthaginian, but prevailing nothing he retreated [Id. in Lucullo.] which retreat of the Roman Ar∣my, Cicero endeavours to excuse in his Oration for the Law Manilia after this sort. Although our Army had taken a City in Tigranes Kingdome called Tigranacerta, and had fought several Battails with good successe, yet were they moved with the tediousnesse of their march. I will not say any more here, the vpshot was it was complained, our Souldiers return out of those places was more suddaine than their march was long.

Lucullus, returning thorough Armenia into Mesopotamia, past Taurus in another place, and descended into the Country of Migdonia, a Country very warm and fruit∣full; in which there was a City large and populous called by the Barbarians Nisibis, by the Grecians Antiochia Migdonica. [id. ibid. cum Orosio lib. 6. cap. 3.]

That City was built by the Macedonians [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 2.] but Tigranes had taken that and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians and placed his treasure, and many other considerable things therein, it was encompassed with a double brick wall of a

great thicknesse, and a ditch so deep and broad, that the wall could neither be shaken, nor underminrd. [Dio. lib. 35.] Guras, Tigranes brother, commanded in chief, under him Callimachus, (he that had performed noble exploits at Amisus) com∣manded as a person of great knowledge in fortifications, and of great experience in war. [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, having formed his leagure, all manner of Engins were provided for a storm, [Id.] But in the beginning of the Winter when the Barbarians thought them∣selves certain of victory, and the Romans already departing, they began to be care∣lesse. And Lucullus having gotten the opportunity of a night in which the Moon be∣ing not to be seen, and a great tempest with thunder was risen, so as the Barbarians could neither see nor hear, and for that reason leaving a few there onely, they had al∣most deserted the outward wall, and the ditch between, and by his Workes he gat easily over the wall: and killing without much adoe those few Sentinels he found, and with earth that he threw in (for they had before this thrown down their bridges) he filled up a part of the ditch, and when the Enemy could not hurt them with their ar∣rows nor fire, by reason of the rain, he wan the ditch, and possessed himself immediate∣ly of the City, their iuward walls being not made so strong, because they built more confidence upon that without, [Dio.]

Those that fled into the Castle, he received upon rerms, [Id.] Guras the brother of Tigranes surrendring himself, he intreated civilly. Callimachus he would by no means hear, though he promised to discover great sums of money that were hid: but be∣cause he had burnt Amisus, robbing him of his glory, and dispoiling that thing which should have declared his bounty to the Grecians, he reserved him in chaines to be punished, [Plutarch.] Much money being afterwards taken, Lucullus wintered at Nisibis, [Dio.]

In the mean time, those which bare the sway in the Assembly, out of envy charged Lucullus, that out of covetousnesse and desire of command, he protracted the war. One said Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia, and all the Provinces as far as Phasis, were already conquered, and that now he was onely forraging in Tigrane's Countries, as if he had been sent rather to plunder Princes, than to vanquish them: this (as 'tis reported) Lucius Quintius one of the Praetors did speak, by whom the people of Rome being perswaded, gave orders for the sending others to succeed him, and disbanded many of those souldiers that had served faithfully under him, [Plutarch.]

In his Camp, P. Clodius, a man of great iusolence and dissolutnesse, brought great disturbance to his affairs; he was brother to Lucullus his wife, with whom (she being a lascivious woman) he was reported to be nought: he degenerating by reason of his manners, was turned from the command Lucullus had first given him: for which cause he stirred up the Fimbrians, (or Valerians) against him; those I mean which he had brought ou•• of Fimbria, to destroy L. Val. Flaccus the Consul, and should have taken him for their Commander. These men, being seduced by Clodius, would neither fol∣low him against Tigranes nor Mithridates, but under pretence of w••nter, protracted the time at Gordyene, expecting some other Governour to come and succeed Lucul∣lus, [Id.]

Tigranes (when Lucullus was before Nisibis) conceiving it invincible, moved not towards its relief, but sending Mithridate into his own Country, he marched himself into Armenia, where for a while he besieged Lucius Fannius, till Lucullus, hearing his condition, marched to his rescue, [Dio. lib. 35.]

Mithridates, marching into Pontus, the onely kingdom that was left him, there fol∣lowed him four thousand of his own men, and as many that he received from Tigra∣nes, [Appian.] with which, invading one of the Armenian's and other Countries, he assaulted many stragling Romans unawares, and destroyed them, others he fought fairly and vanquished, and recovered many places with great expedition; for because he was of that Country himself, and his father had ruled there before, those men were very inclinable to Mithridates, and took up an indignation against the Romans, for that they were strangers, and some of their Governours Tyrants, and by that means came freely to Mithridates, [Dio.] To which that place in Tullies Oration for the Manilian law is to be referred. Mithridates (sayes he) had now confirmed his own soul∣diers, and those which had joyned themselves to him out of his kingdom, and with great sup∣plies both from forraign Countries and Kings, he was re-inforced, which we have heard indeed doth frequently happen, that Princes calamities do easily procure compassion from most men, especially if they be either Kings themselves, or do live under government; because the name of a King is very reverend and sacred, and by that means he effected more by being overcome, than if he had been safe he durst ever have hoped for.

Mithridates overcame M. Fabius, whom Lucullus had left Governour of those parts; but it was by the assistance of the Thracians who were then at hostility with

Fabius, although they had received pay under him formerly, nor were the slaves in the Roman Camp a little conducive to it, [Id. cum Appiano.]

For first of all, Fabius having sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they return∣ing with uncertain intelligence, he advanced carelessely, and fell before he was aware upon Mithridates, which time the Thracians revolting, assailed the Romans, and put them to flight; in which conflict, there were five hundred slain. After that, Fabius fearing all the slaves that followed his Camp, fought him for a while doubtfully, when Mithridates promising liberty also to the slaves, they also fell off to his side, and had doubtlessely destroyed all the Fabians, had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee, by reason of which, and another wound under his eye with a dart, he was sudainly carryed off the field. And whilest the Barbarians were solicitous of the health of their King, they gave Fabius opportunity of a safe retreat, with the remainder of his men. The Agari, a people of Scythia, well skilled in confections of the poyson of Serpents (and for that reason they were alwayes near his person) had then the care of the King. [Iid. inter se collati.]

Fabius, after this being shut up and besieged in Cabiris, was relieved by C. Triarius; for he, marching that way out of Asia to Lucullus, and understanding his successe, he got together as great a body as he could, of those that were present, and terrified Mi∣thridates so much, that (imaging them the whole army of the Romans) before ever he saw them, he removed his Camp. Upon which Triarius taking courage, persuing them into the Country of the Comagens, (or rather Comans, in Cappadocia, of which hear Dio hereafter) he fought and overcame them. Mithridates had in∣camped on the one side of a river, and the Romans came down on the other, and in hopes he might find them weary, and tired with their march, he advanced immedi∣ately himself, and commands the rest should (over another bridge) assault them whilst they were engaged. After they had fought a long time, and with various fortune; the bridge (opprest with the number of men that were passing) brake, and so hindered Mithridates supplies, and was the occasion of his defeat. It was winter now, and both of them, after this battle, betook themselves to their quarters, and rest. [Dio. cap. 35.]

Aulus Gabinius, as tribune, prevailed with the people, that an Emperour might be chosen out of those which had been Consuls, with full and absolute power against the Pirates in General; and that his command might last for three years, and he fur∣nished with very large supplies, and many Legates: it is not certain, whether he was put upon this by Pompey (whom notwithstanding he did not name) or carryed by a designe onely of ingratiating himself; however, he did it not for the advantage of the Republick, being a most wicked man, [Id. lib. 36.] Of whom Cicero in his Oration, after his returne to the Senate: Who, had he not been protected by his being Tribune he could neither have avoided the power of the Praetor, the number of his creditours, nor the proscription of his goods; at which time, had he not got that order concerning war with the Pirates, necessity and wickednesse would have constrained him to turn Pirate himself; but with lesse danger and detriment to the Common-wealth, for as much as their adversary had been within their walls.

This order of the people, which the Senate (though against their wills, as Dio affirms in his 36. book) confirmed. Velleius Paterculus, in his second book, and 31. chapter, gives an account of; How that when in the manner of a war, not of thiev∣ing, they had frighted the whole World with their ships, and not by any suddain or secret expedition; and had moreover destroyed some Cities in Italy: Cnaeus Pom∣peius was sent to suppresse them, and had an equall command in all places, within fifty miles of the sea, with the Proconsuls; by which decree of the Senate, the Go∣vernment of the whole World, almost was devolved upon one man: yet the same thing was decreed two years before in the Praetorship of M. Antonius, as Velleius reports; yet it seems to me, that it should rather be six years before, than two since. it appears that M. Antonius died three years before in the Cretian war; and that Marcus Antonius dying in the Cretian war, departed this life two years before, and that the great care of all the sea coasts, within the Roman Empire, was committed to him in the Consulship of Lucullus, and Cotta, Asconius Pedianus, in his Oration of Verres Praetorship in Sicily, has taught us, as is demonstrated before in the year of the World, 3930, and 3933.

By this Gabinian law, Pompey had for three years the command given him, not onely of the Navy, but (as Plutarch saies) over all men, as well within the Provinces within 400 furlongs of the sea, as in all the Mediterranean, in which compasse, he had power to command all Kings, Governours and Cities, to his aide and assistance: so Appian [pag. 235.] calls it, 50 miles; which Velleius and Plutarch interpret 400 furlongs, attributing to every mile, eight furlongs: Xiphilinus, out of the sixth book of Dion, calling it 400 furlongs, out of the 35 book, three dayes journy from the sea,

comparing every dayes journy at one hundred thirty three furlongs, which is sixteen miles.

By the same law also, Pompey had power to chuse fifteen Deputies out of the Se∣nate, to whom he might commit the charge of several Provinces, that he might take also from the Treasury and the Officers, for receipt of monies, as much thereof as he thought good; and 200 ships, and leavy what forces he pleased. And calling a Convent of the people, he prevailed for many things more of theirs, and doubled his preparation. He manned out 500 ships, though Appian saith ••e had but 270, the smaller vessels reckoned and all, of Foot he used 120000, of Horse five, or with Appian, four thousand: Captains, and those which were in command, he chose out of the Senate, four and twenty, or as Appian sayes, five and twenty, and made them dele∣gates under him. He had two Quaestors allowed him, and six thousand Attick talents; so considerable a thing it did appear, to pursue so many Navies in so great a sea; and where there were so many lurching places, by reason of which, they could easily escape when assaulted, and assaile when they were unexpected. [Ap∣pian.]

Pompey, [The Julian Period. 4647] being very well supplyed both with ships of his own, [Year before Christ 67] and his confederates, from Rhodes; he possessed both sides of the Ocean, with Deputies and Comman∣ders of his own, and by that means, in every Port, Bay, Creek, Recesse, Promon∣tory, Frith, or Island, shut up as it were, what ever belonged to the Pirates, in a net. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6.] To those Officers he had chosen out of the Senate, things being setled at sea, he gave Ships, Horse and Foot, and pretorian Standards to every one, so that every one had absolute authority in that place that was committed to his charge, and those of the Pirates that were taken by some party, were delivered to others, least any should be drawn to too long a pursuit, or by sailing too far, might protract the war [Appian.]

The Gaditane straits were given to Tiberius Nero, the Balearic sea, to Manlius Torquatus, to both of them was committed the care of Spain; Cratilius blocked up the Ligustick sea, M. Pomponius, the French, and the sons of Pompey, (the Emperour) the Adriatique, Sardinia, Corsica, and the adjacent Islands, Publ. Attilius possest; the Libyan Lentulus; the Egyptian, Marcellinus Lu. Gellius had the command of the Tuscan sea, and the coasts of Italy, C. Lentulus of all betwixt Sicily and Epirus: the Ionian sea was given to Plothus Varo, and Terentius Varo, (the most learned of the Togati) of whom Pliny speaking in his [third book, chap. 11. and seventh book and 30. chap. and 16. book, and fourth chap.] that he was in this war presented with a Naval Crown by Pompey. L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus, Attica, Eubaea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Baeotia; L. Cullius of all the Aegean sea, and the Hellespont, (although Florus gives the Asiatic to Caepio) Metellus Nepos of Lycia, Pamphylia, Cyprus, and Phaenicia. P. Piso of Bithynia, and Thracia, and Porcius: Cato lay so close upon the straights of it with his ships, that he blocked up the Pro∣pontis, as it had been a gate. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. & Appian. pag. 236.] Pompey himself, l••ke a King of Kings, overlooked all, requiring every body to keep their Sta∣tion, least whilest he perceived the Pirates, before he could accomplish his victory in one place, he should be distrest in another; and ordering that whilest all were ready to relieve one another, they should not suffer the enemy to escape, by roving up and down. [Appian. ibid.]

His forces being dispersed in this manner thorough the whole sea, Pompey be∣ginning from the lower part, they encompassed the enemies Navy, and dragged as with a net into their Harbours; those which escaped, fled into Cilicia to hide them∣selves, like Bees to a hive. [Plutarch in Pompeio.] And having thus in fourty dayes time, by his own industry, and his Officers, cleared the Tuscan, African Sardoan, Corsi∣can, and Sicilian seas, returning to Rome, he performed what he desired, [Id. ibid. cum Livio: lib. 99. & Appian. pag. 236.]

Pompey, loosing from Brundusium, he advances (in the beginning of the Cilician war) with 60 very good ships; the enemy prepares to fight him, yet not out of any hope, but that being opprest, they would seem to venture, but they did no more than give one charge; for immediately finding themselves incompast, they threw away their arms and oars, and with a general shout (with the signe of their submission) they begged their lives. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. cum Plutarch & Appian.] Cicero affirms in his Manilian Oration, that in one and fifty dayes after, he set saile from Brundusium, he had brought all Cicily to subjection to the people of Rome, which story, of the recovering all Cilicia in so short a time, is to be looked upon, but as an Oratorical expression in the praise of Pompey, [Vid. ann. per. Julian, 4651.]

After it was told that Mithridates, having beaten Fabius, was marcht against Sor∣natius and Triarius: the Fimbrian (or Valerian) Souldiers being moved with shame, followed Lucullus when he went to their relief. Mithridates in the mean time (Manius

Acilius Glabro, and Cai. Piso, being Consuls) having encamped over against Tria∣rius near Gaziursa, he seekes to drill and provoke him to fight, by training and exer∣cising his men in sight of the Romans, that by engaging him before Lucullus came, and prevailing (as he did hope) he might recover the remainder of the kingdom; but not able to draw him forth, he sends part of his men to Dadasa to besiege a Castle in which the Romans had left their train; to the end, that the Romans coming to its relief, might fall into his hands. Nor did his designe deceive him; for Triarius fearing the multitude of Mithrida••s, and expecting Lucullus (whom he had sent for) would come, kept himself close in his Camp: but hearing Dadasa was besieged, his souldiers were afraid of the goods they had there, and in a tumultuous manner threatned, that unlesse he would draw them out, they would go to defend them without his leave; by which means he marched out against his will, [Dio. lib. 35.]

When Triarius had drawn out against Mithridates, there happened such a storm as was never known before in any mans memory, throwing down the tents in either Camp, beating the cattle out of the way, and tumbing down some of the souldiers from the Hills; for which cause they both of them retired: but when it was told Tri∣arius that Lucullus was at hand, as if he desired to snatch the victory from him, before day he assaults Mithridates Camp; and after they had fought long with equal fortune and courage, the King trusting to his own wing, at length received the day, and pres∣sing upon the enemy, forced their Foot into a dirty ditch, where having no footing they were cut down without losse; and following his victory, he couragiously pursued their Horse thorough the fields, until a Roman Centurion running as a servant by his side as fast as his horse (desparing to kill him by reason of his Breast-plate) gave him a deep wound in his thigh; he was himself cut presently to pieces by those that were a∣bout him, and Mithridates carried into the furthest part of the army, [Appian. cum Plut. & Dione.]

Upon this, the Kings friends founded a retreate, and called back the souldiers from a notable Victory, which being unexpected, cast some kind of fear upon them lest some evil might have happened from some other place; until it was known, they got tumultuously about the body of their King, and at length Timotheus the Physitian having stopt the blood, held him up on high to their fight. The Romans (who but by this accident had been utterly destroyed) in this time got away and escaped. Mithri∣dates coming to himself, reproves them that occasioned the retreate, and that very day raises his Camp, and marches against the Romans, which now, the souldiers be∣ing afraid, was utterly deserted. Above 7000 souldiers were said to be killed in this fight, amongst which 150 Centurions, and 24 Tribunes, which number of officers was never known to be lost in any battle before, [Ibid.] Appian sayes this encounter happened near the mountain Scotius, a place by reason of Mithridates victory, Triarius misfortune, and the loss of the Roman army very eminent in those parts, [pag. 254.] As Hir∣tius reports also in his Commentaries of the war in Alexandria, where he shews it is not much more than three miles distant from Zela, a Town in Pontus.

This is the defeate Cicero in his Oration for the Manilian law half a year after commemorates by the By. Your army was resolute and victorius, but Mithridates fell upon them: yet suffer me in this place (like those write the Roman affairs) to slip over our misfortunes, which were so great, that the tidings came not to Lucullus by a Messenger from the fight, but by rumour and report. And afterwards, Having received that overthrow in Pontus, of which a little before I remembred you against my will when our friends and confe∣derates were afraid, the wealth and courage of the enemies increased, and when the Province had no Garrison or strength for to trust to, Asia had been lost O Romans, had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief othose Countries, whose arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his successe; and retarded Tigranes who with great strength was threatening of Asia.

Mithridates being cured of his wounds, and suspecting there might be more of the enemy amongst his men, he selected a party upon another pretence, and commanding every one suddenly to their tents, the Romans were found alone, and killed, [Dio. lib. 35.]

From thence he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the Lesser; all the provision he could he carryed with him, the rest he spoiled lest it should become use∣ful to Lucullus. About which time Attilius a Roman Senatour (that for fear of justice had long since fled to Mithridates and been received to favour) was found guilty of conspiracy, whom out of reverence to his former dignity he would not torture, content∣ing himself onely with his death; but his companions he tormented greivously, his servants whom he had made privy to his design, for their Masters sake, he sent away untouched, [Appian.]

Lucullus, coming up to Triarius, whom the souldiers being angry did require, pri∣vately carried him away, [Plut. in Lucullo.] leaving those unburied which had died in

the fight; which is thought to be the first thing alienated the affections of his own souldiers, [Id. in Pompeio.]

Mithridates sate down with his army upon a hill near Talaura, expecting Tigranes that was coming with great Forces to him, and declined fighting till they were both joyned: But Mithridates the Mede, one of Tigranes sons in law, falling suddenly up∣on the Romans as they were scattered abroad, gave them a great overthrow, [Plut. Appian. Dio.]

Q••intus Marcius the King, (that was Consul the year before) was now sent Pro∣consul into Cilicia, Lucullus his chief Province, who as he marched with three Legions thorough Licaonia, being invited by Lucullus to his aid, excused it, complaining his souldiers would not follow him, [Salust. historiar. lib. 5. apud Priscian. lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Marcus being entered into Cilicia, received Menemachus (who had revolted from Tigranes) into his favour; and made P. Clodius (whose sister he had married, and Lucullus had married another) the same that had fled from Lucullus for fear of what offences he had committed at Nisibis, Commander of his Naval affairs, [Dio. lib. 35.]

Clodius, falling unawars amongst the Cilician Pirates, and being taken prisoner, they demanded a ransom of him: he sends to Ptolemei King of Cyprus that he would pay it and redeem him; but he by reason of his covetousnesse sending onely two ta∣lents, which the Pirates despised: neverthelesse being in fear of Pompey, they thought it best to enlarge him for nothing, [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 684. Appian. Bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 35, & 38.]

By the Gabinian law, Manius Acilius Glabrio Consul this present year, was made Successour to Lucullus in the command of Bythynia and Pontus, and the Valerian or Fimbrian Legion, (that once before being discharged, had again taken pay) were disbanded, which when they found luxuriating with victory, ease, and plenty, and living at that time without Lucullus, who for the most part was abroad, they began to mutiny, and despise Lucullus as an ordinary person, [Salust. historiar. lib. 5. apud Priscian. lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Dio [ibid.] sayes, that P. Clodius was the chief authour of this dissention; and Cicero affirms in his Oration of the answer of the A••uspices, that being set free by Pirates, and having by great treachery corrupted Lucullus his army, he fled thither; Dio sayes, he went to Antioch in Syria to assist them against the Arabians which they had war with; and there in like manner he stirred up sedition, and was very near be∣ing destroyed himself, [Dio. lib. 35.]

Lucullus was at a stand, he durst not move out of his place, nor durst he stay there; at length he resolves to march against Tigranes, hoping to fall upon him; either when he did not expect him, or when he was tired with his march, and by that means compose the distractions in his Camp, but neither succeeds; his souldiers follow him for a while, but finding they were to bend toward Cappadocia, all of them unanimously without speaking one word, turned their backs, and the Valerians or Fimbrians, when they heard they were discharged at Rome, and that Lucullus's command was conferred upon o∣thers, they all stole from their colours. Lucullus in the mean time refuseth no means that might reconcile them, with great dejection & tears in his eys, he goes to their tents, beseeches every one, taking some of them by the hand; but they refused his embraces, throwing down their empty purses, and declaring, that as he had alone inriched himself by them, he should alone fight with his enemies, [Plut. & Dio.]

The sedition of the souldiers which would not follow Lucullus, kept him from the pursute of Mithridates and Tigranes, and giving a perfection to his Victory. The Va∣lerian Legious cryed out they were disbanded, and forsook him, [Liv. lib. 98.] But at length overcome by the intreaty of their fellow souldiers, they consented to keep to their colours that Summer, upon condition, that if no body came to fight them in that time, they might depart. Lucullus was forced to be quiet with these men, or leave that Province (destitute of a Garrison) to the Barbarians; he kept them therefore under no command, neither did he draw them out into battle, but thought it sufficient if they onely ••••aid. He suffered Tigranes to fortage in Cappadocia, and Mithridates to in∣sult over the whole, [Plut. in Lucullo.]

Lucullus had written to the Senate, that he had finished the war with Mithridates, and there were come to him officers deputed for the setling of the affairs in Pontus, as if all had been quiet, [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 36.] but they found that even he himself was not at his own disposing, but mocked and derided by the souldiers which were gotten to that height of insolence and contempt of their Commander, that the Summer being past, they took up their arms, and drawing their swords, called for their enemies, which they could find nowhere, having already retired themselves, and going out of the Camp with shouting and throwing up their armes, declared, that the time they had promised Lucullus to tarry was expired, [Plut. in Lucullo.]

When Acilius Glabrio, the Consull, was arrived at the province was given him, he sent cryers about and pronounced, that the Senate did discharge Lucullus his army, and confiscate his goods, by reason he had protracted the war, aud refused to obey their Commands. The Souldiers upon this for the most part forsook him: only some few; who being very poor and so no•• fearing their punishment, chose rather to continue with him; [Appian] and upon this score Mithridates recovered most of his Kingdome, and brought no small detriment upon Cappadocia: Luccllus neither withstanding nor Acilius defending it, for although he hasted as if he would have rob'd Lucullus, of his victory; yet when he understood their condition, he came not up to the Army, but prolonged the time in Bithynia. [Dio. lib. 30.]

To this may be added that place of Cicero in his Manilian oration to the Romans in which in favour to Lucullus, he in this manner extenuates the business: L. Lucullus (saies he) who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes, being constrai∣ned by your command, (bicause you had resolved according to ancient example to stop the continuance of his Authority) did dissmisse that part of his army, which had served out their time, and sent the ether to Glabrio: and thus having done with Lucullus we will return to the Piratical or maritime war (as Salust and Cicero calls it) that was managed and this summer finisht, by Pompey.

The chief and better part of the Pyrates having sent their Children wealth, and the unusefull multitude into their Castles, and strong holds neare the mountain Taurus, they themselves encountered Pompey at Coracesion in Cilicia; where, being over∣thrown, they were presently besieged; at length they sent out Commissioners and de∣livered up themselves, their Islands and Townes; which by reason of their strength were very difficult to be taken. [Plut. in Pomp.]

Pompey advances into Cilicia with a very great number of Engins, resolving by all meanes to attempt those forts that were seated upon the rocks, but of those things he had no need, the very eminence of his Name and the report of his preparation so terri∣fied the Robbers, that, supposing he would be more mercifull if they forbare fighting him, first they which commanded the great Castles of Cragus, and Anticragus, and after them all the Cilicians upon the Mountains, came in and submitted themselves: and much arms both finisht and making, besides many ships half made in the Docks, o∣thers ready for sayle, brass, and iron prepared for those uses, sailes, ropes, and divers other materials, a great number of Captives bound that they might either be forced to ransome themselves, or constrained to work in their Prisons. Pompey burns the materials, carryes away the ships, and sent the prisoners home, where many of them meet their own monuments, being supposed long since to have bin dead, [Appian in Mithridatic.] thus they were overcome, and the whole strength of the Pyrates subdued in every part of the sea, and that in no more time than three months [Plutar. ut supra] or two if we will hear Lucan in his second book.

Ante bis exactum quam Cynthia conderet orbem Omne fretum metuens pelagi pirata reliquit Angust à que domum terrarum in sede poposcit

Before twice Cynthia did wax and waine. The frighted Rovar left th'all horrid main To seek a dwelling in some private plain

Pompey burnt above 1300 smal boates, and destroyed their places of retreat [Strabo lib. 14. pag. 665.] there were 72 ships taken by force, and 306 yeilded up as Appian reports, Plutarch reckons them 800 and of these 90 with Beaks of Iron: Pliny affirms there were taken or sunk 846, [lib. 7. cap. 25. & 26.] 120 Townes, Castles, and store-houses, and of those which endeavoured to fight there were slaine about ten thousand, [Appian]

There were 20000 of the Pyrates left alive which Pompey resolved not to kill nor yet thought it safe to suffer them to depart, or that many souldiers and desperate persons should meet together. [Plut.] least poverty therefore might constrain them to some at∣tempt, he disposed them into a certain place remote from the Sea, he gave them those fields he saw forsaken, for to till, and those Cities that wanted Inhabitants to possesse, and giving them a capacity of living without it he restrained them from rapine [Livy 99. lib. vell. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 32. Florus lib. 3. cap. 6. Dio. lib. 36.] he gave them orders to plant in Maltum, Adana, Epiphania, and what other Townes were unfre∣quented in Cilicia (the Stony.) [Appian] and into a sea Town of Cilicia called former∣ly Solos; after Pompeiopolis: which he repayred, having bin destroyed by Tigranes the Armenian King he disposed many, and many he transferred to Didymena a place then wanting inhabitants. [Strabo. lib. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. lib. 36.]

Thus that war that was so long, and of so large extent, and wherewith all Nations were infested, Pompey prepared for in the midst of winter, began in the spring, and concluded in the middle of Summer, as Cicero in his Manilian Oration, having spoken of it before, This war (saies he) so cruell, so ancient, and so largely disperst, who would ever have thought that either all the Commanders in the world could have finisht in one year; or any one Commander in all the ages of the world? the which Florus admites, That besides the swiftnesse of dispatch, and the felicity in the successe, there should not be one ship lost; and then the perpecuity, there being Pyrates no more, which was procured by the singular conduct of the Captain, by removing them that had been so used to the Sea from the sight of it, and pinning them up as it were in the midland Countryes, yet is he not to be heard, when he speakes of the speediness of the Conquest; because that what was delivered only of his success in the lower Seas, (which has indeed enough of wonder in it) he attributes to the Generals subduction, as if all had bin finisht in forty dayes, which Cicero directly denyes, not to speak of Dion who signifies in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that the greater part of the Seas Pompey made quiet within the compasse of a year.

In Creet (which after Cilicia Plutarch affirms to be the next fountain of Pyrates) the prisoners were so hardly dealt with, that most of them poysened themselves: others sent to Pompey, though he was absent, that they would deliver up themselves [Florus lib. 3. cap. 7.] he was then in Pamphilia, whither their Embassadors comming pro∣mised all the Cities in Crete would yeild themselves to him, he spoiles not their hopes; but demands Hostages [Cicero, pro lege Manilia] in the mean time he forbad Metellus medling in that war, and writ to the Citizens that they should not obey him, [Plutar. in Pompeio] and also commanded him to depart the Island, for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care committed to him, [Appian. legat. 30.] he sent one of his officers L. Octavius thither, but without an army, not so much that▪ he should undertake the war, as to receive the Cities into the favour of the people of Rome; who shutting himself up within the walls with those that were besieged and fighting together with them, he rendred Pompey not only odious, but contemptible. Plut. ut supr. Dio. lib. 36.]

Metellus despising Pompey's command in another province, proceeded in his inten∣ded war; and was the more bitter in that he exercised the right of a Conquerour upon his Enemies, hasting to incommodate them before Pompey could come, [Florus Plut. Dio.] and sending letters to Rome he complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey, and past by: he sending his Embassadour into Crete to ad∣mit the surrender of the City, to which Pompey replying gave them an account that he ought to do so. [Liv. lib 99.]

Cornelius Sisenna at this time Governour of Graece came with his army into Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people, but not being able to per∣swade him from his design, he performed nothing that compelled him. [Dio. lib. 36.]

Aristion, marching from Sidon, having beaten Lucius Bassus, that was drawen out to meet him, he took Hierapidna, and defended that City against the Romans [Id. ibid.]

Metellus, having corrupted many within, took the City Elcuthera by treachery, the conspirators so softning a great tower of brick, (that was extream hard to be taken) with vinegar for some nights that it could easily be broken, Afterwards having laid a Tax upon Eleuthera, he took Lappa by force, not at all demurring at Octavius com∣manding there, but he used no violence to him, only kil'd the Cilicians he found about him [Id. ibid.] but dismist Octavius himself after he had bin mocked and abused with many ignominies in the Camp. [Plutarch.]

Octavius, disdaining to be thus used, dallyed not now as before; but, taking the command of Sisenna's army upon himself: (who was lately dead of a disease) he releived them that were opprest by Metellus, and then betook himself to Aristion; and there manag'd their war by common consent and having for some time continued in that manner, and hearing Metellus was advancing against them, they forsook their Castles, and lancht into the sea, where they were overtaken with a tem∣pest, and after the losse of many of their men constrained to run a shoar. [Dion. lib. 36.]

Marcus Cotta, after he had cast off his treasurer P. Oppius upon suspicion of defrau∣ding the treasury, and conspiring besides was himself (having scrap't together great summs in Bithynia) accused by C. Carbo and the same Carbo (though before that he had received no other honour than to be a Tribune of the people) was for that very act adorned with the honours of a Cousul. [Id ibid.] see before at the end of the 3935 year of the world.

Sinatruces, (whom Appian call Sintricus, Dio by the common name of the Kings of Parthia, Arsaces) being dead, his son Phraates succeeded him; the second King of Parthia of that name, who by a most impious appellation, was called, the god. [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 242. & Dio. lib. 36. collat. cum Plegont. in Bibliothec. Photi••, cod. 97.] Vid. eund. Anno Mund. 3935.]

Hircanus (as we read in Josephus, the 16. book, cap. 9.) was driven out of his kingdom by Aristobulus his younger brother, three moneths after the death of his mother Alexandra: But since it appears there were six years from the time Hyrcanus began to raign. R. Hortensius, and Q. Metellus being Consuls, to the latter end of Aristobulus, which was that year Jerusalem was taken by Pompey, C. Antonius, and M. Tullius, Cicero, being Consuls; and of them Josephus himself attributes but three years, and as many moneths to Aristobulus, Hyrcanus must of necessary be allowed three years, not three moneths, out of which we conceive two moneths must be taken out, and the time will be made exact.

About this time, they having joyned battle at Jericho, many of Hyrcanus's men went over to his brother Aristobulus; by which means he fled into a Castle, in which the wife and children of Aristobulus were, by Alexandra his mother put to be kept: the rest of his party, for fear of the Conquerour, betook themselves to the protection of a Temple, and in short space, delivered up themselves. At length, the brothers came to treat of peace, and it was agreed Aristobulus should raign still, and his brother be permitted to lead a private life, quietly injoying that wealth he had gotten by his wits This covenant they both entred into in the Temple, and after all oaths and joyning of their hands, and embracing one another in the fight of the people, they withdrew one to his Court, the other as a private person to Aristobulus's house. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 1.] And thus Aristobulus obtained the government of the Kingdome, and chief Priest in three years and three moneths, as it is said. [Id. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Lucius, Tullus, and Aemilius Lepidus, being Consuls, in the beginning of their Consul∣ship, in the Kalends of January, which as the year was then altered by the Romans, fell out in the Julian October, the Senate abrogated a law, which C. Manilus, a Tri∣bune of the people, had the evening before tendred, by which those servants which were made free, should have as good a suffrage as their masters: but for this cause, Manlius fearing himself, and being Mercenary and Ministerial to those that were in power, that he might curry favour with Pompey, he proclaimed another law, That the conduct of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates, together with the Legions and Provinces that were under Luculls; Cilica also under the command of Marcius the King, and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio, should be resigned to Pompey, and that he should continue in his Maritime commands, as he received them at first. [Dio, lib. 36. cum Livi. lib. 100. Vellei. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 33. Asconio Pedian. in Ora. Cornelia∣nam, & Plutarch in Pompeio.]

Livy notes this law to be past with great indignation of the Nobility, it seeming to the Senate no lesse than a manifest injury to Lucullus, nor was he sent to succeed him in the war so much as in the Tryumph, and to take possession of the spoiles he had taken, rather than the administration of the war. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] Nor did it please them, that they were forced to call Marcius and Acilius from their commands, before the time they had given them was expired. [Dio. lib. 36.] But they were chiefly jealous of Pompey's powerto whom by this meanes, the whole Roman Em∣pire was subjected; for those Provinces which by the former Gabinian law, he did seem not to have obtained, as Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, and Armenia, by this he engrost [Plutarch in Pompeio.] that power being given him, both of war and peace, that he might by his own will, judge any body his enemy, or make any his friend and associate, as he thought good himself. He had also the command of all armies, whatsoever, which were out of Italy; all which the people of Rome had never heaped together upon one man before. [Appian. pag. 238,]

Upon this occasion it was, that Cicero then Praetor, made his Oration for the Mani∣lian law in the 23 year after that cruel slaughter of the Citizens of Rome, which was perpetrated in Asia, by Mithridates command in one day, He now reigneth (saies he) the three and twentieth year from that time, and reigneth so, not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia, but to break out and invade the tributaries, and breath your Asian aire.

Pompey was as yet persuing his victory over the Pirates in Cilicia; or as (Plutarch saies in his life) the was being ended, and he void of businesse, he was visiting the Cities thereabout; but when by his letters from Rome, he understood what was done there, his friends being present, and congratulating the news, he is reported to have frown∣ed, and strook his thigh, as if he were already weary, and discontented with his com∣mand;

whose mind they all knew to be very covetous of it; [Plutarch in Pompeio. Dio, lib. 36.] And although he had formerly made a shew of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now, and all his maritime businesse, if there was any thing left undone, and addrest himself wholly to war with the Barbarians, [Dio, ibid.] cal∣ling back every where the Souldiers to him, and requiring the assistance of those Kings and Potentates he had received to amity. [Plut. ibid.]

Tigranes the younger, Grandchild to Mithridates, by his daughter, revolting from his father, is overcome by him, but not being taken, he joyned with the chief of them that were discontented with his father, and went over to Phraates King of the Parthi∣ans. [Liv. lib. 100. Appian. pag. 242. Dio, lib. 36.]

Pompey, proceeding in his war with Mithridates, renewed his league with Phraates King of Parthia. [Livy.] Upon the same conditions were tendred formerly to Sylla and Lucullus, of which Pompey speaks in Lucans eighth book,

—si foedera nobis Prisca manent, mihi per Latium jurata Tonantem, Per vestros astricta Magos.—

—If those pacts were sworn to me By th' Latian Thund'rer, continu'd be Which your own Magi joyn'd—

And according to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger, invaded Arme∣nia, which was subject to Tigranes, and advancing as far as Artaxata, (having over∣come all opposition they met by the way) they sat down before it: whilst Tigranes the elder, for fear of them, retired amongst the mountaines. [Dio.]

Pompey, to discover Mithridates mind, sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals; but he being in hopes that Phraates (newly possest of the kindom of Par∣thia) would have joyned with him, rejects them: but understanding that he was pre∣occupied by Pompey, and ingaged to invade Armenia, his heart misgave him, and he sent immediately Ambassadours with propositions of peace. Pompey re∣quires he should lay down arms, and deliver up those that had revolted. [Dio.]

As soon as this was heard in Mithridates army, the Runnawayes (of which there was a great number) suspecting they should be given up: and the Barbarians suppo∣sing they should be forced to maintain the war without their assistance, fell into a mu∣tiny, and had done some mischief to Mithridates, had he not pretended that he sent his Embassadors rather to descry the posture and preparation of the enemy, than to desire peace. [Idem] He swore moreover he would neither have amity with the Ro∣mans, by reason of their covetousnesse, neither would he deliver up any of them, or do any thing, but for the common advantage of all. [Appian.]

When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him, [Dio.] at the Castle of Danala. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 567.] Lucullus, in respect of his age and dig∣nity of his Consulships was the better man: but Pompy's dignity, in respect of the number of his commands, and two Triumphs that he had had, was the greater: Both of them had garlands of laurell carried before them, in honour of their victories. Pompey's laurels by reason he had come a long journey, through dry and squalid Countries, were dead and withered, which Lucullus Lictors observing, they courte∣ously presented him with some of theirs, which were fresh and green: which passage the friends of Pompey looked upon as a good omen, that he should carry both the rewards and ornament of Lucullus victories. [Plutarch in Lucullo, & Pom∣peio.]

Lucullus told him all things were already subdued, neither was there need of that expedition at all; and that there were for the same reason, persons arrived, that the Senate had deputed for the settlement and composure of affairs: but failing to per∣swade Pompey to go back, he fell to complain and asperse him; [Dio, lib. 36.] insomuch, that there began to be a great contest betwixt them: Pompeyt objecting to Lucullus his covetousnesse, Lucullus to Pompey his insatiable desire of command, and neither of them could be accused of saying false in what they said. [Velleius Pater. lib. 2. cap. 33. Plutarch in Pompeio.]

For this cause Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased, and gave away many good gifts besides, for which he was sharply reproved by Pompey, in that he setled and conferred honours and rewards, whilst the enemy was on foot, which used not to be done, till the war was done and accomplished. Pompey (offended) removes his Camp a little further from him, and commanded no body should obey, or come near him: and by publick edict, forbad the confirmation

of his acts, or what the council often officers should suggest, having also the greater army he was not a little formidable: and leaving him onely 1600 for his Triumph, he drew away all his souldiers which he carryed away, though they were as uselesse to him by reason of their mutinousnesse, as they were angry with Lucullus, [Plutarch in Pom∣peio, & Lucullo.] Onely the Valerian (or Fimbrian) Legions he called to himself, which (however they were refractory with Lucullus) served him without any se∣dition, [Dio. lib. 35, & 36.]

Lucullus returned from thence to Rome, and brought along with him good store of books (which were part of his Pontick prey) [Isidor. Origin. lib. 6. cap. 3.] with which he furnished his Library, which was alwayes open to all people, especially the Grecians, [Plutarch in Lucullo.] He was the first also that brought Cherryes into Italy, [Pliny, lib. 15. cap. 25.] And (however he had been injured exceedingly by Pompey) he was received very honourably by the Senate, [Plutarch in Pomp.]

Metellus, having overcome the Cretensians, took away the laws from an Island which before that time was free, [Liv. lib. 100.] and finished the liberty they had so long injoyed, by laying his taxes upon them, [Velle. Paterc. lib. 2. cap. 38.] Orosius writes in his sixth book, cap. 4. that Metellus overturned that Island in 2 years time, and wearing of it out with continual skirmishes, reduced it to his power. Eutropius in his sixth book sayes, that in several great battles he overcame the whole Country in 3 years. Velleius Paterc. according with him, who in his second book, the 34 cap. has these words: About that time the Island of Creet was brought into subjection to the Romans, which with an army of 24000 young men, pernicious in respect of their agility, patient in respect of labour, and skillful in respect of the management of their armes, under the command of Pa∣nares and Lasthenes, had for three years together tired the Roman army. L. Flaccus, toge∣ther with the Commander in Chief, sustained the fury of that war, [Cicero pro Flacco.] Caius Nasennius, a Suessan freeman, commanded the 8 Century, which was called the chief, [Id. ad Brut. epist. 8.] and Cnius Plancius (a person very much approved by C. Sacerdos the Embassadour, and by L. Flaccus) was a souldier under Q. Metellus, [Id. pro Plancio.]

After this manner the Cretensians that before this time had lived alwayes free, and had never yet known any forreign command; were brought under the yoke, and Me∣tellus received the name of Cretensis from them, [Dio. lib. 36.]

Antipas, called also Antipater, Governour of Idumea, and father to Herod King of Judea, being a rich man, factious and busie by nature, fearing Aristobulus's power by reason of some grudges betwixt them, he fell to Hircanus his party, and with secret aspertions of Aristobulu•• prevailed, that the chief of the Jews entered into conspiracy against him: suggesting it would be very ill to let him possesse a command he had so unjustly usurped, he having put by his elder brother, and dispoiled him of the preroga∣tive of his birth: and with the same language he plyed Hircanus constantly; adding withal, that his very life was in danger unlesse he prevented it by a timely flight; for Aristobulus's friends were in perpetual consultation, how they should establish the Au∣thority upon another when they had removed him out of the way: But Hircanus be∣ing of himself a good man, and not easily addmitting reports, gave but small credit to his informations, which quietnesse and lenity of mind procured him the imputation of being slothful; but Antipater neverthelesse gave not over complaining of his brother, as if he had laid waite to kill him, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.]

Phraates, finding the siege of Artaxata likely to be a long work, left part of his For∣ces with Tigranes his son, and returned home himself, [Dio. lib. 36.]

The nether Spain fell to C. Julius Caesars lot when he was Quaestor, who being commanded by the Praetor to travel about the several Countries and decide matters of law: Arriving at Gades, he observed in Hercules Temple, Alexander the Great's Tomb, and as if it had upbraided him for having done nothing Memorable at the same age (which was 34) that Alexander had conquered the World, he fell into great ma∣lancholy, and importuned he might be sent back into Rome, that he might take the first opportunity of attempting some noble thing: and departing accordingly before his time, he went to some Italian Colonies that were then in agitation about their re∣turn, and had excited them to something, had not the Consuls with their Legions which were raised to go into Cilicia, kept them from it, [Sueto. in Julio. Caesare, cap. 7. & 8.]

Pompey, possessing with his Navy all the Sea betwixt Phoenicia and the Bosphorus, advanced against Mithridates, having under his own command a select choice army consisting of 30000 Foot disposed into a Phalang, for the safeguard of his Country, be∣sides as Plutarch sayes 2000, as Appian 3000 Horse, [Plut. in Pomp. Appian. pag. 238.] Moreover that because Lucullus had lately harrased that Country and brought great scarcity amongst them, there were many come to him, though the King used all the se∣verity he could (either throwing them down steep rocks, or putting out their eyes, or

burning them alive) against them he took; by which means he frightned many in∣deed from running away, but however they were distressed with want, [Appian. ibid.]

Pompey, having placed some of his troups in ambush, sent out others to face the Kings Camp, and provoke him out, with command that they should turn and flee after they had got them forth, till they had drilled them into their trap: and had not the King suspected it and drawn out his Foot, they might possibly have pursued them so as to have entred their Camp with them: and this was the first skirmish betwixt the Horse, [Id. ibid.]

Mithridates for a while, being not equally furnished with men, avoids fighting, and destroyes the Countries where he comes, endeavouring by marching up and down to tire his enemie, or to afflict him with want of victuals. But as soon as Pompey was entred into Armenia the Lesse, which was subject to Mithridates; partly for this very cause, and partly that he might take possession of it, being forsaken: at length Mi∣thridates doubting lest that Province should in his absence fall into the hands of his enemies, he went thither, [Dio. lib. 36.]

Mithridates sat down upon a strong and secure Hill over against his enemy, where he lay quiet with his whole army, hoping to drive the Romans into distresse, and by intercepting their necessary provisions, to destroy them: Whilst he himself being in his own Country, was plentifully supplied from all parts. Under this Hill there was a Plain, into which he disposed some Horse to encounter and cut off all they met; by which means it happened that many came off from the enemy to him, [Id. ibid.]

Pompey, not daring to assault the enemy in that place, raised his Camp, and removed it to another commodiously incompassed with woods, whereby he secured himself a∣gainst their Troups and Darts: and having laid ambush in a convenient place, he him∣self with a few advances and faces their Camp: and raising a tumult, he trayled the enemy from their Works to the place he had designed, and gave them a great defeate: by which accident their courage being revived, he sent out others to the other parts of the Country to bring in provisions, [ibid.]

After Mithridates had left the Hill where he pitched his tents, as a barren place and dry, Pompey came and possessed it, and imagining by the forwardnesse of the shrubs, and the hollownesse and convexity of the place there must needs be water underneath, he commanded they should dig Wells up and down, and they had such plenty of wa∣ter in their Camp presently, that it was a wonder Mithridates found it not in so long a time, [Plutarch.]

Mithridates sate down upon a Mountain near Dastira in Acilisena, which was very well furnished with water, and not far from the River Euphrates which divides Acili∣sena and Armenia the Lesse, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.] And here Orosius writes, that Pompey blocked up the Kings Camp near the Mountain Dastracus in Armenia the Lesse, [lib. 6. cap. 4.] making a line about the King of 150 furlongs, and raising several Castles within it that he might thereby render their forrage difficult. Which Work the King not hindring, either out of fear or folly (which be commonly the fore∣runners of mischief) [Appian.] he was besieged as Plutarch sayes 45 dayes: but Ap∣pian reports, that for the space of 50 dayes, they could scarce keep themselves alive, having slaine all the Cattle they had, and reserved nothing but the Horses.

Mithridates, at length understanding that the enemy had been supplyed with victu∣als, and had taken a Country in Armenia, called Manaitin, many of his men falling off to him, and that Marius his army (together with the Legions, which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia, of which place he was Governour) were come to him; being affrighted, he resolves to leave that Country. [Dio.] And killing those that were sick, and of no service, he brake forth in the night, with an intire body, and with great silence, by the way he made his escape. [Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius,] determining (by marching in the night) to go into Armenia the greater, which was subjects to Tigranes, [Dio.] and there to beat back Pompey, if he pursued him. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.]

The next day, Pompey, having with much ado overtaken him, fell in upon his rear, but the King (though perswaded by his friends) could not be tempted to a battle, con∣tented to beat back the enemy with some Horse only, and in the evening to retire into the woods. [Appian.]

The day following, Mithridates got possession of a Village, that was every way incompassed with rocks, to which there was but one ascent, and that was kept by four companies of Foot. The Romans also made a stand over against them, to prevent the escape of the King. [Idem.]

When they were come even upon the borders. Pompey fearing Mithridates should get before, and passe Euphrates, and by that means make his escape. He resolved to endeavour to give them battle in the night. [Plutarch & Dio.] So he re∣moved his Camp & deceived the Barbarians that rested till noon: he marched the same way they were to come; and having gotten a convenient place amongst the hills, he drew up his men into the heighest parts of it, and expected the enemy. The Bar∣barians, to whom nothing as yet had fallen out crossely, believing they had come into a safe place, and secure; not doubting but the Romans were gone, they sent out not so much as one Scout to discover. [Dio.]

It is reported, that Mithridates had at this time a vision in his sleep, which did forewarn him of what did follow: he did seem to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontick sea, and to be come within sight of the Bosphorus: and being overjoy'd with cer∣tain and unquestionable safety, began pleasantly to accost them that carryed him; but of a suddain, he found himself deserted, and tost upon a small fragment of ships. Whilst he was occupyed with these motions and fancies, his friends that were about him waked him, telling him, Pompey was at hand. When therefore he found he must of necessi∣ty fight for his Trench, bringing out their armies, both Captains drew into battalia [Plutarch.]

Pompey, seeing them prepare for to fight, thought it not best to ingage in the night, but to incompasse them rather, that they might not escape, and to assault them next morning with his army, which was much the stronger: yet the elder, and chief of his Officers, with their prayers and exhortation, provoked him. [Ibid.]

It was agreed therefore, that all the Trumpets together should sound a charge, after that the souldiers and the whole multitude should give a shout; and then some should strike their spears against their vessels of brasse. The mountains being hollow, made the noise more horrible, which the Barbarians hearing sudainly, in the night, and in a desert place, they were exceedingly dismaied, supposing they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the mean time, the Romans, from aloft, threw down stone, arrows and darts, on every side, and the multitude being so great, none fell in vain: having spent their arrows, they ran down violently upon the Barbarians, who kicking and pressing each other forward, were slain, being neither able to defend themselves, nor assault the enemy, for as much as they were for the most part Horse∣men and Archers, whom in the dark, and in those straights, no endeavour or attempt of theirs could advantage. [Dio.]

As soon as the Moon got up, the Barbarians conceiving they might repel the enemy in the light, took courage, and it might indeed have been some benefit to them, had not the Romans had it upon their backs, for the Moon being in its waine, and their shadows appearing long before their bodies, and pressing upon the enemy, who judged of their nearnesse, by the means of their shadows, sent all their darts in vain, assaulting their shadows, as if they had been at hand themselves: when the Romans afterwards assaulting them, as if they had been unarmed, overcame them without any pains. [Id. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop.]

That this battle was in the night, [Livy, lib. 100.] Florus, [lib. 3.] Plutarch, [in Pompeio.] Dio, [lib. 36.] Eutropius, [lib. 6.] and Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 4.] do agree; onely Appian sayes it was in the day time, and after this manner. Both armies were drawn up early in the morning, and some sorlones of both sides advancing, they sk••••mished amongst the rocks. Some of the Kings Horse also running on foot without or••••rs to the relif of their fellow-souldiers, and being charged with a great number of the Roman Cavalry, ran back in one company to their tents, that by mounting they mi••••t incounter the enemy upon equal terms: But the Ponticks that were upon the Guard, observing from an eminent place, with what noise and haste they did run, sup∣po••••ng their Camp had been entred in some other part, and that that was the cause of the•••• flight, they threw away their armes, and betook themselves also to their heeles: but ••o passage being open for their escape, they fell foul upon one another, till that by their thronging they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easie for Pompey to perf••rm the rest, to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed, and so entangled amongst the rocks. There were 10000 slain, their Camp taken, and all their amu∣nition and baggage. So Appian, [in Mithridatic. pag. 239, 240.]

Plutarch speaks of a far greater number than 10000. Dio that there were very ma∣ny slain, and no lesse number taken prisoners. Eutropius 40000. Orosius sayes there were so many either killed or taken: Eutropius sayes Pompey lost onely twenty or thirty of his men, and two Captains. Orosius sayes the Romans had a thousand wounded, but scarce forty killed outright.

Mithridates himself with a Body of 800 Horse brake thorough the Romans, but was at length, (the rest having forsaken him) left with three onely: amongst which Hyp∣sicratia

was one, (Plutarch calls her his Concubine, but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius speaks her his wife) whom the King by reason she was of a Masculine spirit, called al∣wayes Hypsicrates. But then though she had put on the habite of a Persian man, and was one horseback; yet was she neither tired by the tediousnesse of her own flight, nor with the care and solicitousnesse of the King, [Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6. Eutropius, lib. 6.] His Daughter also Dripetine borne him by Laodice the Queen, but exceedingly deformed by a double row of teeth, bore her father company in his distresse, [Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 8.]

And so the King having by flight slipt thorough the confusion of the battle, and (being befriended by the clearnesse of the night) escaped, leading his horse himself in his hand when he came into by places, and trembling at every noise he heard, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.] till at length he fell amongst some mercenary Horse, and 3000 Foot, by whom he was conveyed into the Castle of Sinoria, where he had heaped up much money, [Appian.] which Castle Plutarch calls Inora, Strabo Sinoria, or Synoria, seated in the borders of both the Armenia's, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.]

There he gave gifts and a years pay to those which had borne him company in his flight: and took, sayes [Appian.] six thousand talents compleat along with him. He gave also rich garments to those that resorted to him from the rout: besides deadly poison that he gave his friends to carry about with them, lest any of them should fall into the enemies hands. From hence he marched into Armenia to Tigranes, [Plutarch.]

Tigranes being importuned by Embassadours from Mithridates, would not onely not receive him, but clapt his Embassadours in prison; pretending he was the cause of the sedition of his son Tigranes: and thus Mithridates being frustrate of his hopes, having passed the River Euphrates, he bends his flight into Colchis, [Plutarch. Appian. Dio.] which he had formerly subjected to his power, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.]

And having nowhere delayed his journey, the fourth day he past Euphrates; then arming for three dayes and disposing of those supplies he had with him, or which came in to him, he assailed Chotenis the chief Town in Armenia, by reason the Chotenians, and Iberians had attempted with slings and darts to hinder his march; but he beat them off, and advanced to the River Absarus, [Appian.]

Pompey sent out to pursue Mithridates, but he had past the River Phasis, and escaped. So Pompey built a City in the same place where he gained his Victory, [Dio. lib. 36.] betwixt two Rivers which proceeded from several causes in one Mountain; that is to say, Euphrates and Araxes, situate in the Lesser Armenia, and for that cause called Nicopolis. This City he gave by the consent of his souldiers to those that were old, or lame, or sick, or wounded, or disbanded: to which many of the neighbours repairing, the Nicopolitans lived afterward after the manner of the Cappadocians, [Id ibid. cum Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555. Appian. pag. 243. & 251. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.]

Tigranes the father advanced against Tigranes his son, who was left alone to be∣siege the Artaxati, and overcame him: he being put to slight, fled first toward Mithri∣dates his Grandfather; but hearing he was beaten himself, and in more need of assi∣stance than likelihood of assisting him, he joyned himself to the Romans, [Dio. lib. 36.] flying most submissively to them, though he was grandchild to Mithridates by his Daughter, [Appian.] and met Pompey at the River Araxes, [Plutarch.] By his con∣duct Pompey brought his army into Armenia against his father, as a confederate of Mithridates, [Dio.] aiming at Artaxa to the Court of Tigranes, [Appian.]

Tigranes the father, understanding this, was terrified exceedingly, but hearing Pom∣pey was of a gentle and pleasant nature, he sent a Trumpeter to him, and withal deli∣vered up Mithridates his Embassadour that he had clapt up: but his son hindering him from obtaining any tolerable conditions, and Pompey neverthelesse passing over the River Araxis, and approaching near Artaxatis; Tigranes at length delivered up the City and all the Garrison was in it, he and his friends and kindred going out to meet him, without sending so much as a Herauld before, surrendering all his right into his hands, and appealing to him for justice against his son, [Plutarch. Appian. Dio.]

But to the end he might appear to Pompey worthy of reverence and compassion, he ordered it so, that as far as in him lay, he would retain a mediocrity betwixt the dig∣nity of his former, and the misery of his present condition; for he had put off his Gown that was half white, and his Royal Robe of Purple: but wore his Diadem and the ornaments for his head, [Dio.] To whom when Pompey sent the Captains and Officers of his Horse to meet and do him honour; his friends that did accompany him doubting their security, because they had sent no Heraulds before, ran back and deserted him, [Appian.]

When Tigranes was come to Pompey's Camp, which was sixteen miles off from Arraxatis, two Lictors from Pompey came to him, and commanded him to alight from his Horse, upon which, according to the customes of his Conntrie, he had en∣tred the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman Camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed, and unbuckling his sword, delivered it to them. [Eutr. Plut. & Dio.] Pompey, beholding him entred on foot, and (having thrown away his Crown, and cast himself upon the ground) adoring, according to the manner of the Bar∣barians, touched with compassion, he leaped to him, and catching him by the hand, lifted him up, and put on the Crown again that he had cast away, commanding him to sit down on one side of him, and his son on the other, who neither rose up to his father, nor used any other ceremony to him. [Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. lib. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch. tum in Pompeto. tum in Lucul. & Cimonis col∣latione.]

Tigranes delivered up himself and his kingdom to Pompey's command: declaring before, That there was no man, neither of Rome, nor any other Nation, to whose friendship he would have surrendred himself, but onely Pompey: and that hencefor∣ward, any fortune that should befall him for him, whether it was good or bad, should be acceptable to him; saying moreover, it could not be any disparagement to be con∣quered by him, whom it was a sin to conquer; nor was it dishonourable to sub∣mit to him, whom fortune had exalted above every one. [Vel. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 37.] He and his sonne were afterwards invited by Pompey to supper; but his sonne absenting himself, gave Pompey the first occasion to be offended with him. [Dio.]

The next day, their controversies being heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia) the ancient possession of his forefathers, (to Tigranes the elder, and as Strabo sayes, added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (lib. 16. pag. 747.) taking away those Countries he had gained in the war, and laying a mulct of six thousand talents of silver upon him, which was to be paid to the people of Rome, because he had waged war with them without a cause: but to his son he gave only the command of Gordena and Sophena, with liberty of injoyning the rest of Armenia, when his father dyed. But the treasure in Sophena, (a Country in the borders of Armenia) he adjudged to the father, because by any other way he could not pay the mony he had agreed for. [Cicero, Vellet. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio. & Eutrop. as afore∣said.]

Tigranes, the father, being very glad of these conditions, and that he was called King by the Romans, he departed not onely through Cappadocia, and some parts of Cilicia, but through all Syria and Phaenicia, from Euphrates to the sea; for these Provinces with part of Cilicia, he had possest, by throwing out Antiochus Pius. [Livy, lib. 101. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 37. Plutarch. Appian, Dio. & Eutrop.]

Tigranes the younger, taking it in disdain, that he was so disappointed of his hopes, plotted to escape; which Pompey very seasonably perceiving, restrained him, but with liberty, and sent messengers to those that kept the mony, to demand it for Tigranes the elder: which they refused, pleading, That they were not to be com∣manded, but by Tigranes the younger, whose Country that was then judged to be. He is himself sent to the Castle, who finding it shut, came up to it, and though against his will, commanded them to open: neverthelesse, the keepers would not obey, object∣ing, That Tigranes summond it not out of any desire in himself, but by constraint; which Pompey taking very ill, cast the young man into chains, and by that means, his father at length got the treasure. [Dio. lib. 36.]

Appian sayes, that the Armenians which deserted the King in his journey to the Roman Camp, solicited his son that continued with Pompey, to make away his father; but he was himself taken and clapped into irons: neverthelesse; when in letters, he by his messengers perswaded the Parthians against the Romans, pretending he was reserved for the Triumph.

The father received his mony, he gave many things, and a greater portion of mony than was agreed upon by Pompey; he gave freely to every Souldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo sayes) 150, to every Captain 1000, every Colonel 10000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but 6000 Drachmes, by which means he was reckoned amongst the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. [Sirabo, lib. 11. pag. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio.] But the mony due to the people of Rome, Pompey, as his custom was, delivered it to the Treasurer, for the use of the Publick. [Velei. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 37.]

Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whose kingdom of Cappadocia, and Sophena, and Gordena, which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger, which were afterward thought to be in the Province of Cappadocia, he gave him also Cabala, (or Gabala) a

City in Cilicia, and some others which Ariobarzanes afterwards left intirely to his son, [Appian. pag, 243, 244.]

C. Julius Caesar, [Year of the World 3939] some few dayes before he entred into the Aedilship was suspected of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the Consul, as also Sylla and Antonius after the designation of the Consulship, were condemned for endeavouring in the beginning of the year (the Kalends of January falling out then upon the Julian October, in which Cotta and Torquatus entred the Consulship) to assault the Senate, and killing whom they pleased, Crassus was to invade the Dictatorship, and he should be called the Ma∣ster of his Horse, and the whole Common-wealth being framed according to their pleasure, the Consulship should be restored to Sylla and Antonius; from whence it was that Cicero in an Epistle to Axius reports, that Caesar in his Consulship had setled the kingdom so as he had contrived in his Aedilship, [Sueton, in Julio Caesare, cap. 9.]

Pompey, having left Armenia to the defence of Afranius, bends his course against Mithridates thorough those Countries that lie about Caucasus, the Albanians and Ibe∣rians (great Countries) gave him passage upon the first overture, as Plutarch speaks; but Livie, [lib. 101.] sayes, that Pompey fought and overcame them, because they denied it him: which battle, lightly and variously mentioned by Plutarth and Appian, Dio doth more fully explain. Pompey having divided his army into three parts, took his own winter quarters up near the River Cyrnus, in the Country about Tanais, where notwithstanding he was not quiet; for Oroesus King of the Albanians who in∣habite the Country above the River Cyrnus (or Cyrus) [Florus, lib. 3, cap. 5. Eutro∣pius, lib. 6. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 4. calls him Orodes.] partly to gratifie his friend Ti∣granes the younger; but especially because he feared the Romans would invade Al∣bania: and hoping that if in the Winter he should assault them unexpectedly, they having not pitched their Camp in one place, he made no question but to perform some∣thing worthy of his pains; wherefore he advanced with his army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals: he himself marched against Merellus Celer, who had Tigranes with him; others against Pompey, others against the Commander of the third party Lucius Flaccus: that whilst every one of them had their hands full at the same time, neither of them should be able to relieve one the other: So sayes Dio, [lib. 36.] Appian sayes, that Oroezes the King of the Albanians, and Otocus (or Artocus rather) King of the Iberians with 70000 men, lay in ambush for Pompey near the River Cyrnus. Plutarch sayes no lesse than 40000 Barbarians past the River against Pompey in the Roman Festivals to Saturne, which Feasts were celebrated in the moneth of December: but as the year came then about it happened in September, or the Julian October, that is in the beginning of Autumn or Winter, according to those that divide the year into two parts onely, Summer and Winter, which we see Thucy∣dides observes, constantly in his History of the Peloponesian war.

Metellus beat Oroesus, Flaccus (the ditch about his Camp being of too great circum∣ference to be defended,) made another within, which the enemy supposing was done out of fear, advanced presently into the outward ditch; he making an unexpected sal∣ly upon them, killed many in the conflict, and many in the chase. Pompey under∣standing the successe of the Barbarians against the other, rises and falls unlooked for upon those which were marching against him; and having defeated them, he bends directly against Oroesus himself: but could not find him, for he being beaten himself by Metellus and hearing the misfortune of the rest, betook himself to his heeles, and escaped, [Dio.]

Pompey, having layne in their passage of the River Cyrnus, at last yeilded to their supplication, and gave them peace; it was once in his mind to recompence the mis∣cheif they had done, by invading their Country; but by reason of the Winter he could not without great trouble protract the war: thus Dio in the 36 book, the later end. Plutarch writes that Pompey routed a great number of them, and brought in their Colours: and afterwards, the King supplicating and sending Embassadours, he made peace with him.

Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade, [Appian. pag, 240.] where the Isthmus be∣twixt the Euxine and the Caspian Seas begins, [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 498.]

Antipater importuning H••rcanus his assent that he might flee to Areta King of the Arabians, and promising him his assistance, did notwithstanding hardly prevail, yet he obtained it the easier, in respect that Arabia buts upon Judea. Antipater therefore is dispatched before to the King to receive his promise, that he would not deliver up his suppliant to his enemies, which as soon as he had promised upon his word, Anti∣pater returned with all speed to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem, and not long after taking him by night along with him, they stole out of the City, and with great journeys came unto a City called Petra, in which was Areta's Court, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.]

Antipater being very dear to Areta, requested that he would restore Judea to

Hircanus, which with constant importunity, and presents together, at length he per∣swaded him to: Hircanus promised if by his meanes he was brought into his King∣dome again, he would return him a Country with twelve Cities; which his father A∣lexander Jannaeus had taken away foom the Arabians. The Cities were these, Medaba, Naballo, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athone, Zoara, Oronae, Marissa, Rydda, Lusa, Oryba, [Id. ibid.]

Alexander II. King of Egypt, the son of Alexander I. was expulsed by the Alex∣andrians [Suet. in Juli. Caesare.] but Alexander the son being expelled, Ptolemy a na∣tural son was substituted; he was the son of Ptolemey Lathurus, who was called Dio∣nysius the new, or Bacchus, and Auletes, because he most effaeminately followed the dalliance of the Dionysii, and having put on the habit of women, he danced to the Cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus. [Lucian de non tem. cred. calum.] he practised also their piping so much, that he boasted of it; and was not ashamed to celebrate con∣testations in his Court, in which he himself appeared to contest with others. [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 796.]

Aretas the King of the Arabians, with 50000 men, vanquished Aristobulus, after which battle many ran away to Hyrcanus, so that Aristobulns being desolate, fled to Je∣rusalem, but Aretas bringing his army with him besieged him in the temple, the peo∣ple also assisting Hircanus the clergy onely sticking close to Aristobulus. But Aretas having brought the Jewish army, as well as the Arabian did most vigorously presse them with his siege. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 3.]

These things being done about the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the chief of the Jewes forsook their own Country, and fled into Egypt. There was one Onias in Iudea, an honest just man, and one that had (in a great drought,) prevai∣led by the Piety of his Prayers for raine, but then foreseeing the civil war that followed had hid himself, and retired into a hole, but the Jews caught him, and bringing him into their Camp, requested him that as heretofore he had relieved them against ••he drought, so he would now curse Aristobulus (and as many as were of his party) for them. This he refused a great while, til being compelled by the multitude, he stood in the midst of them and prayed thus, O God, thou that art King of the whole World, for as much as these that are with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are thy Priests. I be∣seech thee that thou wouldst neither hear these against them, nor them praying against these. After this some wicked men of the Jews beset him and killed him with stones: which cruelty God immediately revenged, and punished the slaughter of Onias after this manner [ibid.]

Whilst Aristobulus was with his Priests besieged, the feast of the Passeover came about, in which the custome was for them to make many sacrifices to their God, which because the besieged did want, they desired of their Brethren the Jews that besieged them; that they would furnish them with sacrifices at what prize they pleased to set: they demanded 1000 groates should be sent them for every oxe, which Aristobulus and his Priests, willingly consented to and let down their money from the wall, which they received; but returned no sacrifice but proceeded to that height of impiety, that they did not only break their Faith with men, but rob'd God of his due honour. But the Priests that under pretence of a bargain were thus cozened, prayed to God that he would take vengeance of them, nor was it long before it happened, for a great storme sent from above into those Countryes; made so great a vastation amongst their corne, that a bushell of wheat was sold for 15 groates. [ibid.]

Pompey waged war with the Iberians, a people exceedingly desirous to gaine the favour of Mithridates, and to repell Pompey: because as yet they had neither bin sub∣ject to the Medes, Persians, Alexander, nor the Macedonians: [Plutar.] their King therefore Artoces (whilst Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquatus were Consuls) fearing least he should advance against him; sends over Embassadors to Pompey under pretence of treating for peace: but in the mean time Prepared whilst he was busy with them to fall upon him when he suspected no such matter; this Pompey perceiving, before he had sufficiently provided himself for that, and possest himself of the passes; he falls down into his Country: and before Artoces knew any thing of his comming was got down as farre as the City Acropolis, which being scituate in those streights where Cau∣casus runs along, was fortified for defence of that passe. Artoces having lost the oppor∣tunity of strengthning himself, in a great fright passes the river Cyrnus, and burns down the bridge. And they which were in the City seeing him fled and themselves beaten, yeilded up the Town: by which means Pompey having got possession of the streights, put a Garrison over them, and marching from thence subdued the whole Country that lay on that side the river. [Dio. init. lib. 37.]

Pompey being now about to passe Cyrnus, Artoces begged a truce his Embassa∣dors, proffering to make him a bridge, and to furnish him with all necessaries besides, both which he performed for the obtaining of peace, but as soon as Pompey had

passed that river he fled immediately to the river Pelor••; running from him whom he had drawn upon himself, when he might have prevented his passage. Pompey, taking it into consideration, pursues, and (having overtaken him) gives him Battaile, and with great ease, before the bow-men came to show their skill, he routed them; things falling out thus, Artoces having passed Pelorus, and burnt that bridge also, flyes away; the remainder were out off, part in the conflict, and part whilest they attempted to passe the river on foot; many betaking themselves to the woods, held out some few dayes, by throwing darts from the higg trees, but the trees being cut down, they also perished. [Id. ib.] Plutarch reports there was 6000 slain in the battle, and more than 10000 taken prisoners.

Artoces sent Ambassadors to Pompey, to supplicate peace; they brought presents with them also, as a Bed, a Table, and a Chair, all of Gold: which he beseeched him to accept. Pompey took the presents, (that he, being suspended with hopes of the transaction, might not go any further off) and delivered them to the Quaestors, to be inserted in the publick writings, but refused to give him peace, unlesse Artocis would deliver him his sons as hostages. Artocis was for some time doubtful: but at last, when the Romans had found a Ford in the River, in Summer time, and passed it with much adoe, though they had no body to resist them, he sent his sons for hostages, and made his peace with Pompey. [Dio, lib. 37. cum Plutarch. & Fl••r. lib. 3. cap. 4.] Eutropius sayes, that Pompey overcame Arthaces, King of Iberia, in battle, and re∣ceived him to favour, upon conditions; Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes, that both Iberia, and Arthaces their King, surrendred themselves to him: but Orosius [lib. 6. cap. 4.] saith, he beat Artoces, King of the Iberians, in the field, and got all Iberia into his custody.

Mithridates made his way as well through those Countries of the Scythians, that were offended, as those that were otherwise; some he wan to him by fair means, others he constrained by soule; and being willingly entertained, he past to the Heniochians: but the Achaeans, attempting to withstand him, were overcome: afterwards enter∣ing into the Maeotick Countries, and vanquishing many of their Commanders, for the fame of his atchievements, he was received kindly, taking many guifts, and presenting many: he drew them also into confederacy with him, by taking their daughters, and so joyning the most powerful of them to himself. [Livy, lib. 101. Appian. pag. 240, 241, Dio. lib. 36.] to which that place of Strabo refers. [lib. 11. pag. 496.] The Heniochi at that time that Mithridates fled through their Country into Bosphorus, from his own, had four Kings. He cast away all hopes of passing by the Zygians, both by rea∣son of the difficulty of the wayes, and the fiercenesse of the people; and therefore with much ado (being many times forced to take the sea) he marched along the shoar, till at last he arrived amongst the Achaeans, by whom he was received, (notwith∣standing, we have heard Appian say, that they resisted him) and here he finished his journy which began at Phasis, and was from thence almost 4000 furlongs. Thus Strabo, who recounts out of those Authours, that writ of the affairs of Mithridates, the Countries in this order: First the Achaeans, then the Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans, Moschians, Colchians, [pag. 497.] through all which unruly Countries, Hypsicrate his Queen, with an indefatigable mind and body, followed her distressed husband: and that she might with more ease, share in his labour and pains, shaving her hair, she accustomed her self to ride on Horse back, and beat arms; whose so great fidelity in all distresses, was the greatest and most pleasant consideration to Mithridates, who seemed to himself to wander with his whole fortune and family, whilst his wife bare him company in his banishment. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6.]

Machares, the son of Mithridates, who reigned then in Bosphorus, Cimerius, and favoured the Roman party. When he heard his father, in so short a time had over∣come so many fierce and Warlike Nations, and past the very bars of Scythia, which were never penetrable before. He sent Ambassadors to him, to let him know it was necessity had constrained him to that friendship with the Romans: but understanding he was implacable, he fled into Pontica Chersonesus, burning his ships, that he might thereby hinder his father from following him: but when he sent against him another fleet, he laid hands upon himself. Mithridates slew all those friends that he had sent himself with him for companions, when Machirus went first into his King∣dome, but sent his servants away safe; so Appian, [pag. 241.] Dio. [lib. 36.] saies, That the father having corrupted his familiars with security and presents, wrought upon them to kill his son. And Orosius tells, That Machares was most parricidiously slain by him. [lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Pompey, ordering his journy into the Northern parts of Scythia by the stars, as it had been at Sea, fell down upon the Colchi; and incamping under Caucasus it self, commanded their King Orodes to come down into the Plains, as Florus hath it,

[lib. 3. cap. 5.] who a little after sayes Orodes was King of the Al••ans (with E••••ro∣pius and Oro••us.) For Orodes in this place we must use the name of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whom Appian shewes to be King of the Colchi, and led in Triumph by Pompey, [pag. 253.] or Aristarchus, whom the said Appian, [pag. 251.] and Eutropius. [lib. 6.] report to be made King at Colehis in his stead.

Plutarch sayes, that at the River Phasis Servilius met Pompey with the Fleet which was left for the defence of Pontus, and that the pursuite of Mithridates who had hid himself in the Countries about Bosphorus and Maeotis, had brought him into many perplexities: he went also to Colehis that he might view the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Ar∣gona••ae, and Castor and Pollux; especially desiring to see the place where Proma∣theus was said to be affixed to Ca••ca••us, the sight of which things drew him from the neighbour Countries, [Appian. pag. 241, 242.] The Colchi also and the Countries conte••minous he wan to his side, partly by fair words, and partly by feare, and having found there that his journey by land thorough many warlike and unknown Countries would be difficult, and that by sea it was more incommodious by reason of the inhabi∣tants which were averse; and the Country unfurnished with Ports; he commanded his ships to keep their station and to watch Mithridates that he might no where be suffer∣ed to break out, nor no provisions for him be any where suffered to come in: be himself turns his course against the Albani, but with a compasse that whilst they were secure in their compact, he might with the suddenesse of his accesse the more easily destroy them though Plutarch sayes, the Albani did at length revolt, and that Pompey stirred up with anger and desire of revenge, marched immediately against them: but he re∣turned into Armenia, and passed the River Cyrnus, where the season of the year had rendered it fordable, [Dio. lib. 37.]

But with great difficulty it was that he passed this River, the Barbarians having for a great space fortified it by knocking down stakes into it, [Plutarch.] But Pompey, the River being smooth, first put his Horse over, then his Traine, and then his Foot, that the Horse might with their bodies break the force of the River, and if any thing of the Traine should be carryed away with the violenee of the stream, it should fall upon them that accompanied it, and be carryed no further, [Dio.] Here having past a long, dry, and rocky way, he filled 10000 bladders with water, and proceeded in his jour∣ney, [Plut.]

At length without any impediment from the enemy, he arrived at the River C••m∣byses, but his whole army greviously distressed with heat and thirst, though for the most part they marched in the night; he chose him Guides out of the prisoners, but they shew him not the most commodious way. Moreover the River it self brought them out small advantage, for the water being exceeding cold, and they drinking too plentifully, it made many extremly sick. But neither did they rest any of them, till they came to the River Aban••, all which time they carryed nothing with them but water, in all other things being most bountifully supplied by the inhabitants, for which cause they marched without any injury to them, [Dio.]

Having passed the River, news was brought that Oroeses was drawing towards them, [Id.] He had in his army 60000 Foot, and 12000, or (as Strabo will have it 22000) Horse, but for the most part ill armed, and with the skins onely of wild Beasts, which Cossis the Kings brother commanded, [Plut. cum Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 502.] Pompey, that he might draw them to a battle before they understood the number of the Romans, he first drew up his Horse, giving them directions what they should do; behind them he disposed his Foot, placing them upon their heeles, and commanding them to cover themselves with their sheilds, and lie still without making any noise; by which means Oroeses had no knowledge of them till he joyned battle: but despising the Horsemen whom he thought alone, he assailed them, and in a moment putting them (as they had order) to flight, he pursues them furiously: When the Foot rising up on the sudden, and making a space that the Horse might securely retreat, they charged the enemy, and incompassing a great number of them, put them to the sword, the rest were destroyed by the Horse, who being drawn about both on the right hand and the left fell in upon their backs, so that by the Horsemen also there was great slaughter made: and those, escaping both, had fled into the Woods, the Woods being set on fire, were consumed amongst them: the Romans calling out to them the while to remember the Saturnals, for about that time as is said before, the Albani laid an ambush and assailed them ere they were aware, [Dio. lib. 37.]

In this battle, Cossis the Kings brother charged Pompey himself, and with his dart struck him thorough the joynt of his armes, but Pompey ran him thorough with his Speare and killed him. In this fight it was reported that certain Amazons inhabiting the Mountains adjacent to the River Thermodontes, came in to the relief of the Bar∣barians, and some whilst they were taking the plunder of the field, found some Ama∣zonian Targets and Buskins, but there was no body of a woman found, [Plut.] See

Appian also, [pag. 242.] where he speaks of this and the former ingagement, with the Albani, as but one; notwithstanding, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with Eutropi••s, and Sex••us Rufus, deliver, that Pompey did thrice overcome 〈◊〉〈◊〉, King of the Albani, and his Com∣manders, [lib. 6. cap. 4.]

Pompey, having destroyed the Country 〈…〉〈…〉, was at length perswaded to accept of Orodis, or Oroe••ls, his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, for establishing a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as also a golden bed, and other presents that he sent him; for which he made peace with them. [Florus, lib, 3. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 37. 〈…〉〈…〉. lib. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 4.] Who commemo∣rating their Italian Original, because they were said to have followed Hercules from the mount Albanus, saluted Pompey 〈…〉〈…〉, [Justin, lib. 42. cap. 3.] nor did Pompey make peace only with the Albans, but with all the inhabi∣tants from Mount Caucasus, to the Caspian Sea 〈…〉〈…〉 its rise in Pontus, runs forward) they having requested it by their Ambassadors, [Dio. lib. 37.] Strabo ••••••tes, That 〈…〉〈…〉 and the Colchian sea••, he war'd against the Iberians and Albe••ni. [lib. 11. pag. 492.] Pompey had a desire to see Hyrcania, and the Caspian sea, being within three dayes journey from thence; but being diverted from that, by the multitude of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Serpent he turned into Ar∣menia the Lesse, as Plutarch 〈…〉〈…〉.

Pompey, having past Taurus, invaded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Comagenus, but at last he received him to favour, [App. pag. 244.] upon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Seleucia a castle of Mesopota∣mia into his hands, with all that he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 taken 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thither. [Id. pag. ••••1. cum Strabo. lib. 36. pag. 745.] Darius also the Mede, he over 〈◊〉〈◊〉, either, because he had assisted Antiochus now, or Tigranes before; so Appianin 〈◊〉〈◊〉. [pag. 244.] who reckons Darius and the Medes, amongst the Princes and people, overcome by Pompey, [pag. 250, 253.] as Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 2.] reckons Media amongst those Countries he had with successe invaded; though Plutarch sayes that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the Kings of the Medes and Elemites, who had sent Ambassadors to him.

Phraates, King of the Parthians, seeing Pompey carry on things with such violence, that Armenia, and that part of Pontus that was next him, was taken by his Comman∣ders; and that Cabinius having past Euphrates, was advanced as far as Tigris. In a great fright he sent Ambassadours to Pompey, for the renovation of that peace with the Romans, which was begun before; but he prevailed little by that Embassy: for Pompey, being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with his present successe, and the hopes he had conceived for the future, esteemed him but little. Amongst other proud demands that he made to his Ambassadours, one was, That he might have 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Gordyenes, (a Country then in controversie betwixt Phraates and Tigranes) delivered into his hands; but the Embassadors having no such thing in commission, and giving no an∣swer, he writ something to Phraate••▪ [Dio. lib. 37.]

In his letters he neglected to give him the Title of King of Kings, (as all other people, yea, the Romans themselves, and as he himself did after in his Triumph) and onely gave him the single appellation of King: which Phra••••es took in scorn, he ha∣ving his Kingdom despoiled also. But Pompey, not staying for an answer, sent Afran••us immediately with an army into 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who bear out those Parthians that had in∣vaded it; and persuing them as far as Ar••eli••s, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Country to Tigranes. [Id. ibid. cum Plut. in Pomp.]

That Gabinius was sent out of Armenia, into Syria, by Pompey; are read in Jose∣phus, [lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ cap. 5. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 4.] which we conceive to be Armenia the Lesser, into which we have heard by Plutarch, that Pompey, having finish∣ed the war with the Albanians did retire; although Josephus, being deceived by the identity of the name, doth understand it the Greater; and therefore writ that at the same time, when Pompey was ingaged in his war with Tigranes: Gabini•••• was sent into Syria; which could not be, unlesse with Appian, he made Tigranes submission, to follow after his expedition against the Albanians: which we with Livy, Velleius, Florus, Plutarch, Eutrop. and Orosius, do conclude to be before.

As soon as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 came to Damascus, he found it newly taken by Metellus and Loll••••, but having removed them, and understood it was something done in Judea, he addresseth thither, as to place of advantage. As soon as he had entred the Country, he meets Embassadours, as well from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that had besieged the Temple of Hieru∣salem, as from his brother, Aristobulus, that was besieged there, both of them intreat∣ing his assistence: and when Aristobulus had made his offer of 400 talents, though Hyr••a••us preffered him as much; yet he preferred Aristobulus his promise, having received therefore his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he sent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Hyrca••••s, and Are••a the King, (who assisted him with as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, though they were not very much animated for that 〈…〉〈…〉 them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Romans and Pompey's name, if they

did not desist from that siege; And so Aretas, being afrighted, withdrew from Judea into Philadelphia, and Scaurus returned to Damascus, But Aristobulus, having gathe∣red all the forces together that he had, pursued Aretas, and Hyrcanus, and encounting them at a place they call Papyron, he overcame them, killing about 7000 of the Ene∣my amongst the rest the brother of Antipater, C••phali••s, was one [Joseph. ut supra]

Pompey, returning out of Armenia, he met with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kings, and Rulers, (whom Plutarch reports to be Barbarians and twelve in number) hearing their complaints, and giving them his answers, to some he confirmed their Kingdomes, to some he en∣creased them, and others he took away from their Eminence and deprest them, [Xiphilin ex Dione] To which time that History so celebrated by Val. Maximus seems to be referred.

Ariobar••anes yeilded up his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn. Pompey; whose Throne when by his invitation he had ascended, and was set down in the chair of State, when he beheld his son with his Secretary in a place inferiour to his dignity and fortune, not able to behold him beneath himself, he arose from his seat, and put the Crown upon his head, exhorting him that he would go up to the place from whence he descended himself; the young man fell a weeping immediately, his body fell a trembling, and the Crown fell to the ground, neither could he be got to the place he was commanded to go: and which even surpasses all belief, he rejoyed that he was to part with the Crown, he was discontented that he was to receive it; nor had this eminent controversie had any end, had not Pompey added his authority to the desires of his father, for he called his son King, he commanded him to take the Crown, and compelled him to sit in the Ivory Chair, [Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 7.]

From thence Pompey went into Coelosyria, and Phoenicia, which were lately de∣livered from their Kings, and disturbed by the Arabians and Tigranes, and there he stayed; though Antiochus adventured to attempt them again, but in vain: but being reduced and joyned into one Province, they received lawes from him, which were administered according to the custom of the People of Rome, [Xiphilin. ex Dione.]

That this was Antiochus Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, Justinus, [lib. 40. cap. 2.] Appian in Mithridatic. [pag. 244.] and Porphyrius, [in Gracis Eusebianis Scaligeri, pag. 227.] reports. But the same Appian more truly in his Syriacis, [pag. 119. & 133.] affirms him Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena, who four years before, either by Lucullus's favour or permission, was possessed of the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had forsaken, and in Pompey's Festivals, [as he speaks in pag. 133.] whilst he was employed in other matters, he kept it one whole year: (after Tigranes had most justly delivered up what he had in Syria to the people of Rome) and though in his presence he desired his fathers kingdom, yet Pom∣pey deprived him of it, though he had done nothing prejudicial to the people of Rome. And indeed it was an easie matter for so great an army to oppresse a disarmed Prince, although another reason was given (viz.) That it seemed unequal, that after the an∣cient Kings had been overcome by Tigranes his Forces and beaten out of Syria, it should be now rather given to the Seleucians that were beaten, than to the Romans that overcame them: and Pompey thought it not fit to give Antiochus that which he was not able to defend from being infested by the invasions of the Jews and Arabians, [Justin, & Appian. inlocis supra notat.]

Julius Caesar when he was Aedilis, having gotten the favour of the people, endea∣voured by part of the Tribunes to have gotten the Government of Egypt by an order from the people, there being occasion for an extraordinary command, by reason that the Alexandrians had beaten out their Prince an associate and friend of the Romans, and so called by the Senate, which was generally disapproved by the Commons; but he obtained it not, a great faction of the Nobles opposing it, [Sueton, in Juli••, cap. 11.]

But Pompey was called into Egypt (by Alexander the second, that was expelled) to quell some seditions there. He was presented with many gifts, as money and cloths, for his whole army; but he went not thither, either in regared of the envy of his ene∣mies, or of the Oracle of Sybil, (of which hereafter in the beginning of the 3948 year of the World) or for other reasons, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 251.]

Pompey came to Damascus, and went about Coelosyria, at which time there came Embassadours to him from all parts of Syria, Egypt, and Judea: at the same time, as it appears, that the twelve Kings came to him that Plutarch mentions; concerning whom Josephus brings that place out of Strabo's History, [Antiq. lib. 14. cap. 5.] There came out of Egypt an Embassie with a Crown of 4000 crowns of gold; and out of Judea, either a Vine, or a Garden, which piece of workmanship was called the Delight; which present we our selves saw at Rome dedicated in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus with this inscription,

Of Alexander the King of the Jews, and it was valued at 500 talents. Which present was placed by Alexander Jannaeus in the Temple at Jerusalem, and sent to Pompey by his son Aristobulus, which Pliny amongst the Acts of Pompey's Triumphs describes thus. A foursquare Mountain of Gold with Harts and Lions, and all kinds of Apples, with a Vine of Gold incompassing it, [Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 2.]

A while after there came out of Judea to Pompey Embassadours again: Antipa∣ter for Hircanus, and Nicomedes for Aristobulus. Aristobulus his Embassadour complained of Gabinius, that he had received three hundred talents of money, and afterwards of Scaurus, that he had received four: and making them his enemies, Pompey commanded both parties (Hircanus and Aristobulus) to appear before him, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 5.]

Afranius, comming into Syria, against the treaty begun betwixt Pompey and Phraates: lost his way as he went on, and endured much hardship by reason it was winter, and there was a great scarcity of victuals, nay he had perished utterly, and those that were with him; had not the Carrenses; formerly as is reported, a Colony of Mace∣dons then inhabiting thereabouts, received them, and brought them back. [Dio. lib. 37.]

Pompey having his winter quarters at Aspis in Pontus, received to favour all those parts of the Country, which til then had been in hostility against him: which we may gather out of the fragments of the 37 book of Dio, which the reader may by comparing them easily find to be transposed in the consul-ship of Caesar and Figulus. But of all Mithridates's Concubines which were brought to him Pompey touched none but sent them back to their parents and kindred, for, for the most part, they were the wives and daughters of Potentates and Commanders. [Plutarch.]

Dio reports, amongst other things, that the Castle Symphori being yeilded up by Stratonix was received by Pompey: this Stratonix was the daughter of a Musitian as is said, and one of the Kings Wives or Concubines; being enraged that she was forsaken by him whilst Mithridates was rambling about Pontus; having sent most of the Garri∣son for provisions, she admitted the Romans upon this single condition, That if Pompey should take her sonne Xiphares prisoner, he would keep him in safety for his Mother. and being privy to a great Treasury that was hidden under ground: (whic•• consisted of many brasse vessels, bound about with hoopes of iron) she discovered it to Pompey, of which he selected only, such as he conceived would give most ornament to the Temple, and most splendour to his Triumph. And gave Stratonix the rest. [Plut. Appian. Dio.]

Mithridates, understanding this caused Xiphares her sonne to be slain, his Mother beholding it on the other side of the river, and then threw away his body without bu∣riall: neglecting all Piety, that he might make her but repent of what she had done. [Appian.]

Pompey took also that almost impregnable Castle, called the New, in which Mi∣thridates had laid his most valueable things, which were afterwards by Pompey dedi∣cated to the Capitoll. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556. 557.] in it also Pompey took many of Mithridate's most secret records, which he willingly looked over: because that besides other secrets: he might clearly thereby discover his numbers and wealth. [Plu∣tarch.] Amongst them there were also some Physicall inventions of Mithridates which Pompey commanded Lenaeus, a learned Grammarian, to translate into Latine. [Pliny. lib. 25. cap. 2.]

Phraates, sent Embassadors to Pompey, by whom he complained of injuries he had received: That Tigranes the younger was by him kept prisoner, and he desired, being his sonne in law, he might be returned: and as if Euphrates had been the limit of his Empire, he forewarned Pompey of passing it, to which he answered: that Tigranes ought rather to be in his Fathers power, than his Father in laws, and that he would keep his equall bounds. [Plut. cum Dio.]

Phraates, in the spring (when Lu. Caesar and C. Figulus were Consuls) made an expedition against Tigranes, and after he had been foyled in one battle: he afterwards got the mastery of his Enemy. [Dio. lib. 37.]

Pompey, in the beginning of the spring, having drawn his forces out of their winter quarters, marched out into Damascen: and by the way demolished a Castle in Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had fortified, he fell in also upon the Country of Ptolemy Mennaeus; one no lesse hurtfull than Dionysius Tripolitanus, who was allyed to him, and beheaded: but he paid 1000 talents and redeemed himself, which Pom∣pey bestowed upon his souldiers: he destroyed also the Castle of Lysias, whose Gover∣nour was Silas a Jew: after that marching by Heliopolis, and Chalcis, and passing the middle of the mountain, he comes into Coelosyria, and from Pella, arrives at Da∣mascus. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 5.]

There he gave audience to the Jews and to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus their

Princes, who were at variance betwixt themselves, as the Nation was with them both: the Jews having it in precept from their forefathers, that they should give obedience to the Priests of God, refused to be governed by Kings. These two were indeed of the race of the Priests, but had a designe of altering the Government, and bringing servi∣tude upon this people. Hyrcanus complained, that his brother, though the younger, had gotten the greater part of the Country, having by force invaded and usurped it; That at land he had made violent incursions upon his borders; and that at sea he had harbours and receptacles for his Pirates. There were above 1000 of the chief of the Jews, whom Antipator had perswaded to it, confirmed what he said to be true. On the other side, Aristobulus pleaded that Hyrcanus was removed for his sloth, and a general contempt that lay upon him amongst the people of his own Country, that he had taken the government upon him by necessity, least it might have been transferred to some other family, and he called to atrest it certain insolent young men, who gave offence to every body by the finenesse of their cloths, the exactnesse of their hair, and their other accoutrements; which had been much more proper, had they come to a Tryumph, then a judgement. [Joseph. lib. 14 cap. 5.]

Pompey having heard their plead, and rebuking the violence of Aristobulus, dismist them peacably with this promise, that he would come himself into their Country as soon as he had overlooked the affairs of the Nabataei; in the mean time he injoyned them to be quiet, using Aristobulus with with great civility, least he being provoked, his passage might be stopt: Neverthelesse, he gained no favour from him, for Aristo∣bulus, who had put himself into the greatest equipage, and splendour was possi∣ble, taking distast at their usage, and thinking it intolerable to indure any thing beneath the majesty of a king; he withdrew from Diospolis, and coming to the Town of Delius, he betook himself to Judea, in order to his own affairs. [Id. ibid. & lib. 1. Belli, cap. 5.]

Alexandr II. being beaten out of Egypt, departed to Tyre, and there dyed; leaving, as was reported, by his last Will and Testament, his kingdom of Egypt to the people of Rome: of which Cicero in his first Oration that he made the first day of his Consulship, thus, The Decemviri say, that which was often spoken by many, That Alexander the King had by his Will made over his Kingdom to the Romans, as if they would give Alexandria to those upon private request, whom you did oppose openly, fighting in the field: And in his second Oration more fully: What of Alexandria, and all Egypt, how secretly doth it lye? How private is it kept? How obscurely reported to the Decemviri? Which of you are ignorant, that it is said, that Kingdom was by Alexanders last Will conferred upon the Romans. In this case I, though a Roman Consul, am so far from determining any thing, that I forbear my opinion: for it seems to me no small matter, not onely to judge, but to speak of this thing. I see him that will assert the making of the Will; and I suppose there be records of the Senate extant, which concerne their possession of their heritage, about the time when Alexander died, and we sent Embassadors to syre, for the restitution of the mony was desposed by us. This I remember I have often heard L. Philippus affirme in the Senate. It is granted almost of all sides, That he, who at this time rules, (Ptolemeus Auletes) is neither of the race, nor the honour of a King. On the other side it is said there is no will, and that the people of Rome ought not to appear covetous of every Kingdom, That it was the richnesse of the soyle, and the plenty of all things that carryed over people thither: but of so great an affaire, P. Rullus with the rest of the Decemviri his Collegues will judge.

It is reported also, that M. Crassus being Censor, and endeavouring to make Egypt tributary to the people of Rome, did strongly oppose Lutatius Catulus his Collegue in his Censorship; by which means a dissention growing, they of their own accords laid down their magistracy and power. [Plutarch in Crasso.]

Pompey had a great mind to recover Syria, and so to passe thorough Arabia, to the Red sea; that in like manner as he had in pursuit of the Albani, been almost at the Hyrcanian (or Caspian) sea, and as in the West, the Roman Empire was terminated by the Atlantick, so by his conquest in the East, it might be extended to the Red sea: he saw also the difficulty of taking Mithridates, finding him more troublesome in his flight, than opposition: promising therefore to leave him hunger, as a more formida∣ble enemy, he disposed his ships for the intercepting of those Merchants that traded into the Bosphorus, threatning them with death, if he took them: and then ta∣king with him a great part of his army, he begun his journey. [Plutarch in Pompeio.]

He invaded Syria Coelen and Phoenicia, and first of all he over-ran the Ituraeans, and Arabians, [Appian. pag. 244. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] who inhabiting the hilly Country about Libanus, infested their neighbours with robberies, their re∣treats were very well fortified; upon the hills were Sinna, Borrhama, and other sorts of that kind, in the bottom Botrys, Gigartus, besides dens by the sea side, and a Castle

seated upon a Mountain, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the face of God, all which Pompey dismantled, and running thorow Biblus or Palaebiblus, a Country of Cinyrae, he set her at liberty, by cutting off her Governours head, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 755.]

Afranius, having subdued the Arabians near Amanus, came down into Syria, which wanting a lawful Prince, he reduced it into a Province, and brought it under the possession of the Romans, [Id. ibid.] and receiving a sum of money of the Antiochi∣ans, he called them to no account, but enfranchized their City, and left them to the exercise of their own laws, [Porphyr. in Graecis Eusebianis Scaligeri, pag. 227.] And in many things indulging the Antiochians, he restored the place of their publick confes∣sion which was fallen: he had great respect to them because they deduced themselves from the Athenians, [Johan. Malela Antiochenus, in Chronico.]

He gave Seleucea (Pieria) a very strong City, and adjacent to Antioch her liberty, because it had refused to admit Tigranes, [Stra. lib. 16. pag. 751. Eutrop. lib. 6.] But to the Antiochians he released their Hostages, and to the Daphnenses, a certain quan∣tity of field for the inlargement of their Grove, being delighted with the pleasantnesse of the place and the plenty of waters, [Eutrop. lib. 6.] From whence Strabo notes the circumference of this Grove so sweetly watered with Springs was 80 furlongs, [lib. 16. pag. 750.] Sextus Rufus in Breviario writes, that Pompey consecrated this Grove of the Daphnenses, and added another thereunto. Jerom addes in his Commentary up∣on the 16 Chapter of Ezechiel, that it was by his order sown or planted by the hands of his souldiers: and in his Chronicle, he sayes it was consecrated to Apollo; which if spoken of the new Wood that was added, might perhaps be true. See the 3704, and 3833 year of the World, concerning the old Grove.

Cato Minor, was then in Syria, called afterwards Uticensis, a Philosopher of the Sect of the Stoicks, a young man then, but of great esteem, who (being for the great friendship betwixt his father and him invited to it by Dejotares King or Tetrarch ra∣ther of the Galatari) travelled thorough Asia, observing the manners, customes, and strength of every Province as he passed. He performed his journey alwayes on foot, his friends that accompanied him riding by. He coming to see Antioch in Pompeys absence, and beholding a great throng of people in white before the Gate, the men drawn up on one side of the way, and the children on the other, he disgusted it, sup∣posing it had been done out of Ceremony to him; wherefore he commanded his friends to alight and walke with him; as they approached he which ordered and commanded the whole Multitude being an ancient man and carrying in his hand a Rod and a Crown, addressed himself first to Cato, and without so much as saluting him, inquired how Demetrius did, and when he would come thither; he had been Pompeys servant, but was made free, and because he could prevaile very far with him, he was reverenced by every body very much. Cato's friends then falling into laughter, Cato cryed out, O miserable City I and passed forward without any other answer; after∣wards as often as he remembered it, he fell a laughing himself, [Plutarch in Pompeio, & Catone Minore.]

When Tigranes the Armenian was overcome by Phraates the Parthian, he desired aid of Pompey that was then in Syria: but Phraates presently after sent Embassadours to Pompey, accusing both the Romans and himself so earnestly, that they made him both afraid and ashamed; insomuch, that he neither gave Tigranes any assistance, nor (though many did excite him) waged war afterwards with Phraates: pleading he had no commands from the people of Rome for that Expedition, and that Mithrida∣tes was yet in being, for the present he was contented with what he had done, and would not ingage in any new, lest with Lucullus attempting too much, he should meet with misfortunes at last. Phraates accusations he did extenuate, not refuting them, but onely that he might beget some difference betwixt him and Tigranes about their bounds: which succeeding, he promised to send three Commissioners who might judge of it. And he did send them indeed, who being received as Arbitrators by the Kings, composed all controversies betwixt them: Tigranes was angry he prevailed not for supplies. But Phraates desired Tigranes should be safe; whose assistance, if things came so about, he might expect for the future against the Romans; it being ob∣vious to both of them, that whosoever of them overcame the other, he was sure of con∣test with the Romans, and was likely with the more ease to fall into their power. These causes therefore considered, they made peace, [Dio. lib. 37. cum Plutarch, & Appian. pag. 244.]

Pompey being thus imployed, Mithridates went round about Pontus, and possessed himself of Panticapaeum, a Mart Town in Europe at the mouth of the Pontick, [Ap∣pian. ibid.] He sent also Embassadours to Pompey (who was then in Tyria, and knew not that Mithridates was alive) which promised if he would restore him his fathers kingdom again, he would become tributary to the people of Rome; and when he urged that the King should come himself, as Tigranes had done, he refused to do it,

as a thing not suitable to the person of Mithridates, but said he would send his sons and other of his friends, [Appian. pag. 245.]

These thing, being past, he summoned all people promiscuously, as well servants as free. He forged also great store of armes and darts, and other engins, sparing nothing, not so much as their oxen for the plow, which he killed that he might have their nerves for strings to their bowes. He laid a tax also upon all people, which was raised, but without Mithridates knowledge with great injury to many. He himself was at that time troubled with a certain ulcerous disease in his face, so as no body could see him but the Eunuch that had him in cure, which they finished at last. His army being ready at the sametime, consisting of 60 Cohorts, each of them containing six hundred men, and a numerous multitude besides, ships also, and places of convenience, which his Commanders had fortified whilst he was sick: He carryed part of his army to Phanagorium another Town situate in the mouth of the River too, that on all sides he might secure the passes. Pompey being all this while in Syria, [Id. ibid.]

In Bosphorus, whilst Mithridates was celebrating to Ceres, there suddenly happened an Earth-quake, the greatest in the memory of man, which destroyed many Cities, and did no small mischief in the fields, [Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.] Not much unlike it, if it was not the same, was that Justin ex Trogo mentions, which devoured 170000 men, and many Cities with them: which prodigies the Aruspices did say portended great alteration of affairs, [Justin. lib. 40. cap. 2.]

At the same time, Castor that was Commander in Chief for Mithridates in Phana∣gorium, slew Tripho the Kings Eunuch by whom he had been formerly abused as he was entering into the Town; and when he had done; excited the people to take up armes for their liberty, who although the Castle was held by Artaphernes and the rest of Mitaridates children, yet getting wood and things combustible together from all places, they set it on fire, and constrained Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxathres, and Eupatra, the children of Mithridates, to deliver up themselves: amongst these, Artaphernes was the onely person, was full fourty years old, the rest were comely youths: but Cleopatra another Daughter stood our, whose generosity delighting her father, he sent a Squadron of Gallies and fetched her away: the rest Castor (when he had possessed himself of the Castle) sent over to the Romans, [Appian. pag. 245, 246. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Those Castles that were near and newly taken by Mithridates, provoked by the bad example of the Phanagorenses revolted, a Chersnessus, Theudosia, Nymphaeum, and other places about Pontus, that were convenient in that war, [Appian.]

Mithridates, being very much incensed, did not onely execute some of the rune∣gades that he had taken, but many of his friends also, and Exipodras one of his chil∣dren, [Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.] and observing their great defects, and have∣ing the fidelity of his whole army in suspicion, by reason they were forced, and under extraordinary taxes, and thinking the adversity of his fortune would alwayes be in the mindes of a mutable and constrained people; he sent therefore his Eunuchs to the Princes of Scythia, to treate about marrying his Daughters, desiring they would with all speed come in with their Forces to his relief. They were conducted by 500 soul∣diers, who were not gone far from Mithridates before they slew the Eunuchs, because that they having great authority with the King, had been alwayes trouble∣some to them; and when they had done, they carryed the Ladies to Pompey, [Appian.]

Pompey, leaving Syria, passed into Asia; where he acted with no little ambition: a thing he had so much repehended in Lucullus. For whilst Mithridates had yet the command of Bosphorus, and also had gathered together a very consi∣derable army; he, as if he had done all, disposed several provinces, and confer∣red gifts, [Plutarch.]

Also Livy tells us in his 102 book, how that he brought Pontus into the form of a province in Mithridates his life time. This, being added to Galatia, and di∣vided into eleven Convents, was called by the name of Bithynia, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 541.]

Pompey, taking Mithridatium from Pontus, bestowed it upon Bogodiatorus, [Id. ibid.] He created Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who was in honour with Sylla and the Senate (as I have noted in the 3919 year of the World) Chief priest of Luna, a goddesse of the Comans in Pontus, instaured with a princely Dynasty; and added to the sacred revenue of that office the quantity of two scoeni, or 60 stadii of land, and commanded the inhabitants of Comana that they should be obedient to Archelaus. So that he was their Prince, and the chief Lord of all the Priests and Ministers of that Temple, inhabiting in the City which were no lesse than 6000: onely he had not power to sell them, [Id. lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796. cum Ap∣piano, pag. 251.]

Appianus sayes, Attalus had the Dynastie of Paphlagonia conferred upon him by Pompey. [pag. 251.] Eutropius will have it bestowed upon Attalus and Polaemenes; and Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes tell us, that Polaemenes upon his death-bed, left the inheritance of Paphlagonia to the people of Rome. Armenia (the Lesse) he gave to Dejotares King of Galatia (or rather Tetrarch) because he was a companion in the Mithridatic war. [Eutrop. lib. 6.] For he thought Dejotares to be the most absolutely true and faithfull friend to the Romans, in the whole World. [Cicero in Philippica 11.] Wherefore he gave him Godolonites his part of Pontus, and all to Pharnacia and Trapezunte; the Colchi even to Armenia (the Lesse) and constituted him King of that Division: when as he had before by inheritance from his father, the Tetrarchy of the Tolistoborgians of Galatia, [Strabo. lib. 7. pag. 547.] for Pompeius lest Galatia to Tetrarchs of his family. [Id. ib. pag. 541. compared with Appian. pag. 351.] And a little after it came into the hands of three onely, then of the two, and last of all into the sole power of Dejotares. [Strabo lib. 12. pag. 567.]

Mithridates, being deprived of so many Children, Castles, and indeed his whole Kingdom, did not for all this take to heart the lownesse of his condition, when he had also lost his Dignity, and was past all hope of any help from Scithia; but took his journy to the Eutropian Gauls, whose friendship he had before engaged, to the intent they might help him in such a dead lift: and taking his way thorough Scythia and Ister, that with them he might passe the Alps into Italy he hoped, for the dislike they had of the Romans, many Italians would joyne with him. [Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Appian. pag. 246. Dio. lib. 37.]

The souldiery disliked these high attempts, being afrighted with the boldnesse of the enterprize, and the length of the march, as also that they were to go against men, they were not able to deal with, even in their own Country: and they thought Mithri∣dates being in so desperate a condition, was resolved to end his life rather valiantly, than like a slug. But yet they held out a while, and quietly let him go on in his designes, for he was no mean or contemptible Prince, even under the greatest misfor∣tunes. [Appian.]

Aretas, King of Arabia Petrea, (or the rocky) even unto the Red sea, who had formerly been often troublesome and vexatious to Syria, and by the Romans (who came in vindication of the Syrians) was overcome in a fight, did notwithstanding still continue the war. Against him and his neighbours (Phraates now lying quiet, and Syria and Phenicia being well settled) Pompeius made an expedition, [Dio. lib. 37.] not altogether to the liking of the Souldiery: for they thought it not well to de∣cline the prosecution of Mithridates: but thought it meet to set the force of the war against him, that was their old enemy, and was now recruiting his forces, and prepa∣red (through Scythia and Panonia) to invade Italy with an army, (as we have said formerly) But Pompeius was the more confirm'd, that it was a more worthy deed to suppresse the force of a warring Foe, than to take the body of a conquered and flying enemy. [Plutarch.]

Pompey beginning his voyage, first gave very noble and handsome burial to the dead that fell under Triarius in that unlucky bout they had with Mithridates in Pontus, and which Lucullus left without interrement. Aretas, who before contemned the Ro∣man arms, now, being struck with terrour, he wrote to Pompey, that he would both observe and performe whatsoever he should command. But Pompey, that he might find the deph of the designe, he set upon Petra; [Plutarch.] where he reduced the King and his Allyes without much adoe, into his power, and delivered them to cu∣stody, [Dio. lib. 37.] having taken their City Petra it self: [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] al∣though Josephus writes that he omitted them, and bent his forces against Aristo∣bulus. But Plutarch sayes, that when he was gone a little from Pera, hearing the news of Mithridates his death, he returned out of Arabia, and came to Amisus.

P. Servilius Rullus, Tribune of the people at Rome, in the beginning of his migi∣strateship, published the Agrarian Law, concerning the creating of Decemviri, with chief authority, whose right and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it was to sell or dispose into Colonies, all the publick revenues in Italy and Syria, and what land soever had been gained by Pompey. Which in the Kalends of January: (which, as the year then went at Rome, fell even upon the beginning of the Julian October) in the beginning of his Consulship, Cicero opposed in a speech he made against Rullus, and freed all from the general fear they were in of that Law. [Cicero in 12 Agraria. & lib. 2. ad Attic. ep. 1. cum Plut. in Cicerone.]

And when by that Law power was given to the Decemviri, to sell all those lands which Mithridates had possessed, in Paphlagonia, Pontus, and Cappadocia, in his se∣cond Agrarian oration before the people: Cicero reprehended the injustice of that popular decree in this interrogation. Is it so? without any law made, without the vote of

the Emperour, before the war is ended, whilst King Mithridates, having lost his army, and being expelled his Kingdome, yet makes his attempts in the utmost regions, and is defended by the Maeotis and those quabs, the straightnesse of the way, and the height of the mountains, from the invincible army of Cn. Pompeius; whilst the Emperour is engaged in the war, and in those very places the name of a war remaines: will the Decemviri sell those lands, which by the custome of our ancestors, ought to remain in the power, and at the disposure of Cnius Pom∣pei us?

L. Valerius Flaccus, who had carried the Praetorship at Rome, was sent Praetor into Asia; which Praetor-ship of his in Asia was annuall, into which Quintus Cicero was the fifth that entred, as Mar••us Cicero his brother witnesses in his oration, for this very Flaccus, when he was accused of bribery.

Pharnaces, Mithridates his best beloved sonne, whom he had often appointed his heir in the Kingdome; plotted against his father, whether for that he thought his fa∣thers Italian expedition would put him past all hopes of reconciliation with the Ro∣mans, or some other cause, or for covetousnesse. But those being taken that were guil∣ty in the plot, and put to the rack, yet, by the persuasion of Menophanes; Mithridates pardoned his sonne. [Appian.] Dio (as Salianus notes) passes over this pardon in si∣lence: and tells us once and again, that Pursivants were sent to take Pharnaces: who were by him perswaded to be his partie, and with them having taken Panticapaeum brought his father into his power: with this observation to boot; That Mithridates otherwise a very wise King never considered this, That armes and multitudes of sub∣jects availed nothing without their good will and love: But on the contrary if they are perfidious there is least safety, where the greatest number; which observation also you may find in the following narration of Appian.

Pharnaces, knowing that they were much against the expedition into Italy in their minds, in the night time he went to those Romans, that fled over to Mithridates; and, aggravating the danger of their passing into Italy, which they well knew, and promi∣sing them great matters if they would stay; he perswaded them to fall off from his fa∣ther: and presently, the same night, he sent messengers to other adjacent tents, and perswaded them also to the same opinion; in the morning first the Italian fugitives, and then all the other adjoyning camps cried up the businesse: and so did the navall forces, with a great shout, and many shouted to give notice of the defection; neither forewarned of the businesse, nor corrupted thereto: but either induced by the exam∣ple of so many whom they saw they could not withstand, or taken with the novelty of the old Kings misfortune.

Mithridates, at the shout of the army, sent some to know what they would have. They, nothing dissembling the matter, said, They would have his sonne to be King, a young man instead of an old one, and he addicted to Eunuchs, and that had been the death of many sonns, captaines and freinds. When Mithridates heard this he went out to speake to them himself: whilst many of his guard fled over to the fugitives; who would not receive them unlesse they would do something that might manifest they were unfaithfull to the King; and withall shewed them Mithridates: whose horse as he was flying away they killed, and now saluted Pharnaces King: as if they had ob∣teined their hearts desire; and some of them took a very large skin of parchment, in length and breadth, what they had brought from the temple: and put it about his head instead of a Diadem.

The old man, seeing this from the upper porch, sent one after another to Pharnaces to desire a safe passage away of him, but when none of them returned, fearing least be might be given up to the Romans, having praised those pursivants, and friends of his that yet stood by him sent them to the new King: some of whom the army slew in the way contrary to all expectation. [Appian.] When he had long from the walls impreca∣ted his sonne in vain, and saw him inexorable he is said to have uttered these words, being about to die. O country Gods, if so you be any grant that some time or other, he may receive the same words from his children. And presently going to his wives and concubines he gave them poison. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Two virgin daughters that were brought up with him, Mithridatis and Nissa, betrothed to the King of Egypt and Cyprus, earnestly entreated their father, that they might drink their poisoned potion before him, and desired him to forbear till they had done. [Appian.] But neither the poison Mithridates alway carryed about in his sword, nor the wound he had given himself with the sword, were sufficient to end him, although he walked about most violently, that so the poison, diffusing it self through his veins, might act more powerfully: but all this prevailed nothing, in regard he had so antidoted his body against poison, with dayly preservative medicines, which to this day are called Mithridatica; and the wound he gave himself with the sword, what by reason of his age, what by his present perplexities, and the distemper the poison wrought, was but weakly performed. When therefore he had not fully

slain himself, but lingred; the wall being now broken down, and Bitoetus or B••thocus, a Souldier and Gaul roving about, being terrified with the majesty of his countenance, he called him back, and caused the souldiers trembling hand to put an end to his life. [Dio. lib. 37. compared with Livy, lib. 102. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. Plin. lib. 25. cap. 2. Justin. lib. 37. cap. 2. A Gelloi. lib. 17. cap. 16. Appian. pag. 248, Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illust. cap. 76. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

This end did Mithridates choose at Panticapaeum in Bosphorus Cimmerius. A man neither to be passed over in silence, nor to be spoken of without respect, most valiant in war, of singular virtue, greatest, sometimes in fortune, but alwayes in mind; a most discreet General, and an excellent Souldier of his hands, as Velleius Paterculus describes him, [lib. 2. cap. 18.] and last of all, the greatest King after Alexander; as Cicero calls him in his Lu∣cullus: by reason of which Elogies also, I have thought my self engaged to be no lesse careful in setting down his affairs, than those of Alexander.

Orosius writes thus of the time of the Mithridatic war, in the end of the first Chapter of his sixth book. The Mithridatic war, or rather the destruction of the Mithridatic war which involved many Provinces therein, was protracted for the space of fourty years. For it began to break out the 662 year after the foundation of Rome, as I said before, [lib. 5. cap. 19.] in which year also the first civil war began there; and in the Consulship of Cicero and Antonius (that I may use the words of that excellent Poet [Lucan,]

—Barbarico vix consummata veneno)

Scarce ended by the Barbaric poison (of Mithridates.) But in this time there are found but thirty years of that war; and how the most come to write fourty, is not easie to be found out.

We read in Justin, [lib. 37. cap. 1.] that Mithridates warred with the Romans fourty years. Appian, in the beginning of his Mithridaticks, [pag. 170.] allows to that Mithridatic war 42; [in Syriac. pag. 118. & Mithridaticis, pag. 249.] as Florus also, [lib. 3. cap. 5.] and Eutropius [lib. 6.] only 40. In Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 26.] the Title placed by Pompey, in the Temple of Minerva shews this war to last 30 years onely; and from the beginning of the first Mithridatic war, to the death of Mithri∣dates, is found to be but 26 years; those years of the peace between the two wars reckoned and all; so that that war may be said to last thirty years, onely to make up the even number; as Cicero [Orat. in L. Pisonem.] in his Consulship hints, that he defended C. Rabirius, who was guilty of Treason, for that he had slain Saturninus, by the authority of the Senate, fourty years before: which Dio [lib. 37.] by a more exact reckoning, affirms to have been transacted within 36 years, before that time: concerning whom, against that Pisconian Oration, Asconius Pedianus is to be con∣sulted.

At that time Pompey was in Judea; for being angry with Aristobulus, he marched against him: Hyrcanus very much intreating him to do so, with the Roman Legions, and with Auxiliaries that he raised in Damascus, and in other parts of Syria. For having passed by Pella and Scythopolis; and being come to Coreae, when, in the be∣ginning of Judea, towards the Mediterranean, he understood that Aristobulus was fled into Alexandrion, a goodly Castle, seated upon the top of an hill, but summoned him to come unto him; who being perswaded by many of his friends, not to com∣mence a war against the Romans, came unto Pompey; and after he had debated his Title with his brother Hyrcanus as touching the kingdom: He by the permission of Pompey, retired into the Castle again. And this he did two or three times, alwayes flattering Pompey, through the hope he had of the kingdom; and making a shew, that he would be obedient unto him in all things: but in the mean while he re∣turned and fortified the Castle, making preparation for war, for fear lest the king∣dom should be transferred upon his brother Hyrcanus. [Joseph. lib. Belli, 1. Antiquit. 14, cap. 6.]

Pompey commanding that Aristobulus should deliver over to him the Castles, he wrote to the Governours concerning his businesse; who would not have obeyed him, unlesse the letters had been wrote with his own hands. Aristobulus submitted indeed, but in discontent repaired to Jerusalem, with full intent to prepare for war; whom Pompey immediately followed with his army, thinking it not fit to give him any time for preparation. [Id. ib.]

As Pompey was marching near Jericho, there came a messenger that brought him news, that Mithridates was killed by his son Pharnaces. [Ibid.] Which good news, they that brought the message presently shewed by wreathing about their Javlins heads with laurell; there was not any high place for him to speak to the Souldiers after the manner of the Camp, which is made with Turfes, cut and laid one upon another; but then for very hast, they took their Saddles, and laid them one upon another, and so raised a Mount: which when Pompey had ascended, he told them

how that Mithridates had killed himself, and that Pharnaces had kept all things for himself and the Romans, [Plutarch in Pompeio:]

Whereupon the army, and not without cause, greatly rejoycing, gave themselves over to sacrificing and feasting, as if in Mithridates person alone, there had dyed multitudes of their enemies. Pompey also was very glad, that he had put an end to all his acts and expeditions, easier than he thought he should. [Id. ibid.] For he laid so much weight upon the life of him alone, that although he by conquest already possessed all that he had, yet he did not think the war was ended, as long as he was alive, [Cicero, pro Murena.] and Lucan also brings in Pompey thus braging of himself.

Idem per Scythici profugum divortia Ponti Indomitum regem, Romanaque fata morantem, Ad mortem, Sylla felicior, ire coegi. (i. e.)

Sculking 'bout Pontus, and whilst watch't to bring Ruine to th' Romans that untamed King, With better luck than Sylla, I've made die.

Pompey first encamping at Jericho, where are most excellent Dates, and Balsome the most precious of all other Oyntments: the next morning marched towards Jeru∣salem. Then Aristobulus being sorry for what he had done, came and met him, and promised him mony; and that he would yield both himself and the City up to him, onely he desired that setting wars aside, whatsoever he did, he would doe it in a peaceable way. Pompey pardoned him, and sent Gabinius with the Souldiers to receive the mony, but was fain to returne without without either or City, for Aristobu∣lus his Souldiers would not stand to Aristobulus his promise. Pompey hereupon waxed wroth, and committing Aristobulus into custody, marched in person against the City, which was strongly fortified, except toward the North, which was easily to be battered. [Joseph, lib. 15. cap. 7.]

The Citizens within the City being at dissention among themselves, those that were of Hyrcanus part, were of opinion that the City should be delivered up to Pompey, to whom many joynd, fearing the constancy of the Romans: but Aristobulus his faction commanded the gates should be shut, and preparations for war to be made, because he kept the King prisoner. These preventing the other seized upon the Temple, and cut∣ting down the Bridge, by which they went into the City, stood upon their defence: but Hircanus partly having received the army within the City, delivered over to them, both the City and the Kings Palace; the custody of both which, Pompey committed to his Lieutenant Piso, who fortified the houses and other buildings that were near the Temple, but first offered to the besieged conditions of peace: which seeing they re∣fused, he prepareth for to give a general assault, and was assisted by Hircanus in all things that were needful, [Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

On the north side of the City Pompey incamped, which was the easiest to be assault∣ed: here were also high towers, and a ditch made by hands, besides a deep valley which begirt the Temple, and also towards the City all places were very steep down when the Bridge was taken away, especially on that side that Pompey was incamped on. But the Romans daily raised Mounts, cutting down trees round about; and fil∣led up the Trench with materials that the souldiers brought; which work indeed was very difficult, by reason of the vast depth of the Trench; especially considering the resistance that the Jews made from above, [ibid.]

But unlesse the custom of our Country (saith Josephus) had commanded us to rest on the seventh day, they could not have finished the Mounts, if we had resisted them. For the Law permits us to defend our selves against an assailing enemy, but doth not suffer us to hinder any work that the enemy doth, (but this is no written Law, but gi∣ven by tradition from their Doctors) which when the Romans observed, they neither did so much as shoot a dart against the Jews, nor came to handy blowes with them; but onely erected their Mounts and Towers, and planted their Engins, that they might use them the next day against us. This Josephus, [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.] and King Agrippa in the same anthour, [lib. 2. Bell. cap.] saith, that Pompey especi∣ally chose those dayes for to carry on the war, on which they that were assailed were to keep the rest of the Sabbath.

Pompeys letters being read in the Senate concerning the death of Mithridates and the finishing of that war; at Cicero the Consuls proposal, there was a procession for twelve dayes decreed for Pompey, [Cicero, de provinciis Consularibus.] And the Romans kept Festival-dayes, as being freed rom a sore enemy, [Appian. pag. 250.]

Titus Ampius, and Titus Labienus, Tribunes of the people, propounded a law, that

Pompey should weare a Laurel Crown, and the Triumphal habit in the Circensian playes, and in the Scenical playes, the Purple Gown, and a Laurel Crown: which yet he never did any more than once, [Vellei, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Dio. lib. 37.]

At Jerusalem the Trench being now filled, and the Tower fitted upon the Mounts, and the Engins that were brought from Tyrus planted, the Romans with shooting huge stones battered the Temple; but yet along while, the Towers being exceeding strong and beautiful, endured the assaults of the besiegers. The Romans being then very much tired, Pompey wondered at the constancy of the Jews, and amongst others, at this especially, that they constantly solemnized the whole service of God amidst all their enemies weapons, as if they had had a firm peace; for all the time of the assault they performed the daily sacrifices: the priests twice every day, namely, in the morn∣ing, and at the ninth hour, offering sacrifices upon the altar, yea, not intermitting their sacrifices in their greatest extremities, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

When the Latinae feriae were solemnized at Rome (which were not Feasts that were alwayes upon a set day, but by the appointment of the Magistrates) a Comet ap∣peared; and on the seventh day of the Julian November, two hours after midnight, the Moon was eclipsed: of which Cicero in the second book of his Consulship makes mention in these Verses.

Tu quoque cum tumulos Albano in monte nivales Lustrati; & laeto mactasti lacte Latinas, Vidisti & claro tremulos ardore cometas, Multaque misceri nocturnâ strage putasti. Quod ferme in dirum tempus cecinere Latinae; Cum claram speciem concerto lumine Luna Abdidit, & subitò stellanti nocte perempta est. (i. e.)

When Albans snowy heaps thou viewdst, and when With glad milk the Latinae celebratedst, then Comets of fire did tremble in thy sight, And thou a conflict phancy'dst in the night. Which time scarcescap'd Iniauspicious; when The Moon withdrew her light and sight from men, And on a sudden left a starry night.

In the third moneth of the siege of Jerusalem, the greatest Tower being shaken by the many batteries of the Ram fell, an•• with the fall thereof brake down a great piece of the wall; by which breach multitudes of the enemies brake into the Temple. The first who ventured to ascend the wall, was Cornelius Faustus the son of Sylia, with his band of souldiers, and immediately after the Centurion Furius with his Regiment, and between them both, the Centurion Fabius with a valiant band of his souldiers. These compassing the Temple about, while some sought to hide themselves, and others made some small resistance, slew them all; where many priests, although they saw the ene∣mies rushing in with their drawn words, yet being nothing at all dismayed, continued their sacrifices, and were slaine even while they offered and incensed in the Temple, preferring their duty they owed to their Religion before their own lives, [Ibid.]

All places were full of slaughters; some of the Jews were slain by the Romans, o∣thers by their own Countrymen of the contrary faction: Many threw themselves headlong down the rocks; others setting their houses on fire burnt themselves, not enduring to behold those things that were done by the enemy. Therefell here 12000 of the Jews; there were very few of the Romans slain, but many wounded: amongst them that were taken captives was Absolom, the Uncle and Father in law of Aristo∣bulus (he was the son of John Hircanus) whom as Josephus writes in the 13 book and 20 chapter, was honoured by Alexander Jannaeus because he was contented to live a private and idle life, [Ibid.]

The Temple was taken on the fast day, C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero, being Consuls in the CLXXIX Olympiade, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 8.] and the first of that year, [Euseb. Demonstrat. Evangel. lib. 8. cap. 2.] on the solemn fast of the third moneth; on which the City was afterwards taken by Sosius, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. ult.] where it is to be taken for the third moneth of the civil year, beginning from Autumn, according to the Hebrews and other Eastern accounts, (as Josephus shewes in the first of his Antiquities, cap. 4. and St. Jerom in the beginning of Ezechiel:) to wit, the third moneth of the Syrians called by them, the former Canun, and by the Hebrews C••isleu: on the 28 day of which moneth the Jews even to this very day, keep a Fast in memory of the sacred Roll burnt by wicked Jehojakim: [Jeremy, XXXVI. 9. 22, 23.]

which Fast (as is observed at the year of the World 3398.) was appointed for the first taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, when the Jews began first to serve the Babylonians, this event, this Peritrope is worth the observation, That on the same day of the same moneth, that the Temple should happen to be taken, and that after 543 years by Pompey, when the Jews began to serve the Romans; and again after 26 years by Sosius, when they began to serve Herod the Idumaean, and his posterity: and that 28 day of the moneth Cisleu, answers to the 28 day of the Julian December this year: and (which also is worth observation) it fell also on a Saturday, or the Jewish Sabbath, in which the Temple was won by assault, as Dio notes: and this is reckoned the 79 year, from the 170. of the Grecian Empire, in which it is read, that the yoke of the Heathen was taken away from Israel, [1 Maccab. 13. 41.] from whence, it may be gathered, what a small time they enjoyed their liberty.

Pompey entered into the Temple, and many together with him, and there beheld those things that were not lawful to be seen by any but the High Priest: and whereas there were in the Temple, the Table, the Candlesticks, with the Lamps, and all Ves∣sels for Sacrifice, and the Censers all of Gold, and an huge heap of Spices, and in the Treasuries of Sacred Money, about 2000 talents; yet Pompey medled not with any of these, but the next day he commanded them that had the charge of the Temple, to purifie and cleanse it, and to offer their solemn Sacrifices to God, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

Pompey restored the High Priesthood to Hircanus, both because he had shewed himself so forward all the time of the siege, and for that he hindered the Jews that were in the whole Country from joyning with Aristobulus, [Id. ibid.] With the Priest∣hood he also received the Principality; yet Pompey forbad him to wear a Crown, and from thence, besides the former 9 years, in which he was High Priest during the raign of his mother Alexandra, he obtained also the High priesthood other 24 years, [Id. lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8.] for which we take 23 years and an half.

Pompey put to death those that were the chiefest cause of the war, and gave great honours and rewards to Faustus and others who first had ascended the wall, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

Pompey made the Jews tributary to the Romans, [The Julian Period. 4651] [Id. [Year before Christ 63] ibid. Euseb. Chron. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] and the Cities which they had formerly conquered in Coelosyria, he took from them, commanding them to obey their own Governours, and the whole Nation formerly advanced through prosperity, he contracted within their ancient bounds; and in favour of Demetrius of Gadara, a libertine of his, (of whose insolence, Plutarch wrote in the life of Pompey) he rebuilded Gadara, which the Jews had formerly destroyed: other inland Cities, as Hippon, Scythopolis, Pella, Dion, Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia, Arathusa, he restored to the inhabitants, except those that were destroyed in the wars, and likewise the Sea Towns, as Gaza, Joppe, Dora, the Town of Straton, (which was afterwards magnificently rebuilt by Herod, and called Caesarea) Pompey set at liberty, and annexed all of them to the Pro∣vince of Syria. [Ioseph. ut supra.]

Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, through their dissentions among themselves, saith Josephus, [lib. 14. cap. 8.] were the cause of this calamity to them of Jerusalem; for then we first began to loose our liberty, being subject to the government of the Romans: besides that, we have been enforced to surrender up to the Syrians, that Country we had lately taken from them in war, and the Romans have also exacted of us, more than ten thousand talents in a short time. Which afterwards the same Josephus affirms [in cap. 12.] that Crassus alone took so much out of the Temple, so that he may here be understood to speak of the tributes and pensions laid upon the people.

With these things that are delivered by Josephus their Country Historian, it will not be from the purpose to compare those things we have delivered by forraign Au∣thours (who were contrary to the Jews in their principles) concerning those things were acted by Pompey against the Jews; amongst whom, Cicero is the principal, in whose Consulship these things were transacted; in his Oration for L. Flaccus, we meet with this Testimony of Pompeys abstinence. C. Pompeius, having taken Jerusalem, moved nothing out of that Temple: but, as all things else, so he acted in the first place most wisely in this, That in so spacious and calumnious a City as it was, he allowed no place of hearing the speeches of slanderous detractors; for I think the religion of the Jews was no offence, but a shame to this excellent Emperour. And as much as could be expected from a Heathen, he made a comparison between the Roman and the Jewish religion in this manner. Every City hath its particular religion, and we have ours. Whilst the Hierosolymi∣tans stood, and the Jews were at league with us, yet their religion did abhor the splendor of the sacred rites of our Empire, the majesty of our name, and the institutions of our Ancestors; and now, which is more, that nation shewing their opinion of ut by their Arms, it is sufficiently manifest how dear they are to the immortall gods, in that they are conquered, farmed and made servile.

Out of Titus Livius, in the 102 Epitome of his book, we have onely these words in effect. Cn. Pompeius subdued the Jews, and took their Temple, which till that time had been inviolate, unlesse we should think that Eutropius and Orosius (as they did many other parts of their Histories) borrowed this out of him. Thus Eutropius touches upon the businesse in his sixth book, Passing over against the Iews, the third moneth he took Ierusa∣lem, the head of the Nation: twelve thousand of the Iews being slain, and the rest taken into league. Orosius [lib. 6. cap. 6.] writing that Pompey went from Petra in Arabia against the Jews; over whom Aristobulus having expelled his brother, Hyrcanus (being the first King of a Priest) reigned: shews that he took this part of his history not out of Josephus, but some other more unskilful in the Jewish affairs, who notwithstanding relates the transactions of Pompey in this businesse, nothing amisse, thus. He sent Gabinius with an army to Ierusalem, their City; and he presently came after himself, and was received into the City by the chief Elders: but being beaten off the walls of the Temple, by the common people, he set himself to oppose it. The place was not onely fortified by the natural scituation, but a very great wall, and notwithstanding one Legion after another, night and day, without intermission, attempted the walls; he was three moneths in taking of it, and took it at length, with much adoe. Thirteen thousand (Josephus and Eutropius have 12.) of the Iews were slain there, the rest of the multitude were taken into truce. Pompey commanded the walls of the City to be thrown down, and levelled with the ground: and when he had beheaded some Princes of the Iews, he restored Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood, and brought Aristobu∣lus Prisoner to Rome.

Strabo, in the sixth book of his Geography, thus. When Judea was now openly opprest with tyranny, Alexander was the first had made himself King instead of Priest: whose sons, Hircanus and Aristobulus, striving for the government, Pompey came in and deposed, and de∣molished their bulworks, and took Jerusalem first by force. That fence was all of stone, and well guarded: within well furnisted with water, but without altogether droughty. It had a ditch cut in the rock, 60 foot deep, and 250 wide. The walls of the Temple were made of the stone that were cut out of it. Pompey took it, as it is reported, by taking the opportunity of a fast day, in which they abstained from all manner of labours, having filled the ditch, and passed the wall by his scaling ladders. He commanded all the walls to be demolished, and as much as he could, destroyed and abolish all the receptacle of Robbers, and all those places where the Tyrants treasures were laid up. Two of them were sited in the entrance into Jericho, Thrax, and Taurus, the rest were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Machaerus, Lysias, and some places about Philadelphia, Scythopolis also next to Galilee; [pag. 792, 763.] and afterwards, Pompey taking away some places, that the Iews had by violence seized upon, preferred Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood. [pag. 764, 765.]

In Lucan, in the third book of Pharsalia, among other Nations that he conquered, reckons up Judea, in these words.

Me dom••••us cognovit Arabs, me Marte feroces Henichi, notique erepto vellere Colchi. Cappadoces mea signa timent, & dedita sacris Incerti Indaea Dei, mollisque Sophene: Armenios, Cilicasque feros, Taurosque subegi.

To th' Arabs and the warlike Heniochi tam'd And th' fleece-deprived Colchi I am known: my fam'd Ensignes the Cappadoc'ans, and the Jews, wh'adore, An unknown God, and soft Sophene fear full fore: Taurus Armenia and Cilicia I've subdu'd.

Plutarch in Pompeio, He subdued Iudea, and took their King Aristobulus. Appian in Mithridaticis, concerning the same. He made war upon Aretas, the King of the Arabians of Nabathea, and the Iews also, who had revolted from their King Aristobulus, until he took Ierusalem, a City, in their conceit, most holy. [pag. 244.] and in Syriacis. Onely the Country of the Iews remained unconquered, whose King Aristobulus the conquering Pompey sent to Rome, and overthrew the walls of Ierusalem, the greatest and most holy City in all that Country. [pag, 119.]

Cornel. Tacitus, Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. The first that conquered the Iews of all the Ro∣mans, was Cn. Pompey, and entred the Temple by right of conquest; there was first published, that their Temple was within, without any image, and an empty seat, and mysteries: the walls of Ierusalem were thrown down, but the Temple stood still. L. Florus, [Histor. lib, 3. cap. 5.] concerning the same. Marching through Libanus in Syria, and Damascus, he distributed the Roman Ensignes; be passed through those odoriferous Groves of frank incense and balms: The Arabians were at his service; the Iews assaid to defend Ierusalem: but this he entred also, and saw openly that grand mistery of that wicked Nation, as under a skye of beaten gold;

concerning which, [see Lypsius, Elector. lib. 2. cap. 5] The brethren at odds about the Kingdom, he being made Umpire, adjudgeth the Kingdom to Hyrcanus, and claps irons upon Aristobulus, refusing to stand to the award.

And then Dio, [lib 37.] in the Consulship of M. Tullius Cicero, and C. Antonius. Pompey marched into Syria Palestina, because their inhabitants had invaded Phaenicia: this Country the two brethren, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus governed, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they by chance being at odds at that time for the Priesthood (which is with them all one with the king∣dom) of the God, whomsoever he be, filled the City with seditions: Pompey therefore pre∣sently, without any blows, conquered Hyrcanus, for he had no forces able to resist him: and Aristobulus also being besieged in a certain Castle, was forced to accept conditions of peace: and seeing he would neither give him mony, nor yield up the Castle, he cast him into Prison, and then easily conquered the rest: but the winning of Ierusalem cost him much pains; indeed be easily obtained the City, being let in by those that favoured Hyrcanus: but the Temple that was seized upon by them of the contrary faction he took not, but with great pains, it was seated on an hill, and fortified with a wall of stone; neither if they had de∣fended it all dayes alike, would it have been conquered; but, because they left off the de∣fence of it on Saturdayes, and because they rested from all work on those dayes, they gave the Romans occasion of overthrowing the wall: for when they observed this custome of the enemies, they did nothing to the purpose on the other dayes; but when the week went about, and Saturday was come, then they fell to work heartily, and was the Temple by main force. And thus at length the Jews were overcome, nothing at all defending themselves; then were the treasures taken away, and the Kingdom given to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus carryed away prisoner. These things happened at this time in Palestina.

Whilst Pompey made war about Judea, Ptolomaeus (Auletes) maintained 8000 horsemen at his own charge, and feasted a thousand guests with so many golden drin∣king cupps, alwaies changing the cupps, as they changed the dishes; as Varro relateth. [Plin. lib. 33.] to whom there was to be paid out of Egypt yearly the tribute of 12500 talents, as Cicero in an oration (which is lost) delivered. [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 799.] although Diodorus Siculus related that the revenue of Egypt at this time was but only 6000 talents.

Seleucis in Palestine was built by Pompey. [Appian. pag. 253.]

Pompey, having left the government of Coelosyria, to Scaurus; from Euphrates as farre as the borders of Egypt, departed into Cilicia with two legions; carrying Aristo∣bulus prisoner with him, with his two sonnes, and as many daughters: [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 8.] one of which called Alexander in his journey, escaped by flight, but the youn∣ger called Antigonus with his sisters was carried to Rome. [Id. lib. bell. cap. 5. fin.]

Appian writes that Pompey left Syria, at his departure thence, to be governed by his Quaestor Scaurus: [in Syriacis. pag. 119. cum lib. 5. bell. civil. pag. 676. 677.] Josephus ads in lib. 1. bel. cap. 8. that he gave the government of Syria, and Judea, also to Scau∣rus. Ammianus Marcellinus also in lib. 14. affirmeth, that Pompey having conquered the Jews, and taken Hierusalem brought Palestine into the forme of a province, committing the jurisdiction thereof to a Governour. indeed Hyrcanus then reteined the name of King, but without a crown: but such was the dulnesse of his wit, that the governours of Syria took the power to themselves, not only of ordering the tributes, but of disposing of all things at their own pleasure in Palestine, as we shal see hereafter in the government of Gabinius.

Cicero and Antonius being Consuls, on the 9 day before the calends of October was Octavius born, of Octavius and his wife Atia; (the sister of C. Julius Caesar) [Sueton, in Octavio. cap. 4. 5.] who afterwards was called Caesar Augustus. In whose reign our Lord Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World was born. [Luc. II. 1. 6. 7,] Julius Marathus reporteth, that a few months before Augustus was born, there happe∣ned at Rome a prodigy (or oracle) publickly knowen, whereby was declared that nature was about to bring forth a King over the people of Rome: at which the senate being affrighted made an act, that no mans child that was begotten that year, should be rear'd, but those whose wives were with child, (for every one was willing to draw this hope to himself, took order that this act should not be brought into the treasury, and then inrolled. [Sueton. vt supra. cap. 94.] concerning his birth day on the 9 of the Kalends of October, Augustus himself agrees with Suetonius in an epistle to his nephew Caius. [Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 7.] the new Kalendar [in Scriptioni∣bus Gruteri CXXXIII.] and the Narbon stone. [ibid. pag. CCXXIX.] Dion also not dissenting who in the 56 book saith that he was born on the 23 of September: for in the Julian September of 30 daies, the IX of the Kalends of October which is the 23 of September, although in the Pomp••lian September which hath but 29 daies it is the 22 of the same month; but September, as the year was (before the correction appoin∣ted by Julius Caesar) at Rome, it fell in June of the Julian period 4651.)

Catilinus conspiracy breaking forth at Rome. Q. Martius Rex, and Q. Metellus Creticus both of them were generals in the Citie, and both of them hindred from tri∣umphing

by the false accusation of some few, whose custome it was to set to saile all things both honest, and dishonest, [Salust. in conjuration. Catilinar.]

The Philadelphenses reckon their yeares from the second year of the CLXXIX Olympiade. (Fasti Siculi) this Philadelphia is not farre from Judea: of which Jose∣phus, [lib. 1. bell. cap. 5. and Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 760. & 763.] where he notes that a∣bout it the receptacles of the theives were this year taken away by Pompey, which per∣haps was the cause of the first institution of this Epoch.

Pompey, marching about the rest of Cilicia, which did not ackowledge the Ro∣man power, subdued it to the Roman without a blow. [Appian. pag. 244.] except that part that was possessed by the Eleuthero-Cilice, whose town being seated in the mountain Amanus, were afterwards conquered by Cicero the Proconsul of Syria.

Pharnaces sent to Pompey, the body of his father Mithridates done up in brine, yeil∣ding up to him both himself and his Kingdom: [Dio. lib. 37.] Appian writes that he sent it to Pompey to Synope in a gally: and also those that had taken Manius (Aqui∣lius) and many hostages both of Grecians, and Barbarians: and that he desired, that he might hold either his fathers Kingdome, or the Bosphoran only, which his brother Machan, had received from Mithridates. Plutarch saith that Pompey, when he came to Amilus, that he found many guifts brought from Pharnaces, and many of the royall family, and also the course of Mithridates, not very well knowen by his face, but was knowen by the scarrs, by them who desired to see that fight, for Pompey would not see it, but sent it to Synope.

For Pompey thinking that all hostility was extinct with his life; wreaked not any malice upon the dead body, but commanded it to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers. [Dio. lib. 37.] he delivered therefore the body over to them, that should take care of it, and defraying the charges, he commanded it should be royally interred at Synope, and withall commended him for the excellency of his doings, as the most famous King of his age. [Appian. pag. 250.]

Pompey admired the wonderful rich apparell, and armes he ware: but Publius stole the scabbard of his sword, which cost 400 talents, and sold it to Ariarathes. Caius the foster-brother of Mithridates, gave privately Mithridates hat of wonderfull work∣manship, to Faustus the sonne of Sylla who begged it of him, without Pompeys privity but Pharnaces when he afterwards understood of it, punished those that had imbecil∣led those things. [Plutarch.]

Pompey inrolled Pharnaces and Castor Phanagonasis among the friends and allyes of the people of Rome, [Appian. pag. 251. Dio. lib. 37.] and also gave the kingdom of Bosphorus to Pharnaces, because he had freed Italy from many difficulties; except the Phanagorenses to whom he granted liberty because they first of all troubled Mithrida∣tes by revolting from him, both as he was gathering up again his Forces, and when he had an army and fleet, and thus by giving example to others, were the cause of his de∣struction, [Appian. pag. 250.] But after the departure of Pompey, Pharnaces assailed the Phanagorenses and their neighbours, until that thorough famine they were forced to come out and fight with him, and so were overcome; whom without doing any more hurt unto them, he received into friendship with him, onely taking hostages of them, [Appian. pag. 253, 254.]

Pompey recovered Castles in Pontus, the delivery up of which those that were in garison thought to defer till his coming before them; fearing, lest the treasure that was committed to their charge, others might take away, and lay the fault upon them, [Dio. lib. 37.] In Talaura, which City Mithridates used as a Wardrobe, were found 2000 cups of Onix stone, made and fastened together with gold, many cups also for hot and cold drinks, beds, chairs, all most splendid; bridles for horses, and trappings for brests and shoulders, all beset with gold and precious stones: in the receiving and reckoning of which, the Treasurer spent thirty dayes; part of them came from Darius the sonne of Hystaspes to his successours from hand to hand: part of them Cleopatra had de∣posited with the Coans and were of the treasure of the Ptolemaean Kings, which Mithri∣dates had carried from thence, they being delivered him by the Citizens; part the King himself had prepared and got together, being extremely desirous of rich houshould∣stuffe, [Appian. pag. 251, 252.]

At Rome at the time of the chusing Consuls, Cicero the Consul spake an oration for Murena, who was chosen Consul for the following year, and was accused for unlaw∣full bribing for the office, in which he saith that the army of L. Lucullus, which were come to his triumph, came to aid Murena in demanding the Consulship; of which triumph Cicero in his Lucullus thus maketh mention. When returned Conquerour from the Mithridatick war, he triumphed three years later than he ought to have done, through the false accusations of his enemies: for we that are Consuls, were almost fain to bring in the chariot of that famous man into the city, for C. Mummius had set the people of Rome against him, as if he had imbezelled much of the spoiles, and had protracted the war, and so

perswaded the people that they should deny him his Triumph, but the noble men, and those that were most in authority, intermedling themselves with the tribes, they intreat∣ed so much by suit and perswasion, that at last they brought them to yield unto his Try∣umph. [Plutarch. in Lucullus.]

He made his Tryumphant entry not troublesome for the long shew thereof, nor for the multitude of things that he brought thither, as many Captains had done before him; but he furnished the shew place (called Circus Flaminius) with the enemies weapons, of which there was great store, and with the Kings battering Engines, which was a pleasant sight to behold: and in their Triumph there was a certain com∣pany of men bravely armed, ten Chariots with Sithes, and 60 friends and Captains of the two Kings, and 110 long ships armed on, their beaks drawn also after them; a Statue of Mithridates of six foot high all of gold, and a Target set with precio••s stones: the Crown also of Tigranes was taken, and carried in Triumph: twenty cupboards of silver plate, of golden vessels and armour and coine 32. These were carried upon mens shoulders; eight mules golden beds, 56 carried silver bullion, and 107 that carried silver coine, little lesse than 2700000 Drachmes. Moreover, there were books of accounts carryed, what mony he had given to Pompey, and the trea∣sures for the war against the Pirates, besides what he had given to his own Souldiers, which was 950 Drachmes a piece, and then he feasted all the Cities and Villages there∣abouts. [Id. ibid.]

After the Triumph, and an account given of the Mithridatick war, he fell to a manner of living far more magnificent, than stood with the ancient temperance, and was the first among the Romans that brought in all manner of delicacies, after he had received the riches of the two Kings, Tigranes and Mithridates. [Nicolaus Damascen. Historiar. lib. 27. apud Athenaeum, lib. 6. cap. ult. & lib. 12. cap. 21.] Velleius Pater∣culus also confirmeth, that he was the first that brought in the profuse luxury in buil∣dings, dyet, and houshold-stuff. [lib. 2. cap. 33.]

Pompey rebuilt Eupatoria, [Year of the World 3942] which Mithridates Eupator had built, and so called from his own name, and destroyed it again, because it entertained the Romans; Pompey gave to it both lands and inhabitants, and called it Magnopolis. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556. Appian. pag. 251.] He adorned Cabira in the forme of a City, and called it Diopolis. [Strabo. ibid. pag. 557] He appointed Laws and Statutes for the Bythinians, and them of Pontus; of which Pliny the Praetor of Bythinia makes mention in his Epistle to Trajan. [lib. 10.]

Pompey marched out of Pontus into Asia (properly so called) and wintered at Ephesus; Dio. lib. 37.] and when he had finished all both by sea and land, yet he commanded the Cityes of Asia to furnish him with a Fleet, equivalent to the price or rate of L. Sylla's imposition which he described. [Cicero pro. Flacco.]

L. Valerius Flaccus, who in the former year was Praetor at Rome, was this year Praetor of Asia. [Id. ibid.]

About the end of winter, [The Julian Period. 4652] Pompey distributes rewards to his conquering army to every one 1500 Attic Drachmes, [Year before Christ 62] (Plutarch confirmeth that he that had received least, received so many) and to the Tribunes and Centurions proportionable to their digni∣ty; which sum of mony they reckon to be 16000 talents, [Appian. pag. 252.] to the Liutenants and Quaestors that defended the sea coast 2000 sestertium's, to each of the Souldiers fifty, as we read in Pliny, [lib. 37. cap. 2.] if that place be perfect.

D. Julius Silanus, and L. Murena being Consuls, Metellus triumphed over Crete, [Eutrop. lib. 6.] and indeed upon the Kalends of June, (for as much as can be gather∣ed from the fragments of the triumphal marbles) which fell at that time in the Julian March: but the chief ornament of the Triumph, Pompey drew from him, which was the captive Captains. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40.] for he took from him Lasthenes and Panares, by the aide of one of the common people, being perswaded thereunto, [Dio. lib. 36.] but yet the Triumph of Lucullus and Metellus were much favoured by every good man, both through their own virtue, and especially in envy to Pom∣pey. [Vellei. ut supra. cap. 34.] Appian also makes mention of the Triumph of Metellus Creticus, [Legat. 30.]

When Cato came to Ephesus to salute Pompey, as one that was elder and greater in dignity than he, Pompey seeing him come, would not suffer him to come to him, as he sate in his seat, but went to meet him as one of the chiefest noble men, and took him by the hand; embracing and saluting him, commended him in the presence of all men, both before his face, and when he was gone from him: but yet was glad when he was gone, as though he could not command freely in his presence; and also commended to him the care of his wife and children, which he never did to any almost that sailed to Rome, though indeed Cato was allied to them. [Plut. in Cato minore.]

Pompey, after he had partly by war overcome many Princes and Kings, and partly allyed them to him by firm conditions of peace, and had taken not lesse than 900 Ci∣ties, and restored 39 Cities that were either ruinated or destroyed in war (as was Ma∣zaca the head City of Cappadocia) and had increased eight Cities and Countries with Colonies, and had instructed the greatest part of the Nations thorough the Continent of Asia that belonged to the Romans in his own laws, and ordained a Common∣wealth for them; then at length he set sail from Ephesus, and went towards Italy, in very great pomp, thorough Islands, and Greece, [Dio. lib. 37. Appian. pag. 251. Plu∣tarch. in Pompeio.]

When Pompey was come to Lesbos, he released the City of all taxes in favour of Theophanes, [Plutarch, ibid.] for the Mitylenians had delivered Marius Aquilius and others prisoners; to whom liberty was restored by Pompey in favour onely of Theophanes, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 18.] This was Balbus Cornelius Theopha∣nes a Mitylenian, a Writer of Pompeys Acts: whom he esteemed one of his most in∣timate friends, and made him a Citizen of Rome in the face of the whole army: to whom also the Grecian flattery when he was dead, bestowed divine honours, [Cicero, pro Archia poeta. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 617. Valerius Maximus, lib. 8. cap. 14. Cornel. Tacitus, lib. 6. Annal. cap. 1. Julius Capitolinus, in Maximo & Balbino.]

At Mitylene Pompey beheld the poets play their prizes, where the only subject was his own acts and deeds: he was much delighted with the theatre, and drew a map and models of it, that he might make the like at Rome, but greater and more magnificent. [Plutarch.]

When he came to Rhodes, he heard the Sophisters dispute, and gave to each of them a talent. Posidonius hath written the disputation he made before Pompey, against Hermagoras the Rhetorician; of the generall question. [Id.] but Pompey as he was about to go into Posidonius his house, forbad his Lictour (as the manner was) to knock at the door, and he himself laid down the Lictours rod, at the door, to whom both the east and the west submitted. [Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 20.] concerning whose meeting Cicero thus relates in the second book of Tusculine questions, out of Pompeys owne mouth. I have often seen Posidonius my self, but I will tell you, what Pompey was wont often to declare vnto me: that as he came out of Syria, and was come to Rhodes, he had a mind to hear Posidonius, but when he heard he was very sick, and in great pain with the gout, yet he would needs see that famous Philosopher, who when he had seen him and saluted him, and had given him very great complements, he told him, that he was very sorry that he could not hear him; but you may saith he, neither will I suffer that the paine of my body, shall frustrate the coming of so great a man to me: So he told me, that the Philosopher disputed very gravely and fully concerning this subject, That there was nothing good, but what was honest; and whereas he was all on fire as it were with paine, as if so many torches had been put to him, he often said in paine, all thou dost is nothing; although thou art troublesome, yet I will never confess thou art evil. Some also say, that Pompey came to Rhodes, at what time he went to the Mithri∣datick War, and being presently to march against Mithridates, then to have discoursed with Posidonius, and in his departure to have asked him if he would command him any thing, and that Posidonius should repeate that Verse in Homer,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Rem gere praclarè, atque al••s praestare memento. Act nobly, and remember to excell.

as it is in Strabo, [lib. 11. pag. 492.]

Valerius Flaccus being Praetor, commanded the Cities of Asia to furnish him with money and Mariners for a Fleet, but fewer ships by half than Pompey used. This Feet he divided into two Squadrons, that one should sail above Ephesus, and the other beneath; in which Fleet M. Crassus sailed from Aenus, (in Thrace) into Asia, and Flaccus out of Asia into Macedonia: and whereas every year Gold was wont to be exported (in the name of the Jews) out of Italy, and all the Roman provinces to Jerusalem: Flac∣cus commanded by a decree, that none should be exported out of Asia: whereupon there was apprehended at Apamea, and weighed before the Praetor himself in the Court by Sext. Coesius a Roman Knight, not lesse than a 100 pound weight of Gold at Laodicea; more than tvventy pound vveight by L. Peducaeus, at Adramitum by the Leiutenant Cn. Domitius, at Pergamus not much; and this Gold was laid up in the Treasury. These things are mentioned in his Oration for him, and de∣fended.

Scaurus, who was left President of Syria by Pompey, marched into Arabia, but by the difficulty of the place could not come as far as Petra: but yet he wasted the

countrey round about: although he himself endured much evill; for his army was afflicted with famine; although Hyrcanus by Antipater's meanes supplied him with corn, and other necessaries out of Judea. Antipater also was sent as Embassador from Scaurus, to Aretas, because he was his very familiar freind, to perswade him that by disbursing a summe of money, he might redeem his country from harrassing; who engaged unto him for 300 talents: and upon this condition the war was ended, no lesse with the good liking of Scaurus, than of Aretas. [Joseph. lib. 1. bel. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 3.] hereupon Scaurus caused a silver coin to be stamped in his Aedil-ship on the one side of which, a King clad in a barbarous habit kneeled before him, who had on him a loose coat and hose, and presented a crown unto him that was carried on a camels back; with these letters written about M. SCAVRVS AED. CVR. EX. S. C. M. Scaurus Curule Aedile by the decree of the Senate: and beneath; REX ARETAS, King Aretas. [Pighius his Annal. Roman. tom. 3. pag. 341. 362.]

When as Pompey had sent his Leivetenant Piso to demand the Consul-ship; the Romans both deferred the comitia til his coming, and chose Piso, who was there pre∣sent, Consul, with a generall consent; this commendation of Piso by Pompey for him, wrought not only upon freinds, but also with enemies; for they were all in a generall fear of Pompey, before he had dismissed his army. [Dio. lib. 37.]

About the happening of Piso his Consulship, (in the Julian November) Pompey came into Italy, as may be understood out of Cicero. [lib. 1. ad Atticum. epist. 9. & 11.] and whereas it was fea••d that he would not come without his army, and that he would regu∣late the publick liberty after his own pleasure, and that he would make himself Lord of all Italy, and all the power of the Romans; as soon as he came to Brundusium, he of his own accord, dischargeth all his forces, before there came to him any decree either from the Senate, or people; [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Plut. Appian. Dio.] Plutarch saith, that Pompey when he thus kindly discharged his souldiers, commanded them to meet him again at his triumph: but Dio affirmeth, that he did not so much as in∣tend to use them at his triumph: [lib. 37.]

In an oration at Rome, Pompey declared that he had made war in the East with 22 Kings. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] and that when he received Asia, it was the outmost province, but now when he restored it to his Country again it was the middlemost. [Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 26. Florus lib. 3. cap. 5.]

Q. Tullius Cicero, the younger brother of Marcus, was chosen Praetor by lot over Asia, and succeeded L. Valerius Flaccus. [M. Cicero. in. orat. pro Flacco. & lib. 1. epist. ad Attic.]

When he was to go into his province, he had a great mind that T. Pomponius At∣ticus his wives brother should go with him as his Leivetenant: but he thought it not be∣seeming him, that would not be Praetor to be a servant of the Praetor, [Cornel. Nepos in visu Attici.] which Quintus took very ill. [M. Cicero. lib. Epist. 14. ad Atticum]

P. Clodius, both for the revolt of Nisibis, and because that in womans habit, he had entred into a temple, into which it was not lawfull for a man to enter, and because he had defiled the wife of Metellus the high preist, and of C. Caesar, and had had to do with his own sister, being accused, I say, for these things, was quitted by the Judges who were bribed with money. [Cicero. lib. 1. epist. 13. ad Atticum. Liv. lib. 103. Plut. in Cicerone. Dio. lib. 37.]

Cicero, writes to Atticus that he had taken from the Consul Piso, Syria that was promised unto him, [lib. 1. epist. 13.] wherefore Marcius Philippus who had been Prae∣tor, was sent successor to Scaurus; who was left in Syria by Pompey: who skirmished with the Arabians, who lived neer there and invaded Syria. [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 119. 120.]

In the ninth year of the preisthood and principality of Hyrcanus (to wit, from the death of his mother Alexandra; before Gabinius took the principality from her) in the month Panemus or June, that decree of the Athenians, in the honour of Hyrcanus seemeth to be published, which is extant in the lib. 14. Antiquit cap. 16. of Josephus: although he referrs that note of time to a preceding decree of the Roman Senate: which was set forth, both in the time of the former Hyrcanus the sonne of Simeon, and upon the Ides of December, as we have showen, at the year of the Julian period 4587. But this decree made in the honour of Hyrcanus the second sonne of Alexander was written on the XI day of Muncychion Attick, (about the 28 day of the Julian Aprill:) by Euclis the sonne of Menander the Almusian, being secretary, and delive∣red to the governours on the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Macedonian Panemus, or the XXVII day, (answering to the XX day of the Julian June) Agathocles being Prae∣tor at Athens: as we have showen in the first chapter of the book; concerning the solar year of the Macedonians and Athenians.

Q. Cicero, first of all eased the cities of Asia, of the charge of providing marriners,

and a Fleet, [M. Tullius, in Orat. pro Flacco.] and restored many Cities that were al∣most deferred; as Samos for one, a most noble City of Ionia, and another, Halicar∣nassus, a City of Caria, [Id. lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quintum Fratrem.]

Pompey deferred his Triumph till his birth day, which he did on the third, and the day before the Kalends, of October (which was his birth day, falling then either in July or June of the Julian account) M. Messala, and M. Piso, being Consuls; as may be gathered from the Marble Fragments of the Triumphal Records, but more fully out of the Records of the Triumphs of Pompey himself, mentioned by Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 26. & lib. 37. cap. 2.] and although he had a most magnificent Triumph of so many Kings for two dayes together, [as it is in Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. & Appian. in Mithridaticis.] Although this Triumph lasted two whole dayes, yet was not the greatnesse of it fully shewed, as Plutarch saith: for a great part of the preparation, which would have served to furnish another Triumph was not seen.

They who strive to compare Pompey in all things with Alexander the Great, will needs have him not to be full 34 years old; whereas in truth he was 40, if we believe Plutarch: and indeed Pompey himself, even from his youth, by the talk of his flatter∣ers, believing that himself was like Alexander, he imitated both his actions and coun∣sels, [Salust. Historiar. lib. 3. apud Nonium Marcellum, in voc. Emulus.] But Velleius very elegantly observes, that they were too much busied about the age of that great man, [lib. 2. cap. 53.] who were deceived, in the account full five years: whereas the setting right of these things was so easie from the Consulships of C. Attilius, and Quintus Servilius: Which fault Plutarch fell upon, whilst he correcteth others; whilst he now saith, that Pom∣pey was but 40 years old, when as indeed he was 45.

Pompey made his first Triumph over Africa, the second over Europe, the third over Asia, and so made the three parts of the World, so many Monuments of his Victory, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Plutarch in Pompey.] Whereupon this great Triumph was called The Triumph of the whole World, [Dio. lib. 37.] He was here by the whole Assembly saluted by the sirname of Great, [Liv. lib. 103.] with which sirname, given long a gone by the people he was contented, although by his famous deeds he might have received many new names, [Dio. ut supra.]

The preface of the Triumph (as it is described by Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 26. out of his own Records) vvas thus. When he had freed the sea coast from Pirates, and had restored the command of the sea to the people of Rome, he triumphed over Asia, Pontus, Armenia. Pa∣phlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Scythians, Jews, Albanians, Iberia, the Isle of Crete, Bastarna, and above all these, over the Kings, Mithridates and Tigranes: to which Plutarch addes, Media, Colchis, Mesopotamia, and Arabia; and Appianus addes, the Heniochi, and Achaeans.

Pompey brought 700 ships that vvere vvhole: there vvas a vast number of vvag∣gons that carried the armour, and also the beaks of ships: after these vvent a multitude of captives and pirates, not bound, but clad in their Country habits: Noble-men, and Captains, or sons of the Kings, partly captives, partly hostages, to the number of 324. went before him, who sat on a lofty Chariot, [Appian.]

Amongst these was Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, the King of Armenia, with his wife and daughters, and Zosime the wife of Tigranes himself; Moreover the sister and five sons of Mithridates (Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius, Xerxes) and two daughters, Orsabaris, and Eupatra. There was also led Olthaces the King of the Colchians, and Aristobulus the King of the Jewes, and the Tyrants of the Cilicians: also some women of the Royal Family of the Scythians, three Commanders of the Ibe∣rians; two of the Albanians, with Menander of Laodice, who was General of Mithri∣dates Horse; also the hostages of the Albanians and Iberians, and of the King of the Commagenians: also many other Trophies were carryed, according to the number of battles, that either he or his Leiutenant had won in divers places, [Id. cum Plutarcho.]

The pictures of Tigranes and Mithridates though absent, were carryed, and how they fought, how gave ground, how fled. The assailing also of Mithridates was re∣presented, and how he secretly fled away by night: and last of all his death was repre∣sented to the eyes of the beholders, the Virgins also that were the companions of his death being likewise set out in pictures: there were carryed also tables with the images of his sons and daughters that died before him, and the figures of the Barbarian gods in their own Country habits, [Appian.]

Pompey himself was carried in a Chariot set with precious stones, clad, as is report∣ed, in the Coat of Alexander the great: there followed the Chariot; the companions of this expedition, the Colonels both of Horse and Foot. [Id.]

The day before the Kalends of October, which was his birth day; he brought a pair of Tables with the men of two precious stones, three foot broad, and four long, in which was a golden Moon of 30 pound weight; three Parlour Tables, nine Cup∣boards

of plate of gold and pretious stones: three golden Images of Minerva, Mars, and Apollo: three Crowns set with pearls, a golden Mount square, portrayed with Stags and Lions and fruits of all kinds, compassing about a golden Vine, (of which formerly, at the end of the year of the World 3939.) A Bower of pearls, upon the top of which was a Sun-dial. Pompey's own image of pearle. Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 2.] Pompey also writes, that he carried trees in Triumph, namely the Elme tree, and the Balsome tree, which onely groweth in Judea, [Id. lib. 12. cap. 4. & 25.]

There were also Carts, and other Vessels laden with gold, and diverse other Orna∣ments, among which was the bed of Darius the son of Hystaspes, and the Throne and Scepter of Mithridates Eupator, and a golden image of him, eight cubits to the breast, [Appian.] a silver Statue of Pharnaces, who first raigned in Pontus; and gold and silver Chariots, [Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 12.] and of silver coine 7000 Myriades, and 510 Drachmes. [Appian.] Moreover it was shewn in Tables, that all the tri∣bute of the people of Rome was before but 5000 Myriades, but with these that he had gotten for the people of Rome, they now amounted to 8500 Myriades. [Plutarch.]

There was also carried a Table, containing a breviary of those things that Pompey had done in the east, inscribed with this Title: 800 ships with prows were taken; eight Cities built in Cappadocia, in Cilicia, and Coelosyria 20. in Palestina Seleucis: Kings conquered, Tigranes the Armenian, Artoces the Iberian, Orozes the Albanian. Thus the Title, [Appian.] the like to which Pliny makes mention of, [lib. 7. cap. 26.] placed in the Temple of Minerva, and dedicated of the spoiles. Cn. Pompeius Magnus, Captain General, having finished a war of thirty years, having overthrown, routed, killed, and having had yielded unto him, twenty one hundred eighty three thousand men, sunck and taken 846 ships, having had yielded unto him 1538 Towns and Castles, having con∣quered from the lake of Maeotis to the Red Sea, deservedly offers this vow to Mi∣nerva.

He brought into the publick treasury in plate, and in gold and silver coine 20000 talents, [Plutarch.] among other gifts that were dedicated by him in the Capitol, was the Cabinet of King Mithridates; as Varro and other Authours of that time confirm, which first of all inclined the Romans towards pearls and Jewels. [Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 1.] There also was dedicated all the most precious things of Mithridates, that were found in the new Castle, [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556, 557.] and that golden Vine that was brought out of Judea; [Id. in Josephus, lib. 14. cap. 5.] also six cups of the stone of Murrha, then first brought to Rome, which presently were commonly used, they being desirous to have plates and dishes of the same. [Pliny. lib. 37. cap. 2.]

When Pompey came triumphing into the Capitol, he put none of the captives to death, as those that had triumphed before him used to do: but paying their charges out of the publick mony, sent every one home into his own Country, except those that were of royal extraction. [Appian.] For that which Appian adds, that Aristobulus was put to death, and after him Tigranes, appears to be false from this, that Aristobu∣lus afterwards returned into his Country. Josephus and Dio confirm, and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flaviu••a Senatour, by the command of Pompey, and taken out of his custody by Clodius the Tribune of the people, which Asconius Pedianus con∣firmeth in his Commentary upon the Milonian Oration.

The Gazenses (being now freed from the command of the Jews) begin the account of their times from hence. [Year of the World 3944] [Fasti. Siculi. anno. 4. Olymp. 179.] That the Gazenses began their year about the 27 day of the Julian October, we gather out of Marcus a Deacon of Gaza, in the life of Porphyry, a Bishop of Gaza,

That none should succeed Quintus Cicero in the Praetorship of Asia, his brother Marcus was the cause; as he himself in an Epistle to him shews: in which, among other things that were well done by him in the Province, he reckons this: That the thieveries of the Mysians were taken away, and murders in many places suppressed, and that peace was setled through the whole Province, and not only the robberies and thieveries of passengers, in the Countries, but more and greater in the Towns. [lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quint Fra••r.]

When M. Cicero had sent a Commentary of his Consulship, written in Greek, to Rhodes to Posidonius (the Apamean, both a Philosopher and an Historian, that he should write concerning the same things in a better stile) which when he had read, he wrote back to him, That he was not by this at all provoked to write, but that he was clearly afraid. [lib. 2. epist. 1. ad Atticum.]

Ptolemaeus Auletus had a son born, he being grown old, which son succeded him in his kingdom; so that he was not above 13 years old, when after the battle of Pharsalia, Pompey fled to him, as Dio observes in his 42 book.

Pompey demanded of the Senate, that all things that he had granted to Kings, Governours, and Cities, that the fathers would confirm, [Appiau. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 432.]

Lucullus had at this time given himself over to enjoy his pleasure and riots: but being stirred up by the Senate, that he should use his authority to deal in matters of State, he presently set upon Pompey: [Plutarch in Pompeio.] therefore he and Metellus Creticus, having in mind the injury he had done them, and with them part also of the Nobility resisted him, that those things that were either promised to Cities, or the re∣wards to them that had deserved evil of him, should not be disposed of after his own pleasure. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40.] and Lucullus appointed, that Pompey should propose to the Senate particularly concerning all his acts; and not demand that they should be all approved in a lump, for otherwise he said it would be unjust, to approve all his acts simply, before they knew what they were, as if they had been done by some Lord. And whereas he had disanulled some of Lucullus's acts: he demanded, That both their acts should be proposed in the Senate, that it might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation. Cato, and Metellus Celer the Consul, and others that were of the same opinion, earnesty defended Lucullus. [Dio. lib. 37.] He brag∣ging also, that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him, drew Crassns also to his party, [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 432, 433.] and thereupon obtained a confirmation of his decrees, which Pompey had disanulled, [Plutarch in Pompero.] but overthrew all the constitutions that Pompey had made after he had overcome the Kings, and whereas he had demanded that lands might be divided among his Souldiers, Lucullus hindred it by the assistance of Cato. [Id in Lucullo.]

Pompey being thus turmoiled in the Senate, was compelled to fly unto the Tribunes of the people. [Plutarch in Pompeio.] and seeing that L, Flavius the Tribune, who had demanded that grounds might be divided to Pompeys souldiers: also added this to it, That all the Citizens might give their voices, that by this means this might be the ea∣sier granted; and also that all Pompeys acts might be confirmed: but Metellus the Consul so eagerly withstood it, that he was carried to prison by the Tribune. Not∣withstanding, the Consul resolutely persisted in his opinion, as also did others, so that Pompey was fain at length to give over his demand; now too late rpenting, that he had discharged his Souldiers, and exposed himself to the injuries of his enemies. [Dio. lib. 37.]

In the mean while, C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the Consulship: him Pompey joyned with him as a companion, swearing unto him, that he would do his endeavour, that he should he made Consul: for by this means he hoped that now at length his acts, which he had made in the provinces beyond the seas, which so many withstood, should be confirmed by Caesar being now Consul, and whereas Pompey and Crassus were at great odds ever since the Consul-ship that they had borne together with very great dissention; he not only reconciled them among themselves, but en∣tred into a Society with them both, upon this contract, That nothing should be done in the common-wealth, which displeased either of the three, which conspiracy was de∣structive to the City, and all the world besides, and at length to themselves also. [Liv. lib. 103. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 44. Sueton. in Julio Caesar. cap. 19. Plutarch. in Lucul. Cras. Pomp. Caesar. Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. Dio. lib. 37.]

This conspiracy of the three principal men of the city, Varro the most noble writer of this time, comprised in one book, and called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or three headed. [Appian. pag. 433.] Asinius Pollio also begun to write his history of the civil war, from the same, which was made in the Consul-ship of Metellus Celer: as Horace [in lib. 2. carm. ode. 1.] and his interpreters Acron and Porphyrio confirm, for neither (as many thought) the dissention of Caesar, and Pompey brought in the civil wars, but their agreement rather conspiring together to root out the nobility first, and then falling at odds among themselves. [Plut. in C. Caesare.]

In this very year, in which the CLXXX Olympiade was solemnized, and Herodes, (another besides that Herod of Athens, of whom Pausanias and A. Gellius mention as the famousest man of his time) was Praetour in Athens, Diodorus Siculus begins the history of Caesars affaires who also in that year sheweth that he travelled over Egypt, in the reign of Ptolomaeus, who was called: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or new Bacchus, [Bibliothec. historiar. lib. 1. part. 1. & 2.]

There was a third year added to the Praetourship of Quintus Cicero in Asia; [Year of the World 3945] al∣though Suetonius saith, that he governed the proconsulate of Asia little to his credit: [In Octavio Augusto. cap. 3.] whereupon in this year there was written an excellent epistle by Marcus Cicero concerning the well governing of a common-wealth, which is read in the first place among those that were written to his brother Quintus.

The Senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus one that had been Praetour to succeed Marcius Philippus in the government of Syria. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

saith Appian in Syriacis, by each of them (to wit, severally not joyntly) there was spent two years space, in fighting with the Ara∣bians, who bordering upon them introded their Country.

Julius Caesar the Consul, [The Julian Period. 4655] confirmed all Pompeys Acts as he had promised him, [Year before Christ 59] without any gainsaying of Lucullus or any one else. [Appian. Bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 435. Dio. lib. 38.]

Pompey also obtained, that the Senate should not confirm those honours that Lucul∣lus had promised to some of Pontus; saying, it was unjust, that another having fini∣shed the war, the distribution of Rewards and Honours should be put in the power of another, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558.] and having filled the City with armes and soul∣diers, he expulsed Cato and Lucullus out of the Market-place, and also confirmed his Acts by violence and force, [Plutarch, in Pomp. & Lucullo.]

Suetonius writes, that Caesar in his first Consulship, set to sale societies and king∣domes, [cap. 54.] as who, for example, took from Ptolemei alone, 6000 talents in the name of himself and Pompey: and Dio relates, [lib. 39.] that Ptolemei (Auletes) spent vast sums of money upon certain Romans, both of his own and what he borrow∣ed, that by them the kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed upon him, and that he might be called their friend and ally. And Plutarch in the life of Caesar relates, that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 Myriades, a thousand whereof, when he came into Egypt, after Pompey was killed, he exacted, and the rest he had forgiven to Auletes his children.

And in this year, in which Caesar was first time Consul, Caesar himself, in the third Commentary of the Civil War, sheweth, that Aulctes by a law and a decree of the Senate, was taken into the alliance of the people of Rome; and that he obtained this honour from the Senate, before the proscription of his brother Ptolemei Cypriot, (which was the year following) Cicero confirmeth in the Section Oration, who also is to be consulted with. [in lib. 2. ad Atticum, epist. 16.]

C. Antonius, was condemned, Cicero in vain (who was his Collogue in the Con∣sulship) defending him, [Dio. lib. 38.] who living a banished man in Cephalenia, and having all the Island under his command as his own possession, began to build a City, but did not finish it, [Strabo, lib. 10. pag. 455.]

It is decreed that P. Clodius should go Embassadour to Tigranes the King of Ar∣menia; which when he contemned, he was made of a Patrician a Plebeian by adop∣tion; that by that means he might be chosen Tribune of the people, [Cicero, lib. 2. ad Attic. epist. 7. & Orat. pro domo sua. Dio. lib. 38.]

Brithagoras a man of great authority among the Heraclences of Pontus, with his son Propylus went unto Julius Caesar: and having insinuated himself into his friend∣ship, followed him up and down thorough all lands for 12 years together, onely that he might do good to his fellow Citizens, [Memnon, cap. 26.]

P. Clodius, [Year of the World 3946] being now made Tribune of the people, that he might draw the new Consuls to his party, he decreed unto them large provinces: To Gabinius, Syria, with Babylon and Persia; to Piso, Achaia, Thessalia, Graecia, Macedonia, and all Boeotia, [Cicero, pro Sextio, pro domo sua, de provincis consularibus, Plutarch, in Cicerone.]

Q. Cicero, [The Julian Period. 4656] when he had governed Asia three years, [Year before Christ 58] departed out of the province, as in his Epistles [l••b. 2. ad familiar. epist. 15. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 6.] his brother Marcus confirmeth; who being then in exile in Thessalonica, thus writeth to Atti∣cus concerning his brothers voyage, [lib. 3. ep. 9.] My brother Quintus when he had departed out of Asia, before the Kalends of May, (about the end of the Julian February) and was come to Athens on the Ides, he was forced to make haste, lest that there might happen some more calamity in his absence, if perchance any one should not be content with the ills we suffer al∣ready; wherefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome, than come to me.

By a tribunitial law of P. Clodius, the priest of Cybile in Pessinus, a City of Phrygia is dispossessed of his priesthood; and Brogitarus a Gallograecian (who is thought to be that Bogodiatorus, to whom; as Strabo writes, Pompey gave Mithridatium, have∣ing taken it away from Pontus, [lib. 12. pag. 567.] a wicked man, was desirous of it, not for the reverence to the Temple, but for violence sake, he having bought it with a great sum of money by his Embassadours of Clodius, was substituted in his roome: and whereas the priests of Pessinus in ancient time had been petty kings, (as Strabo shews in the same place) by the same tribunitial law, not onely Dejotarus, was often thought worthy of that name by the Senate; but also his son in law Brogitarus, who had never demanded it of the Senate, but onely had agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond, was ordained to be called King: but Dejotarus re∣ceived that part of the law that agreed with the Senate, that he should be a King, with∣out giving any money to Clodius; and preserved Pessinus in their ancient Religion: and had rather that his son in law should enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius, than

that the Temple should want her ancient religion. [Ciaero de Aruspicum respons. & pro Sextio.]

The same Clodius also, that he might be revenged of Ptolomaeus the King of Cy∣prus, the brother of Auletes, the King of Alexandria (and if we believe Velleius Pa∣terculus, most like him in all his vitious courses of life) because he had formerly neg∣leglected him when he was taken by Pirates even when he lived quietly, and enjoyed his ease, and without shewing any cause or mentioning any wrong he had done, pre∣ferred a law, for reducing of his kingdom into the forme of a province; and for the confiscation of his mony and goods, and sent M. Cato out of the Commonw-ealth, under a Title of most honourable charge: and preferred a law also, that he, though against his will, should be sent into Cyprus, to command there with pretorian power, and had a Questor also allowed him. [Cicero, pro Sextio. & prodomo sua. Livy, lib. 104. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 9. Plutarch in Catone minoro. Strabo, lib. 24. pag. 684. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 541. Dio. lib. 38.] concerning whom, Cicero in his Oration for Publius Sextius, speaks thus. That miserable Cypriot, who was alwayes an ally, was alwayes a friend, concerning whom there was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him, either to the Senate, or our Generals, (as they say) lives to see himself, his very meat and cloaths confiscate. Behold, why should other Kings think their for∣tune stable, seeing by this wicked example of that lamentable year, they may see themselves by one Tribune, and six hundred Artificers, stript of all their fortunes and all their kingdom. Whereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus [lib. 14.] is not ashamed to say, That the the people of Rome invaded that Island, rather through covetousnesse (by reason of the want of mony in their Treasury) than justice. And Sextus Rufus in his breviary, That the poverty of the people of Rome, and scarcity of mony in the Treasury, provoked them to seize upon that Island that was so famous for its riches, so that they got the command of it more covetously than justly.

Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, a King and an enemy, was as yet kept prisoner by Pompeys command, at L. Flavius his house, who was Praetor. Clodius, the Tribune of the people, being bribed with mony, desired of Flavius, that he would give him leave to sup with them, that he might see him; who being brought, he feasted him, and taking him out of prison, let him go free: neither would render him again at Pompeys demand. And when he had taken shipping and was fled, he was driven back by a tempest. Clodius the Tribune sent Sextius Clodius, to bring him unto him. Flavius also, as soon as he heard of it, went to apprehend him; within four mile of the City they fell to scuffling, many are slain on both sides, but more on Flavius party: amongst whom was Papirius a Roman Knight, a Publican, and very familiar friend of Pompeys. Flavius, without any companion, hardly escaped to Rome. Clodius the Tribune, contumeliously used Pompey and Gabinius that took this bu••ine••••e••ili, and beat and wounded their fellows, and brake Gabinius, the Consuls bundle of rods; and confiscated his goods. [Cicero, pro domo sua. Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Milonianam. Plutarch in Pompeio. & Dio. lib. 38.]

Piso and Gabinus, the Consuls, expelled Syrapis and Isis, and Harpocrates, with Cynocephalus, forbidding them the Capitol, and overthrew their Altars, re∣straining the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions. [Tertullian. in Apolo∣getico.]

Ptolomaeus Auletes, being commanded by the Egyptians, to demand of the Ro∣mans, the Island of Cyprus, or else to renounce their allyance, did not consent; and indeed he incurred their hatred, both for this cause, and for the great taxes he laid upon the Egyptians, that he might pay the debt; that he had contracted for the pur∣chasing of the Romans alliance. Wherefore, when he neither could perswade them to be quiet, nor could compell them by force; (for he had no hired Souldiers) he fled out of Egypt, and sailed to Rome. [Livy, lib. 104. Dio. lib. 39.] that Caesar and Pompey might with their army restore him again. [Plutarch in Catone minore.] But Timagenes (who under Augustus his raign, wrote some Histories: out of whom Seneca, [lib. 3. de Ira. cap. 23.] affirmeth, that Ptolemaeus departed the kingdom with∣out any good cause, or that he was compelled by any necessity; and that he left Egypt by the perswasion of Theophanes, because he would give Pompey occasion to get mony, and of making new wars. [Id. in Pomp.]

Cato going to the expedition of Cyprus, Clodius the Tribune allowed him neither ships, nor souldiers, nor servants, to go with him, onely two Secretaries, whereof one was an arrant thief, and the other a client of Clodius, and as if the businesse of Cyprus had been but a light matter, he commanded him to restore the exiles of Byzantium, endeavouring to keep him from Rome as long as possibly he could. [Id. in Ca••one minore.]

Cato by his friend Canidius, whom he sent before him into Cyprus, tampered with Ptolomei, that he should yield, without any fighting; putting him in hope, that he

should neither live poorly, nor in contempt, and that the people would give him the preist-hood of Paphian Venus. Cato in the mean while staied at Rhodes, both for making preparation, and to tarry for an answer. [Id. ibid.] but Ptolemy, when he perceived what was decreed against him, and neither durst take up arms against the Romans, neither did he think he could live, if he were outed out of his Kingdome; he therefore put all his treasure into shipping, and took sea, that by bilging of his ships, he might perish as it pleased himself, and his enemies be defeated of their prey: but seeing he could not endure to sink his gold and silver, he carried home again the reward of his own death, and by drinking poyson, ended his life; by his Title King of the Island, but in his mind a miserable: slave to his mony. [Id. ibid. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 9. Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 684. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 14. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 39. Ammian. Marcellin. lib 14. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.]

Ptolomaeus Auletes sailing to Rome, when he had arrived at Rhodes, and then had a mind to meet Cato; he sent unto him, hoping that he would come unto him: but he sent to Ptolomy, and told him, That if he had a mind to see him, he should come unto him. After he was come, he neither went to meet him, nor rose from his seat, but saluted him as one of the common people, and bad him sit down. At first it amazed him, and he wondred to see such a superciliousnesse and severity in one that had so simple and mean a traine. When they began to talk of his businesse, Cato accused him of folly; that leaving his own felicity, he had subjected himself to such dishonour, such great pains, and all to satisfie the the covetousnesse of the chief men of Rome, which he could never do, if all the Kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver. Wherefore he councelled him to return with his Navy, and to reconcile himself to his subjects; offering himself also to go along with him, and to help him to be recon∣ciled. The King being as it were recovered from his madnesse and folly, by this speech, when he perceived the truth, and Cato's wisdom, intended to follow his advice. But being again turned from this by his friends, as soon as he came to Rome, and was fain to wait at the Magistrates gates, he began to bewaile his inconsiderate enterprize, and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man, [Plutarch in Catone minore.] but his coming on the other side, wrought so much trouble to the Romans afterwards, that Crassus (as Cicero saith in his oration for Caelius) used that speech of the Tragedian: Vtinam ne in monte Pelio.

The Alexandrians, seeing they knew not of Ptolemy his voyage into Italy, suppo∣sed he was dead, they set over the Kingdome to his daughter Berenice, which was legitimate, together with her elder sister Tryphaena (which was elder than Cleopatra) [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyrius in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri pag. 226.] and sent Menelaus Lampon, and Callimachus, to Antiochus Pius, (or Asiaticus rather his soune, whom Pompey had dispossessed of his Kingdome) that he would reign together with the women, but he being taken with a sicknesse, died. [Porphyrius ibid. pag. 227.]

Both the Consuls in their souldiers coates, went into the provinces, Piso into Mace∣donia, and Gabinius into Syria: the people following them with their curses. [Cicero pro Sextio. & in L. Pison.] and when Gabinius was about to set saile in Syria, he invited Antonius (who was afterwards Triumvir) to go along with him to the wars which he refused to do as a private souldier, whereupon he gave him a command of horse, and he went with him to the wars. [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

T. Ampius, by the means of P. Clodius the Tribune, obtained the Province of Cilicia, contrary to the custome, [Cicero. pro domo sua. cum. lib. 1. ad Familiar. epist. 3.]

Of the things concerning his voyage of Gabinius into Syria, and of his first com∣ing thither. M. Cicero thus makes mention in his Oration of Consular Provinces. His voyage into the Province, was after this manner, That King Ariobarzanes hired your Conful, to commit murders, as if he had been a Thracian: Then at his first coming into Syria, he lost many of his Horse, and afterwards his best Foot were cut off. The which losse of his Horse and Foot, he also mentions in his Oration for Sextius.

Although it was said that the King of Cyprus left a vast sum of mony behind him, [Year of the World 4947] yet he determined to go first unto Byzantium. M. Brutus, his sisters son, (the murderer of Julins Caesar afterwards) was in Pamphilia, where he then lived for the recovery of his health. Cato wrote to him, that he should immediately come to him from thence into Cyprus, because he suspected that Canidius, in medling with mony, would be light fingred: which voyage Brutus undertook much against his will, both for Canidius his shame, whom he thought Cato slandered, and also because he thought this office too mean, and unmeet for him, being a young man, and given to his study: yet notwith∣standing, he behaved himself so carefully, that Cato commended him. [Plutarch. in Catone. & Bruto.]

Alexander the son of Aristobulus, [The Julian Period. 4657] who in the way escaped from Pompey, [Year before Christ 57] troubled Judea with incursions. Hircanus at that time being not able to resist him, being in determination about building the walls of Jerusalem, that Pompey had thrown down, from the doing of which he was hindered by the Romans who were there: But Alexander travelling thorough the Country, armed many Jews; so that in short time having gotten together 10000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, he strongly fortified Alexandrion, a Castle feated near Corea, and Hyrcanium, and Machaeron, not far from the Moun∣tains of Arabia, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10.]

Against him A. Gabinius the Governour of Syria undertook an Expedition, have∣ing sent before him M. Antonius with some Commanders. These joyned with some Jews, who were under their command, whose Captains were Pitholaus and Matichus, taking also some Auxiliaries of Antipater: These met with Alexander, Gabinius fol∣lowing with the rest of the army. Alexander drew near Jerusalem, where joyning battle, the Romans killed of the enemy about 3000 men, and not fewer prisoners taken: but Gabinius when he was come to the Castle of Alexandrium, offered the besieged conditions of peace, and promised them pardon for all that was past. And whereas many of the enemies had encamped themselves without the Fort, the Ro∣mans set upon them, where M. Antonius behaved himself very valiantly, having slain many of his enemies, [Id. ibid.] who being curteously entertained by Antipater, when being Triumvir, he came 16 years after into Syria, he shewed towards his sons Phasae∣lus and Herod, that he was not unmindful of this curtesie, [Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23.]

Gabinius, having left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion, he went to visit the rest of Judea; and commanded, that what Cities he found destroyed, that they should be rebuilt: and by this means, were Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnias, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, Gaza, and many others rebuilt. So that they afterwards were quietly inhabited, whereas they had laine a long time before desert.

Having thus ordered these things in the Country, Gabinius returned to Alexan∣drion; and whereas they intended to assault it, Alexander by his Embassadours de∣manded pardon, offering him the Castles of Hyrcanion, and Machaeron, and at last Alexandrion: all which Gabinius, by the advice of the mother of Alexander, levelled with the ground, lest they should be an occasion of new wars; for the woman being sollicitous for her husband and children, who were carried captive to Rome, favoured the Romans; and using all obsequiousnesse towards Gabinius, obtained to him what∣soever she desired, [Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10.]

After this, Gabinius having disposed of his affairs, carried Hircanus to Jerusalem, and committing the care of the Temple and Priesthood to his charge, he made others of the Nobility Rulers of the Common-wealth; and having appointed five seats of Ju∣dicature, he divided the whole province into so many equall parts. So that some were to demand Justice at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, (otherwise Dora) some at Ama∣thus, some at Jericho, and some at Sephora. And thus the Jewes being freed from the single command of one alone, they were willingly governed by an Aristocracy, [Id. ibid.]

Philippus Euergetes, the son of Gryphus, and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemei the eighth King of the Egyptians, (who 35 years before was King of Syria) being sent by the Alexandrians to take upon him the kingdom of Egypt, was hundered by Gabinius the Governour of Syria, [Porphyr. in Graecis, Eusebian. Scaligeri pag. 227.]

Pompey at Rome undertook Ptolemei Auletes his cause, and commended it to the Senate, and moved for his restoring [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796.] but Ptolemei deman∣ded that he might be restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Consul, to whom the province of Cilicia was given in charge, [Dio. lib. 39.] Spinther also himself propound∣ing, that he might be brought back into his kingdom again by him: then was a decree of the Senate made to that purpose, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 1. cum Orat. in L. Pison. & pro Rabirio Posthumo.]

And it was said, that this advice was given by the same Consul, that a greater au∣thority of providing corn thorough all the Roman Empire, both by sea and land, might be given to Pompey; so that Pompey being busied in a greater command, he himself might be sent to aide King Ptolemei, [Plutarch, in Pompeio.]

The Alexandrians sent an hundered men to Rome, that they might defend their cause against the accusations of Ptolemei, and might also accuse him of the injuries he had done unto them: the chief of which Embassie, was Dio an Academick, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39.]

Ptolemei, sending out certain men into all parts, laid ambushes for the Embassa∣dours, and killed most of them in their voyage; some of them he slew in the very City, and the rest, partly by scaring them, and partly by bribing them, he brought the

matter to that passe, that they did not so much as dare to agitate before the magistra∣tes their cause from whom they were sent, or once make any mention of them that were killed. [Dio. ibid.] to which belongeth that, that Cicero hath concerning the murdering of the Alexandrian Embassadors against all law and honesty, (in the ora∣tion, de Aruspicum respons.) and concerning the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoli; [in orat, pro Coelio.]

This businesse was so vulgarly talked of, that the Senate was very angry, especially Marcus Favonius egging them on particularly: both because many Embassadors of their allyes being sent to Rome, were violently bereaved of their lives, (one whereof Cicero, in orat. de Auruspicum responsiis, makes mention of, namely one Theodosius that was sent Embassador from a free City, was stabbed by the meanes of P. Clodius, and Hermachus a Chi••n:) and because there were a great number of Romans at that time, who had suffered themselues to be corrupted with bribes: wherefore they cal∣led Dio the chief of the Embassy unto them, that they might be certified by him, con∣cerning the truth of the businesse, but Ptolemeys money had so much prevailed, that neither Dio eame into the Senate, neither was any mention made of those that were killed, all the while that he was at Rome. [Dio. ut supra.]

And at length also Dio himself, a very learned man, who lodged with Luccius (who also was a most learned man, of whom Cicero begged [in lib. 5. ad famiiiar. epist. 12.] that he would write the story of his Consul-ship) with whom he was acquainted at Alexandria, was treacherously murdered: but for this murder neither P. Ascitius, who was accused as being guilty, nor Ptolemy suffered any punishment, for Ascitius was quit in his tryall; and Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house, and helped him all he could; and although many, because they had taken bribes, were in after times accused before the Judges, yet very few were condemned: because see∣ing there were many that were guilty of the same fault, every one in fear to himself helped the other: men did commit those villanies then for the love of money. [Cicero. in Orat. pro Coelio. Dio. lib. 39.]

M. Cato having reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens, and set∣led a firm concord in Byzantium, sailed into Cyprus: whom the Cypriots willingly received, hoping that in the place of servants as they had been, they should now be∣come friends, and allyes of the people of Rome: Cato found there great and royall preparation in plate, tables, jewels, and purple; all which was to be sold, and to be turned into ready money: so that he gathered little lesse than 7000 talents of silver. [Plutarch. in Catone minore, & Bruto. Strabo, fin. lib, 14. Dio. lib. 39.]

Here he himself was very carefull in searching out all things, and to set the highest price, and to be at all bargains himself, and cast it up to the last penny: neither would he trust to the custome of the market place, but suspected all apparitours, cryers, prai∣sers and friends, he also talked a part with them that set the prizes, and forced many to buy, and so sold many things by this meanes, and whereas he offended many of his freinds as distrusting them, but especially his most intimate freind Munatius he pro∣voked almost to an implacable ••ffence: so that this gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing him, in the book that he wrote called Anticaton: for this Munatius (whom Valerius Maximus; lib. 4. cap. 3. surnameth Rufus) set forth a commentary, con∣cerning Cato, and his expedition into Cyprus: whom Thrasias cheifly followed, in which commentary Munatius doth not write that this difference grew between them out of any distrust of Catoes: but that when he was come late into Cyprus, Cato did not en∣tertaine him, and preferred before him Canidius, who was with him before, and had given good proof of his fidelity, and abstinence to him. [Plutarch. in Caton. min.]

In the last month of his Consul-ship (then falling upon the Julian September) when the new Tribunes of the people entred upon their office, P. Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his voyage into his province of Cilicia, and Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome, as that place out of the [22. lib. Annal. of Fenestella] quoted by Nonius Marcel∣lus sheweth. As soon as the tribunes entred upon their office, C. Cato a turbulent and bold young man, and one that could speak indifferently well, began with the favourable rumour of the people to raise hatred by his continuall speeches to the people, against both Ptolemy who was now departed from the city, and also against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was now preparing for his voyage. but Ptolemyes cause was defended by Cicero, as he himself seems to shew in his oration for Caelius, and Fortunatianus doth more clearly confirm, quoting by name that very oration of his for King Ptolemy.

In the beginning of the Consul-ship of L. Marcius Philippus, [Year of the World 3948] and Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus being strook with lightning, gave some stop to the restitution of Ptolomaeus, for when the Sybils books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold, that a King of Egypt with crafty councels (as it is in Cicero, in the oration pro Rabinio Posthumo) should come to Rome, and concer∣ning the suspicion of him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her then sentence, If a

King of Egypt wanting your help shall come hither, ye shall not deny him friendship, but ye shall aide him with no forces; for if ye shall do otherwise ye will raise labours and dangers. Which Oracle was divulged among the people, by the meanes of C. Cato the Tribune of the people: for it was not lawful to reveal any prophesies of the Sybills to the people, unlesse the Senate had so decreed it: and it seemed to be the lesse lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Wherefore Cato fearing that the Sentence of the Oracle should be suppressed, he compelled the priests to translate it into Latine, and to declare it to the people, before the Senate had decreed anything concerning it, [Dio. lib. 39.] Notwithstanding this was the opinion of the people of Rome, that this name of a pre∣tended Religion was brought in by the ill willers of Lentulus Spinther (the proconsul of Cilicia) and yet not so much to hinder him, as that none should have a mind to go to Alexandria for the desire of an army, (which amongst the rest, Pompey did most of all seek to have.) [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 4.]

Ammonius Ptolemeis Embassadour, did openly with money oppose the reduction of the King by Spinther: those few that wished well to the Kings cause, would have the matter to be committed to Pompey. The Senate approved the forgery of Reli∣gion, not for Religion, but for ill will, and for hatred of the Kings great bribes, [Id. ibid. epist. 1.] and because they could not tell how to contradict the matter of Reli∣gion, there was a decree of the Senate made, that it seemed dangerous for the Com∣mon-wealth, that the King should be brought back into his kingdom without a multi∣tude, [Id. ibid. epist. 2. & lib. 2. ad Quint fra••r. epist. 2. Appian. in Syriacis, pag. 120. & Parthic. pag. 134.]

When Pompey understood of the Oracle, that he demanded that Pompey might come to aide him in Spinthers stead, and there were little tickets found that were thrown about, both in the Market-place, and the Senate-house, that signified so much: whereupon the Kings letter concerning this businesse being publickly read by Aulus Plautius the Tribune of the people, his Colleague Caninius (falsely by Plutarch called Canidius) propounded a law, that Pompey without an army, and onely accompanied with two Lictors, should bring the King in favour again with the Alexandrians: which law, although it did not seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the Senatours, partly under colour of the charge of the corn, that was already committed unto him, and partly as for colour of the safety of Pompeys person (as they pretended to be afraid for him,) [Plutarch, in Pompeio, Dio, lib. 39.]

But in the Senate concerning this businesse, there were divers opinions; Bibulus was of opinion, that Ptolemei should be settled in his kingdom without an army, by three Embassadours, and those to be private men: Crassus, that by three Embassadours, and those either private men, or men in office. Volcatius, at the proposal of Lupus the Tribune of the people (with whom Afranius, Libo, Hypsaeus, and all the familiar friends of Pompey concurred) that by Pompey: Hor••ensius, Cicero, and Lucullus, that it should be done by Lentulus Spinther; but Servilins denied that he ought to be settled at all, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 1. & 2.]

In the moneth of February (or the Julian November) C. Cato published a law for the depriving of Lentulus of command; which gave his son occasion to change his garment; as Cicero in lib. 2. ad Quintum fratrem, epist. 5. makes mention: which must be meant of the command of settling of Ptolemei in his kingdom again according to the decree of the Senate granted unto him in his Consulship; for it is manifest out of the Epistles of Cicero written unto him (lib. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow) that he retained after the promulgation of this law, the Proconsulship of Cilicia, with the additition also of Cyprus (Cato being now departed from thence) and now made tri∣butary and reduced into the form of a province by the Romans, as Strabo shews at the end of the 14 book.

Ptolemei, seeing he could neither be settled in his kingdome againe by Pompey (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, now despai••ing of his re∣turne, went to Ephesus, and tarried there in the Temple of Diana, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus escaping from Rome, returned to Jerusalem: a multitude of Jewes coming to him again, partly of such as desired a change, and partly for the old love they bare him, he determined to rebuild the Castle of Alex∣andrion that was dismantled, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11.]

Against him contriving these things, Gabinius, the President of Syria, sent Soul∣diers, with their Captains, Sisinna (his son) Antonius and Servilius, to keep him from seizing upon Alexandrion, and to take him if they could, for many other Jews resort∣ed unto him for the reputation that he had, and Pitholaus also, the Governour of Jeru∣salem, left the Roman party, and came to him with a thousand men well armed: and whereas many of that company were not well armed, Aristobulus dis∣missed them, as unfit for execution. He took onely eight thousand armed men

(among whom those that Pitholaus brought) and marched to Machaerus. The Ro∣mans pursued them, and fought with them; where Aristobulus's party valiently held out a good while: but having lost 5000 men, they were forced to fly. Neer 2000 fled into a certain Mountain, from whence they got away, and provided for their own safety as well as they could. Another thousand with Aristobulus brake through the rancks of the Romans, and fled to Machaerus, and began to fortifie the Castle: but not being able to hold out the siege above two dayes, having received many wounds, he was taken prisoner with his son Antigonus, and brought to Gabinius. [Id. ibid.]

Plutarch thus amplifieth the action, giving the whole victory to the honour of An∣tonius. Being sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebell, he was the first man that got up the wall, of a most strong Castle of his, and so drave him out of all his holds: then joyning battle with a few men of his, he overthrew a great army, and put them all to the sword, except a few. Aristobulus also, with his son, was taken prisoner. [Dio. lib. 39.] not very rightly writes, how Gabinius went into Palestine, how he took Aristobulus, (who was fled from Rome, and made some commotions) and that he sent him to Pompey: and that having laid a tax upon the Jews, how he went from thence into Egypt, to settle Ptolomy again in his kingdom.

Tyrannio, teaching in Cicero's house, orderly disposed his Library, using the help of Dionysius and Menophilus, two Book-binders, sent him by Att••cus; [Cicero, lib. 2. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 4. & lib. 4. ad Atticum. epist 4. & 8.] namely Tyrannio Amise∣nus, who (fourteen years before) was taken by Lucullus, who became rich and famous at Rome, and got together about 30000 books. [Suidas in Voc. Tyrannio.] who caused the books of Aristotle to be transcribed out of the Library of Sylla; from whom it is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the Copies; and that he pub∣lished those summaries that we have. [Suidas, lib. 13. pag. 608. Plutarch in Sylla.]

Valerius produceth witnesses of the asistance of M. Cato, in the administration of the businesse of Cyprus, [lib. 4. cap. 3.] Epirus, Achaia, the Islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the Province of Cyprus: for when he undertook the charge of bringing away the mony, he kept his mind free from venery or bribes, having matter sufficient to be intemperate in both, for the Kings riches were in his own power, and the necessary places of lodging in all his voyage, were the Cities of grace, which were most abounding with delight: And thus Munatius Kufus his faithfull companion in that expedition signifieth in his writings.

Cato fearing a tedious voyage, prepared divers Coffers; each of which held two talents, and five hundred drachmes: to each of these he tyed a long rope, and fastned at the end a great piece of cork; so that if the ship should miscarry, the cork should shew the place: And thus was all the mony, saving a little, brought very safe. But Cato had provided two books, wherein he had cast up the accounts of all things that he had gotten: one of the which a free man of his called Philargyros carryed with him, who taking ship at Cencrea, was drowned, and all his baggage; the other he himself kept till he came to Corcyra: where, lying in the market place in his Tents, the Souldiers making many fires, by reason of the frost, set the Tents a fire, and so lost that book also: and although the Kings Stewards might easily silence his enemies, and detractours; yet it vexed Cato, because he had not so much kept these accounts for the approbation of his fidelity, but that he might give example to others of being diligent. [Plutarch in Catone Minore.]

This Cato with great diligence, carried up the river of Tiber, in light boats, the riches of Ciprus, as if they had been spoiles taken from an enemy, and carryed in a fleete. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 4. Valerius Maximus, lib. 4. cap. 1. Ammian. Marcellen. lib. 14.] which brought more treasure to the treasury of the people of Rome, than any triumph, as Florus affirmeth, [ut supra.]

The news of Cato's coming being told, presently all the Magistrates and Priests, to∣gether with the Consuls (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus, the father of Marcia, Cato's wife) the whole Senate, & many of the people went to the river side to meet him; so that this bringing of him in, differed little from the shew and splendour of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his insolence was observed in this, that he did not come ashore to the Consuls and Praetors that came to meet him, nor stayed his course, but sailed by the shoar, in one of the Kings Gallies, with six oars on a banck, neither did he come ashoare, untill he came with his fleet, to the place where the mony was to be landed. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Plutarch in Catone minore.] but when he landed, the Consuls, and the rest of the Magistrates, were ready to receive with him all civillities; not rejoycing so much for the vast some of gold and silver, as that the fleet had brought Cato safe home again. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. ult.]

The money being carried thorough the Market-place, the people wondered at the treasure, far greater than they hoped for, [Plutarch.] he because, having gathered together many slaves, and much money out of the Kings riches, and could not be ac∣cused by any one, but had delivered up all things; Cato received not lesse honour than if he had returned a Conquerour from the Wars: for, many men having suffered themselves to be corrupted with bribes, he caused it to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money, than to conquer an enemy, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Pliny relates, that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian Expedition, one Philosopher, [lib. 7. cap. 30.] Cato obtained of the Senate liberty for Nicias the Kings Steward, giving good testimony of his fidelity and diligence, [Plutarch, in Catone.] Clodius intended that those slaves that were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian, because he had sent Cato thither; but because Cato withstood it, he could not obtain it: wherefore they were called Cyprian; for Cato would not suffer them to be called Porcian, though some were of that opinion, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Coldius being angry with Cato, because he had opposed him, calumniated the ser∣vice that he had done, and demanded an account of his deeds: not because he thought he could accuse him of any unjust act, but because he thought it would make some thing for him, that all the Records almost were lost in the shipwrack. Caesar helped Clodius also in this businesse, although he was absent, and (as some report) sent ac∣cusations against Cato to him by letters, [Dio. ibid.] but Cato told them that he had brought as much money out of Cyprus, although he had not received so much as one horse, or souldier, as Pompey had brought from so many Wars and Triumphs, where∣in all the World was in combustion, [Plutarch, in Catone.]

Cato opposed himself against Cicero, who was very urgent that none of those things that Clodius had done in his Tribuneship, should be confirmed in the Senate, not so much in favour of Clodius, but because that among other acts that should be re∣voked, his commission also for Cyprus should be one, because the Tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen, [Plutarch, in Cato••e, & in Cicerone.]

Phraates the second, being wickedly put to death by his sons, Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians, his brother Mithridates being expulsed out of Media, over which he commanded. Thus [Dio. lib. 39.] but the sons contending for the kingdom, it seems Orodes was first banished, and after him Mithridates also: But Surenas a rich man, and one among the Parthians next the King in blood and autho∣rity, brought Orodes back again from banishment; whose prerogative by birth it was, that he should alwayes crown the new King of the Parthians. He reduced Seleucia the Great under the Kings power; and was the first man that scaled the walls, and overthrew with his own hands them that defended it: and although he was not as yet thirty years old, yet had he gotten a very great opinon for his advice in council, and his wisdom: for they report these things of him; as Plutarch in Crasso, and Appian in Parthicis, [pag. 140, 141.] but yet the same Appian, both in Parthicis, [pag. 134.] and in Syriacis, [pag. 120.] acknowledgeth at another time, that Mithridates was driven out of his kingdom by his brother Orodes: although Justin notes in [lib. 42. cap. 4.] that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the Parthian Nobility, and that his brother Orodes seized upon the kingdom, the Royal Seat be∣ing vacant: althoug very falsely he there makes this Mithridates the same with Mi∣thridates the King of the Parthians, to whom his famous acts gave the sirname of Great: seeing that between this Mithridates the Great, and he that was the brother of Orodes, there was a various succession of many Kings among the Parthians: as ap∣peareth out of the very prologue of the 42 book of Trogus Pompeius, an epitome whereof Justin hath given us.

Mithridates being driven out of his kingdom, either by the Parthian Nobility, or his brother Orodes, came to came to Gabinius the Proconsul of Syria, as he was preparing for an Expedition against the Arabians, and wrought so with him, that he should let the Arabians alone, and go against the Parthians, and help to restore him to his kingdom, [Appian. in Syriacis, pag. 120. & Parthicis, pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39.]

Upon the Ides of May (falling upon the Julian Feburary) the letters of Gabinius were read in full Senate concerning the war that he had had with the greatest Nations and Tyrants of Syria, (under which name, the Princes of Judea, Commagena, Chal∣cis, Emesa, Thrachonitis, Batanea, and Abilene, are wont to be called) but they were not believed: and the procession, that under that notion he desired might be granted him at Rome, was denied him, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad Quintum, fratr. epist. 7. Orat. de provincis Consularibus, & in L. Pisonem.]

When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the King and his sons to Rome, the Senate indeed kept him prisoner, but sent his sons immediately back again into Judea, because that they understood by Gabinius's letters, that he had promised his mother so much for the delivery of the Castles: thus Josephus, [lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit.

cap. 11.] where he further adds, That Aristobulus held the Kingdom and Priesthood three years and six moneths: which the Arabian Collectour of the Jewish History, (set forth by the same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages) [cap. 40.] understands it of the space of the former principality; untill he was taken prisoner the first time: whereas it seems rather to be understood of that former, and this later, both taken together; so that he reigned three years and three moneths, be∣fore the former captivity, (as Josephus confirmeth in lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8.) and be∣fore his second captivity three moneths also.

M. Cicero, in the Oration that he spake in the Senate, de Provinciis Consularibus, councelled that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose Consulship he was banished) might be recalled, and their Provinces, Macedonia and Syria, might be assigned to the future Consuls; objecting these things among other against Gabinius. He being General in Syria, there is nothing done, but some trucking for mony with the Tyrants, compo∣sitions, plunderings, thieveries, murders. Beeing the General of the people of Rome his army being in battle array, stretching out his right hand, exhorted not his Souldiers to gain honour, but cryed that all things were by him already bought, or to be bought: but now he hath de∣livered the wretched Publicans into slavery, to Jews and Syrians, Nations that are themselves born to slavery. And he hath continued in this, That he will not doe justice to a Publican, he hath revoked all agreements made between them, without any wrong done by them. He hath taken away all watches, he hath freed them that paid tribute, and many Pensioners; in what Town soever he was, or whither soever he was to come, he forbad any Publican, or Publicans servant, to be there.

Gabinius, when he had afflicted Syria with many mischiefs, and had done more worng to the Province than the Thieves, who were very strong at that time; yet he accounted all this gain that he had gotten, but little, and therefore he set his mind upon the expedition against the Parthians, and made preparation for that voyage. [Dio. lib. 39.]

Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, being made High Priest of the Comani in Pontus, by Pompey: (as is said at the year of the World 3940.) he there living with Gabinius, he hoped that he should be his companion in the Parthian wars, that he was preparing for; but the Senate would not permit it. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796.]

When Gabinius, leading his army against the Parthians, had passed the Euphrates. Ptolomy came with letters from Pompey, and promised that he would give a huge sum of mony to Gabinius and his army, part to be paid in hand, and part when he was restored to his kingdom. That it was 10000 talents that was promised by him to Gabinius, not onely Plutarch, but also Cicero confirmeth, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumus; where he reckoneth it up to be 2160000 Sestertiums. Most of the Com∣manders were against it, and Cabinius himself was in doubt to undertake it, although he would very fain have been fingering those 10000 talents. But Antonius, who was covetous of doing great matters, and desirous to gratifie Ptolomies requests, was very ready to egge on, and perswade Gabinius to undertake this war: and although the Law forbad that any Governours of Provinces should go out of the bounds of their own Government, nor undertake any war upon their own head; and also the people of Rome had forbad, being induced thereunto by the religion of the Sibylls verses, that Ptolomaeus should be restored at all; yet by how much the more it was forbid∣den, by so much ••he made the more gain: wherefore leaving off the Par∣thian affairs, he undertook the expedition against the Alexandrians. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11. Plutarch in Anton. Appian. in Syriac. pag, 120. & Parthic. pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39.]

Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held at that time the Kingdom of Egypt, who having sent for one Seleucus out of Syria, who as he said himself, was of the stock of the Syrian Kings, and called him husband, and made him partner in the command of the Kingdom, and of the war: He was a most fordid man, (as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. cap. 19.) surnamed in contempt, Ptolemaeus Cocces and Cybiosactes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Changling, he brake open the golden Coffin, that the body of Alexander the Great was buried in, but got no profit by that thievery, for the Queen seeing him so base a man, strangled him within few dayes, seeing she could no longer endure his fordidnesse and niggardlinesse. And whereas there was a husband sought out for her, that should be of royal extraction, that Archelaus the High Priest of the Comani, then being in Syria, and faining that he was the son of Mithridates: (under whom his father Archelaus had waged war against Sylla and the Romans) was brought to the Queen by some friends: by whom being entertained as an husband, that was fit to govern a Common-wealth, upon the same conditions that Seleueus was, he enjoyed the Kingdom six moneths, together with her. [Strabo, lib. 17. pag, 794, 796. & lib. 12. pag. 558. Dio. lib. 39.]

C. Clodius, the brother of P. Clodius by his praetour-ship (which Dio. lib. 39. bare saith he this year) obteined the province of Asia. (Cicero. ad A••••ic. lib. 4. epist. 14.) whose Q••aestor in that province C. Scribonius Cu••io was; to whom there be many letters of Cicero's extant. [in lib. 2. ad familiar.]

By a law made by C. Trebonius the Tribune of the people, [Year of the World 3949] there were provinces appointed to the new Consuls: to Cn. Pompey Spain, and Africa, to M. Licinius Crassus, Syria with the adjacent countreys: and moreover power was given to both of them, to take as many souldiers out of Italy, and from their allyes as they would themselves, and to make peace or war with whom they would likewise. [Liv. lib. 105 Plutarch. Crasso, Pompeto. Catone minore. Appian. bel. civil. lib. 2. pag. 437. 438. Dio. lib. 39.]

Crassus, as soon as he had by lot obteined his province, could not dissemble his joy, supposing that nothing could ever have happened more luckily for him, among his familiar freinds he would talk so vainly and childishly, as did not become his age, and wisedome: designing to himself not only the conquest of Syria, and Parthia, but car∣rying on his vain hopes even to the Bactrians, Indians, and the western ocean, though in the decree made by the people, concerning his government, there was no mention made of the Parthians, yet all men knew that Crassus gaped upon that prey, and Cae∣sar writing to him out of Gallia, commended his resolution, and advised him to go on. [Plutarch in Crasso.]

A. Gabinius leaving his sonne Sisenna, who was very young, with very few souldi∣ers, and the province also over which he was governour, more exposed to the injuries of theives, went through Palestine into Egypt [Dio. lib. 39.] against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their King. [Liv. lib. 105.] in which expedition he made use of his freinds Hyrcanus, and Antipator, for all things that were necessary for the war, for Antipator helped him, with money, and arm, and corn, and men, [Ios. lib. 1. bel. cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 10.]

Whereas they were to passe thorough deep, dry, sandy places, about the fenns and marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the exhalations of Tryphon. M. Antoni∣us being sent before with the horse (whom Gab••nius had made commander of the Cavalry he being as yet very young, [as Appian notes, lib. 5. bell. civil. pag. 676,] did not only win the passe, but took also the city of Pelusium, a very large city. [Plutarch in Antonio.] the Jews also who inhabited Pelusium, and were as keepers of the passage into Egypt, being drawn unto his party. [Ioseph. ut supra.]

The garrison of Pelusium being thus reduced, Antonius made the way safe for the army, and settled in a fair way the victory for the generall: but Ptolemy as soon as he was entred into Pelusium, was so inflamed with anger and hatred, that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antonius interceded and would not suffer him. [Plutarch in Antonio.]

Gabinius having marshalled his army in two battalions, marched from Pelusium, and the same day discomfited the Egyptians that opposed him. [Dio. lib. 39.]

Cicero, in an oration that he made at Rome, not only extorted from the ignoble King of the Commagenians, the little town Zeugma that is seated upon the Euphrates but also speaking many things against him, he exposed to the laughter of all men the purple gown, that he had gotten when Caesar was Consul. [Cicero. lib. 2. ad Quintum Frat. epist. 11.]

Upon the Ides of February (falling upon the Julian November the Tyrians were admitted into the Senate, and against them many of the Syrians, Publicans. Gabinius was extreamly vexed; notwithstanding the Publicans were chidden by Domitius be∣cause they followed him post. [Id. ibid. epist. 12.]

About the Kalends of May (falling upon the Julian February) there was a great rumour at Puteoli, [The Julian Period. 4659] that Ptolemy was in his Kingdome, [Year before Christ 55] as Cicero writes. [ad Attic. lib. 4. epist. 9.] and indeed he was in Egypt, and Gabin••us had taken Archelaus, who came out against him sooner then was thought he would, so that there was no more businesse to be done, but Gabinius fearing, least having done nothing he should receive lesse money from Ptolemy, than was agreed upon, and hoping moreover, that because Archelaus was a man both stout, and of good reputation; he should receive more mo∣ney, and also having received a great summe of money of Archelaus, he let him go, as if he had fled from him. [Dio. lib. 39.]

M. Antonius after he had done many noble acts, in fights and battles, whereby he shewed himself a valiant and wise commander, but especially in one, where he com∣passed and circumvented the enemy behind, and by that meanes gave the victory to them that were in the front, for which he was honoured with many excellent gifts. [Plut. in Antonio.]

The people of Egypt marched out of the walls of the city, under the conduct of Archelaus against Gabinius, and had given command that the camp should be fortified

with a rampire and a ditch, they all cried out that that Work should be done with the publick money: wherefore their minds being so encrvated with pleasure could not withstand the spirit of the Roman army, [Valeri••s Maxmus, lib. 9. cap. 2.] Then again Gabinius obtained a victory both by sea and land; for the Alexandrians indeed have minds daring enough, and by nature are heady and rash to speak any thing that comes next to mind, but most unapt for war and the labours thereto belonging; although in seditions (which happen often among them, and those very great) they presently fall to murders, and account it a good to be desired, to die, especially in them, [Dio. lib. 59.]

Gabinius having therefore conquered them, and slain among others in fight Arche∣laus, he presently was Master of all Egypt, which he delivered over to Ptolemei, [Dio. ibid. Livie, lib. 105. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796.] all which businesse Cicero toucheth in few words, in his Oration against Piso, speaking of the madnesse of Gabinius. That vast prey being now spent, that he had drawn from the fort••nes of the Pub∣licans, from the Countries and Cities of the Allies, part of which prey his insatiable lusts de∣voured, part his new and unheard of luxury, part the purchases that he had made in those places that he had wholy plundered, part barterings, and all for building up this mountain of Tulseuluni: but when the intolerable building was left off for a time, he sold to the Egyptian King himself, his bundle of rods, the ar••y of the people of Rome, the power, and the threatning of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gods, the answers of the Priests, the authority of the Senate, the commands of the people, there nown and dignity of the Empire; whereas the bounds of his Province, were as great as he would himself, as great as he could desire, as great as he could buy with the price of my life, yet could he not contain himself within them. He brought his army out of Syria, how durst he carry it out of the Province? He made himself a mercenary souldier to the King of Alexandria, what more vile than this? He came into Egypt, he joyned battle with the Alexandrians; When had either the Senate or the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria, what could we expect more from his fury, but that he should send letters to the Senate, of all the famous acts that he had done? But that he sent none, Dio observed, lest he himself might be the accuser of his own villanies.

M. Antonius sought for the body of dead Archelaus (with whom he had had great familiarity and friendship) and gave it royal burial; for which he left a great fame among the Alexandrians, [Plutarch, in Antonio.] but in Pontus the son of Archelaus received the Priesthood of the Commani after his father, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558.]

Gabinius lest at Alexandria some of his souldiers for a Guard with Ptolemei: who afterward came to live after the fashion of the Alexandrian life and licentiousnesse, and unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome, and married wives, by whom they had many children, [Caesar, Commentar. de Bell. civil. lib. 3.] to whom be∣long those of Lucan, lib. 10.

—pars maxima turbae Plebis erat Latiae: sed tanta oblivio mentes Cepit, in externos corrupto milite mores, Vt duce sub famulo jussúque satellitis irent, Quos ••rat indignum Phario parere tyranno.

—The greater part were Latians born, But they, corrupted into forraign manners, Did so forget themselves, they did not scorn, T'obey a Serj'ant, follow a servants Banners, Whom th' Pharian Tyrants rule was much below.

Ptolemei being restored to his kingdom, put to death his daughter the Queen Bere∣nice, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyr. in Graec. Eusebian. Scaliger. pag. 226.] He also killed many of the rich Noble men, because he had much need of money, [Dio. lib. 39.]

C. Rabirius Posthumus, a Roman Knight, who being absent had rashly trusted Ptolemei both when he was in his kingdom, and coming to Rome also, and being present when he departed with money both of his own and his friends; that he might recover it, was forced to change the Roman Gown, for the Grecian Coat at Alexan∣dria, and to undertake there the Proctorship and Stewardship for the King; being made the Kings Overseer by Auletes: notwithstanding he was afterwards put in pri∣son, saw many of his familiar friends in bonds, and death alwaies before his eyes; and at last was faine to flee out of the kingdom naked and poor, [Cicero, pro. C. Rabirio.]

Whilest Gabinius tarried in Egypt, Alexander the son of Aristobulus seizing again

by force upon the Government, made many of the Jews to revolt; and having ga∣thered together a great army, and forraging the Country, put to death all the Romans he could meet with, and besieged all those that fled to Mount Garizim; but Gabinius being returned, sent Antipater, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his great wisdom, to the rebellions, who reduced many of them to obedience: but Alexander having with him 30000 Jews▪ ventered to meet Gabinius, and fought with him near the mountain Ita••yr, in which fight the Jews lost 10000 men. Then Gabinius having ordered the affairs of the City of Jerusalem by Antipators advice, went against the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whom he overcame in one battle. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 11.]

King Mithridates (the son of Phraates the second) being forsaken by Gabinius, did not recover the Parthian Kingdom, by the help of the Arabians, (as it is com∣monly believed from the false interpretation of the words of Appian, [in Syriacis, pag. 120.] but retired rather to Babylon, as is gathered out of Justin: which when his brother Orodes had long besieged, and at length, by reason of famine; had forced the Townsmen to yield it up: and Mithridates relying upon the neernesse of kindred, willingly, yielded himself unto him. But Orodes taking him rather for an enemy, than a brother, commanded him to be slain before his face, [Justin. lib. 4••. cap. 4.]

Gabinius privately sent back Mithridates and O••sanes, men of account among the Parth••ans, who had fled unto him, causing a b••uite to be spread among the Souldiers, that they were fled. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 11.]

Whereas the Syrians complained much of Gabinius, both for other things, and also, because that through his absence, they were grievously infested with Thieves. And whereas the Publicans also complained. That by reason of them, they could not gather the tribute, and so were run much in debt. The Romans angry hereat, deter∣mined to have the matter judged, and were prepared to condemn him, and Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius, and was or opinion, that the Sybills Oracles should be read again; perswading himself, that there was some punishment set down for him, that had violated them. But Pompey, one of the Consuls, of his own accord favoured Gabinius, as did also Crassus, the other Consul, both that he might gratifie his Colleague, and also for the monies sake that Gabinius had sent: and whereas both of them openly defended him, they suffered nothing to be decreed against him, upbraiding Cicero, among other things, with his banishment. [Dio. lib. 39.]

Pompey, in his second Consulship, dedicated his Theatre, by exhibiting most mu∣nificent plaies and shews, [Cicero, lib. 2. de Offic. & lib. 7. ad familiar. epist. 1. Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Pisonianam.] although it was reported, that this Theatre was not built by Pompey himself, but by his freed man Demetrius, (a Gadarene) out of the mony that he had gotten, when he was a Souldier under him; who gave the honour of this work to Pompey, lest he should be ill spoked of, that a freed man of his should get so much mony, that he could spend so much, [Dio. lib, 39.]

Gabinius did not admit the Lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to succeed him in the Province of Syria, but kept it, as if he had received a perpetual magistracy. [Dio. Ibid.]

Whereas the Tribunes of the people hindred Crassus, the Consul, from raising any Souldiers, and endeavoured to make voide the expedition that was decreed him. Crassus runs to arms; the Tribunes of the people, because they saw that their liberty, wanting arms, was but infirme to withstand his actions, left off from gainsay∣ing, but cursed him to the pit of hell: and as Crassus went into the Capitol, to make his accustomed prayers, for a prosperous voyage, they told him what unlucky signes and prodigies had happened. [Id. ibid.]

When as Ateius, the Tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus his departure, and many also of the same mind were offended, that he should make war against men that were at peace with them, and confederates. Crassus, seating this, desired Pompey that he would go with him out of the City, for he was of great au∣thority with the common people: for although many were ready prepared to decry and hinder Crassus; yet when they saw Pompey go before him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they held their peace, and made a lane for them. [Plutarch in Crasso.]

But Ateius, the Tribune, meeting Crassus, at first by word of mouth withheld him; bidding him go no further: then he commanded a Sergeant to lay hold on him, and carry him to p••ison: but the rest of the Tribunes not permitting it, Crassus got without the walls. [Id. ibid. cum Dion. lib. 39.] Notwithstanding, Ateius ran to the gate, and there kindled a fire, and as Crassus passed by, he cast in perfumes, and made sprincklings over it, pronouncing horrible curses, calling upon terrible and strange names of gods. The Romans thought these secret and ancient execrations to be of

such force, that he that was cursed, could not escape thence, nor he that doth curse any one shall ever thrive. [Plutarch.]

That Metellus, the Tribune of the peoplee powred hostle curses upon Cassus at his setting out, Florus writes, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] and Vellei••s Paterculus, that all the Tribunes of the people generally cursed him. [lib. 2. cap. 46.] Appian, [lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 438.] and Dio. [lib. 39.] do note.

—Crassumque in bella secu••a. Saeva Tribunitiae moverunt praelia dirae. (i. e.)

—Tli•• Tribunes so ill befriended Crassus, with curses he his march attended.

As Lucan speaks in his third book; but that especially P. Arcius pronounced those curses, and setting a token before him, warned him of what would happen, unlesse he took heed. Cicero confirmeth [in lib. 1. de divinatione.] from whose house almost he went into the Province, for he had supped with him, in the Gardens of his son in law Crassippes, [id. lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 9.] from whence Cicero went unto Tusculanum, about the middle of November, (falling at that time upon the Julian August) and Crassus went his voyage clad in his coat arment. [Id. lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 12.] and at Brun∣dusium shipped his army. [Id. lib. 2. de divin.]

Crassus loosing from Brundusium, when as the tempests had not yet left the seas, lost many of his ships. Having landed his army out of them that were left, he marched by land through Galatia, where he found King Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new City, and jeering him, said, Do you begin to build in the afternoon, to whom the King smilingly answered; Truly me thinks, O General, you go, not against the Parthians in the morning: for Crassus was above 60, and his face made him seem older than he was. [Plutarch.]

Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence against the new Consuls, [Year of the World 3950] and many that had been Consuls. [Id. ad familiar. lib. 5. epist. 8.]

Seeing Crassus had not much to do in Syria, [The Julian Period. 4660] (for the Syrians were quiet, [Year before Christ 54] and those that had troubled Syria, being affrighted with the power of Crassus, did not stir) he undertakes an expedition against the Parthians, without any cause for making war upon them, onely he heard they were rich; and he was in hopes that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be overcome. [Dio••. lib. 40.]

But hearing of the riches of the Temple of Jerusalem, which Pompey had left un∣touched, he turned aside into Pal••stine, came to Jerusalem, and took away the riches. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 13.]

There was in the Temple a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew pounds, or 750 common pounds; inclosed in an hollow beam of wood, on which they hung the Hangings of the Temple: which were admirable for their beauty and esteem. Eleazer a Priest, who was the keeper of the sacred treasure, onely knew of this: who seeing Crassus so greedy in gathering up the gold, and fearing he should take away all the ornaments of the Temple, delivered him the golden beam as a ransom for all the rest, having first bound him by an oath, that he should not stir any thing else. Notwithstanding, Crassus took this, and immediately breaking his oath, not only took from the Temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had not medled with, but all the rest of the gold, the sum of which came to 8000 Attick talents: which vast riches (whereas Josephus was perswaded that it would scarce be believed among people of other Nations) he endeavours to prove out of the Historical writings of Strabo of Cappadocia, which are not now extant, and others, that they were heaped up there in long time, from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia, and Cyriniaca. [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12.]

Crassus having built a bridge over Euphrates, easily and safely passed his army over the river, and was master of many Towns, that of their own accord yielded un∣to him; [Plutarch in Crasso.] for Crassus his coming was beyond all expecta∣tion, so that there was scarce any setled Garrison in all Mesopotamia. [Dio. lib. 40.]

Talymenus Ilaces (or Syllaces) the Governour of that Country, with a few Horse, fought with Crassus, and was overcome, and wounded, and retired to the King, and certified him of the expedition of Crassus. [Dio. ibid.]

In the mean time Crassus recovered many Cities, especially those that belonged to the Greeks, and among them Nicephorium; for many inhabitants of the Macedoni∣ans and Grecians, who served in the wars under the Macedonians, fearing the tyranny

of the Parthians, and putting much hope in the Romans, of whom he knew the Gre∣cians were beloved, very willingly revolted unto them. [Dio. ibid.]

Onely the Citizens of Zenodotia, whereof Apollonius was Tyrant, killed an hun∣dred Roman Souldiers, whom they had received within their walls, as if they meant to yield unto them. Whereupon Crassus brought thither his whole army, won it, and sacked it, and sold the inhabitants at an outcry. And whereas, besides this one thing, Crassus had neither done against, nor suffered any thing from the enemy, yet he suffer∣ed himself to be called Imperator, or Captain General, which turned to his disgrace, and to be thought of a low spirit, as if he did not hope for any great matters, seeing he was puffed up with so small a successe. [Id. ibid. Plutarch in Cresso.]

Gabinius returned into Italy, Domitius and Appius being Consuls, [Ascon. Pedian. in init. orat. Pisonian.] and the same being Consuls, there was again judgment given against Gabinius, and that in his absence, for all Pompey stood very earnestly for him, and the opinion of many of the judges were against him, for both Domitius was an ene∣my to Pompey, by reason of the contention about the demanding of the Consul-ship, because he had taken that magistracy against his good will, and Appius, although he was a kin to Pompey, yet because he was led on by a design of flattering the people, and hoped that if he made any stir, he should be bribed with money by Gabinius; and to that end he directed all his actions; wherefore it was decreed, that the Sybils verses should be read over again, although Pompey was much against it; but in the mean time the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome, and the money wrought so much, that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great matter either being absent, or pre∣sent: for there was then such confusion at Rome, that where Gabinius had but given part of that money to the Magistrates, and to some of the Judges, with which he had been bribed; they did not only not make any account of their duty, but others also be∣ing taught for moneys sake to do wickedly, because they could easily ransome them∣selves from punishment with money. [Dio. lib. 39.]

On the XII Kalends of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came into the city: the IV Kalends of October he entred the city by night. [Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quint. Fratr. epist. 1.] for he was so tormented in conscience for his ugly actions, that it was late e're he came into Italy, and came by night into the city, and durst not go out of his own house for many daies together. [Dio. lib. 39.]

There were those factions that accused Gabinius; L. Lentulus the sonne of the Flamen, who accused him of treason; T. Nero with divers good men that joyned in the accusation, and C. Mummius the Tribune of the people with Lucius Capito: and whenas being accused of treason he appeared by the edict of C. Alsius the praetour; he was almost trodden under foot by the great concourse and hatred of all the people. [Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quintum, Fratr. epist. 1.]

On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to have given an account of the number of the enemies, and his souldiers, he was wonderfully astonished in the midst of a great multitude, Appius the Consul accused him of treason, and the names being called he answered not a word: when he would go out he was reteined by the Consuls, and the Publicans were brought in: he is accused of all sides, and when he was most of all wounded by Cicero, he could not endure it, but with a trembling voice called him banished man, all the Senate rose against him with a shout, so that they came unto him where he stood, as likewise did the Publicans, with the like shout and violence: the VI Ides of October, Memmius manifestly put Gabinius in an heat before the people; so that Calidius could not speak for him the next day, there was a divination of Cato the praetours house, for the appointing of an accuser against Gabini∣us, as whether Memmius, or T. Nero, or C. and L. Antonii the sonnes of Marcus [Id. ibid. epist. 1.]

There were many accusations against Gabinius, and not a few accusers; the first thing that was debated was concerning the crime of the resetling of Ptolemy: in this plea, almost all the people flocked to the Tribunal, and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially because Pompey was not there, and Cicero had most sharply accused him. [Dio. lib. 39.] but Cicero himself in 2. and 4. epist. ad Quintum Fratr. denies that he accused him: either, for fear, that he was loath to have any quarrels with Pompey, or because he did not doubt but the businesse would be done, either with∣out him, or something for his sake, or because he thought it would be an eternall disgrace to him if such an infamous guilty person should escape, if he pleaded against him. I was much delighted (saith he in ep••st. 4.) with this moderation, and this also plea∣sed me, that, when I had sharply spoken both according to consolence and religion, the defen∣dant said, that if he might be in the city, that he would give me satisfaction; neither did he ask me any thing and in the ninth epistle All that I did, I did with much gravity, and unity, as all were of opinion. I neither vrged it, nor any thing qualified it, I was a vehement

witnesse, I did nothing else. In this judgment of the treason, Gabinius had very slow answers, but was ha••ed by all manner of men: Alsius was a sharp and sure enformer; Pompey was very earnest to beg the Judges to favour him, [Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 3.] Gabinius said that he resetled Ptolemei for the good of the common-wealth, because he was afraid of the fleet of Archelaus, because he thought the sea would abound with Pyrates; he said also that he might do it by law. [id. in orat. pro Rabinio. Posthumo.] the freinds of Caesar and Pompey, were very ready to help him: saying that the Sybils meant another King, and other times: and upon this they stood most, because in the oracle there was no certain punishment mentioned. [Dio. lib. 39.] the youth of L. Lentulus was incredible for to be an accuser, whom all said was brought in on purpose that Gabinius might overcome, but notwithstanding unlesse there had been great contention, and intreaties of Pompey, and a rumour of a dicta∣tourship which caused much feare, Gabinius had not answered to Lucius Lentulus, but when the Judges gave their sentence, there were 32 condemned him, and 38 absolved him. [Cicero. lib. 4. epist. 1. and lib, 3. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 4.]

Dio delivers in the 39. book of his histories, that Gabinius, when he stood the trial for so high crimes, that he gave great summes of money, and when he was absolved, there wanted but little, but that the people had killed the Judges: but that Gabinius was brought to the judgement of the people by Memmius, and exempted by the inter∣cession of Laelius the Tribune of the people, Valerius Maximus [in l••b. 8. cap. 1.] rela∣teth after this manner. A. Gabinius in the great heat of his infamy being subjected to the suffrages of the people by C. Memmius his accuser, seemed as if all his hopes were broken: because the accusation was fully proved, and his defence had but a weak foun∣dation; and those that judged him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him: the Lictor and prison were alwaies before his eies, whenas in the mean time all were dasht by the intervention of a propitious fortune: for Sisenna the sonne of Gabi∣nius through the meer impulsion of amazement fell humbly prostrate before Memmius from thence hoping for some aswaging of the storm, from whence the violence of the tempest brake out: whom the insolent conquerour rejected with a sterne countenance, and having struck his ring from his finger let it lye on the ground a great while, which spectacle was the cause, that Laelius the Tribune of the people, commanded Gabinius to be dismissed, that we may learn by this example, neither insolently to abuse the suc∣cesse of prosperity, neither that any one ought to be too much cast down by adversity.

Yet notwithstanding did Gabinius escape so; for being quitted of his treason, he was again brought into judgement, both for other causes, and also because he had wrongfully extorted 100000 (either drachmes or pence) from the Province, and so was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was gone from the City to provide corn, (for much corn was spoiled by the overflowing of Tiber) and was then in Italy, made all the haste he could to be present at the judgement; but seeing he came too late, he departed not out of the Suburbs, till the businesse was finished. He then called the peo∣ple together without the walls of the City, (because it was not lawful for him to come into the City, he having at that time the dignity of Proconsul) and spake unto them in the behalf of Gabinius, and rehearsed unto them the letters that he had received from Caesar, for the safety of Gabinius; and used much intreaties with the Judges: and he averted Cicero not onely from accusing Gabinius, but so wrought him, that he pleaded his cause: but yet all these things did Gabinius no good; for the Judges, part∣ly for the fear they had of the people, and partly because they had not received any great bribes from Gabinius, (who being accused for light faults, did not bestow much costs, and thought surely he should come off free,) condemned him to banishment: from which he was afterwards brought back by Caesar, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Cicero in the Oration for Rabirius Posthumus acknowledgeth, that he did very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they were made friends, whereas they were great enemies before: in which although his curtesie be commended by Valerius Maximus, [lib. 4. cap. 2.] yet Dio confirmeth, that Cicero was branded with the name and crime of a Runnagado: and truly Marcus quite forgot what he had formerly written to his brother Quintus, [lib. 3. epist. 5.] I had been undone if I had defended Gabinius, as Pansa thought I ought to have done: although in the Oration for Rabirius, he giveth this ac∣count of his doing it. The renewing of our friendship was the cause that I defended Gabinius, neither doth it ever repent me to have enmity mortal, and friendship immortal.

Timagenes the Alexandrian (or as some will the Egyptian) the son of the Kings Banker, who being taken in the war, was brought to Rome by Gabinius, and was re∣deemed by Faustus the son of Sylla, taught Rhetorick at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the Triumvirs, and set forth many books: [Suidas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.]

Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Proconsul of Cilicia, when he had behaved himself well in the war, was by the army saluted Captain General, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 8, 9.]

Appius Claudius Pulcher, about the end of his Consulship, being by the decree of the Senate designed succeessour to P. Cornelius Lentulus, without a law proposed to the Tribes, went into Cilicia at his own charge, [Id. ibid. epist. 9. & lib. 3. ad Quintum fratr. epist. 2. & lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 16.] whom Lentulus went to meet when he came into the Province, [Id. lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 7.] after whom Appius undertaking the command, most miserably afflicted the Province, and almost destroyed it, [Id. ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 16. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

Whereas Crassus ought to have proceeded with the same force, and making use of the fear the Barbarians were in, with which he had taken the first places of Me∣sopotamia, to have attempted Babylon and Seleucia, Cities that were alwayes ene∣mies to the Parthians; he was wearied with staying in Mesopotamia, and longing after ease and idlenesse in Syria, he gave the Parthians time to provide themselves for the war, and occasions of distressing those Roman souldiers that were left in Mesopo∣tamia, [Plutarch, in Crasso. Dio. lib. 40.]

He having disposed Garrisons in those Cities that had yeilded unto him, which were 7000 Foot, and a 1000 Horse, he returned into Syria to winter there. Thither came his son P. Crassus to him from Julius Caesar out of Gallia, who had bestowed upon him such gifts as Generals use to do, and brought with him a 1000 choice horse [Plutarch.]

Crassus spending his time in Syria, was more like to a Publican than a General; for he did not spend his time in providing of armes, nor training of his souldiers; but did reckon up the Revenues of the Cities, and for many dayes was weighing and measuring the treasures of the Goddesse of Hierapolis. He also demanded souldiers from divers people, and then for a sum of money discharged them: and these things brought him into contempt. As they were going out of the Temple of the Goddesse of Hierapolis the young Crassus sell upon the threshold, and presently his father sell upon him, [Plutarch.] Hierapolis is that City which some call Bambyce, others Edessa, and the Syrians Magog: where the Syrian Goddesse Atargatis, called by the Grecians Deceto, was worshipped, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 748. Pliny, lib. 5. cap. 23.]

Rabirius Posthumus, was accused before the Judges of treason because he followed Ptolemei to Alexandria, for the money that he owed him, [Sueton, in Claudia, cap. 16.] for now Gabinius being condemned of extortion, and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because he was the cause that Gabinius went to Alex∣andria; because being made the King Dioecetes or overseer, he had taken the coat of Alexandria, and had gathered money out of the tributes imposed by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was pittifull cold weather, as may be gathered out of his oration, which is yet extant.

M. Crassus, his sonne Publius being killed and the army being discomfited, perished with shame and disgrace, beyond the river Euphrates. [Cicero. lib. 2. de divinatione] this discomfiture Dio declares in lib 40. but Plutarch more fully in the life of Crassus, out of whom all that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 read in Appian. de Parthicis, are taken as it were word for word. wherefore it will be worth the labour to set down the principall parts of this most famous history, taken from thence, as Salianus hath done.

Orodes the King of the Parthians, sent Embassadors into Syria unto Crassus: who should expostulate with him concerning the invasion of Mesopotamia, and demand the reasons why he made war, he sent moreover Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken, or revolted: he himself took an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the sonne of Tigranes, who reigned there, and was afraid of his own Kingdome, should send any aid to the Romans, [Dio.]

The Embassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria, as he was drawing his forces out of their winter quarters (although F••orus relates that this was done in Mesopota∣mia, whenas Crassus was encamped at Nicephorium) putting him in mind of the leagues that they had made with Pompey and Sylla: and withall declaring unto him; that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome, that then they would have no peace with the Romans; but if Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain, and had seized upon his cities, that their King would use him more favourably, in consideration of Crassus his old age, and that he would send back his souldiers to the people of Rome: to which Crassus, gaping after the Kings treasures, answered nothing, not pretending any imaginary cause of war but that he would answer them at Seleucia: [Florus lib. 3. cap. 11. Plutarch Dio.] then Vageses the chief of the Embassadors smiling, and strikeing the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left, said, That haires should sooner grow there, then that he should see Seleucia, and so the Embassadours returned, telling King Oro∣des that he must prepare for war.

In the mean while certain souldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia,

hardly escaped with great danger, brought him news of the formidable multitude of the Parthians, what kind of arms they use, and their manner of fight, as they had learned by experience: which so much discouraged the Romans, that some of the Captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay, and deliberate in council, concerning the whole businesse: among which was Cassius the Treasurer of Crassus; the Sooth∣sayers also sought to deter him: but Crassus gave no ear to any of them.

He that chiefly encouraged Crassus was Artabazes the King of the Armenians, who came into his Camp with 6000 Horse, which were said to be the Kings Guard. He promised him also other 10000 men at armes, and 30000 Foot, whom he would pay. He also perswaded Crassus that he should inrode Parthia thorough Armenia, and that he would abundantly furnish his army, and that the march that way would be safer, by reason of the unevenness of the country, and so not so much in danger of the Horse, in which the Parthians did abound. But Crassus neglected this most wise counsel, and thanking the Armenian, sent him back, telling him that he would march thorough Mesopotamia where he had left many good souldiers of the Romans.

Whereupon he came to Zeugma, at the bank of Euphrates; where he neglected the threatnings of many prodigies, which Plutarch and Dio mention. The chief of which was this, as it is noted in Julius Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. How a sudden tempest snatched the Standerd from the Standard-bearer, and sunck it in the water: and how by a sudden darknesse of the skie that fell, they were hindred from passing over, yet Crassus would on: and by Florus, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] thus, When the army had passed Zeugma, sudden, whirle-winds threw the Standards into Euphrates, where they sunck. Crassus also neglected the councel of Cassius, who advised him, That he should refresh his army in some of the Cities, in which he had a Garrison, untill he heard some certain news of the Parthians; or else that he would march along the river to Seleucia, and so the ships would supply him with victual, and would follow the Camp, and that the river would keep the enemy from environing him.

A. Crassus was considering on these things, Augarus, or Abgarus Osroenus with∣drew him from this wholsom advice: for he is rightly stiled by Dio; who by Florus [lib. 3. cap. 11.] is called Mazares the Syrian, and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus varying, he is called Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus, and also Abgarus; in Plu∣tarch, he is called Ariamnes, a Captain of the Arabians: although in some Copies of Plutarch, and in those, out of which the Parthica of Appian are taken, he is found to be called Acbarus: this man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pompey's time, but now followed the Barbarians party. And whereas he was of the Parthi∣ans side, he made as though he was a great friend to Crassus, and liberally bestowing much mony upon him, sought out all his councels, and declared them to the Parthi∣ans: and when as Crassus had determined to march to Seleucia, and from thence to go to the City of Ctesiphon; he perswaded him, that he should not take that councel, because it would take up too much time, but that he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his Captains (leaving Euphrates behind him, which onely could furnish him with victual, and be for a fortification to him.)

He then led his army through a vast Plain, both sandy and wanting water, where also was neither root nor green herb. And now Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent Embassadors to him, that he could send him no forces, because he had a great war that lay upon him, for Orodes now wasted the Country of the Armenians; but yet very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia, and to joyn forces with him, that they both together might fight with Orodes: but if he were not pleased to do this, that he should be sure to shun those places that were most convenient for Horse. Crassus angerly rejected this advice, and not vouchsafing to write to the King, told them, That he had no leasure to think upon Armenia, but that in his return he would punish the Armenian for his treachery: but immediately Abgarus, before his treachery was discovered, withdrew himself, when he had perswaded Crassus, that he might compasse the enemies in, and route them.

They had not gone far, but that some few scouts came in (for the rest were killed by the enemy) telling them, That there were huge forces, who couragiously marched on towards them: at this Crassus was astonished, and all the army was strooken with fear; and Crassus at the first following Cassius his advice, set his battle wide, but pre∣sently changing his mind, he contracted his forces, and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius, the other to his son C. Publius, and he him∣self led the battle in the middest. As soon as they came to the river Balissus, most of the Commanders perswaded him to encamp, and to lodge there all night; and in the mean time, to send to see what forces the enemy had, and how they were armed. This advise also Crassus rejected, because his son, and some of his Horse men, much

desired to fight: and so he commanded them that would eat and drink, should do it standing, keeping their rankes: which before it could be done by all, he march∣ed on with a disorderly march, not fair and softly, until the enemies were in view.

Surenas shewed not his whole body at the first, neither the brightnesse of their arms, but set them in a convenient place for a terrour to the Romans, whom they endea∣voured with their lances to make break their ranks: but as soon as they saw the depth of the battle, and that the souldiers kept their ranks, they retired: and when as they seemed to be in disorder, before the Romans perceived it, they had on every side environed them. But when Crassus commanded his light Horse men to assaile them, they had not marched far, but they were ill entertained with a showre of darts, and were driven to retire to the force of the armed men; which gave the first beginning of fear and tumult, especially they seeing the force of the weapons that brake through all, and the greatnesse of the wounds.

The Parthians being thus sundered from them, began to shoot with their darts on every side upon the whole body of the army, that no dart fell in vain; and with so great force, that it made either an horrible wound, or most commonly death; and with so great constancy, that they did not cease from shooting even when they fled: and indeed the Romans were in hope, that when these darts were spent, that then they should come to handy-blows: but when they knew that there were many Ca∣mels laden with darts, from which they that had first spent their darts took a compasse and fetched others; then Crassus began to faint, perceiving that there would be no end of their shooting, until they were all killed with their darts: whereupon he com∣manded his son to endeavour by all means to joyne battle with the enemy, before they were wholy compassed about.

Young Crassus therefore taking with him 1300 Horse, (a 1000 whereof he had received from Caesar) and 500 Archers, and eight Ensigns of the next footmen who had Bucklers, gave a charge upon the Parthians; who fleeing on purpose, withdrew him a good way off from his father: then turning about, they thrust them thorough with their darts on every side, Publius himself (whom Orosius commends as a most choice young man, [lib. 6. cap. 13. and Eutropius, in lib. 6.] as a most famous and ex∣cellent young man) because he could not use his hand that was pierced thorough, commanded a gentleman to thrust him thorough the side. Censorinus a Senatour and Oratour is said to have died in the like manner. Megabacchus a man valiant both in body and mind, thrust himself thorough, as did the rest of the Nobility: the rest get∣ting to an Hill, were killed in fight by the Speares of the Parthians. There are but 500 said to be taken prisoners.

They, having cut off Publius his head, marched towards Crassus, who expected the return of his son, during which time the enemy did not presse so hard: but when∣as messenger came upon messenger, that Publius was clean lost, unlesse he were im∣mediately succoured with a very strong party; he intended to march with the whole army; when as the enemies came upon him, with a terrible noise, being grown more fierce by reason of the victory, bringing the head of his son upon a Speare. That spectacle brake the hearts of the Romans, notwithstanding Crassus endeavours to hearten on his men, to extort from the enemy the joy they had received, and to re∣venge their cruelty: the battle is renewed, but seeing the Romans were on every side again wounded with their darts, many of whom died miserably; for those who de∣sperately, that they might escape the darts, came upon the enemy, were with great Lances forced into a narrow compasse, with which at one thrust they strook thorough two bodies: until the night appoaching, the Parthians retired, bragging that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoane his son.

That same night Octavius and Crassus called together the Centutions and Soul∣diers; for Crassus being overwhelmed with sorrow for the publick and his own private losse, kept himself in the dark with his head covered: whereas the fear of what was to come forced the rest of the army to advise about flying, the army in all places began to dislodge without any sound of Trumpet: but whereas those that were weak perceived themselves to be forsaken, there was great tumult and confusion, and all the Camp was filled with howling and lamentation: the•• fear and astonishment seized upon those that marched, because they thought the enemy would be raised by this noise, and come and set upon them: and indeed the enemy did know that they were removing, but neglected to pursue them; three hundred light-horsemen, under their Captain Egnatius late in the night came to Carrae, and calling to the watch, commanded them to tell Coponius the Governour, that Crassus had had a great fight with the Parthians; but said not a word more, and marched hastily to the Zeugma. Coponius by the con∣fusednesse of the speech supposing that no good news was told him, presently armed his men, and meeting Crassus who marched slowly by reason of his wounded men, he re∣ceived him with his army into the City.

As soon as it was day, the Parthians go to the Romans Camp, and there put to death 4000 that were left there. Many also their Horse men took up as they were wandring in the plain: among these there were four cohorts, whom in the same night Vargunteius a Liutenant lead, and had lost their way by night: these getting to an hill, the Parthians compassing them in, killed them all in fight, except twenty Souldiers: who breaking through the middest of the enemy, came safe to Carrae. Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius. [lib. 6. cap. 13.]

Surenas being uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae, or fled to some other place, sends certain men to Carrae, that he might know the truth, under a co∣lour of making a league with the Romans, if they would yield up Mesopotamia: which when the Romans approved of, because all things were in a desperate condition with them, and demanded time and place for the meeting of Crassus and Surenas. Surenas understanding that the enemy was shut up in Carrae, the next day he came before it with his whole army, and exceedingly straitning the Town, commanded the Romans, That if they would have any truce, that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius prisoners. Hereupon the Romans exceedingly lamented, that they were so cheated, and casting off all hopes of any aide from the Armenians, they thought how they might escape by flight.

This councel was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians, yet Crassus declared it to Andromachus, the most perfidious of all men, whom also he took to be his guide in his march. Whereupon the Parthians knew all their councels, by the treachery of Andromachus, and because it is neither the custome, nor safe, for the Parthians to fight by night; but Crassus went out by night; and least the enemy should be too much behind them that fled. Andromochus led them, some one way, some another, and at last brought them into deep bogs, and places that were full of ditches: there were some who suspected Andromachus his often turnings, and would not follow him; for Crassus retired to Carrae, and from thence with 500 men, took his way into Syria. Others having gotten faithfull guides, took the way of the mountains, which they call Synaca, and before day, were retired into a safe place, and those were almost five thousand men, over whom Octavius, a valiant man, was Com∣mander.

But the day overtook Crassus, who was intangled in those difficult places and bogs, by the treachery of Andromachus, he with four cohorts of legionary Souldiers, and a few Horse men, and five Lictors, having gotten out of those fastnesses with great pains, the enemy even now approaching, he fled to another hill, within twelve fur∣longs from Octavius, not so fortified, nor so steep for Horses: but being under the Synaca, and joyned to it with a long neck that stretched through the middest of the whole plain, so that Octavius could not but see the danger that Crassus was in: and therefore he first, with a few others came to his aide, and the rest chiding one the other followed him, and beating the enemy from the hill, received Crassus into the middest of them, and covering him with their Targets, spake nobly, That no weapon of the Parthians could touch the body of their General, till they had killed them that defended him to the last man.

Wherefore Surenas seeing the Parthians not so couragious as they were wont to be, and that it was a dangerous thing to fight with desperate men, especially they fight∣ing from an higher place; and if perchance night should overtake them, that then the Romans could not be taken, they keeping the mountains, but that they would go to the Armenians, and so might be a means of renewing the war, (as Dio saith) he plot∣ted another treachery and falshood: he let some prisoners go free, who had heard some Barbarians say on purpose, That their King was not altogether averse from making peace with the Romans, that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be, if it could be effected by his means. In the mean while, the Barbarians forbare to fight: and Surenas with some noble men, came near the hill with his bow unbent; and holding forth his right hand, invited Crassus to make a league with him: and told him, That he had had experience of the force of the Parthians; yet now, if he would, he should have experience of his humanity. Crassus did not assent unto him, whom for good cause he had reason to be afraid of, as who saw no reason of this sudden change.

But the Souldiers demanded peace even with reproaches to Crassus; he endea∣voured by entreaties and reason to perswade them, that they would hold out but the rest of the day, and that at night they should march through mountainous places, and that they would not break off the hopes of a safety that was so neer them: but when they began to mutiny, and beating of their harnesse, began to threaten him: being affrighted, he went towards the enemy, but turning about to his own men, he said, Yea, if Octavius and Petronius, and all you Roman Commanders that are here with me,

see, what violence is upon me, yet, if ever any of you shal come off safely, tell, that Crassus was deceived by his enemies, and not delivered up by his own citizens. Which he might seem to have said, as it were trying by this friendly speech if he could asswage their obsti∣nate minds, whilst he provides for their honour, but Octavius and the rest staid not on the hill but went down with him: the Lictors that would follow him for his ho∣nours sake, Crassus himself forbad.

The first who came from the Barbarians were two mungrell Graecians, who dis∣mounting from their horses worshipped him, and saluted him, in Greek, desiring him that he would send some before to see if Surenas and the rest that came to parly, whe∣ther they came unarmed, he presently sent two Roscii that were brothers, whom Su∣renas staied, and coming on horseback, whereas Crassus was a foot, he commanded an horse to be brought to him, and that he should go to the rivers side to write the ar∣ticles of the peace, because the Romans were not very mindfull of their covenants, and withall gave him his right hand, and when Crassus sent for an horse, he told him there was no great need, for the King, saith he, giveth you this, presently there was brought him an horse with a golden bridle, upon which the grooms mounted Crassus and following him behind lashed him, then Octavius first took hold of the bridle, and after him Petronius one of the Colonels, and then the rest of the Romans came about him to stay the horse, and to take him from them that pressed upon Crassus on every side.

And whereas at first they were justling and thrusting one the other, at last they came to blowes. Octavius drew his sword and killed a groom one of the Barbarians, another kills Octavius, striking him behind; Petronius had no weapon, but being strook upon his coat of maile lighted from his horse, and had no hurt, but Promanaethros or Ma∣narthes by name a Parthian killed Crassus, or as others will have it, cut of his head and right hand, as he lay dead. Dio leaves it in doubt, whether he were killed by his own men, least he should come alive into the enemies hands, or whether he was slain by the enemies. Livy relateth lib. 106. that he was taken, and making resistance, least he should suffer any thing being alive, was killed: himselfe being allured to a parly, had upon a sign given by the enemy, come quick into their hands, if the resistance of the tribunes, had not moved the Barbarians to prevent the flight of the generall: as Florus saith in lib. 3. cap. 11. and Sex∣tus Rufus following him, in his breviary to Valentinian the Emperour. Crassus him∣selfe being allured to a parly, might have been taken alive, but by the resistance of the tribunes he escaped, and whilst he sought to fly was killed.

This Surenas the Generall of the Parthians took Crassus by treachery, and killed him at Sinnaca a city of Mesopotamia [Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 747.] although he had rather have taken him alive. [Orosius lib. 6. cap. 13.] Velleius Paterculus saith that he was killed with most part of the Roman army. [lib. 2. cap. 46.] Pliny saith, that all the Lucanian Souldiers were killed with him, of which there were many in the army. [lib. 2. cap. 56.] Jornandes writes, that they lost eleven legions almost, and their Ge∣nerall also. [De regno. succession.] it is said that the number of those that were slain were 20000: and of those that were taken alive by the enemy 10000; as it is in Plu∣tarch. Appian affirmes, that of an 100000 scarce 10000 fled into Syria. [lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 438.] that these things were done in the month of June, Ovid shews in lib. 6. Fastorum. in the middle of Summer (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) saith Dio in lib. 40. of his histories: where also he addeth, that the Parthians at this time recovered all their countrey again that lay within the river Euphrates.

The remaines of the Roman army shifting each man for himself, being scattered by flight into Armenia, Cilicia, and Syria, did scarce afford a man alive to bring the news of the overthrow. [Florus lib. 3. cap. 11.] as soon as this overthrow was known, ma∣ny provinces of the East had revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome, unlesse Cassius gathering together a few souldiers of them that fled, had quitted Syria that began to grow proud with great vertue and moderation [Oros. lib. 6. cap, 13.] this is that Cassius who would not accept of the command that the souldiers offe∣red him at Carrae in meer hate to Crassus, and Crassus also himself willingly yeilded to it considering the greatnesse of his losse; yet now being compelled by necessity, took upon him, the government of Syria. [Dio, lib. 40.] he was also the treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria within the command of the people of Rome, and was also the same C. Cassius, who together with Brutus, afterwards killed Julius Caesar. [Vellei. Paterc. lib. 2. cap. 46. together with 56. & 58.]

Surenas sent the head and right hand of Crassus to Orodes, into Armenia: and he spread a report by messengers of his own, at Seleucia, that he brought Crassus alive having dressed up one Caius a captive who was very like him, and so made a ridicu∣lous shew, which in disgrace they calied a triumph. [Plutarch.]

In the mean time Orodes was reconciled with Artabazes, or Artarasers the Ar∣menian, having betroathed his sister to his sonne Pacoras: and there they made

feasts and revels, in which were many Greek yerses sung: for Orodes understood the Greek tongue, and was a Scholer: and Artavasdes also had written Tragedies, and Orations, and Histories: there as Jason the Tragedian of Trallis was singing some verses out of the Bacchis of Euripides, concerning Agave, Syllaces came into the dining room, and threw the head of Crassus before them, which Pomaxaethres, or Maxar∣thes, rising from supper, took to himself, as though it did more belong to him than the other. [Id.]

Among other indignities, some report, that the Parthians poured melted gold into the mouth of Crassus, insulting also over him in words; amongst whom is Florus; whose words concerning this matter are these, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the King, and made sport for him, nor that unfitly; for they poured melted gold in at his open mouth, that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of gold, while he was alive, his dead and bloodlesse carkase might be burnt with gold: like to which both Sextus Rufus hath in his Breviary, and Jornandes who follows him.

Surenas not long after, suffered a punishment worthy of his perjury, being killed by Orodes who envied his honour, [Plutarch, in Crasso.]

At Rome M. Cicero was made Augur in the room of young Crassus, who was killed in the Parthian war, [Id, in Cicerone.]

Crassus the father being dead at that time, one head of Varro his three-headed faction is cut off, and a foundation laid of the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar: for Crassus being killed who was above them both, it remained to Caesar, that he might become the greatest, to dispatch him that was above him, [Plutarch, in Caesare & Pompeio.]

Nec quenquam jam ferre potest, Caesarve priorem, Pompeiusve parem. [Lucan. lib. 1.]

Caesar would no superiour fear, Nor Pompey any equal bear.

During an interreguum there was a decree of the Senate made, [Year of the World 3952] that neither any Con∣sul nor any Praetor should have by lot any forraign province till after the fifth year of his Magistracy: which also a little after was confirmed by Pompey, [Dio. lib. 40.] who by the Interrex Servius Sulpitius on the V. Kalend of March in an intercalary moneth (about the beginning, namely of the Julian December) was created Consul. [Ascon. Pedian. in orat. Milonian.]

The Parthians invaded Syria, but with no great army, because they thought the Romans had there neither Souldiers nor General; wherefore Cassius easily repulsed them, [Dio. lib. 40.]

Cassius coming to Tyrus, [The Julian Period. 4662] arrived also in Judea, [Year before Christ 52] when at his first entrance he took Tarichaea, and led from thence about 30000 Jews prisoners. He put to death also Pitholaus, because he had entertained Aristobulus his faction, which he did at the per∣swasion of Antipater, who could do very much with him: for Antipater, seeing he was in great credit with the Idumaeans, sought by curtesies and familiarity the friendship of others who were in power: especially he joyned in affinity to him, the King of the Arabians, to whole custody he committed his children during the war that he had with Aristobulus: but Cassius having forced Aristobulus the son of Alexander to be quiet by conditions, removed his camp to Euphrates, to keep the Parthians from passing over, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12.]

M. Marcellus, [Year of the World 3953] and C. Sulpitius, [The Julian Period. 4663] being Consuls, [Year before Christ 51] the league is renewed with the Rhodians: in which it is provided, that one people shall not make war on the other, but send mutual aides one to the other. The Rhodians also swore, that they would have the same enemies that the Senate and the people of Rome should have, [P. Len∣tulus apud Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 15. cum Appian. lib. 4. Bell. civil. pag. 627, 630.] and by this means Posidonius Apameensis, who had a Schoole at Rhodes, seems to have come to Rome, M. Marcellus being Consul, as we read in Suidas [in voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] a very noble Philosopher, Mathematician, and Historian: a Sphere of whose making Cicero in lib. 2. of his divination, maketh mention of. If any body should carry this Globe into Scythia or Britain, which of late our familiar friend made, whose each turning performs the same in the Sun and Moon and the other five Planets, as is done in the heaven each day and night: who in that barbarity would doubt, but that this was a most exact Sphere?

Whereas by the decree of the Senate, and by the law Pompey made the year before, none could obtain any either Consular or Praetorian province, unless he had been Consul or Praetor five years before. M. Calphurnius Bibulus, who had been Consul seven years before, and M. Tullius Cicero who had been Consul eleven years before,

and yet had never been sent into any province, had by lot, Bibulus Syria, and Cicero Cilicia: concerning Syria, Dio is witness, lib. 40. and of Cilicia, Cicero himself, lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 2. which he wrote being now designed Proconsul to Appius Pul∣ch••r, the Captain General, whom he was to succeed (for the army had given him the title of Captain General, because he had commanded well in the wars in Cilicia) in which he signifieth that it happened both against his will, and beyond any thought of his, that he should necessarily go to command in his Province by the decree of the Senate. But Cicero had for his Liutenants, his brother Quintus Tullius, C. Pomponius, L. Tullius, and M. Anneius: his Quaestors were L. Messinius and Cn. Volusius.

Plutarch relates in the life of Cicero, that he had in his army 12000 Foot, and 2600 Horse. He himself saith, That he had the name only of two Legions, and those very thin. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15.] which army was scarce able to defend one Town, as M. Coelius wrote to him. [Ibid. lib. 8. epist. 5.]

On the XI. Kalend of June (which as the year was then accounted at Rome, fell upon the sixth day of the Julian March,) Cicero, going into his Province, came to Brundusium, there he met with Q. Fabius, the Lieutenant of Appiu•• Claudius Pulcher, whom he was to succeed; who told him, that he needed a greater force to command that Province: and almost all were of opinion, that the Legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied out of Italy; which the Consul Servius Sulpicius possi∣tively denyed to yield to: but yet there was such a general consent of the Senate, that Cicero and Bibulus should suddenly be dispatched, that he was sain at last to yield, and so it was done. [Ibid. lib. 3. epist. 3.]

Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey, on the seventh of the Julian March, a little after noon, there happened an horrible ecclipse of the Sun, of ten parts and an half, concerning which Dio saith, [lib. 40.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the whole Sun was ecclipsed, and Lucan, [lib. 1.]

Ipse caput medio Titan cum ferret Olympo, Condidit ardentes atra caligine currus; Involvitque orbem tenebris, gentesque coegit Desperare diem.

—Titan hides (When mounted in the midst of heaven he rides) In clouds his burning Chariot, to enfold The World in darknesse quite: day to behold No Nation hopes.—

Cicero loosing from Brundusium, came to Actium, the XVII. Kalend of July, (the 29 day of the Julian March) aud then taking his journy by land, came to Athens on the VII. of the Kalends of July, (the eight day of April) [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 9. & 10.] whenas the day before he came thither, Memmius (who was condemned for unlawfull bribery for an office, and was then in banishment) was gone to Mytilene. [Ibid. epist. ••1.]

In the moneth of the Julian April, Ptolomaeus Auletes died, concerning whom M. Coelius in an Epistle to M. Cicero, written from Rome on the Kalends of August (the 15. day of the Julian May) [lib. 8. ad familiar. epist. 4.] whereas C. Marcellus was chosen Consul for the next year. News was brought, and it is accounted for certain, that the King of Alexandria is dead. He left his heirs, of his two sons the eldest, and of two daughters, she also that was the eldest: and that this might be so, Ptolomy in the same Will, did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods, and by the league that he had made with them at Rome. The copy of his Will, (one whereof was sent to Rome by his Embassadors, that it might be laid up in the Treasury, and another, after the same example) was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria. [Caesar. lib. 3. Commentar. Bell. Civil.]

Wherefore in this Testament it was commanded, that his eldest son Ptolomy, after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, should be married to Cleopatra his eldest daughter, and that both of them should possesse the Kingdom, but so notwithstanding that they should be under the tuition of the people of Rome. [Dio. lib. 10.] concerning which Cleopatra speaks to Caesar. [in Lucan. lib. 10.]

—non urbes prima tenebo Foemina Niliacas: nullo discrimine sexus Reginam scit ferre Pharos, lege summa perempti Verba patris, qui jura mihi communia regni Et thalami cum fratre dedit.

I am not the first woman that have sway'd The Pharian Scepter: Egypt has obey'd A Queen; not Sex excepted: I desire Thee read the will of my deceased Sire Who left me there a partner to enjoy My brothers Crown and marriage-bed—

The copy of this will being brought to Rome, seeing because of publick employ∣ments it could not be put in the Treasury, it was deposited with Pompey, [Caesare, lib. 3. B••ll. civil.] who as Eutropius relates, was made Tutou•• to the new King by rea∣son of his young years, [lib. 6.]

M. Cicero having stayed those ten dayes at Athens, the day before the Nones of July (the 19 of the Julian April) departed from thence, [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 8.] on which day loosing from the Haven Piraeum, he was carried by a certain wind to Zotera, which kept him there till the Nones. the VIII of the Ides (the 25 day of April) he came to the Village of Cios, from thence to Gyaros, from thence to Scyaros, from thence to Delos, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 12.] The XI. Kalend of August (the 5 day of the Julian May) he came to Ephesus: sailing the slower by reason of the weaknesse of the Rhodian barkes. Thither came to him an incredible multitude; and the Grecians very willingly offered themselves unto him, as if he had been the Praetor of Ephesus, [id. epist. 13.] but the Praetour of the Asiatick Governments (which were separated from the province of Cilicia) was Q. Thermus who was then at Ephesus: with whom Cicero conferred concerning a businesse of his Liutenant M. Anneius, who had a controversie with the Sardineans, and unto whom, both for him and for others, he afterwards writ many Epistles, [lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.] but that P. Silius was Praetor of Bithynia at that time, is gathered out of the 13 Book, [ad familiar. epist. 61.]

P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus, returning to Rome from his Embassie, a very learned man; Cratippus also came thither from Mitylene to see and salute Ci∣cero, who was at that time the chiefest of all the Peripateticks: as Cicero himself witnesseth in the preface to Plato his Timaeus, translated into Latine by him∣self.

Leaving Ephesus, Cicero went to Tralli, in a very dry and dusty way, [lib. 5. ap Attic. epist. 14.] The VI. Kalend of August (the 10 day of the Julian May) he came to Tralli, where there met him L. Lucilius with letters from Appius Pulcher, [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 5.] by which he understood among other things, that a mutiny of the souldiers was appeased by Appius, and that they were all payed even to the Ides of July, [lib. 3. ad. Attic. epist. 14.]

The day before the Kalends of August (the 14 day of the Julian May) Sulpitius and Marcellus being Consuls, Cicero came to Laodicea, into a province (undone and even overthrown by Appius) from which day the yearly Magistracy, committed to him by the Senate, began to be reckoned, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15. 16, 20, 21. cum lib. 3. ad familiar epist. 6. & lib. 15. epist. 2. & 4.] But whereas Cicero understood by the Cypriot Embassadours who came to meet him at Ephesus, that Sceptius the Gover∣nour of Appius in Cyprus besieged the Senate in their Senate-house in Salamine with some Troops of Horse, that he might famish some of the Senatours: what day he first entred the province he sent letters, that the Horsemen should immediately depart the Island, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

When as he saw by reason of the time of the year, he must presently go to the army, having stayed three dayes at Laodicea, (whilst the money was received which was owed him from the publick exchange) the III. None of August (the 17 of the Julian May) he made a journey to Apamea: and there tarried four or five dayes, three at Synnada, and five at Philomelium: in which Town when as there was a great con∣course of people, he freed many Cities from most grievous tributes, and heavy usuries and great debts, [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 5. & lib. 15. epist. 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist 15, 16, 20.]

Appius Claudius, whereas by the law Cornelia (of Cornelius Sylla the Dictatour) there were thirty dayes granted for one to depart the province after the coming of a Successour: in those dayes sat in judgement at Tarsus, in which Cicero did the like at Apamea, Synnada, and Philomelium, [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 6. & 8. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16, 17.]

M. Bibu••us the Proconsul, about the Ides of August (the 25 of the Julian May) departed from Ephesus by shipping with a very prosperous gale into Syria his province, [lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 3.] whom when the Senate had permitted to raise souldiers in Asia, he would make no muster, [ibid. epist. 1.] for the Auxiliaries of the Allies

were through the sharpnesse and injuries of the government of the Romans, either so weakened, that they could help them but little; or so alienated from them, that there was little to be expected from them, neither did any thing seem fit to be committed unto them. [Ibid.]

Whereas before the coming of Cicero into the Province, the army was scattered through a sedition, five Cohorts, without any Lieutenant, without any Colonel, yea without any Centurion, stayed at Philomelium, the rest of the army was in Lycaonia.

Cicero commanded his Lieutenant, M. Anneius, that he should conduct those five Cohorts to the rest of the army: and having rallyed the whole army in one place, that he should encamp at Iconium in Lycaonia: which when he had exactly done; Cicero came into the Camp the VII. Kalends of September. (the seventh day of the Julian June.) Seeing that in some dayes before, according to the decree of the Senate, he had got together a good band of Souldiers newly raised, and good store of Horse, and Voluntary Auxiliaries of free people, and of Kings their Allyes. [Ibid. epist. 4.]

Dejotarus the son, who was declared King by the Senate, took with him into his Kingdom Cicero's sons, whilst M. Cicero made war in the Summer quarters. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 17, 18.] Plutarch delivers, [in lib. de Stoicorum repugn antiis.] That Dejotarus the father, that he might settle the Kingdom upon this one son, put to death all his other sons: but of both the Dejotari, father and son, who both reigned together; Cicero makes mention in the XI. Philippicho, with great commendation of them both.

Pacorus, the son of Orodes, King of the Parthians, with whom was marryed the sister of the King of the Armenians, with great forces of the Parthians, and a great band of other. Nations besides: passing over the Euphrates, made war in the Province of Syria. [lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 18.] but indeed Orsaces was General, Pacorus only bearing the name of General, for he was not yet past 15 years of age. [Dio. lib. 40.]

The Parthians being thus gone into Syria, and having reduced under their power all places that lay in their way, came as far as to Antioch, with an hope of winning also the rest: for neither did the Romans keep that Province with a just army: and the people hardly enduring the domineering of the Romans, did incline to the Par∣thians, as to their neighbours and familiar friends. [Dio. ibid.] Also the Proconsul Bibulus was not yet come into the Province: for whereas that Province was appointed to him but for a year, as it was to Cicero, it was reported, that for this cause he came so late into the Province, that it might be late ere he departed it. [Cicero, lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16. & 18.]

Cicero, in the III. Kalends of September, (the II. of the Julian June) mustered his army at Iconium. [lib. 3. ad Attic. epist. 19.] The Kalends or III. of the Nones of September, the Embassadors that were sent from Antiochus, the King of the Com∣magenians, came to the Camp at Iconium; who first brought Cicero news, That great forces of the Parthians began to passe the Euphrates: and that it was said, That the Armenian King would make an invasion upon Cappadocia. Which news when it was brought him, although there were some that thought, that there was not much credit to be given to that King; yet Cicero was much troubled, both for Syria, and for his own Province, and indeed for all Asia. Wherefore he thought it fit that the army should be conducted through Lycaonia, and the Country of the Isaurians, and through that part of Cappadocia, which joyned to Cilicia. [lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4.]

Wherefore after he had stayed ten dayes at Iconium, he dislodged his army, and incamped at the Town Cybistra, in the farthest part of Cappadocia, not far from Mount Taurus. That Artavasdes the Armenian King, whatsoever he intended, should know that the army of the people of Rome was not far from their borders, and that he and the Parthians might suppose themselves shut out of Cappadocia, and so he should defend Cilicia that bordered upon them, and keeping Cappadocia, might hinder any new devises of the neighbouring Kings; who though they were friends of the people of Rome, yet durst not be openly enemies to the Parthians. [lib. 5. ad. Attic. epist. 20. & lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 2. & 4.]

Cicero sent his Horse from Cybistra into Cilicia, that the news of his coming being declared to the Cities in that part, the minds of men might be the more confirmed to him: and that he might quickly hinder what was done in Syria. [lib. 15. ad familiar epist. 2.]

There he took special care for the service that was injoyned him by the Senate, That he should defend Ariobarzanes, the King of the Cappadocians; and provide that both he and his Kingdom might be in safety: and whereas the King himself, with his brother Ariarathes, and some of his fathers ancient friends came to the Camp

to the Proconsul (where he staied three or four daies, as is gathered out of lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2.) and complained of treasons that were laid for his life, and desired that some horse and foot of the Roman army, might be a guard for him: Cicero exhor∣ted his friends that they should defend with all care an diligence, the life of their King being taught by the lamentable example of his father; and exhorted the King, that he should learn to reign by preferring his own life, from whom he was certainly assu∣red that treason was plotted against him, them he might use at his pleasure: that he might punish those that there was necessity to punish, and free the rest from fear, that he should use the guard of the Roman army more for terrour to those that were in fault, then for contention: and that it would come to passe, that all, when they shall know the decree of the Senate, should understand, that he would be a guard to the King, wheresoever there shall be any need, concerning whom in the end (of that se∣cond epistle) to the Consuls and Senate, Cicero saith that he was more carefull to certifie them, because that in King Ariobarzanes there were such tokens of vertue, wi•• fidelity, and good will towards them: that they did not seem without good cause to give him such a charg of his preservation.

Cicero settled in great favour and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom Ario∣barzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaeus, and whereas there would great war be raised in Cappadocia, if the priest of the Comanians; whom as Hirsus confirmeth in his book [de bell. Alexandrin.] was accounted the next after the King in majesty, command and power, by the consent of that nation) should defend himself by armes, as was thought he would do; he being a young man, and provided with horse and foot, and money, and allyes also who would fain see some innovations. Cicero brought it so to passe, that he departed the Kingdome; and so the King obtei∣ned the Kingdome with honour, without any tumult, or war, the authority of his court being more confirmed unto him. [ibid. epist. 4.] although he in another epistle thought, that there was nothing more pilled than that Kingdome, nothing more poor than that King. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1.]

And after this manner was the Kingdome of Ariobarzanes preserved with the King himself. [Cato. in epist. 5. lib. 15. ad familiar.] and Cappadocia is reconciled to his obedience without arms, and with much good liking. [Plutarch. in Ciceron.] con∣cerning whom this Cicero brags of himself to Atticus. [lib. 5. epist. 20.] Ariobarzanes lives and reignes by my meanes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the by, by my advice and authority: and because I kept my self 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 free from accesse to them that lay in wait for him and not only so but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, free from bribes I preserved both King and Kingdome.

In the mean time Cicero knew by many letters and messages, that Cassius (Bibulus being yet absent out of Syria) was with an army at Antioch, and great forces both of the Parthians, and Arabians, were come to Antioch; and there that a great body of horse, which had passed into Cilicia, were all killed, by those troupes of horse he himself had sent thither, and by a Praetorian cohort, which was in garrison at Epipha∣nia: and that the Parthians were in Cynhestica a part of Syria, that was next to Cili∣cia: when therefore he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from Cappa∣docia, not far from the borders of Cilicia; he left Cylistra of Cappadocia, (when he had encamped five daies) and conducted the army into Cilicia; and in the borders of Lycaonia, and Cappadocia, the XIII of the Kalends of October (the 30 day of the Julian June) he received letters both from Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus a governour of the Arabians, who were accounted friends of the Roman common-wealth, declaring that Pacorus with a great body of Parthian horse was passed Eu∣phrates, and encamped at Tyba: concerning which he presently wrote to the Con∣suls, and Senate. [lib. 15. ad familiar. ep. 1. 2. & 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 18. & 20.]

A rumour of the coming of Cicero, both encouraged Cassius, who was in a manner besieged in Antioch, and cast a fear upon the Parthians, they departed therefore from Antioch before the coming of Bibulus being happily driven back by Cassius: who al∣so pursued them in their retreat from the town, and did execution upon them. [lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 20. 21. & lib. 2. ad familiar. ep. 20.] which history Dio thus declares more fully.

When the Parthians were put by the hopes of taking Antioch, Cassius stoutly repul∣sing them, (for they are very awakeward at the storming of places) they marched to∣wards Antigonia: the suburbs of which city are planted with trees, and so they neither durst, not could come neer it: they intended to cut down the trees, and to clear the place of the wood, that they might more boldly set upon the city on that side: but when this would not fadg neither, both because it was a businesse of great labour; and time was trifled away in vain, and Cassius also licked up any straglers, they retreated from Antigonia, intending to set upon another place: in the mean time Cassius having placed ambushes in the way they were to passe, shewed himself to them with a few, to draw them to pursue him, then he turned upon them. [Dio. lib. 40.] where Orsa∣ces the great commander of the Parthians received a wound, whereof he died a few daies after. [Cicero, lib, 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

In Justin, [lib. 42. cap, 4.] this story is not so truely written. Pacorus being sent to pur∣sue the remaines of the Roman army, after he had atchieved many enterprizes of Syria, he was called home again as mistrusted by his father: in whose absence, the army of the Parthians that was left in Syria, was with all the captaines thereof slain by Cassius the treasurer of Crassus.

Livy declares that C. Cassius the treasurer of M. Crassus slew the Parthians, who had marched into Syria. [lib. 108.] Velle••us, that he with great successe routed and overthrew the Parthians, that came over into Syria. [lib. 2, cap. 46.] Sextus Rusus in breviario, that he with great admiration fought against the Persians, (for so he calls the Parthians) who made an irruption into Syria, and utterly destroyed them be∣ing driven beyond Euphrates: [Eutropius in lib. 6.] that with singular valour, and great vertue, he restored the state when it was even lost, so that be overcame the Persi∣ans in divers battles; to which may be added that of Orosius [lib. 6. cap. 13.] concer∣ning the same Cassius. He overcame in battle, and slew Antiochus, and his great forces: and by way drave out the Parthians that were sent into Syria, by Orodes: and were entred as far as Antioch, and killed also their generall Orsaces, and that of Cicero, in the 11. Phi∣lippick, he did many gallant things, before the coming of Bibulus the chief commander; where∣as he utterly routed the greatest commanders and great forces of the Parthians, and freed Sy∣ria, from an horrible invasion of the Parthians: for it deserves no credit, that which is added concerning Cassius in the 14. Chap. of the Jewish History, which being set forth in Arabick, carries the title of the second book of the Maccabees, he passing over Euphrates, conquired the Persians, and brought them under the obedience of the Romans: he also reduced to their obedience, those 22 Kings that Pompey had subdued: and brought under their obedience whatsoever was in the countreys of the East. for we have already heard out of Orosius [lib. 6. cap, 6.] how Pompey bragged that he had made war with twenty two Kings.

The day before the Kalends of Octob. (the 11. day of the Julian July) the Senate being called together into the temple of Apollo made a decree, that into Cilicia and into eight other provinces should henceforward be sent Propraetours, who formerly had been Prae∣tours at Rome, but yet never had any command in any province. [lib. 8. ad familiar. ep. 8.]

Cicero marching with his army by the streights of Taurus into Cilicia, came the III Nones of October (the 16 day of the Julian July) to Tarsus. [lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 20.]

On the Nones of October, (the 18. day of the Julian July) on the same day were read in the Senate, the letters of Cassius, declaring his victory; wherein he wrote, that of himself he had finished the Parthian war: as also the letters of Cicero, declaring the Parthian tumult, whereupon there was little credit given to Crassus his letters. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.] and the same day Cicero went from Tarsus towards Amanus: [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 8.] which mountain belonged both to him and Bibulus, and it divides Syria from Cilicia, by the separation of the waters, and full of everlasting enemies. [Ibid. lib. 1. epist. 10. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

The next day (the 19. of the Julian July) he encamped in the plain of Mopsuestia; from whence he wrote the eigth epistle [lib. 3. ad familiar.] to Appius Pulcher, (whom he succeeded in the Proconsul-ship) in which may be read this. If you ask concerning the Parthians, I think there were none; those Arabians that were, who were habited like Par∣thians, are said to be all returned, they denie that there was any enemy in Syria: for when Cicero was come to Amanus, he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch, and that Bibulus was at Antioch; and from thence he certified Dejotarus who was in all hast coming unto him with a great army of horse, and foot, and all his forces: that he saw no cause why he should come out of his Kingdome: and that he would immediately send letters and messengers to him, if by chance any extraordinary mat∣ter should fall out. [lib, 15, ad familiar. epist. 4.]

But when Cicero considered that it did extreamly concern both provinces, to settle Amanus, and to take away a perpetuall enemy from that mountain, and go to some other parts of Cilicia, and when he was gone about a daies iourney from Amanus, and had encamped at Epiphania: the IIII Ides of October (the 23 of the Julian July) when it began to grow towards evening, he marched with his army in all hast; so that at the III. Ides of October, as soon as it was day, he went up the Amanus. [ibid.]

Having marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries, over which he himself with his brother Quintus his Lievetenant commanded some, others his Lievetenant, C. Pomp∣tinus, and the rest M. Anneius and L. Tullius commanded; and came suddenly upon them before they were aware: many were killed, many taken, and the rest were scat∣tered. Fugerana (or rather Erana) which was not like a village but a city, because it was the principall town of Amanus: and also Sepyra, and Cerminoris (or Commoris) which both stoutly and a long time made resistance, Pomptinus keeping that part of Amanus, from break of day till ten of the clock, were taken, and a great multitude of the enemy slain, six Castles well fortified were taken by their sudden coming; and more burnt; when they had done this Cicero encamped at the foot of the Amanus, at the altars of Alexander, by the river Issus, in which place Darius was overcome by

Alexander, there he spent four dayes, in destroying the reliques of Amanus, that be∣longed to his Province, and in wasting the Country: and for the obtaining of so just a victory, he was called by the army Imperator, or Captain General: and so having spoiled and wasted Amanus on the sixth day he departed from Amanus. [Ibid. cum. lib. 2. epist. 20. lib. 5, ad Attic. epist. 20. Plutarch in Ciceron.]

In the mean time Bibulus coming to Amanus, he began to look for a lawrel in a mustard tree, and gape after the vain name of Captain General; but he had a great losse, for he wholy lost his prime Cohort, and a Centurion of the Vauntguard, a Noble man, one Asinius De••to, a kinseman of his own, and all the rest of the same Cohort: and Sextus Lucilius, a Colonel (the son of T. Gravius Coepio, a rich and renowned man) [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Cilicia, which was inha∣bited by the Eleuthero-ciles, cruel and fierce men, and who were provided of all things for defence; who seeing they never had obeyed their Kings, entertained at this time fugitives, and were dayly in expectation of the coming of the Parthians: he set upon Pindenissa, a Town of theirs, that was seated in a steep and well forti∣fied place, the 57. day before the Saturnalia, (the XII. Kalend of November, on the first of the Julian July) he compassed it about with a Rampart and a Trench; and kept them in with six Castles, and very great Brigades: he assaulted it with a Mount, Engines and a most high Tower: he made use of many archers, and great store of Engines for battery: as Cicero himself signifieth in an epistle to M. Caelius Rufus cho∣sen Edile, which was written on the 25. day of the siege (the 25. of August) [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 10.] and also in his letters to M. Cato, [lib. 25. epist. 4.] and to Pompo∣nius Atticus. [lib. 5. epist. 20.] all written after the taking of the City.

With great pains and preparation, [Year of the World 3954. a.] but without any nouble or charge of the Allyes, many of his men being wounded, but the army safe, Cicero made an end of this businesse. Upon the very day of the Saturnalia (the XIIII. Kalend of January, or the 26. day of the Julian September) the Pindenissenses by main force were at his mercy; all the City being either beaten down, or burnt: he granted the whole spoile of it to his Souldiers, except the Horses; the slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia. He took hostages from the Tibareni, who were next neighbours to the Pindenessenses, and alike wicked and audacious as they. After this he sent his army to their winter quarters; over which he set his brother Quintus, that the army should be quartered in those places that were taken from the enemy, or that were not well quieted. [Ibid.] And so he having setled his affairs for the Summer, appointed his brother Quintus to command in the Winter Quarters, and over Cilicia, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.] and as he intended the Summer moneths to prosecute the war, so the winter moneths to sit in judgement. [Ibid. epist. 14.]

Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Cilicia, as is gathered out of the Epist. [ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 21. compared with lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 9.]

The son of Orodes the King of the Parthians, came into Cyrrhestica, a Country of Cilicia, in which also the Parthians wintered. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

Cicero sent Q. Volusius, a trusty man, and wonderful free from bribery, into Cyprus, to tarry there a few dayes; that those few Roman Citizens, which had businesse to do there, should not say they had not right done them: for it was not fit that the Cypriots should be called to judgement out of their own Island. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.]

Cicero being entertained in the Cities of Cilicia with great admiration, on the Nones of January (or the 13, day of the Julian October) went from Tarsus into Asia: Wherefore passing over Taurus, in the sixth moneth of his command, which way soever he went, he brought it so to passe, that without any violence, without any reproch, but onely by his authority and advice, the Grecian and Roman Ci∣tizens, who had kept in their corn, did promise great store to the people, for the easing of the famine, (which raged much in that part of Asia, seeing there was no harvest.) [Ibid.]

Dejotarus, whose daughter was betroathed to the son of Artavasdes (the King of Armenia) whose aids Cicero had made great use of, came to Laodicea, to live with the young Cicero's; and brought him news, that Orodes intended to come into those parts, with all the Parthian forces at the beginning of Summer. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20, 21. cum lib. 6. epist. 1.]

At Laodicea, from the Ides of February, (the 29 day of the Julian November) to the Kalends of May (the 26 day of the Julian February) Cicero kept Court for that part of Asia that belonged to him, from the Ides of February, for Cibara, and Apa∣mea: from the Ides of March, for Synnada and Pamphilia. Many Cities were freed

from their debts, and many were very much eased: all of them using their own laws and judgments, having obtained liberty to do so, were greatly revived. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. lib. 6. epist. 2.]

At Rome there were processions decreed by the Senate, [Year of the World b.] for Cicero, [The Julian Period. 4664] because he had conquered in Cilicia; [Year before Christ 50] L. Emilius Paulus, and C. Claudius Marcelius being Consuls. [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 11. lib. 8. epist. 11. lib. 13. epist. 5, 6, 13. & lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 1.]

C. Cassius, who had been M. Crassus his Treasurer, being about to depart, after the Parthian war out of Syria, commended M. Fabius to Cicero, then being at Laodicea, [lib. 9. ad familiar. epist. 25. & lib. 15. epist. 14.] to whom Cicero wro••e back, congra∣tulates him both for the greatnesse of the actions that he had done, and also for the opportunity of the time, because that he was to depart out of the Province with great favour, and commendation of the Province: he adviseth him to make hast to Rome, where by reason of his late great victory, he tells him that his coming will be very famous.

Cicero commended to Quintus The••mus, the Praetor of Asia, his Lieutenant M. Anneius, whose wisdom, virtue, and fidelity he had tried in the war against the Cilices, who was to go for the deciding of a controversie he had with the Sardi∣nians: and desired him that he might be sent back before the Kalends of May, at which time he intended to go into Cilicia. [lib. 13. ad Familiar. epist. 55. 57.]

P. Cornelius Dolabella, who a little after was married to Tullia, the daughter of Cicero, accused both of treason and bribery for his office, Appius Claudius Pulcher, when he was demanding a Triumph at Rome, for the good service he had done in Cilicia; and as soon as Dolabella came before the Tribunal, Appius entred into the City, but laid aside the demand of a Triumph: at langth Q. Hortensius, and M. B••utus defending him, he was quitted from each crime. [lib. 8. ad Familiar. epist. 13, 16. lib. 3. epist. 10. 11, 12, lib. 6, ad Attic. epist. 6. & lib. de claris Ora∣toribus.]

The Horsemen that were left by Gabinius in Italy, killed two sons of M. Bibulus, the Proconsul of great towardlinesse. [Caesar. lib. 3. de. Bell. Civil. Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 1.] Cleopatra the Queen sent the murderers in bonds to Bibulus, that he might punish the murderers at his own pleasure: but he presently sent them back to Cleo∣patra, without any hurt done them: saying, That the authority of punishing them belonged to the Senate, and not to him. [Valer. ibid. Seneca ad Mar∣cian.]

Cicero thought of going into Cilicia, on the Nones of May, [lib. 2. ad Familiar. epist. 13. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2.] but he came not to Tarsus before the Nones of June, (the second day of the Julian April.) There many things troubled him: a great War in Syria, and great robberies in Cilicia. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 4.]

Going from thence, when he was incamped by the river Pyramus, Q. Servilius sent him letters from Tarsus, which were written from Appius Claudius Pulcher, dated at Rome the Nones of April (the first day of the Julian February) in which he signified that he was quit of Treason. [lib. 3. ad Familiar. epist. 11.]

When Syria was in a flame with the Parthian war, and there was great fear at Antioch, and Bibulus, for all his great sorrow, (for the murder of his sons) took all the care of the war; although there was great hopes in Cicero and in his army: yet it is reported that Bibulus should say, That he had rather suffer any thing, than seem to have need of the help of Cicero: and whereas he wrote to Thermus, the Praetor of Asia, concerning the Parthian war; yet he never wrote to Cicero: although he knew that the greatest part of the danger of the war belonged to him. Notwith∣standing, his Lieutenants sent letters to Cicero, that he should come to their aide. [lib. 2. ad Familiar. epist. 17. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 5.]

And indeed Cicero had but a weak army of his own, yet he had good Auxiliaries of the Galatians, Pisidians and Lycians: yet he thought it his duty, to have his army, as near as he could to the enemy, as long as he should command in that Province according to the decree of the Senate: and whereas the term of his charge that lasted but a year, was almost out; he agreed with Dejotarus, that the King should be in his Camp with all his forces, [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1. & 5.] concerning whom Cicero saith, in the XI. Philippick, I and Bibulus were both Captains General, in near and neighbour Provinces; we were both oft helped by that King, with Horse and Foot.

The Parthians kept Bibulus besieged, [Year of the World c.] [Caesar. in Bell. Civil. lib. 2.] who kept him∣self within a Town extreamly well fortified, and full of men, as long as the Parthians were in the Province, [Cicero, lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 19.] and never set foot out of

the Town, as long as the Parthians were on this side the Euphrates. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 8. & lib. 7. epist. 2.]

But the Parthians left Bibulus but half alive, [lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2.] by an incre∣dible felicity departing out of Syria. [Ibid. lib. 6. epist. 6. lib. 7. epist. 1. & lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.] For Bibulus had set the Parthians one against another; for having entred into friendship with Ornodophantes, a Noble man, who was an enemy to Orodes, he perswaded him by messengers that went between them, that he should make Pacorus King, and that by his aide he should make war upon Orodes. [Dio. lib. 40.]

Bibulus in his letter he wrote to the Senate, concerning the things that he had done, that that he and Cicero had done together, he attributes to himself alone, that that Cicero had done alone, that he ascribes unto himself; but that that he himself had done alone, that he makes common between them: as Cicero complains in an epistle that he wrote to Salust his Treasurer. [lib. 2. ad. familiar. epist. 17.] where also he notes as a mark of a poor, malicious, jejune, and vain spirit, that he stiled not Ari∣obarzanes King, but the son of King Ariobarzanes, (whom the Senate it self called King, and commended him to Cicero) and when as he that had done no great matter, endeavoured to obtain a Triumph, Cicero also thought it would be a disgrace to him, not to obtain the same; seeing Bibulus his army had their hopes in Cicero's army: he also by the advise of his friends, began to think of a Triumph. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7, 8. lib. 7. epist. 2,]

The fear of the Parthians being now removed, Cicero withdrew all Garrisons, which were good and strong, that he had provided for Apamea and other places. [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.]

Whereas about the III. Kalend of August (the 26. day of the Julian May) the term of his office, which was to last but a year, was almost at an end, and some body was to be left by him at his departure, who should command according to the decree of the Senate; Cicero preferred to the government of the Province, which was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war, C. Caelius Caldus, who was newly sent to him from Rome to be his Treasurer, (in the room of C••. Volusius) a Noble young Gentleman indeed, but one that wanted both gravity and continence. [lib. 2. ad. familiar. epist. 15. & 19. cum lib. 6. Attic. epist. 4. & 6.]

The III. Nones of August, (the 29. day of the Julian May) his annual commands being now ended, he went by ship to Sida, a City of Pamphilia. [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 12.] From thence he went to Laodice, the utmost bound of the Province: and there he commanded his Treasurer Messinius to stay for him, that he might leave his accounts according to the Julian Law, in the Province, in the two Cities of Laodicea and Apamea. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 7. & lib. 5. epist. 20.] but of the prey (of the Mount Amanus) he touched not a penny, but left it wholly, as also of his yearly stipend, which was designed unto him, to the value of a 1000; Sestertia (his Cohort grumbling at it, who thought it ought to be distributed among them) to the Treasury; taking security also of all the publick mony at Laodicea; that it might be safely returned to him and the people, without any danger of carriage. [lib. 7, ad Attic. epist. 1. lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.]

The Senate decreed a very large procession of 20 dayes, by the perswasion of Cato, to M. Bibulus, as soon as they had received his letters: [lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2. & 3.] But the Legions which the Senate had decreed, should be sent into Syria, by Marius (who was to succeed Salust in the Treasures office there) were deteined: the Province being now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.] But there was a Decree of the Senate made, that there should be sent to Bibulus for the Parthian war, one Legion from Cn. Pompey, and another from Julius Caesar. Pom∣pey, of those Legions that he had with him, granted none; but yet he commanded them that were Commissioners in that businesse, that they should demand that Legion from Caesar, that he had lent Caesar. Caesar, although he made no doubt but that his adversaries intended that he should be left without any Legions, sent back to Pompey his Legion: and also gave another out of his one number, that he might satisfie the Decree of the Senate: therefore these two Legions were furnished, as though they were to be sent against the Parthians: but seeing there was no use of them for that war, the Consul Marcellus fearing they should be again restored to Caesar, kept them in Italy, and gave them to Pompey. To what purpose these things tended, although Caesar knew well enough, yet he determined to suffer all things, because he saw here was offered him no absurd pretence of keeping those Legions by him that he had already, and of raising more. [Caesar. commentarior. de Bell. Civil. lib. 1. Hirtius, de Bell. Gallio, lib, 8, Plutarch in Pompeio. & Dio, sub fine, lib. 40.]

Cicero perswaded Q. Thermus the Praetor, who was to depart out of Asia, that he would leave a noble young Gentleman, his Treasurer, Governour of that Province,

(which was C. Antonius; as Pighius shews in his Annals, Tom. 3. pag. 431.) [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 18.]

Cicero laid up with the Publicans at Ephesus, all the mony which lawfully came to his share, which was, 22000 Sestertiums. [lib. 5. ad familiar. epist. 20.] and being very much hindred by the Easterly winds, on the Kalends of October (the 25 of the Julian July) he sailed from Ephesus, [lib. 6. ad, Attic. epist. 8.] and landed at Rhodes, [Plutarch in Cicerone.] for they young Cicero's sake, [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2, ad familiar. epist. 17.] and there he heard of Hortensius his death. [initio Bruts, sive, de claris oratoribus.]

Cicero, the winds being against him, the day before the Ides of October, (the seventh day of the Julian August) came to Athens. [lib. 14. ad familiar. epist. 5. lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 9.]

The motions of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey approaching, the Sun, a little after his rising, on the 21 day of the Julian August, was ecclipsed almost two parts, to which it may seem that that of Petronius, concerning the Prognosticks of this war is to be referred.

—namque or••cruento Deformis Titan vultus caligine texit. Civiles acies jam tum spirare putares.

For bloudy Sol appear'd with visage like to death, Thou'dst think th'civils wars just then began to breath.

Bibulus departed out of Asia, as Cicero shews in the eighth epistle of the seventh book to Atticus, dated the V. Ides of December; or the first day of the Julian October.

On the Kalends of January, (falling on the 22 day of October) on which C. Clau∣dius Marcellus, and L. Cornelius entred upon the Consulship: there was a Decree of the Senate made, That Caesar should dismisse his army before a certain day, and if he did not, that he should seem to do it against the Common-wealth; against which Decree, when as M. Antonius, and Q. Cassius, the Tribunes of the people, had in vain interceded; it was made the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey [Caesar, commentar. lib. 1. de Bell. civil. Cicero. in Philippic. 2. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 9. Dio. lib. 41, init.]

The day before the Nones of January, (the 25 of October) Cicero came to the City; where was given him such a mutiny, that nothing could be more honourable: but it fell upon the very flame of the civil discord, or war rather. [lib. 16. ad familiar. epist. 11.] but he entred not the City. A full Senate amid these troubles, earnestly de∣manding a Triumph for him: which Lentulus the Consul, that he might make his courtesie seem the greater, deferred. [Ibid. cum lib. 7. epist. 1. ad Attic.] And whereas the Senate decreed a Triumph for him; he said, he had rather, if there were a peace concluded, follow Caesars Chariot. [Plutarch in Cicerone.] but the discord increasing, not only deferred, but clean took away both his and Bibulus his Triumph also. [Vid. lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 2. & lib. 11. epist. 6.]

On the VII. Ides of January, (the 28 day of October) there was a Decree of the Senate made, That the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes of the people, and all Proconsuls that were in the City, (amongst whom Cicero was one) should do their indeavour, that the Common-wealth should receive no damage; and immediately the Tribunes of the people, who had interceded against that decree of the Senate, fled out of the City, and went unto Caesar. [Caesar, comment. Bel. Civ. l. 1. Cicero, ad familiar. l. 16. ep. 11. Dio. l. 41.]

In the next day, the Senate being called without the City, Pompey also being pre∣sent, Provinces were decreed for private men: two of them were for the Consuls, the rest the Praetors had. Syria fell to Scipios share. [Caesar, ut supra.] This was Metellus Scipio, who had married his daughter Cornelia, the widow of Publius Crassus, who was slain by the Parthians, to Pompey this year, (that is two years before he was put to death) and had been his Colleague three years before in the Consulship: [Plutarch in Pompeio. Dio. lib. 40.] but that Sextius, or Sestius, succeeded Cicero in the Province of Cilicia, is gathered out of lib. 5. ad familiar. epist. 20. compared with lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 7. and that Sextilius Rusus was sent the first Quaestor, with pretorian authority into Cyprus, which was henceforward separated from Cilicia, is gathered out of lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 481. and that the three governments of Asia (Cibyra, Synnada and Apemea) were taken from the Province of Cilicia, and were given to the new Proconsul of Asia, P. Servilius Sigonius gathers out of the 67. epistle of the same book. [de antiquo jure provinciarum lib. 1. cap. 11.]

On the same day, the VIII. Kalend of March, (the 11. of the Julian December)

on which the Feralia were celebrated, (as we may see in the inscriptions of Gruterus, pag. CXXXIII.) Caesar came from Corsinium to Brundusium after noon, and Pompey from Canusium in the morning, [lib. 8. ad Attic. epist. 22. & lib. 9. epist. 2.] when Autumne was already past. [Dio. lib. 41.]

Pompey sent his father in law Scipio, and his son Cneus, from Brundusium into Syria, to provide a fleet. [Plutarch in Pomp.] concerning whom Cicero, in the first epistle of the ninth book, [ad Atticum] written the day before the Nones of March, (the 23. of the Julian December) Scipio goeth into Syria, either according as his lot fell, or for the honour of his son in law, or flyeth an angery Caesar.

The VII Ides of March (the 26 of Decemcer) Caesar came to Brundusium, and encamped before the walls; as himself shews in an epistle to Oppius, and Cornelius Balbus. [lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 16.]

On the XVI Kalends of Aprill, (as it is in the 10 epistle of the 9 book ad Atticum: not the IIII Kalends of March: as it is in Lipsius in the 31 epistle of the century to the Germans and Frenchmen) on which the Liberalia were celebrated, (as appeares in the marble records in Gruters inscriptions, pag, CXXXIII) which there fell upon the 3 day of the Julian January, Pompey went from Brundusium with all the forces that he had, to Epirus, on which very day of the Liberalia, or Dionysia, his sonnes were over∣come in Spain at the battle of Munda, four yeares after that their father was said to go to the war, [Plutarch. in Caesare,] to wit, on the same day on which Pompey the fa∣ther, leaving Italy, made the seat of the war in Graece; not on which he fled from the city to make war, as by a mistake it is written by Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 16.]

The next day Caesar entred Brundusium: and there made an oration, and so mar∣ched towards Rome; being willing to be at the city before the Kalends, [lib, 9. ad Attic. epist. 18.]

From thence Caesar dismissed Aristobulus into his own countrey of Palestine, that he might do something against Pompey. [Dio. lib, 41.] Josephus relates that he sent Ari∣stobulus having freed him from prison into Syria; giving him also two legions, that he might the more easily keep the province in order, yet both of them were frustrated of their hopes, Aristobulus being poysened by the Pompeians, and buried by the Caesa∣rians. [Joseph. lib, 1. bell. cap. 7. & lib. 14, Antiquit. cap. 13.]

Alexander also the son of Aristobulus, was beheaded at Antioch by Scipio, accor∣ding to Pompeys letters, being first publickly accused of what he had done against the Romans: but Ptolemei Mennaeus the governour of Chalcis, which is seated in mount Libanus, having sent his son Philippio to Ascalon to the wife of Aristobulus; sent for her son Antigonus and her two daughters; the youngest of which named Alexandra Philippio fell in love with and married. [Id. ibid.] Pompey having gotten a yeares time to provide forces in (which free from war, and at idlenesse from any enemy) ga∣thered together a great fleet out of Asia, and the Islands Cyclades, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bithynia, Syria, Cilicia, Phoenice, and Egypt: and took care that a great navy should be built in all places, he exacted also great sums of moneys from Asia, Syria, and all Kings, Governour, Tetrarchs and the free people of Achaia, he compelled also the societies of those provinces which fell to his share, to pay unto him great sums of money. [Caesar. bell. civill. lib. 3.] It is reported that 60 ships sent him out of Egypt from Cleopatra, and Ptolomei who was then but a child King and Queen of Egypt, he had also auxiliaries out of Ionia, archers out of Crete, darters out of Pontus, and horsemen out of Galatia: Commagenians were sent from Antiochus, Cilicians and Cappadoci∣ans, and some from Armenia the lesse, Pamphilians also and Pisidians, came to him. [Appian. bel. civil. lib. 2. pag. 458. & 472.]

M. Cato being sent into Asia by Pompey, to be an help to them that gathered the fleet and souldiers together, carried along with him his sister Servilia, and a son that Lucullus had by her: where whenas he had made the Rhodians to be of Pompeys party, he left Servilia and her son with them, and returned to Pompey, who was well furnished, very strongly both with land and sea forces. [Plutarch in Catone minore.] and he had an intention to set the whole world in an uprore both by sea and land, to stir up barbarous Kings, and to bring cruell nations being armed into Italy. [Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 8, epist. 11.]

Pompey also went about to draw to his party, Orodes himself the King of the Par∣thians, although after the death of the Crassi, he was accounted amongst the enemies. Orodes promised him his assistance, if Syria might be granted unto him; but he not obteining Syria, he brought no forces. [Dio. lib. 41.] although otherwise the Parthi∣were of Pompeys party: both by reason of the friendship they had contracted in the Mithridatick war, and also for the death of Crassus, whose son they heard was of Cae∣sars side; whom they doubted. not, would revenge his fathers death if Caesar got the conquest. [Justin, lib. 42. cap. 4.]

Pompey made use of a great fleet which he had provided from Alexandria,

Colchis, Tyre, Sidon, Andros, (or rather Arados) Cyprus, Pamphilia, Lycia, Rodes, Byzantium, Lesbos, Smyrna, Miletum, Coos, to intercept provisions from Italy, and to seize upon the provinces from whence the corn came. [Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 9. epist. 11.]

Pompey's son was Admiral of the Egyptian fleet; of the Asiastick, D. Laebius and C. Triarius; of the Syriack C. Cassius; of the Rhodian, C, Marcellus, with C. Pom∣ponius, of the light ships, and the Achian fleet, Scribonius Libo, and M. Octavius, but over the whole businesse at sea, M. Bibulus was set and commanded all, for he was chief Admiral. [Caesar. Bell. Civil. lib. 3.]

Julius Caesar being created Dictator after eleven dayes, [Year of the World 3956. a.] himself and Servilius, Isau∣ricus, being declared Consuls, resigned up his Dictatourship. [Caesar init. commentar. lib. 3. Bell. Civil. Plutarch in Caesar. & Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 457.]

From this first Dictatorship of Caesar, the Macedonians of Syria began their account of the time of the Caesars, (of which there is mention made in an old stone, in the inscrip. of Gruter. pag. CCLXXVII. 3.) deduced from the 24. day of the Julian Sep∣tember, (on which we have shewed in another place, that the Solar year of the Macedonians began.) from which day, not onely the Macedonian, but also the Ro∣man Emperours began their Indictions, or the circle of 15. years: and the Antiochi∣ans their account, (which being divided by 15. alwayes sheweth the Indictions of the Emperonrs) although the form of the year being afterwards changed, and the Mace∣donian moneth conformed to the Italian, the Antiochians refer the beginning of their account, and the rest of the Eastern people, the beginning of their Indictions, to the beginning of their new year, and have brought it from the 24 of September, to the Kalends of September: but whatsoever is said concerning the original of the Indicti∣ons, (which they commonly refer to the times of Constantine) it ought to be without controversie, that the head of the Antiochian account is to be fetched from the Sep∣tember of the year of the Julian Period, 4665.

In the end of the year in which Marcellus and Lentulus were Consuls, Pompey being made General of the Romans, and the Senate which were in Ephesus with him, bestowed honours on Kings, and people that had deserved well of them, as Lucan speaks in his fifth book.

—pelagique potens Phoebeia donis Exornata Rhodos, gelidique inculta juventus Taygetis: fama veteres laudantur Athenae; Massiliaeque suae donatur libera Phocis. Tunc Sadalen fortemque Cotyn, fidumque per arma Dejotarum, & gelidae dominum Rhasipolin orae Collaudant: Libyamque jubent auctore Senatu Sceptifero parere Jubae.

Phoebus sea-powerful Rhodes rewarded was, And Spartans rough, prais'd were th'Athenians Phocis made free whither Massylians: Faithfull Dejotarus, young Sadalis, The valiant Cotys and Rhasipolis Of Macedon were prais'd: Juba to thee The Senate gives all Libya by decree.

And after the same manner he avers, that the kingdom of Egypt was at this time confirmed upon Ptolomy, being but then a lad: whither are to be referred those words of Pothinus the Governour of Ptolomy, concerning Pompey, in the same Authour in the eighth book.

—quod nobis sceptra Senatus Te suadente dedit.

—The Senate gave to mee The Scepter, when perswaded to't by thee.

About the Winter Solstice, Caesar sent messengers to the army, that they should meet him at Brundusium: he himself departed from Rome; in the moneth of Decem∣ber, not expecting the next Kalends of the beginning year, in respect of his office: thus Appian, [lib. 2. pag. 458. Bell. Civil.] supposing that at that time there was the same account of the Roman year, as was in his own time. Whereas the Kalends of January, on which Caesar was to begin his second Consulship, answered to the 11 day

of the Julian October. With the like errour Florus affirms, [lib. 4. cap. 2.] that Caesar took shipping to go to the war, although it were in the middest of Winter: and like∣wise Plutarch in Pompeio writes, that Caesar came to Brundusium, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in Caesar, that he departed from thence, in the time of the Winter Solstice, in the beginning of the moneth January, which he saith answereth to the A∣thenian Posideon: and indeed Caesar himself in the third book of his Commentaries of the civil war, confirmeth, That he set sail on the day before the Nones of January with seven Legions, and the day after landed at the Ceraunia; but that was not the Julian January, on which in the time of Plutarch the Athenian Posideon fell, but which the ••alse account of the Roman year did then use: whereas the Nones of that moneth (on which Caesar landed at the Ceraunia) answered to the 15 day of the Julian October: and that Winter was approaching, and that thereupon Pompey marched out of Epi∣rus into his winter quarters to Apollonia and Dyrrachium, Caesar himself shewes also afterwards: but by no means that it was Winter, that is, the height of Winter.

Pompey, having provided great store of corn out of Thessalia, Asia, Egypt, Crete, Cyrenia, and other Countries, he intended to winter in Dyrrachium, Apollonia, and in all the sea Towns, that he might hinder Caesar from passing the sea (although it was all in vain.) [Caesar. Bell. civil. lib. 3.]

Scipio•••• Governour of Syria, the father in law of Pompey, having received some losse about the Mountain Amahus, declared himself Captain General: which having done, he laid great sums of money upon the Cities and the Tyrants, and also from the Publicans of the province he exacted the tribute of two years; and borrowed of them also the money of the following year, and commanded the whole province to provide him Horsemen. All which Forces being gathered together, having left the Parthi∣ans who were bordering enemies behind him, he with his Legions and Horsemen marched out of Syria: and when as there was heard some mutterings of the souldiers, that they would go against an enemy, but not against the Consul, and their fellow Citizens, he brought the Legions to their winter quarters into the richest Cities, as Pergamus, and gave huge bribes, and to confirm the souldiers to him, he gave them the plundering of the Cities, [id. ibid.]

In the mean time, the money that was laid upon the Cities, was most cruelly exacted: and moreover many things were generally for covetousnesse; pole-money was laid both upon bond and free: money was also demanded for making of pillars and doors, for souldiers and mariners, for armes and engins, and carriages: and if any thing could be found out that had a name, this was sufficient for the gathering of money. There were Governours with command appointed, not over Cities and Castles, but also Villages; and he that did any thing most outragiously and cruelly, he was accounted the Man, and the best Citizen. The province was full of Lictors and Commanders, and was stuffed with petty Governours and Exactours: who besides the monies that were commanded, served also their own private gain; they said, That they were expelled from their own houses and country, and that they wanted all things necessary, that they might cover their businesse with some honest pretence. To these exactions were added also great usuries, (which for the most part happen in war) in which things they said, that the prolonging of a day was giving them as much: whereupon the debt of all the province was much multiplied in these two years; and no lesse were mo∣nies exacted for this cause upon the Roman Citizens of the province, but upon all guilds, and every and each city was certain monies exacted: and they told them that they borrowed these monies by the decree of the Senate, [Ibid.]

Moreover at Ephesus, Scipio commanded the money that of a long time had been laid up there, to be taken from the Temple of Diana: but when he came into the Temple, having also many of the Senatours with him whom he had called together for that purpose, he received letters from Pompey, that Caesar had crossed the sea with the Legions; and he should with all speed make haste to him with the army, and set all things else aside. As soon as he had received these letters, he dismisseth them that he had called unto him, and begins himself to prepare for his march into Macedonia, and a few dayes after he went; and this businesse saved the money at Ephesus, [Ibid.]

In the mean time, Pompey had in his army besides the Roman and Italian Le∣gions, and two which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be raised, and archers out of Crete, Lacedemon, Pontus, Syria, and other cities, to the number of 3000 of slingers, six coho••••s, two of mercenaries, 7000 horsemen, of which horsemen Dejotarus brought 500 Galatians, Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia; 500 French and Ger∣mans, which Gabinius had left at Alexandria for a guard for King Ptolemei, and the son Pompey had brought with the Fleet. Tarcundarius, Castor, and Donilaus, sent out of Gallogrecia 300. one of them came along himself, the other sent his son. An∣tiochus

the Commagenian on whom Pompey had bestowed great rewards, sent 200. among which were many archers on horseback, and with Scipio were expected two Legions that should come out of Syria, [Id. ibid.]

After the coming of Caesar into Epirus, there were many moneths passed, and winter came on apace; neither were the ships nor legions that were left at Brundusium, come unto Caesar: but there M. Antonius, and Fusius Calenus, having gotten a fair South wind, hoysed sail, and brought with them three Legions of old souldiers, and one new∣ly raised, and also 800 horsemen unto Caesar: whose passage, whenas Q. Coponius, who commanded the Rhodian Fleet at Dyr••achium, strived to hinder, a tempest a∣rising so troubled the Fleet, that all of them to the number of 16 except one, were bea∣ten one against another and perished by shipwrack; and a great part of the mariners and souldiers were dashed against the rocks and killed; part were dispersed by the Caesarians, whom Caesar saved and sent home again, [Id. ibid.]

In Egypt, the lad Ptolemei by his kindred and friends, expelled out of the kingdom Cleopatra, his wife and sister, [Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. civil. Livy, lib. 111.]

—habens subjure Pothini Affectus ensesque suos:

But all his power will and affections be Under Pothinus Girdle—

as it is in Lucan, [lib. 10.] where we read Cleopatra complaining: for as Strabo de∣clares how she was ejected by the friends of the lad, who had raised a sedition: So particularly this businesse is attributed by Plutarch in Caesare, to Pothinus: there was then in the Praetorship of the kingdom, an Eunuch that was his governour, by name Pothinus, (as it is read in Caesar) the which also is called by the Greek Writers Po∣theinus by a truer name. Cleopatra being thus ejected, departed into Syria with her sister, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796.] that she might there provide her self of an army, [Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 480.]

Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates King of Pontus, and King of Bosphorus Cimme∣rius, when he heard that this civil war was begun amongst the Romans (which he hoped would continue long) and that Caesar was not near at hand, out of a desire of regaining all his fathers former possessions, revolted from the Romans; and having committed the government and defence of Bosphorus to Asandrus, he reduced into his power without any resistance considerable, Colchis, and all Armenia, together with the kingdom of Moschis (in which Strabo notes that he spoiled the Temple of Leucothea in lib. 11. pag. 498.) and Dejotarus being absent, he laid to these some Cities of Cappadocia and Pontus, which belonged to the jurisdiction of Bithynia, [Dio. lib. 42.] and having also taken Sinope, he made for Amisus; but at that time failed of it, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Pompey sent his wife Cornelia privily into the Isle of Lesbo••, that she should live quietly at Mitylena free from all troubles of the wars, [Lucan, lib. 5. init.] with whom also Plutarch in Pompeio, and Dio. lib. 42. relate, that her son in law Sextius, the younger son of Pompey, was sent thither also: when Lucan saith notwithstand∣ing that he tarried in the camp with his father, [lib. 6. fin.]

L. Hirtius (otherwise Hirrius) being sent Embassadour to the Parthians (as in un∣derstood out of the Commentaries of Caesar, lib. 3. bell. civil.) not onely obtained not any aid from Orodes, but was cast into prison by him, against the law of Nations, [Dio. lib. 42.] namely because Syria was denied him: as hath been above said out of the same [Dio. lib. 41.]

Pompey having been besieged four moneths together with huge Works, at Dyrrha∣chium, was as last utterly overthrown in the battle of Pharsalia, [Sueton in Julio Caesare, cap. 35.]

At what time Caesar came into Thessaly, (when the battle was fought at Palaeo∣pharsalum) and a few dayes after Pompey came likewise, when the corn was even ripe, as Caesar himself witnesseth, [lib. 3. bell. civil.] Appian also confirmeth, that at the instant that the fight was, it was the Caesari••s 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, [Bell. civil. lib. 2.] that it was full Summer, and very hot weather, if we believe Plutarch, [in M. Bruto.]

On the same day that the Pharsalian fight was, there was twice at Antiochia heard such a shouting of an army, such sounding of alarms, such rattling of armes, that the whole city run up to the wall in their armes; the same thing happened at Ptolemais, from the vestry of the temple of Bacchus at Pergamus, whither it was lawful for the Priests only to go, there was a great noyse of drums and cymbals first began, and went through all the city; also at Tralles, in the Temple of victory, where they had conse∣crated

a statue of Caesars, a green palm tree was shewen in the root, which sprung out of the pavement between the joyning together of the stones, to the Syrians also appea∣red two young men that declared the errand of the battle, and were never seen after. [Caesar. bell. civil. lib. 3. Julius Obsequens. de prodigiis Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio. lib. 2.]

In the army of Pompey there were almost all Nations that inhabit round about the sea towards the East, Thracians, Hellespontians, Bythinians, Phrygians, Ionians, Lydians, Pamphilians, Pisidians, Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Phoenicians, He∣brews, and their neighbours the Arabians, Cypriots, Rhodians Cretian slingers, and other Islanders, there were also Kings, and Governours, Deiotarus the Tetrarch of the Gallograecians, and Ariarathes the King of the Cappadocians, Taxiles led those Armenians on this side of Euphrates; Megabates the Lieutenant of King Artasias those beyond Euphrates, other lesser Princes helped also according to their power. [App. bel. civil. lib, 2. pag. 472.] and seeing the greatest part of his army consisted of Asia∣ticks, who were not used to the wars, he was overcome. [Dio. lib. 41.] as Petronius also saith.

Ille tremor Ponti, saevi quoque terror Hydaspis, Et piratarum scopulus; modò quem ter ovantem Jupiter horruerat, quem fracto gurgite Pontus, Et veneratus erat submissa Bosphorus unda, (Proh pudor!) Imperii deserto nomine fugit.

He who made Pontus and Hydaspes quake, Did quell the Pirates, by his triumph shake Three times great Jove, t'whom Pontus submisse wave And likewise Bosphors their submission gave: To's shame! has fled and left th'name Emperour.

Caesar, having taken Pompeys cabinet, neither read, nor copied out the Pirates letters, which betraied the good will of some towards him, or their rancour of minds against Caesar, but in good deed presently burnt them all, least out of the letters he should be compelled to be too severe against any man. [Pliny lib. 6, 7. cap. 25. fin. Dio. lib. 41. fin.] he also afterward pardoned the Kings, and people, who had assisted Pom∣pey, not imposing any punishment upon them, but only a pecuniary mulct: for he considered, that indeed he either had none or very small acquaintance with any of them; whenas Pompey had deserved very much at their hands, and much more com∣mended them, than those, that had received favours from Pompey, and yet had forsa∣ken him in his greatest dangers. [Dio. ut supra.]

Pompey leaving the camp, fled to Larissa, with very few accompanying him, but entred not the city, although he was invited to it by the citizens; least the Larissaeans should be punished for receiving him, but after he had bid them to seek the victours friendship, he having received necessaries from them, went towards the sea. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caius Cassius came into Cilicia, with a fleet of Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cilicians: and having burnt Caesars ships, after he had heard of the battle that was fought in Thessalia, he departed with his fleet [id. ibid.]

The Rhodian fleet, over which C. Coponius commanded as Praetour, after the battle of Pharsalia, deserted the Pompeians and returned home. [Cicero. lib. 1. de divinatione.]

L. Lentulus (Crus) who was Consul the former year, and P. Lentulus (Spinther) who had been Consul, and others who had followed Pompey from the flight, coming to Rhodes, were not received either in the town or port; and sending messengers unto them, were commanded against their will to disanchor, and to depart from those pla∣ces. [Caesar. bell. civil. lib. 3.]

Caecilius Bassus a man of the order of Knighthood, and of Pompeys party, retired to Tyre; and he hid himself in that place, wherein Merchants used to trade. [Dio. lib. 47. & Libo. apud Appian. lib. 3. bel. civil. pag. 576.]

M. Claudius Marcellus, being afraid of Caesar went to Mitylenae: and there lived most happily in the study of good arts, (as Seneca relates out of Brutus, in his consola∣tion to Albina:) Cicero in vain perswading him, that he would return from thence to Rome, and demand pardon of Caesar, [lib. 4. ad familiar. epist. 7. & 8.]

Labienus coming from the Pharsalian flight, brought news of the overthrow of the Pompeian army at Dyrrachium, when M. Ctro was left with 15. Cohorts, and 300. Gallies: whereupon both he and Cicero, and others with them, being suddenly affrighted, took shipping; and looking back to the Town, saw all their ships of

burden on a flame, which the Souldiers had burned, because they would not follow them: but Cato passing into Corcyra, (an Island seated under Epirus, in the confines of the Ionian and Adriatick sea) where the fleet was, with those that were of the same opinion: there he took unto him the rest that had fled from the battle of Pharsalia, or otherwise followed that party. From the fight came L. Scipio, the father in law of Pompey, Labienus, Afranius, and many other renowned men: and a little after Octavius also, who keeping the Ionian sea, had taken C. Antonius, joyned himself unto them: also Cneus Pompey, (the eldest son of Pompey the Great) who sailing in the Egyptian fleet, had made incursions upon Epirus, his father being over∣come, whereas the Egyptians went home, went himself also to Corcyra. This fact of his C. Cassius also, who had vexed Sicly, and others with him imitated, and fled unto Cato, whom they observed to excell others in virtue. [Cicero, de Divinat. lib. 1. Plutarch in Catone mmore. Appian de Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482. Dio. lib. 42.]

There Cato resigned the command to Cicero, seeing he was but Praetour, and the other had been Consul; which when Cicero (a man as Livy notes in his third book, not bound for the wars) refused, and would needs leave the wars, he wanted but little of being killed; for young Pompey, and his friends, calling him traitour, drew their swords at him: but Cato withstood them, and kept him from being slain, and with∣drew him from the Camp. [Plutarch in Catone & Cicerone.]

After this the fleet was divided among Pompeys chiefest friends, and Cassius sailed into Pontus to Pharnaces, with an intent to stir him up against Caesar: and Scipio into Africa, having Varus and his forces with him, and the auxiliaries of Juba the Moor. [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482.]

Cato himself, conjecturing that Pompey was fled either into Africa, or Egypt, making hast after him, took shipping, and set saile: but yet before he went, he gave leave to all that were not ready to follow him, either of leaving him, or staying with him. [Plutarch in Catone.] Lucan in his ninth book, thus describeth his voyage by sea.

Corcyrae secreta petit, ac mille carinis Abstulit Emathiae secum fragmenta ruinae. Quis ratibus tantis fugientia crederet ire Agmina? quis pelagus victas arctasse carinas? Doridae tunc Malean, & apertam Toenaron umbris. Inde Cythera petit, Broeaque urgente carinas Creta fugit: Dictoea legit, cedentibus undis, Litt••ra: tunc ausum classi praecludere portus Impulit, ac saevas meritum Phycunta rapinas Sparsit.

He sailes unto Corcyra's shore, And in a thousand ships carries away The conquer'd remant of Pharsalia. Who would have thought so great a fleet had held All fleeing men? That conquer'd ships had fill'd The straitned seas? from thence they saild away To Ghost-field Tenarus, and long Malea, Thence to Cytherus: Boreas blowing faire, Crete flies: and getting a good sea they clear The Cretan coast; Phycus, that durst deny Their men to land, they sack deservedly.

This Phycus is a promontory of the Country of Cyrenae, and a Town, which, as the Poet notes, Cato gave the plunder thereof to his Souldiers; but leaving here any further discourse of Cato his navigation, let us turn out speech to the way that Pompey the Great took, and of Julius Caesar pursuing him.

Caesar having tarried two dayes at Pharsalum, [Year of the World d.] to offer sacrifices for the victory he had gotten, and to refresh his Souldiers that were tired with the fight, the third day he pursued Pompey, [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482.] for he thought it was his best way, setting all other things aside, to pursue Pompey, into whatsoever part of the World he had retired himself from the flight, least he should be forced again to raise new forces, and to renew the war again: wherefore he went every day as far with his Horse as possibly he could, and commanded one Legion to follow after him, by lesser marches, [Caesar, lib. 3.]

Pompey coming to the sea, rested all night in a fishermans cottage; and about

break of day, he went into a wherry, and taking with him all the freemen, and com∣manding all the slaves to go to Caesar without any fear, he departed from land, [Plu∣tarch, in Pompey.] concerning whom Lucan in lib. 8.

Littora contigerat, per quae Peneius amnis Emathia jam clade rubens exibat in aequor. Inde rates trepidum, ventis & fluctibus impar Flumineis vix tuta vadis, evexit in altum.

Now to the shore he came where Peneus ran Red with Pharsaliaes slaughter to the main; There a small Barque unfit for seas, and winds, Scarce safe in shallow'st rivers Pompey finds And goes aboard—

But as he went in this boat along the shoar, he saw a ship of great burden under sail; the Master of it was Peticius a Roman citizen: who knowing Pompey, took him out of the boat into the ship: together with the two Lentuli (who had been Consuls, whom as we have declared out of Caesar, were excluded fom Rhodes) and Favonius, (who had been Praetor; out of Velleius, lib. 1. cap. 53.) and all other, as he would himself: and presently after King Dejotarus (who trusting to the flight of birds, which he thought portended happy successe to him, came to Pompey, as Cicero shews in lib. 1. de Divinat.) whom they saw posting towards them from land, him they took in also, [Plutarch, in Pompey.]

There Pompey stood at anchor one night: and calling unto him his friends at Amphipolis, and having received money of them for his necessary expences, and knowing that Caesar was coming after him, he departed from that place, [Caesar, lib. 3.]

Sailing thus by Amphipolis, within a few dayes he came to shoar at the Isle of Les∣bos, [Caesar, & Plutarch, ut supra. Dio. lib. 42.]

He sent for his wife from Mitylenae to sea, where they bewailed together their hard fortune: then she commanded her stufle to be brought out of the Town, and called her maid-servants to come to her: but Pompey refused to come into the Town of the Mitylenians although they came to salute him and invited him into it; but advised them to obey the Conquerour, and to be asraid, for Caesar was merciful, and bounti∣ful: then turning to Cratippus the Philosopher (for he came out of the Town to visit him) he bewailed his misfortune, and disputed with him some things concerning pro∣vidence; the Philosopher affirming, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by reason of the ill go∣vernment of the Common-wealth, there was need of a Monarchy: and demanding of Pompey, How and by what token can we believe that you would have used your good fortune if you had overcome Caesar better than he? [Plutarch.]

Being detained there two dayes by tempest, and taking unto him other light ships, he put all his stuffe into four Gallies, which came from Rhodes and Tyre: and sailing along the coast, even to Cilicia with his wife and friends, kept along the havens that he might take in fresh water and things necessary, [Caesar, lib. 3. cum Plutarcho, in Pomp. Appian. pag. 479, 480. & Dio. lib. 42.]

To these we may adde what Lucan saith, lib. 8.

Sparsus ab Emathia fugit quicunque procella, Assequitur Magnum: primusque à littore Lesbi Occurrit natus, procerum mox turba fidelis. Nam neque dejecto fat is, acieque fugato Abstulerat Magno reges Fortuna ministros: Terrarum dominos & seeptra Eoa tenentes Exul habet comites, jubet ire in deviamundi Dejotarum, qui sparsa ducis vestigia legit.

Sol hid the Stars, and land discovered When those that from Phaisalias battle fled To Pompey came, and first from Lesbos shores He met his son; then Kings and Senatours: For Pompey yet (although at that sad time Vanquisht and fled) had Kings to wait on him; Proud Sceptered Kings that on the East did reign Attended there in banisht Pompeys Train. Then Pompey, King Dejotarus commands, To go for aids to furthest Eastern Lands.

There declaring the instructions, with which Dejotarus was sent to demand aid of the Parthians, (which notwithstanding he never performed) the Poet goes on thus de∣scribing the navigation of Pompey.

—dimisso in lit••ore rege, Ipse per Icar••ae scopulos, Ephesumque relinquens, Et placidi Colophona maris, spumantia parvae Radit saxa Sami: spirat de littore Coe Aura fluens; Gnidon inde fugit, claram{que} relinquit Sol Rhodon, magnosque sinus Telmessidos unda Compensat medio pelagi, Pamphylia puppi Occurrit tellus: nec se committere muris Ausus adhuc ullis: te primum parvae Phaselis Magnus adit; nam te metui vetat incola rarus, Exhaust aeque domus populis; major que carinae Quàm tua turba fuit.

—The King took leave at shore And by the Icarian rocks great Pompey gone Leaves Ephesus and sea-calme Colophon, Shaving small Samos foamy rocks he goes, A gentle gale blows from the shore of Cos: Gnidon and Phoebus-honoured Rhodes he leaves And sailing strait in the mid-ocean saves Telmessus long and winding circuits. First Pamphylia greets their eyes: but Pompey durst Commit his person to no Town but thee Little Phaselis: thy small company And few inhabitants could not cause fear More in thy ships than in thy walls there were.

The first Town that Pompey entred, was Attalia of Pisidia: thither some ships came to him out of Cilicia, and some souldiers also, and about 60 of the order of Sena∣tours: and when he heard news, that his Navy was safe, and that Cato was passed in∣to Africa with a strong party of souldiers that he had gathered together out of the flight: then he began to repent that he had joyned battle with Caesar so far from the assistance of his Fleet, but it was too late, [Plutarch, in Pemp.] But Lucan relates, that at Selinus in Cilicia, Pompey began to advise with Lentulus who was Consul the year before, and with the rest of the Senatours, about some safe place, whither he might make his retreat, [lib. 8.]

Out of Cilicia Pompey came into Cyprus, [Caesar, lib. 3.] where they who came to offer their service to him at Paphos, confirmed unto him, that Cicero had made a very honourable mention of him, [Cicero, in Philippica. 2.] Here he knew that, by the general consent of all the Antiochians and Roman Citizens that traded there, the Castle of Antiochia was already taken, meerely to keep him out, and it was also re∣ported of them, that they had sent messengers to all the neighbour Cities whither any had retired from the flight, that they should not come to Antioch, and if they did, it should be upon perill of their lives: and now there was a report spread about the Cities of Caesars coming; which when Pompey knew, he set aside his intention of going into Syria, and taking away the money that belonged to the guilds, and also from private persons, and shipping great store of money to defray the charges of the army, and 2000 souldiers well armed (part whereof he took out of the families of the guilds, and part he forced from the Merchants, and whomsoever any one thought fit for this purpose) he sailed to Pelusinm, [Caesar, lib. 3.]

For Theophanes a Lesbian, and other his friends, perswaded him, that setting all o∣ther places aside, he should go into Egypt, accounting it not only neer within three days journey, but also rich and powerful, where he might expect aid from the King his pupil; especially seeing Pompey had restored his father to his kingdom by the aid of Gabi∣nius: and that the son was not ungrateful but had sent ships to Pompey against Caesar, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 53. Plutarch, in Pompey. Appian. pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42.] As soon as that opinion prevailed, Pompey and his wife went into a ship of Seleucis, an set sail from Cyprus; some in long ships, and others in ships of bur∣den accompanied him, [Plutarch.] to which navigation belongs that of Lucan, [lib. 8.]

Haec ubi deseruit Pompeius littora, totos Emensus Cypri scopulos quibus exit in austrum, Inde maris vasti transfuso vertiturastu: Nec tenuit Casium nocturno lumine montem, Infimaque Aegypti pugnaci littora velo Vix tetigit, qua dividui pars maxima Nili In vada decurrit Pelusia septimus amnis.

Pompey departing thence, his course gan bend, Round all the Cyprian Rocks that Southward tend, And got into the interposed main; Nor by the nights weak light could he attain Mount Casius, but with stiugliug sails and strength, A lower port of Egypt reacht at length, Where parted Nilus greatest channel flows, And to the Ocean at Pelusium goes.

Caesar (that we may returne to what he did in the pursuit of Pompey) for want of Gallies, passed the Hellespont in small ships, whom being in a ferry boat, Cassius bear∣ing to Pharnaces with ten beaked ships, met in the midst of the passage: neither did Caesar avoide him, but making towards him, advised his adversary to yield, who being astonished at the admirable fortune of Caesar, and supposing that the sailed against him on purpose; holding his hand to him out of the Gally, humbly demanded pardon of him: and immediately delivered up the fleet to him; which consisted of 70 ships, (if we believe Appian) [Sueton. in Julio. Caesar. cap. 63. Appian. pag. 482, 483, Dio. lib. 42.]

As soon as Caesar came into Asia, he granted the Cuidians liberty, in favour of Theopompus, who had collected the fables.] [Plutarch in Caesare,] He received into favour the Ionians and Aeolians, and other nations, who inhabit the lesser Asia, who demanded pardon of him by their Embassadors; [Appian. pag. 483,] only demanding mony of them; which yet he recompensed with another benefit, for he freed Asia from Publicans, which grievously vexed it, and converted part of the customs into a convenient payment of Tribute, [Dio. lib. 42.] and remitted the third part of the Tribute to all the inhabitants of Asia. [Plutarch ut supra.]

T. Ampius having an intent to take away the mony out of the Temple at Ephesus, called the Senatours of that province, that they might be witnesses of what mony he took, but he was fain to fly, being hindred by the coming of Caesar: thus by Caesars means was the mony at Ephesus twice saved. [Caesar. lib. 3.]

Seeing no body had any thing of certainty to say concerning whither Pompey intended to fly. Caesar taking some part of his voyage alone with M. Brutus, (who being returned unto him from Pompe's party, he esteemed among his chiefest friends) he demanded his opinion: and because they could make no certain conjecture of Pom∣peyes flight, they thought to take the most probable, and setting all others aside, direct∣ed their course for Egypt, [Plutarch in M. Bruto.] fearing least he being possessed of that Kingdom, should again rally his forces. [Dio. lib. 42.] Wherefore he passed to Rhodes, neither did he stay till all his army was come together, but going aboard the Cassian and Rhodian Gallies, with those forces that he had with him, never telling any one whither he would bend his course, he set saile about evening, giving order to all the Captains of ships, that they by night, should follow the light of the Admiralls Gally, and his own flag by day: but being now far from land, he commanded his Cap∣tain of his ship, to direct his course for Alexandria, and by sea they were carried thither on the third day. [Appian. pag. 483.]

Lucan in his ninth book describes this voyage of Caesar, more like a Poet than an Historian, tells how he loitered at Ilium, and places thereabouts, and that loosing from thence, he came into Egypt on the fourth night.

Sic fatus, repetit classes, & tota secundis Vela dedit Coris; avidusque urgente procella Iliacas pe••sare morus; Asiamque potentem Praevehitur, pelagoque Rhodon spumante relinquit. Septima nox Zephyro nunquam laxante rudentes Oftendit Phariis Aegyptia littora flammis. Sed prius orta dies nocturnam lampada texit, Quam tutas intraret aquas.

—This said, to shore He hasts, takes shipping, and to Coreus lends His full-spread sailes with hast, to make amends For these delayes; and with a prosperous wind, Leaves wealthy Asia and fair Rhodes behind: The west wind blowing still, the seventh night Discovers Egypts shore by Pharian light; But ere they reach the harbour, day appears, And dims the night by fires.—

But none openeth the whole businesse more certainly than Caesar himself, thus writing of himself in the third Commentary of the civil war.

Caesar having tarried a few dayes in Asia, when he heard that Pompey was seen at Cyprus, conjecturing that he had taken his voyage into Egypt, by reason of the tyes he had upon that kingdom, and other oppertunities of that place, came to Alexandria, with the Legions, one whereof he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly, and another which he had commanded to come to him out of Achaia, by his Lievtenant Fusius, and 800 Horse, and the ten Rhodian ships, and a few out of Asia. In these Legions were 3200 men, the rest being so weakened with their wounds in fights, and with labour and greatnesse of the voyage, could not overtake him: but Caesar, trusting in the fame of what he had done, made no doubt of going on, for all his forces were so weak, supposing that each place would be secure enough for him.

The time of the year that Pompey came into Egypt before Caesar, Lucan thus describeth in lib. 8.

Tempus erat, quo Librapares examinat horas Non uno plus aequa die; noctique rependit Lux minor hybernae verni solatia damni.

That time was come wherein just Libra weighs The hours, and makes the nights equal with dayes; Then paies the winter nights hours, which the Spring Had tane away.—

Namely in the end of September, as the year was then accounted, he had read that Pompey came into Egypt; and he knew that in the end of the same moneth of the Julian year, which was in use in his time, the Sun was wont to enter into Libra; and thereupon, not considering the diverse account of the times, he wrote that Pompey came into Egypt, about the autumnal Solstice; when indeed the sun began to enter into Leo, when as about the beginning of the Dog-dayes, Nilus began to swell: not into Libra, when the river was wont to retire within his banks.

Not far from Pelusium, one of the mouths of Nilus, about the Mountain Cassius, which is sited between the borders of Egypt and Arabia, was King Ptolomy by chance at that time, with great forces, waging war with his sister Cleopatra, whom a few months before he had expelled the kingdom, and not far from his Camp was Cleopatra encamped. [Caesar. lib. 4. cum Pompeio. Appian. pag. 480. & Dio. lib. 42.] Caesar saith that he was but a boy in age, that he was but a boy of middle age, saith Mirtius, [de bell. Alexandro.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a very young boy saith Strabo, [lib. 17. pag. 796.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a very boy, Dio. [lib. 40.] a young man, Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 15.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a very young man, Plutarch, [in Pompeio.] neerer a boy then a man, Velleius, [lib. 2. cap. 53.] Appian [pag. 480.] writes, that he was at the most but thirteen years olde.

Whefore Pompey seeing so great an army upon the shore, durst not go to land, un∣lesse he might do it safely.

Comperit ut regem Casio se monte tenere, Flexit iter.

Finding the King to keep within the Casian Mount. He turnd aside.

(as Lucan hath it in lib. 8.) and sent some of his followers to the King, which should humbly declare unto him his coming thither; and intreat him, for the familiarity and friendship with his father, and the benefits confirmed upon himself, that he might

be received into Alexandria, and be protected by his strength in this his calamity, [Caesar. lib. 3. Plutarch in Pompey. Appian. pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42.] but those that went from him, when they had done their message, began to talk more freely with the Kings Souldiers, and that they should perform their duty to Pompey, and not to despise his ill fortune. In this number were many of Pompeys Souldiers, whom Gabinius recei∣ved out of his army in Syria, & had had him to Alexandria, and the warbeing ended, had left with Ptolomy the father of the lad. [Caesar. ut supra.]

The King himself answered nothing: but his friends who had the administration of the Kingdom, Achillas an Egyptian, who was Lord General, and Pothinus an Eunuch, who was Lord Treasurer, began to consult about Pompey; taking into council with them other officers, among whom was Theodorus, either a Chian, or a Samian, a mercenary teacher of Rhetorick, but yet one that was in great authority with the King, as being his Schole-master. [Livy, lib. 112. Plutarch. and Appian. ut supra.]

In this Council, some were of opinion, that Pompey was to be received, and others, that he should be kept from entring into Egypt: but Theodorus, bragging of his elo∣quence and skill in declaiming, declared that both of them were mistaken; for that there was but one expedient, that they should receive and put him to death: adding withal in the close of his speech, that the dead bite nor. [Plutarch in Pompeio. & in Bruto.]

His opinion the rest followed induced thereunto through fear, as they afterwards said, least by tampering with the Kings army, Pompey should seize upon Alexandria and Egypt, or contemning his misfortune, as commonly in calamity many of his friends became enemies, publickly answered kindly to them, that were sent unto them from Pompey, and bid him that he should come to the King: but privately they sent Achillas the Kings generall, a man of a singular audacity, and L. Septimius a Colonell, who in the wars against the Pyrates had a command under Pompey, to kill him. [Cae∣sar. lib. 3.]

These with Salvius another Centurion and three or four such ministers more went aboard a little ship, and came to Pompey: in the mean while, the whole army stood in battalia along the shoar. as it were in honour of his entertainment, the King being in the head of them clad in his robes, also there were espied many of the Kings ships, full of men, that they should be sure not to escape, if they should change their minds: the little ship approaching, Septimius first arose and in Latine saluted Pompey by the name of Imperator: Achillas having saluted him in Greek, wished him to come into that little ship, for that his ship through the greatnesse thereof, and because the sea was full of shelfs, neither could the gally by reason of the sands in any possibility be brought to land, and that the King desired to see him as soon as he could, all the chief men of those who accompanied Pompey, and all who sailed with him, came unto him, and advised him, that whilst they were out of danger of their weapons, he should set saile back again towards the sea: and he himself considering the army in battalia, and the sleight ship that was sent unto him, and that the King did not come to meet him, nor any of the chief noble men, began to suspect much, neverthelesse having saluted Cor∣nelia, which now already had bewailed his death, he commanded two Centurions, and of his free men Philip, and a servant named Scynes, to go aboard the little ship before him, then Achillas helping him with his hand, he himself also entred the ship, and just before turning to his wife and son, spake those Iambicks of Sophocles.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Nam cum tyranno si cui negotium est, Fit servus ejus, liber etsi venerit.

Who deale with Tyrants they shall surely be Inslaved, though before th'are ne're so free.

As they sailed there was a dead silence, whereby the suspicion was encreased; and holding a book in his hand, wherein he had written the Oration, that he intended to speak to Ptolemy, he began to read it, when they came neer the shoar: they determi∣ned to kill Pompey, before they came to land, fearing least meeting with Ptole∣mei, he should be safely delivered either by the King himself, or by the Romans, who he had with him, or the Egyptians, (who bare him great good will.) Cornelia with his friends out of the ship, stood in great suspence, beholding the errand: and Pompey began to be in good hopes, because at his landing he saw many of the Kings friends come running to entertain him with honour: but as Philip lent him his hand to

help him up, Septimius first came behind him and run him thorough, and after him, Salvius, and Achillas thrust him thorough with their swords: he, when he was there, being in no way either of defending himself, or escaping, with both his hands hid his face with his gown: neither spake he or did any thing unworthy of himself, only giving a groan, patiently received all their thrusts. [Id. ibid. Plutarch. Appian. Dio.]

His wife and friends which were in the ships, when they saw this, gave a great shriek, which was heard even to the shoar, and holding up their hands to heaven, im∣plored the gods that were the revengers of covenant breaking, and in all hast weighing anchor fled. [Plutarch, & Appian.] some of these were taken by the Egyptians that pursued them, and some escaped by flight. [Dio.] having first sailed as far as Tyre, for they were entertained by the Tyrians in their flight, as Dio shews in lib. 42. Of those that escaped his wife Cornelia, and his son Sextus Pompeius fled to Cyprus. [Livy lib. 112.] the rest of the Pompeian fleet was taken, and they who were in it most cruelly murdered: and then Pompey the Bythinian (of whom Cicero makes mention in Bruto, or, de claris oratoribus, as one of his own time) was killed, but Lentulus one that had been Consul, was killed at Pelusium. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] namely L. Lentulus the (Consul of the former year;) whom Caesar writes was taken, by the King, and killed in prison. [bell. clvil. lib. 3.] but Plutarch in Pompeio notes, that he together with Pompey went to Cyprus, and that he came not out of Cyprus into Egypt, till a long time after the buriall of Pompey, and a little after that going out was taken at sea, and killed.

Caius Caesar, and Publius Servilius, being Consuls, Pompey was killed in the 58 year of his age, (compleat) the day before his birth-day, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 53.] on that very day on which he Triumphed in former time over Mithridates and the Pirates: [Dio. lib. 42.] but that he Triumphed for two dayes together, the III. and the day before the Kalends of October, we have shewed out of Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 29. & lib. 37. cap. 2.] in his proper place: so that Plutarch wrote not so accurately in saying that Pompey lived 59 years, and that he died the day after his birth day: but that last of September, which was the last of Pompey, this year, as the times were then falsly reckoned at Rome, fell upon the 25 day of the Julian July, according to our account.

The head of Pompey being cut off by Septimius, (as Lucan saith) was kept till the coming of Caesar, in expectation of a great reward; but the body was thrown naked out of the ship, to be gazed upon by all that would. Philip, his freed man, stayed by it till all had satisfied their eyes; then he washed it with sea water, and wrapped it in a coat of his own. When he had nothing present, looking about the shore, he found the broken planks of a fisher boat, but which was enough to burn the naked carcase, and that not whole neither. As he was gathering the planks together, and laying them in order, a grave old Citizen of Rome, who had served under Pompey in his young dayes, came and helped him to perform the Funeral Rites. [Plutarch in Pomp.] That a certain man buried him on the shore, and made a little Monument for him: Appian writes, [pag. 481.] and that another added this inscription.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vix caperet templum, quae parva recondit arena.

—Scarce could the Temple hold, That which is cover'd over with a little mold.

We read in Aurelius Victor, [de viris illustribus, cap. 77.] that the Trunk of his body was cast into Nilus, and burnt, and buried by Servius Codrus, who wrote this on his Tomb, HERE LIETH POMPEY THE GREAT, of whom Lucan lib. 8.

Elatebris pavidus decurrit ad aequora Codrus, Quaestor ab Idalio Cinyraeae littore Cypri Infanstus Magni fueratcomes: ille per umbras Ausus ferre gradum, victum pietate timorem Compulit, ut mediis quaesitum corpus in undis Duceret ad terram, traheretque ad littora Magnum.

—Toth' shore did fearful Codrus come Out of his lurking hole that was before, Great Pompey's Questor, and from Cyprus shore Had follow'd him; he by the shades of night Durst go true love had uanquish terrour quite To find his slaughter'd Lord, along the sand, And through the waves to bring the trunk to land.

For the Poet more rightly seeketh his body in the sea, than Aurelius Victor, in Nilus: Seeing that it is manifest out of others, and Strabo also, [lib. 16. pag. 760.] and Pliny, [lib. 5. cap. 12.] that Pompey was killed and buried not far from the Cassian Mountain.

This was the end of great Pompeys life, who was accounted the most potent among the Romans, so that he was sirnamed Agamemnon, because he also had had the com∣mand of a 1000 ships, but then died neer Egypt in a little ship, like one of the basest Egyptians: and whereas he from an Oracle a long while before suspected all the Ci∣tizens of the Cassian family, he was killed and buried neer Mount Cassius, [Dio. lib. 42.] which mountain is seated not far from the confines of Judea, which he first subjected under the Roman yoke.

They who were with Cato, coming into Cyrene, heard of the death of Pompey, [Dio. lib. 42.] Cornelia with her son in law Sextus Pompey, being driven thither out of Cyprus: as that of Lucan shews in lib. 9.

Prima ratem Cypros spumantibus accipit undis: Inde tenens pelagus, sed jam moderatior, Eurus In Libycas eg•• sedes, & castra Catonis.

They first arriv'd on Cyprus foamy shore, From thence a mild East wind commanding bore Their ships to Cato's Lybian Camp—

He addes moreover, that the son of Pompey (C••••us the elder) who was with Cato, there, learned from his younger brother Sextus, who was with Cornelia, the death of his father; that Cornelia on the shore burnt the reliques of Pompey, and by her example the rest of the army making Funeral piles, performed Funeral Rites to the ghosts of them that died in Pharsalia, and that Cato made a Funeral Oration in memory of Pompey.

After this, there being different opinions, those who had no hopes of obtaining par∣don from Caesar, remained with Cato: others departing from him, went whitherso∣ever their chance carried them: others went directly to Caesar and obtained pardon, [Dio. lib. 42.] also Cornelia, a pardon being published, returned safe to Rome, [Id. ibid.] and there in the Mount Albanus laid the Reliques of her husband that were brought unto her, [Lucan, lib. 8. cum Plutarcho, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Pompei.]

The Souldiers of Cato, who were chiefely mariners of Cilitia, whose Captain was Tarcho, being ready to depart from him, being moved with the words he spake unto them, returned to their duty, [Lucan, lib. 9.]

Cato is admitted by the citizens into Cyrene, whereas a few dayes before, they had shut their gates against Labienus, [Plutarch, in Catone.] Lucan, lib. 9.

Proximus in muros & moenia Cyreniarum Est labor: exclusus nulla se vindicat ira; Poenaque de victis sola est, vicisse, Catoni. Inde peti placuit Lybici contermina Mauris Regna Jubae.

—Their second labour is To scale Cyrenes lofty walls on whom, Cato no vengeance took when overcome (Though they against him shut their gates) to him Reveng sufficient did their conquest seem. He hence to Lybian Jubaes kingdom goes.

when Cato had understood that Scipio the father in law of Pompey was entertained by King Juba, and that Appius Varus, to whom the Province of Africa was given by Pompey, had joyned himself unto them with his army, [Plutarch, ut supra.]

Caesar after three dayes being in his pursuite, (for as much as can be gathered out of the epitome of Lucan) came to Alexandria, King Ptolemei being still about the mountain Casius, [Appian. pag. 483.] and found there that the Alexandrians were in a mutiny about the death of Pompey, he durst not immediately go ashore; but leaving the shore, stood off some time, as Dio hath it, lib. 42, and Lucan, lib. 9.

—ibi plena tumultu Littora, & ineerto turb at as murrmure voces Accipit: ac dubiis veritus se credere regnis Abstinuit tellure rates.

—where when he saw the shoar With giddy tumult all confused o're Doubting if safe to trust them did forbear To bring his ships to land—

Then having knowledg of Pompeys death, Caesar went first out of his ship, and heard the shout of the Souldiers, whom Ptolemei had left for a garrison in the town; and saw them come running out unto him, because his bundles of rods were carried before him; for in this all the multitude said that the royall majesty was disgraced, [Caesar, lib. 3.] concerning which thing also both, [Dio, lib. 42.] and Lucan. lib. 9. make mention thus.

Sed fremitu vulgi fasces, & jura querentis Inferri Romana suis, discordia sensit Pectora, & ancipites animos,

But perceiving that the throng Of people murmur'd that in Egypt he Bare th'en signes up of Romes authoritie He finds their wavering faiths—

Notwithstanding Caesar entred Alexandria being in a mutiny without any danger: [Livy lib. 112.] retiring himself by flight into the pallace, but their arms were taken from some of his souldiers, and the rest, as all the ships were coming to shoar, went back again. [Dio. 42.]

Caesar was very angry when Theodorus offered to him the head and seale ring of Pompey: and taking the ring, fell a weeping. [Livy. lib. 112. Plutarch. in Caesare.] We read in Aurelius Victor. [de viris illustr. cap. 77.] that the head of Pompey with the ring was presented unto Caesar, by Achillas the captain of Ptolemyes guard, being wrapped up in an Egyptian covering; and he caused it to be burned with many and most precious odours, neither did he refrain from weeping, and concerning the head that was offered him by the captain of the guard, thus Lucan. lib. 9.

—dira satelles Colla gerit Magni, Phario velamine tecta.

Bringing his Kings dire guift great Pompeys head With an Egyptian mantle covered.

but of the teares, that he, and Dio will have to be but dissembling ones thus

Non primo Caesar damnavit munera visu, Avertit que oculos; vultus, dum crederet, haesit: Utque fidem vidit sceleris, tutumque putavit Jam bonus esse socer, lacrym as non sponte cadentes Effudit, gomitusque expressit pectore laeto; Non aliter manifesta putans abscondere mentis Gandia, quam lachrymis.

Caesar at his first gift would not refuse Nor turn his eies away but fixtly viewes Till he perceiv'd t'was true, and plainly saw, T'was safe to be a pious father in law: Then shed forced teares & from a joyfull breast Drew sighs and groans as thinking tears would best Conceald, his inward joy.

and of the buriall of the head he thus brings in Caesar commanding:

—Vos condite busto Tanti colla ducis: sed non, ut crimina tantum Vestra tegat tellus, justo date thura sepulchro, Et placate caput, cineresque in littore fusos Colligite, atque unam sparsis date manibus urnam.

—But do you interre This worthies head, not that the earth may bear And hide your guilt; bring fumes and odours store, T'appease his head, and gather from the shore His scatter'd limbs; compose them in one Tomb.

But he commanded the head to be buried in the Suburbs, and there dedicated a Tem∣ple of Nemeses. [Appian. pag. 484.]

And that he might the more shew his good affection towards Pompey, he kindly entertained his friends and familiars, who were taken as they wandred in that Country by the King, and bound them unto himself by favours that he did them: and he wrote to his friends at Rome, that the greatest and most pleasant fruit that he took of his victory was, that he daily saved some Citizens that had opposed him. [Plut. in Caesare.]

Caesar, before his army came unto him, for want of his own company, gave himself to idlenesse; curtuously entertaining all he met: and walking about to see the City, admired the beauty thereof, and stood to hear many of the professors of wisdom; which his leasure got him favour and good account with the people of Alexandria. [Appian. Bell. civil. pag. 483. fin. pag. 484. init.] Thus Lucan tells that he visited the Temples, and the Cave wherein the body of Alexander the Great lay.

—vultu semper celante timorem, Intertidus Superum sedes, & templa vetusti Numinis, antiquas Macetum testantia vires, Circuit: & nulla captus dulcedine rerum, Non auro, cultuque deum, non moenibus urbis, Effossum tumulis cupide descendit in antrum. Illic Pellaei proles vesana Philippi Felix praeda jacet; terrarum vindice fat•• Raptus.

Then with a look still hiding fear goes he, The stately Temple of the old god to see; Which speaks the ancient Macedonian greatnesse. But there delighted with no objects sweetnesse, Nor with their gold nor gods majestick dresse, Nor lofty City walls, with greedinesse, Into the burying Vault goes Caesar down. There Macedonian Philip's mad-braind son, The prosperous thief lies buried: whom just fate Slew in the worlds revenge—

Caesar delivered over to Cn. Domitius Calvinus the government of Asia, and the neighbour Provinces, [Hirtius, in lib. de bello. Alexandrino.] and commanded him, that taking the armies that were in Asia unto him, he should make war upon King Pharnaces. [Dio. lib. 42.] But when Caesar observed that there were many seditions daily raised at Alexandria, by reason of the great concourse of the multitude, and that many Souldiers were killed in diverse places of the City, he commanded the Legions to be brought to him out of Asia; which he had gathered together out of Pompey's Souldiers; for he himself was necessarily kept there by the eastern winds, which are most contrary to them that saile from Alexandria, [Caesar. lib. 3.] for those are northern winds, which cease blowing about the end of the Julian August: as we may see both in the Ephemerides of Geminus and Ptolomy, and also in Pliny, [lib. 2. cap. 47.] and Columella, [lib. 2. de re rustica.] from whence the errour of Lucan is discovered, who delivered in lib. 8. that Pompey came into Egypt in the time of the autumnal equinoctial: and in his ninth book he referred, that toilsom march of Cato with the Legions, through Africa the desert, (concerning which Livy, lib. 112.) after he heard of the death of Pompey, to be undertaken by him, to the winter that followed this equinoctial.

For when deparing from Cyrenae, he assayed to crosse the Syrts with his fleet, he, by a tempest, was cast upon the marshes of Tritonis: Sexus Pompeius being left

with part of the forces in the more fruitfull places of Africa, that Cato intended to march by land, the sea being now impassable by reason of stormes, to seek the King of Mau∣ritania, as he thus declares:

His igitur depulsa locis, ejectdque classis Syrtibus, haud ultra Garamantidas attigit undas: Sed duce Pomp••io Libyes melioris in oris Mansit: at impatiens virtus haerere Caton is Audet in ignotas agmen committere gentes, Armorum fidens, & terra cingere Syrtim. Haec eadem suadebat hyems, quae clauserat aequor.

Part of the fleet got off from hence again, And from the Syrtes driven, did remain Under great Pompeys eldest sons command, On this side Garamantis in rich land: But Cato's vertue brooking no delay, Through unknown regions led his troops away, T'in compasse round the Syrts by land, for now. The stormy seas unnavigable grow In winter time—

Which also Plutarch in the life of Cato affirmeth, writing that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in winter time this march by land was undertaken by him.

But his army was miserably afflicted in the country of the N••samones, which is near the Syrts, with the winds driving the sands, and sometimes with vehement thirst, and a multitude of serpents of divers kinds that they met with: and Cato co••ming to••he temple of Jupiter Ammon, being advised by the perswasion of Labio to consult with the oracle concerning his future fortune, refused to do it; and at length, having wan∣dred two months through the sandy deserts of Africa, he came to Leptis: and there spent the winter. [Lucan. lib. 9.] which being ended, he had his souldiers to seek, who were not much lesse than 10000 men. [Plutarch. in Catone.]

Caesar, (that we may return to him, being deteined at Alexandria, by the easterne winds) spent his time in Egypt, in getting of money, and deciding the controversie between Ptolemei and Cleopatra. [Dio. lib. 42.] for of that vast sum of money that was owed unto him by Ptolemei Auletes the father of the young King, he there exact∣ed some part for the defraying of the charg of his army. [Plutarch. in Caesare.] which exactions the Egyptians, who above all other nations are most superstitious worshippers of a multitude of gods, took so much the worse, because Caesar did not hold his fingers from those things that were dedicated to their gods. [Dio. lib. 42.] al∣though in this he was cozened by the Kings ••••••ours; that he received but little mony, they themselves craftily robbing their own temples: that they might by this shew that the Kings exchequer was empty, and that they might stir up the people unto an hatred of Caesar. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] for the increasing of which, the Eunuch Pothinus, a man who was in greatest authority, did both speak and act many things in publick: for he gave the souldiers old and musty corn, telling them, that they should be content, because they were fed at another bodies cost: and commanded also that his own sup∣per should be served up in wooden and earthen dishes, reporting that Caesar had taken away all the gold and silver plate, for the payment of the debt. [Plutarch. ut supra.]

But Caesar supposed that the controversies of the King and Queen did belong to the people of Rome, and to him because he was Consul; and the rather to belong to his office, because in his former Consul-ship, there was a league made with Ptolemei the father of them both, wherefore he declares unto them, that it was his pleasure, that both King Ptolemei, and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their armies; and rather try their controversies by law before him, than between themselves by arms. [Caesar. lib. 3.]

The death of Pompey was not believed at Rome, untill that afterwards his seale ring was sent thither; on which three trophies were engraven, (or as Plutarch will, a Lion holding a sword,) but then the Romans strove who should powre most honours upon Caesar: giving him power to do with the Pompeians as he would himself, that he should have authority to make war and peace with whomsoever he would, al∣though he had not reported it to the people; that he should be Cousul for five yeares together, that he should not be Dictatour for six months space only, as it was wont to be, but for an whole years time, that he should have triou••itian authority all his life time, that he should fit with the tribunes, and determine of any thing to be done toge∣ther with them: which was never granted to any formerly. [Dio. lib. 42.

Caesar having accepted of these honours, although he was out of Italy, yet imme∣diately entred upon the Dictatourship, [Id. ibid.] So that Josephus rightly begins his principality from hence; assigning unto it three years and an half, [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17.] and in Syria, as the Antiochians seem to reckon the times of the Caesars from his first Dictatourship, so the Lacedemonians from this second Dictatourship; for Euse∣bius in his Chronicle at the second year of the Empire of Probus shews, that the Lao∣dicean account was later than the Antiochenian, but onely one year.

Velleius Patercules saith, [Year of the World 3957. a.] that the King, and those by whom he was governed, at∣tempted Treason against Caesar, [lib. 2. cap. 54.] which Suetonius affirmes of King Ptolemei himself, [in Julio, cap. 35.] and Eutropius, [lib. 6.] and Plutarch, of the Eunuch Pothinus; by reason of which treasons that were privily laid for him, he be∣gan to feast whole nights in his own defence: and whenas Pothinus would tell him, that now it was time to leave off, and to follow his great affairs, & that afterwards he might return again: He answered him, that he did require to advice of any of the Egyptians: he sent for Cleopatra privately out of the country, [Plutarch, in Caesare.]

For Cleopatra, having hitherto pleaded her cause before Caesar by the mediation of other men, as soon as she knew his nature, that he was given to the love of women; by private messengers complained unto Caesar, that she was betrayed by her friends, and that she desired that she her self might plead her own cause before him, [Dio. lib. 42.] which being granted, she onely took one of her friends with her, one Apollodorus Siculus, and going aboard a light ship, she sailed to the Palace as soon as it was dark, and seeing she could by no other means hide her self, she laid her self a long in a mat∣tresse that was solded up, which Apollodorus tied up with a cord and carried up through the gate to Caesar, [Plutarch.] Lucan thus describes her bringing in to Caesar, in lib. 10.

Jam Pelusiaco veniens è gurgite Nili, Rex puer imbellis populi sedaverat iras, Obside quo pacis Pellaea tutus in aula Caesar erat: cum se parva Cleopatra biremi, Corrupto custode Phari laxare catenas, Intulit Emathiis ignaro Caesare tectis; Dedecus Egypti, Latio feralis Erinnys, Romano non casta malo.

Now the young King come from Pelusium Had pacifi'd the peoples wrath: in whom As Hostage of his peace in Egypt Court Caesar was safe; when, lo, from Pharos port, Bribing the Keeper to unchain the same, In a small Gally Cleopatra came, Unknown to Caesar entring the house The stain of Egypt, Romes pernicious Fury, unchast to Italies disgrace.

Cleopatra falling at Caesar feet, demanded her part of the kingdom; the woman was exceeding beautiful, and her beauty was much increased by this, that such an one did seem to suffer so great an injury, as also the hatred of the King himself, who had murdered Pompey, not for Caesars sake, and would have done the like to him if he could have found the means, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2.] but when Caesar saw Cleopatra, and heard her speak, he was immediately so become her slave, that as soon as it was day, he sent for Ptolemei to come to him, and mediated a pacification; there becoming Cleopatras advocate, whose judge he was before: which thing, and because he saw his sister within with him before he was aware of it, so inflamed the lad with anger; that he ran out to the people, crying out that he was betrayed, and took his Crown and threw it to the ground, [Dio. lib. 42.]

Hereupon arose a great tumult, Caesars souldiers took Ptolemei and carried him in: but the Egyptians were all in commotions, and unlesse Caesar being strooken with fear had gone out unto them, and from a safe place promised them, that he would do what∣soever they would themselves, they at the first onset, had seized upon the Palace, which they introded both by sea and land: for the Romans, who thought they had been amongst their friends, had no means to make resistance, [Dio. lib. 42.]

After these things, Caesar together with Ptolemei and Cleopatra, going out into the people, rehearsed in a writing the testament of their father: in which it was com∣manded, that after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, that they two should be mar∣ried together, and should hold the kingdom in common: but so, that they should

be under the protection of the people of Rome: Caesar added moreover, that it was his part, who now was Dictator, and had all the power of the people of Rome, both to have a care of the children, and to see their fathers will executed. Wherefore he gave the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolomy and Cleopatra; and gave Cyprus to Arsinoe, and Ptolomy the younger, for he was in such a fear at this time, that he would willingly have given any thing of his own, rather then have taken any away that belonged to the Egyptians: and after this manner was this tumult appeased. [Id. Ibid. cum Caesar. lib. 3. Livy, lib. 112. & Plutarch in Caesare.]

King Dejotarus coming to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, Caesar Lieutenant in Asia, desired him, that he would not suffer Armenia the lesse, his own kingdom, nor Cappadocia, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes, to be possessed and spoiled by Pharnaces: which unlesse they were freed from, they could neither do as they were commanded, nor pay the mony that they had promised to Caesar. Domitius immediately sent messengers to Pharnaces, that he should depart out of Armenia and Cappadocia; which denuntia∣tion, he thought would be of greater power, if he came neerer those Countries with his army; wherefore he went to the Legions, and of the three that he had with him, he took the XXXVI, and the other two he sent into Egypt, unto Caesar, who had written to him for them: to this XXXVI. Legion, he added two more that he had received from Dejotarus, many of whom he had disciplined and armed after the Ro∣man fashion, and an hundred horse, also he took as many of Ariobarzanes. He sent also P. Sextius to C. Plaetorius his Questor, to bring to him a Legion that he had gathered together of Souldiers raised on a sudden: and Q. Patiscus, into Cilicia, to bring more aids, all which forces, by the command of Domitius, with all speed met at Comana. [Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrino.]

In the mean the Embassadors return an answer from Pharnaces, that he was depart∣ed from Cappadocia, that he had recovered Armenia the Lesse, which he ought to to keep as belonging to his father, and furthermore, that the whole businesse of that King should be referred to Caesar himself, for he would do whatsoever he should ap∣point: but yet he departed out of Cappadocia, because he could more easily defend Armenia, that was neer his own kingdom, then Cappadocia, that lay further off: which when Domitius knew, he still continued in that mind, that he should depart from that kingdom also, for he had no more right to Armenia than to Cappadocia, neither was his demand just, that the whole businesse should remain intire until Caesar com∣ing, for that was, to be intire, to be as it had been before. Having given him this an∣swer, he marched with the foresaid forces into Armenia: in the mean time, Pharnaces sent many Embassies unto Domitius, to treat of a peace, and offered him great pre∣sents: but Domitius constantly refused them all, and answered the Embassadours, that he did not account any thing more deer unto him, then to recover the dignity of the people of Rome, and the kingdom of their allies. [Id. ibid.]

Caesar carrying on the war of Alexandria, Dejotarus did what he could for Caesars profit, and furn••shed Cn. Domitius his army, both with lodgings, and strengthened him with his own forces; as Cicero confirmeth in an oration that he made in his behalf.

In Egypt, the Eunuch Pothinus, who had the oversight of all the Kings treasure, and of the whole kingdom, fearing least he should be punished for the former sedition of the Egyptians, of which he was the chief ringleader, was the beginner of a new and difficult war. He first complained amongst his own friends, that the King was called to plead his cause: and then to others whom he had an intention to draw to his party, he cast a suspition, that Caesar indeed, for the appeasing of the tumult, had given the kingdom to both, but that in processe of time, he would give it to Cleopatra alone; and sollicited Achillas by letters and messengers, who was Commander in chief of all the Kings forces, having provoked him by his own, and puffed up with, promises from the King, that he should in privacy lead all the Kings army, both Horse and Foot from Pelusium to Alexandria. [Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. Civil. Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesars forces were in no wise so great, that if he must be forced to fight without the Town, he durst trust to them: the onely thing that he was to do, was, to keep himself in his fastnesse within the Town, and to know what Achillas intended to do. He wished the King to send some of his most confident friends, as Embassadors to Achillas, and of chiefest authority about, that he should declare his intention. Dioscorides and Serapion, who had been Embassadors at Rome, and had been in great authority with his father, were sent from the King, and came to Achillas: whom he, as soon as they came within sight, before he knew what they came for, commanded to be taken and killed: one of whom having received a wound, was taken away by his own men for dead, and the other was killed. Which being done, Caesar brought things so to passe, that he got the King within his own power; supposing that the name of the King would be

of great authority among his own Country men: and that this war might seem to be undertaken rather by the outrage of a few private men and thieves, there by the advice of the King. [Caesar. ibid.]

The forces that Achillas had with him, seemed not to be contemned, neither for their number, nor for the nation they were of, nor for their want of skill in Souldiery, for he had 20000. in arms: these consisted of the Souldiers of Gabinius, who now were accustomed to the life and licentiousnesse of the Alexandrians, and had unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome. Hither came also a company of Thieves and Robbers that were gathered together out of the Province of Syria and Cilicia, and the neighbour Provinces. Moreover, there met here many that were condemned persons, and banished men, and all Roman fugatives were sure of life and entertainment at Alexandria; so that but giving in their name, they were listed among the Souldiers: and if any one were apprehended by his master, he was taken away again by a concourse of Souldiers; who did defend the violence of their com∣panions, because they were in the same fault, for fear of their own danger: these were wont according to the old fashion of the Alexandrian army, to demand the Kings friends to be put to death, and to plunder rich mens goods, for to increase their pay, and to besiege the Kings Palace, to banish some, and to recal others from banishment: there were also 2000 Horse, many of whom had served a long time in the wars of Alexandria. [Id. ibid.]

Achillas trusting to these forces, and despising the fewnesse of Caesars souldiers, having seized upon Alexandria, attempted by an onset to break into Caesars house; but Caesar, having disposed his Co••orts in the passes, sustained the assault. They fought at the same time at the Haven, and indeed there was the greatest fight of all: for at the same time, the enemy brought their forces about, and fought in many passes, and endeavoured also with a great multitude to seize upon the long ships: fifty whereof being sent to help Pompey, when the battle in Thessalia was ended, returned home: they were all Gallies with either three or five oars on a bank, well rigged and furnished with all tackling for sailing: besides these, XXII. there were which were alway wont to be at Alexandria, for a guard to it, all covered (or rather beaked) which if the enemy had seized upon, Caesars fleet being gone away, they had had the Haven, and the whole sea at their command, and had kept Caesar from all provisions, and any aides coming unto him. Wherefore this businesse was acted with the greatest contention that might be, seeing that Caesar saw that his chief businesse consisted in the dispatch of this businesse, and they their safety: but Caesar got the better, and burnt those ships, and the rest that were in the arsenal, because he could not defend them with so few a party as he had. [Id. ib.]

—nec puppibus ignis Incubuit solis: sed quae vicina fuere Tecta mari longis rapuere vaporibus ignem. Et cladem fovere Noti; percussaque flamma Turbine, non alio motuper tecta cucurrit, Quam solet aetherio lampas decurrere sulco, Materiaque carens, atque ardens aecre solo:

Nor o're the ships alone do flames prevaile; But all the houses near the shore assaile, The South winds feed the flame, and drive it on Along the houses with such motion, As through the Welkin fiery Meteors run, That wanting fuel fed on aire alone.

as Lucan hath it in his tenth book,

When this fire had seized upon part of the City, it burnt 400000 books that were laid up in the houses adjoyning, a singular monument of the care and industry of their ancestours, who had gathered together so many and so great works of famous wits. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] Livy said, that here was a famous work of the glory and care of those Kings: as it is in Seneca, [in lib. de Tranquillitate animi, cap. 9.] where the same number of books is said to be burned: yet A. Gellius [lib. 5. cap. 17.] out of the agree∣ing (as he speaks) credit of old monuments, and Ammianus Marcellinus [lib. 22.] relate, that there were 700000 burned; and indeed when at the end of the Alexandrian war, the City was plundered by the Souldiers: but Plutarch in Caesare, saith, that in the beginning of this war, the flame increasing by the arsenal, that the Library was burned: and Dio in lib. 42. confirmeth, that the store houses, and grana∣ries, and library, were burned together with the arsenal.

After the firing of the fleet, Caesar presently at the Island Phatos (which with a narrow neck of land of 900 paces long, and a bridge being joyned to the city makes the haven) the enemy being employed in the fight, landed his souldiers out of the ships, and placed a garrison there, by which he brought it to passe, that corn and aides might be brought unto him by shipping. [Caesar lib. 3.] whereupon Lucan speaking of Pharos taken by him. lib. 10.

Illa duci geminos bellorum praestitit usus. Abstulit excursus & fauces aequoris hosti: Caesaris auxiliis aditus & libera ponti Ostia permisit.

Two helpes on Caesar doth that fort bestow: Commands the Seas, the foes incursions staid, And made a passage safe for Caesars aid.

In other parts of the town they fought so, that neither of them had the better; nei∣ther of them giving ground by reason of the straitnesse of the places, and but few killed of either side: Caesar having taken the most necessary places, fortified them by night in that side of the town, there was a little part of the pallace, into which they at the first brought him to dwell, and a theatre that joyned to the house, which was in manner of a cittadell, and had a way to the haven and arsenall, these fortifieations he daily en∣creased, that they might be to him in stead of a wall, and that he might not be forced to fight but when he would himself. [Caesar. lib. 3.]

Whereas the Egyptians fearing least Caesar being now Conquerour in the fight at sea should seize upon the haven of the city, thy with a rampart cast up barred his entrance, only leaving a little space: he himself also stopped that space sinking ships of burden filled with stones: and shut up all power from the enemies ships, of going out of the ha∣ven; whereby it came to passe, that with lesse trouble he could fetch all things necessary for himself, and water also (for Achillas, had taken all water from him, by cutting up the conduits.) [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar sent into all the neighbour countries, and called for aids from thence. [Caesar. lib. 3.] and sent for the whole fleet out of Rhodes, and Syria and Cilicia: and bid them bring archers out of Crete, and horsemen from Malchus, the King of the Naba∣thaeans: and commanded that there should be engines for battery, and corn, and supplies brought unto him. [A. Hirtius de bell. Alexandrin.] he certified Domitius Calvinus of his danger, and desired him by all meanes, to send supplies to him as soon as possibly he could, and that he would come neerer Alexandria through Syria. [id. ibid,] but Mithridates of Pergamus a man of great nobility, in his own countrey, and of knowledge, and valour in the wars, and in great esteem, credit, and friendship with Caesar, was sent into Syria and Cilicia, to hasten on the supplies. [id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 14. cap, 14. & Dio. lib. 42.]

In the mean while Gammedes an Eunuch, steals away Arsinoe who was but carelesly kept, and carried her to the Egyptians: who making her Queen, they fell more hear∣tily to the war, than before, because they had gotten one of the race of the Ptolemyes, to be the commander. [Dio. lib. 42.] concerning whom Lucan. lib. 10.

—subrepta paratis A famulo Ganymede dolis, pervenit ad hostes Caesaris Arsinoe: quae castra carentia rege Ut proles Lagea tenet.

Arsinoe from court escaped goes By Ganymedes help to Caesars foes, The crown (as Lagus daughter) to obtain

and Caesar himself about the end of the commentaries of the civil war. The young daughter of King Ptolemei, hoping after the vacant possession of the Kingdome, conveyed her self out of the pallace to Achillas, and commanded in the war together with him: but immedi∣ately there began a controversy to arise between them concerning the chief command, which thing increased much briberies among the souldiers: every one striving to get their good wills by dammages to themselves.

Whilst these things are done among the enemies, Pothinus the Kings governour, and administrator of the Kingdome in the behalf of Caesar, whereas he sent messengers to Achillas, and advised him, that he should follow the businesse and not desist, the mes∣sengers were appeached and apprehended, and he himself put to death by Caesar. [Caesar.

ibid.] who from henceforward kept the young King openly in strict custody, and by this did the more exasperate the minds of the Egyptians. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Whilst these things were done in Egypt, Domitius Calvinus marched against Phar∣naces, with great and continuall marches, encamped not far from Nicapolis, (a city of Armenia the lesse built by Pompey; in which Pharnaces having already seized up∣on it dwelt himself) about seven miles distant, where when as in vain Pharnaces had laid ambushments for him: the next day Domitius moves nearer, and brought his camp even to the town: and Pharnaces set his men in battalia, after his own custome and fashion, the next night Pharnaces, having intercepted the messengers who brought the letters to Domitius, concerning the Alexandrian affaires, whereby he knew of the danger of Caesar, and the recalling of Domitius, he accounted it as good as a victory, if he could but linger out the time: but Domitius, whenas he should have been more moved with the danger of Caesar than his own, brings his souldiers out of the camp, and prepares to fight, having placed the XXXVI Legion in the right wing, the Pontick in the left, and the Legions of Dejotarus in middle battle, and when both armies being in battalia came to fight, the Pontick Legion was almost wholy lost, and a great part of Dejotarus's souldiers killed, and the XXXVI Legion retreated into the mountains, having not lost above 250 men, notwithstanding Domitius rallyed up the reliques of his scattered army, and by safe journeys through Cappadocia, winter now approach∣ing, returned into Asia. [Hirtius cum Appian. lib. 2. de bell. civil. pag. 484. & Dion. lib. 42.]

The Caesarians and Alexandrians, strove earnestiy one against the other, with for∣tifications and works, Caesar eudeavoured most of all that that part of the city which a fen had made the narrowest, he might shut it from the other part of the city; by works, and rampires, hoping that, first, the city being divided into two parts, his army might be commanded by the same councell, and same command: and also, that if they were in any danger, assistance might be brought him from the other part of the city; but especially, that he might be abundantly furnished with provision and water, both which the fen plentifully afforded, the Alexandrians sent messengers into all parts of Egypt to presse men, and brought into the town all sorts of engines, and weapons: and did many other things, that are reckoned up by Hirtius in his com∣mentaries of the Alexandrian war.

Seeing that the number of the enemy encreased, Caesar began to take advice con∣cerning an agreement between them: and commanded that Ptolemei being placed where he might be heard of the Egyptians, to tell them, that there was no wrong done unto him, and that there was no need of war; and that they should compose a peace, and that he would take care, that the conditions should be kept, but they sus∣pecting that he was made to do this on purpose by Caesar, went on still with their war, [Dio. lib. 42.] and said that Caesar must in all hast be expelled, who being now shut up by tempests by reason of the time of the year, could not receive any helps from be∣yond the seas. [Hirtius.]

In the interim the dissention between Achillas the generall of the old army, and Arsinoe the younger daughter of Ptolemei (Auletes) increasing, and both plotting, and counterplotting against each other; whilst Achillas aimed at the Empire, Arsi∣noe, by the meanes, and assistance of Ganymedes the Eunuch her foster father; pre∣vented his design; by her own possessing it, and put to death Achillas: pretending he would have betrayed the fleet. And when he was sent out of the world and out of the way, she alone enjoyed the whole Empire, Ganymedes being constituted Generall of the army. He, when he had undertaken the charg, augmented the souldiers pay, and acted in all things with the like care and discretion. [Hirtius & Dio.]

Whereas Alexandria was almost all digged under ground, and had vaults that rea∣ched to the river Nilus, by which water is brought into private houses, that it might sink by little and little and become potable; Ganymedes having stopped those vaults, and all the parts of the city, in which the Caesarians were besieged: so that by reason of the saltnesse of the water in the neighbour houses, they all seemed to be brought to the last cast, and began to think of flying; but that advice being not liked, Caesar commanded that wells should be digged in the night, and great store of fresh water being found; all the laborious engines of the Alexandrians became of no use. [Hirtius.]

In that two daies the XXXVII Legion, of those souldiers of Pompey that yeilded themselves, being shipped by Domitius Calvinus with corn, arms, weapons, and en∣gines, came to the shoares of Africa a little above Alexandria: for the other legion which was sent by him through Syria by land, came not to Caesar: but those ships, the East wind continually blowing, stood at anchor, and could not come into the ha∣ven, of which when Caesar was certified, he took shipping and commanded his fleet to follow, but took no souldiers with him, least he should leave the forts void of men, to

defend them: and when he was come to a steep place called Chersonesus, and had set some Marriners ashore for fresh water, some of them were intercepted, who certi∣fied them, that indeed Caesar was in the fleet, but yet that he had no souldiers in the ships: wherefore they rigged their whole navy, and met with Caesar returning with the Legion of Domitius: and although Caesar would not fight that day, yet a Rhodian ship, which was placed in the right wing, far from the rest, was set upon by four co∣vered ships of the enemy, and some open ones, which Caesar being forced to assist, happily got the victory, and if the night had not broken off the fight, he had been master of the whole fleet of the enemy. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Although the Egyptians had received this losse, yet they were again confirmed by Ganymedes, so that although they had lost an 110 long ships in the haven and Arsenal, yet they fell earnestly to work to repair their fleet: and to that end having gathered together all the ships, from all the mouths of Nilus, and from the private arsenalls that belonged to the King, in few dayes, beyond the opinion of all men, they made a fleet of 22. Gallies, with four bancks of oars, and five with five banks, besides many lesser and open ones: and having furnished them with Souldiers, fitted them for fight. [Id.] and having opened the entrance of the Haven, and placed their ships in the rode, very much troubled the Romans. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar had nine Rhodian ships, (for of ten that were sent, one was lost in the voy∣age on the Egyptian shore) eight Pontick, five Lycian, twelve out of Asia: of these five were with five oars on a bank, and ten with four: the rest were under this burden, and many were open. With these Caesar sailed about Pharos, and stood over against the enemies ships: there were shelves between the two fleets with a very narrow passage, and they both a good while expected which should first crosse the passage, because they who first crossed, might easily be oppressed by the whole multitude of the enemies, before the rest could passe and come to the fight: but the Rhodian ships demanded that they might have the first passage, and by singular skill, so susteined the whole fleet of the enemy, never turning their sides to them, that they made a free passage for the rest to passe, and to come to the fight. [Hirtius.]

The Caesarians got the victory, having lost never a ship: there was of the Alex∣andrians one Gally with five oares on a bank taken, and one with two on a bank, with all the souldiers and marriners, and three sunck; the rest fled to the Town of Pharos that was neer them, which the Citizens defended from the forts and buildings which were over them, and kept the Caesarians from coming neer. But from thence imme∣diately they were outed by the industry of the Romans, and lost both the Town and Island, and many of their men: but whenas the Island was joyned to the continent by a double bridge, one of the which being forsaken by the enemy, the Romans easily became masters of: whereas on the other, through the rashnesse of some they were distressed, and being put to rout, fled to their ships, part of them having gotten to the next ships, were sunck by them multitude and weight of the men, part making resistance, and doubting what to do, were killed by the Alexandrians: and some having gotten to the ships that were at anchor, escaped safe: a few swam to the next ships. Cesar retired into his own ship, whither when a multitude that followed would have broken in upon him, he suspecting what would happen, cast himself out of the ship, and swam to those ships which were farther off; and from thence sending boats to help them who were in danger, saved some of them: but his own ship being overloaded with the multitude of souldiers, perished together with all the men, [Id.]

But here is not to be passed over in silence, that which is pretermitted by Hirtius, but remembered by Suetonius, [in Julio, cap. 64.] and by Orosius who follows him, [lib. 6. cap. 15.] concerning Caesar: that by swimming he escaped to the next ship, holding up his left hand, that the commentaries should not be wetted: which very thing concerning the commentaries being preserved, is also related by Plutarch [in Caesare,] and by Dio, [lib. 42.] But Appian, [lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 523.] tells the Story thus. That he being inclosed alone upon the bridge by the enemy that pressed upon him, he cast off his purple coat, and leaped into the sea: and the Kings souldiers pursuing him, he swam a long time under the water, onely lifting up his head by fits, until swimming to an onely ship, and by holding up his hands unto them, is known and saved. And although Suetonius writes, that he held his souldiers coat in his mouth, drawing it after him, that the enemy should not get it; yet Florus, [lib. 4. cap. 2.] to∣gether with Plutarch saith, that he left it in the waves, either by chance, or of purpose, that the enemies pursuing him, they might shoot at that with their darts and stones: and that the Egyptians having gotten the coat, fixed it to a Trophy, which they had set up for their putting the enemy to flight, as if they had taken the General him∣self: and this is delivered by Appian, [lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 484.] and Dio, [lib. 42.]

In this fight there were lost of the Legionary souldiers, about 400. and few more of

the souldiers that belonged to the Fleet and mariners. The Alexandrians in that place built a Castle, and strengthened it with sorts and many engins of war; and, taking the stones out of the sea, they made use of it more freely for the sending out of their ships, [Hirtius.]

In the mean while, Mithridates of Pergames gathered in all haste, great Forces out of Syria and Cilicia, both by the extream good will of the Cities, and his own dili∣gence, [Id.] but at the first, he coming alone to Ascaion, from thence sent for Anti∣pater the Governour of Judea to come unto him; who brought with him 3000 soul∣diers, and brought it to passe by his perswasion, that Hyrcanus the High Priest, and other Governours joyned their Forces together: as Strabo relates out of Hypsicrates, (an Historian of the Phoenicians) [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.] for he agreed with the Princes of the Arabians, that they also should come to his aid: and by his meanes especially, with great earnestnesse, there came to Caesars assistance I amblichus the Go∣vernour, and Ptolemei his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who inhabited in Mount Libanus, and almost all the Cities of Syria, [Joseph. ibid. cap. 14.]

Whenas the Alexandrians saw that the Romans were the more provoked by the losse they lately received, and that they were confirmed as well by losses as by pros∣perous successes; they sent Embassadours to Caesar, that he would let their King go free, and come to them, for that the multitude were ready thorough the lingering of the war, to do whatsoever the King would have them to do: and if by his means, they should become Caesars friends, they would easily yeild. Caesar although he knew that the fidelity both of the King, and Alexandrians was to be suspected, yet he would let him go; both because by his coming, the enemies strength would not be increased, and the war against him would be more glorious: but withal he advised him, to look to his kingdom, and to perform the fidelity that he owed to himself, and the people of Rome: he dissembling his joy by his tears, desired that he might not be let go; but being dismissed by Caesar, he eagerly pursued the war against him, [Hirtius, & Dion.]

Whereas the Alexandrians, having received this General, found themselves no more strong, or the Romans the weaker, and the souldiers daily mocking at the age and weaknesse of the King, were greatly greived, neither saw how they could help them∣selves; and there were reports that there were great aids coming to Caesar by land out of Syria and Cilicia (which yet Caesar heard nothing of) they determined to intercept the provisions which were brought to the Romans by sea: wherefore having rigged their shipping, and disposed them in convenient places about Canopus in the chanell, they lay to watch for the provisions, [Hiritus.] and because the souldiers that Caesar had sent for out of Syria were now approaching, they guarded all the shores, and did much dammage to those forces of them; they indeed which happened upon Africa side, brought some help unto Caesar, but at the mouthes of Nilus, the Egyptians, having made many fires, as if they had been Romans, took many by this deceit; so that the rest durst not come thither. [Dio.]

Whereupon Caesar commanded his fleet to be rigged, over which Tiberius Nero was Commander: there went in this fleet, the Rhodian ships, and in them Euphranor, but his wonted happinesse in fight here forsook him: for when they came to Ca∣nopus, and both fleets stood facing one the other, and Euphranor, according to his custom, had begun the fight, and had bilged and sunck one of the enemies ships, and following the chase of the next too far; his own side coming but slowly after him, he was compassed about by the Alexandrians: and thus he alone, who had done valiant∣ly in this fight, perished alone with his conquering Gally: but yet the enemies being overcome in fight, Tiberius Nero caused, that his own party might safely saile to land [Hirtitus cum Dione.]

About the same time Mithridates of Pergamus coming out of Syria, by land, when Egypt rejoyned to Syria, brought great forces to Pelusium, [Hirtitus] but endeavour∣ing to go into the mouth of Nilus, which is at Pelusium, against the stream, seeing the Egyptians had stopped by night the entrance with their shipping, was carried into the ditch; and having transported his ships thither, (for it doth not reach so far as to the sea) he went into Nilus with his ships: and on a sudden, setting upon them, who guarded the mouths of Nilus, both from sea, and from the river, both at one time, he freed the mouths themselves, and set upon Pelusium, both with his fleet and land forces. [Dio.] For this Town being seized upon by Achillas with a strong Garrison, by reason of the convenience of the place, (for all Egypt is thought sufficiently for∣tified from any accesse by sea to it by Pharos, and by land to Pelusium by two bars) being compassed about on a sudden with great forces, they within sloutly defend∣ing it with a strong Garrison of men, but through the greatnesse of those forces, which he supplyed with sound men, in the places of them that were wounded and weary, and the constancy and perseverance of the opposition, he reduced it within his

power, the same day that he assaulted it; and then placed a Garrison of his own. [Hirtius.] There Antipator did notable service; for having broken down a pane of the wall, he was the first that gave entrance to the rest to break in. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 14.]

The Eyptian Jews which inhabited that Country called Onias, would not suffer M••thridates and Antipater to march unto Caesar, but forbad them passage. These Antipater perswaded to be of his party, as being his Countrymen; especially when he had shewed them the letters of Hyrcanus the High Priest, in which they were invi∣ted to be friends unto Caesar, and to provide him victual and necessaries for his army. [Joseph lib. 14. cap. 14.] But Asinius (to wit, Trallianus, a writer of the civil war) writeth, that Hircanus himself, the High Priest, invaded Egypt with Mithridates; as Josephus hath related out of Strabo, [ibld. cap. 15.] for which also those words of Caesar concerning Hyrcanus seem to make, inscribed on a brazen table by him in fa∣vour of Hyrcanus, [ibid. cap. 17.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the last Alexandrian war, he came to our aid with 1500 souldiers, and being sent by me to Mithridates, he surmounted all those of his company in valour.

The Jews, the inhabitants of the countrey of Onias, through the authority of An∣tipater, and Hyrcanus willingly submitted, which when they that inhabited about Memphis heard, they also sent for Mithridates unto them; and he going thither, joy∣ned these also to his party. [Ioseph. lib, 14. cap. 14.]

When King Ptolemaeus had notice that Mithridates approached near the place which is called Delta, from the likenesse of the Greek letter, which also was not far from Alexandria, and knew that he must passe the river Nilus; he sent great forces against him, by which he might either be overcome, or so kept back, that he should not joyne himself with Caesar: those forces which could first get over the river at Delta, and meet with Mithridates began the fight, making all hast to prevent them that followed that they should share in the victory, whose charge Mithridates with great prudence susteined, having intrenched his camp after the Roman manner, but when he saw them carelesly and proudly to come up even to his fortifications, he made a generall sally, and killed a great number of them, insomuch as, unlesse the rest had hid themselves by the knowledg of the places, and partly had retired themselves into the ships, by which they passed the river, they had been totally overthrown, who after they were a little recovered from their fear, joyned themselves with them that followed, and began to set upon Mithridates again. [Hirtius]

The battle was fought about the place, that is called the Jews tents, Mithridates commanded the right wing, and Antipater the left; Mithridates his wing began to waver, and likely to be routed, but that Antipater in very good time marching along the river side with his forces, who had already discomfited his enemies, came to his rescue, and forced the Egyptians who had even gotten the victory to fly, who so hot∣ly pursued them that fled, that he became master of the enemies tents, he also made Mithridates partaker with him of the booty, whom in pursuite of the enemy he had left much behind him, Mithridates lost 800 of his men: Antipater but 50 (or 80, as it is in Josephus lib. 1. bell. cap. 7.) but Mithridates certified Caesar of these things: ingenuously confessing that Antipater was the cause of the victory and their preserva∣tion. [Ioseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.]

Almost at the same time also King Ptolemei marched out to surprise Mithridates, [Year of the World b.] and Caesar to rescue him, [The Julian Period. 4667] the King took the quickest passage by the river of Nilus, [Year before Christ 47] where he had a great fleet ready rigged. Caesar would not take the same passage, least he should be forced to fight with his fleet, [Hirtius] wherefore weighing anchor by night, as though he hastened to one of the mouthes of Nilus, and carrying many lights in all his ships, that by so much the rather he might seem to bend his course that way, at the first went forth with his fleet: but afterwards putting out his lights failed back again; and sailing about the city, he arrived at a peninsula that joyned to Africa and landing his souldiers, fetched a compasse about a fen, [Dio.] and met with the Kings forces, before he could set upon Mithridates; and being conquerour received him safe with his army. [Hirt.]

The King had seated himself with his army, upon the higher ground, in a place that was naturally fortified: Caesar was about seven miles distant from him, and there was a river between, in passing of which he must needs fight with the Alexandrians, that being gone over, and a great many of the Alexandrians, that strived to hinder his passage being slain, Caesar encamped but a small distance from the Kings camp, the next day Caesar for to get a village, with all his forces set upon and won a Castle, which the King had fortified in the next village, not far from his camp, and had joyned it to his camp by out works: his souldiers pursued the Alexandrians that fled from thence, even to their camp, and came up to their fortifications: and began to fight stoutly at a

distance, but they were wounded with darts from diverse places, they behind them fought from the river, in which were many ships that were well stored with slingers and darters. [Hirt.]

Caesar when he perceived that his men could not fight more fiercely, and yet could do no good by reason of the difficulty of the places; he observed that the highest place of the Camp was left by the Alexandrians, because it was naturally well fortified, and that they had come down into the place where the battle was, partly to see, and partly to fight; he therefore commanded his cohorts to fetch a compasse about the Camp, and to seize upon that highest ground: he gave Casulenus the command of these, an excellent man both for valour, and knowledge of military affairs: whither as soon as they were come, there being but a few to defend the Fort, and Caesars souldiers fight∣ing stoutly, the Alexandrians being frighted both with the shouting and fighting of their adversaries, began to be in a general rout; with whose disorder the mindes of the Romans were so encouraged, that almost on all sides they had taken the whole Camp; but yet they first took the highest place of the Camp: from which running down, they slew a great multitude in the Camp: which danger the Alexandrians flying, by heaps cast themselves over the Rampire, on that side that joyned unto the river, the former of whom being overwhelmed with great violence, the rest had the easier escape. [Hirt.]

It is certain that the King himself fled out of the Camp, and that he was received in∣to a ship, and that he perished there, the ship being sunk with the multitude of them, who swam to the ships that were nearest, [Idem Livy, 112. Dion. lib. 42. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] his body wallowed in the mud, and rolled to the bank of Nilus, was known by the golden cuirace which he wear, (such as the Ptolemeis used to wear, as Julius Capitolinus in Maximinius the younger confirmeth) [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] after the death of his father Auletes he lived 3 years, and 8 moneths: whereupon there is attributed to his reign by Porphyrius four years, [in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 226.]

There were in this battle 20000 men killed, 12000 yeilded themselves with 70 long ships; and 500 of the Conquerours side reported to be slain, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] In this battle Antipater was also wounded: whose valiant service Caesar had made use of in his most dangerous advantures, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.]

Caesar in confidence of this great Victory, marched the next way by land to Alex∣andria with his Horse: and entred that part of the Town as Conquerour, which was held by a Garrison of the enemies: but the whole multitude of the Townsmen, casting away their armes, and leaving the Forts, took that garment in which they were wont to supplicate their Governours, and bringing forth all their sacred things with the re∣ligion with which they accustomed to appease the offended and inraged minds of their Kings, they came and met Caesar, and yeilded themselves unto him. Caesar taking them into his protection, comforted them, and came thorough the enemies fortifica∣tions into his own part of the Town with great shouting of his own souldiers; who did not onely rejoyce that the battle was successeful, but also that his coming was so happy, [Hirtius.]

In the Marble Kalender records, [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXIII.] at the VI Kalends of April, it is thus noted. HOC DIE CAESAR ALXAND. RECEPIT. This day Caesar recovered Alexandria: but yet as the year was then reckoned at Rome, that day fell on the 14 of the Julian January: then therefore was the Alexandrian war ended; which was managed by Caesar, neither in place, nor time convenient, but in the very winter season, as Suetonius relates, [in Julio, cap. 35.]

Caesar having conquered Egypt, did not subject it to the dominion of the Romans, but granted it to Cleopatra, for whose sake he had carried on the war: but yet fear∣ing lest the Egyptians being delivered over to the command of a Woman, and lest al∣so he should incite the mindes of the Romans against him, both for this thing, and for his too much familiarity with Cleopatra: he gave command that she should be the wife of her brother that was alive, and that they should hold the kingdom in common to them both. This he did, but for colours sake; for indeed the whole kingdom was committed to Cleopatra, for her husband was but a very child, (being but eleven years old; whereupon Strabo saith he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a very youth, [lib. 17. pag. 796.] but she could do any thing with Caesar; therefore under the pretence of marriage with her brother, & of injoying the kingdom equally with him, she alone commanded all, and used too much familiarity with Caesar also. These things Dio hath related more truly, [lib. 42.] which Hirtius hath related more mildly in favour of Caesar, thus: Caesar having conquered Egypt, he made those Kings, whom Ptolemaeus appointed by his will and earnestly be sought the people of Rome that they would not alter it; for the King, the elder of the two lads being lost, he delivered over the kingdom to the younger, and to Cleopatra the elder

of two daughters, who had remained under his protection and quarters: and Suetonius [in Julio, cap. 35.] having gotten the victory, he granted the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra and her younger brother, fearing to make it a Province, left some time or other having gotten a president of a stirring spirit, it might give an occasion of a new rebellion.

With Cleopatra Caesar many times feasted and sate up till break of day, and sailing with her upon the Nilus with 400 ships, he being in the same Gally•• with her called Thalamegos, had passed into Egypt as far as Aethiopia, but that his army refused to follow him, [Sueton. ibid. cap. 52. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 484.]

Cae••ar at Alexandria, set up a brazen pillar, which conteined the liberties that he had granted to the Jews. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17. & lib. 2. contra Appion. pag. 1063.]

Pharnaces being become famous by reason of his successes, whereas he hoped all things would happen to Caesar, as he wished they should, seizing upon Pontus with all his forces, and there being conquerour, and a most cruel King, seeing he thought he should have better fortune than his father had, he conquered many Towns, and plundered the goods of the Citizens of Rome and of Pontus, and ordained for those that were commendable, either for beauty or age, punishements that were worse than death it self, and got Pontus, when there were none to defend it, bragging, that he had recovered his fathers kingdom. [Hirt.]

But he chiefly exercised his cruelty upon Amisus, a City of Pontus, which after it had a long time resisted, he won by storm, and put to death all the men that were of age, and gelded all that were under age. [Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484. Dio. lib. 42.]

Asander, to whom Pharnaces had committed the Government of Bosphorus, to curry favour with the Romans, and in hopes to get the Kingdom of Bosphorus for himself, made an insurrection against his master. [Dio. ibid.]

Caesar sent letters out of Egypt to M. Cicero, that he should remain as he was, and that he should retain the name of Imperatour. (for the victory that he had gotten in Cilicia) and C. Pansa carrying these letters; Cicero returned his bundle of rods, adorned with Bayes, as long as he thought fit himself. [Cicero, pro Ligario.] For after his return out of the Province of Cilicia, he had not as yet entred Rome, but had carried his Lictours every where about with him, gaping in vain after a Triumph. [lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 6.] Caesars letters to Cicero, were delivered the day before the Ides of August, [lib. 14. ad familiar. epist. ult.] or the last day of the Julian May.

Pharnaces having seized upon Bithynia and Cappadocia, had a great mind also to win Armenia the Lesse, and incited all the Kings and Tetrarchs of that Country to Rebellion. [Plutarch in Caesar.] He marched also into Asia, in hope of the same successe that his father Mithridates had there. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Appian shews, that Caesar spent nine moneths in Egypt, [lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484.] and Cleopatra had either kept him longer there, or accompanied him in his voyage to Rome: but that Pharnaces both drew him out of Egypt against his will, and hin∣dred his speedy marching into Italy. [Dio. lib. 42.] But Cleopatra was in short time after delivered of a son by him, whom the Alexandrians named Caesarion. [Plutarch in Caesar.] That name being imposed on the son by the mother, at the permission of Caesar himself. [Sueton. in Julio. cap. 52.] Plutarch in his Antonius seems to intimate, that notwithstanding, she, after Caesars death, had too much fami∣liarity with his enemy Cneus Pompeius, the eldest sonne of Pompey the Great.

Caesar brought out of the kingdom Arsinoe, the younger sister of Cleopatra, in the name of whom Ganimedes had a long time most tyrannically reigned, least some new dispensation should arise through seditious men, untill time had confirmed the authority of the King: and taking away with him the sixt veterane Legion, he left three others there; that by so much the more, the Kings authority might be confirm∣ed, who could not keep the love of their own Subjects, because they had constantly persevered in Caesars friendship, neither could they claim any prescription for their authority, being but newly made Kings. [H••rius, cum. Sueton. cap. 76.]

Thus, having finished and setled all things, Caesar marched by land into Syria, as Hirtius saith, [cum Sueton. cap. 35. in Julio. Plutarch in Caesar. Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] or by shipping, as Josephus writeth, [lib. 14. cap. 15.] and Hirtius himself afterward confirmeth.

The news of Caesars departure from Alexandria, came into Italy the III. Nones of July, (the 23. day of the Julian April. [Cicero ad Attic. lib. 11. epist. 19.] C. Trebo∣nius left Caesar at Antioch, who went from Seleucia Pieria, and in 28. dayes journy, on the XVI. Kalends of September, (the third day of the Julian June) was in

Italy. [Id. Ibid. epist. 13.] Whence it is gathered, that Caesar was at Antioch, on the XV. Kalends of August, or the sixth day of the Julian May.

Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in the ninth book of his Chronicle, not set forth, noteth, that on the twelf day of the moneth, Artemisium, or May, there was an edict publickly proposed in the City of Antioch, concerning the Empire of Julius Caesar, and on the 20. of the same moneth, another edict was sent thither from Julius Caesar, concerning the liberty of the same City; beginning thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Julius Caesar to the Metrapolis of Antiochia, the holy and priviledg'd Assylum, and refuge against the vigour of the Law; and that at length on the 23. day Caesar the Dictatour entred Antioch; whereas that he was at Antioch on the 20 day, that edict publickly set forth, doth clearly signifie; and that it should be said, that he rather departed from the City on the 23 day, then that he came thither.

Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, coming unto Caesar, complained unto him of his fathers misfortune, because for taking his part, he was poisoned by the Pompeians, and his brother beheaded by Scipio: and desired him that he would have pitty on him, he being cast out from his fathers Kingdom. He likewise accused Hyrcanus and An∣tipater, that they by force had got the Government, neither did they forbear to offer injuries to himself: and accused them also, that they sent aides into Egypt to Caesar, not so much for good will, but for fear of the ancient enmity, and that they might be freed from punishment for their love to Pompey. But Antipator pleaded his own cause, wiping off his crimes objected against him; and recriminateth Antigonus. He reckoned up also what pains he had taken for Caesars service in the last wars: and shewing the multitude of his wounds, made them the witnesse of the truth of his words: which when Caesar heard, he declared Hyrcanus High Priest, and offered An∣tipater what government he himself would demand, and made him Governour of Judea. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 15.]

Caesar also appointed that Hyrcanus and his children should perpetually retain the principality and High Priesthood of the Jews, according to the custom of the Coun∣try, and be taken into the number of his friends and allies: and that if there arose any controversie concerning the descipline of the Jews, that the determination should belong to him: Moreover, that he should not be forced to quarter Souldiers in win∣ter, not taxes to be exacted of him: and that there should be a Brazen Table, con∣taining these things, set up in the Capitol, and at Tyre, Sidon, and Ascalon, in the Temples, ingraven in Latin and Greek letters, and that these decrees should be sent into all places. [lib. 24. cap. 17.]

Caesar having tarried almost in all the Cities of Syria, that were of any worth, distributed both publickly and privately rewards, to them that deserved well; and took knowledge of, and determined of old controversies, Kings also and Tyrants Governours of the Provinces, and Borderers, (who all came unto him) taking them into his protection, upon conditions imposed upon them, for the keeping and defending of the Province, he dismissed; friends, both to himself, and the people of Rome. [Hirtius.]

Caesar took away at Tyre all things that were dedicated to Hercules, because they had entertained Pompey and his wife in their flight. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Some few dayes being spent in the Province of Syria, he gave the command of the Legions, and Syria to Sextus Caesar his friend and kinsman, as Hirtius saith: Dio writeth, that he committed all things to the charge of Sextus his Treasurer aad Cousin. [lib. 47.] Appian declares, that there was a Legion left in Syria by him, even when he was thinking of the Parthian war, and the dignity of a president-ship, granted to his kinsman Sextus Julius, a young man. [lib. 3. Bell. civil. p. 573. & lib. 4. pag. 923.]

Caesar having ordered the affairs in Syria, went into Cilicia, in the same fleet that he came in. [Hirtius, Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 16.] All the Cities of which Province he called unto him to Tarsus: and there, having given order for all things concerning the Province, and the neighbour Cities, he did not stay long there, through a desire he had to go to the carrying on of the Pontick war. [Hirt.]

Here he pardoned Tarcondimotus (of whom mention is made formerly, out of the first Epistle of Ciceros fifteenth book, ad familiar.) who had a part of Cilicia subject unto him, and had much helped Pompey by sea. [Dio. lib. 41.]

Antipater, when he had followed Caesar out of Syria, returned into Judea, and in riding his circuite about the Province, he repressed them that were desirous of innova∣tion, both by threatnings and councils: telling them, that if they would be content with their Prince Hyrcanus, they might live happily in their own possessions; but if they promised themselves new hopes, and thought that they should gain much by in∣novations, they should have him a Master instead of a Governour, and Hyrcanus a Tyrant instead of a King, and Caesar and the Romans most bitter enemies instead of

Princes; for that they would not at all suffer any thing to be changed, from what they had setled: But whenas Antipater perceived that Hyrcanus was dull and idle, he set∣led the state of the Province as himself pleased, and truly made Phasaelus his elder son Governour of Jerusalem, and the Countries adjoyning: and to Herod his second son, a very young man, he committed the care of Galilee, [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 16, 17.]

We read in Josephus, that Herod was then but 15 years old, [lib. 14. cap. 17.] Ru∣fious in his Translation, Photius in his Bibliotheca, [Cod. 258.] Pseudogoronides the Hebrew, [lib. 5. cap. 3.] and Nicephorus Calistus, [lib. 1. Ecclesiast. Histor. cap. 6.] retaining the same number; but yet the first describes of Herods doings, Ptole∣meus and Nicholas Damascenus, out of whom Josephus took his, seem to have written not 15, but 25. and that it arose from hence, of the note of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the easie mi∣stake of the Transcribers: for from this time to the death of Herod, are reckoned 43 years and almost an half: to which 25 years being added, would make 68. and half a year: the other half of which year, if he had lived, he had been 70 years old: See∣ing also that Josephus himself acknowledgeth, that when he was sick of his last sick∣nesse, that he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, about the 70 year of his age.

Phasaelus had a son born called also Phasaleus, to whom Salampsio the daughter of Herod and Mariame was married, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7.] he being then but 7 years old when his father died, [Id. lib. 14. cap. 25.]

Pharnaces intended an Expedition against Asander, who had revolted from him in Bosphorus: but when he heard that Caesar was on his march and hastening into Ar∣menia, being terrified, and more afraid because he inroded himself, than of his army; he sent many Embassadours to treat of peace, before he was marched too near him, if by any means he might avoid this present danger. He made this his chiefest colour, that he had never helped Pompey: he hoped also that he might induce Caesar to some termes of pacification, because he was hastening into Italy and Africa; and that then after his departure, he might renew his intended war: which thing Caesar himself suspecting, curteously entertained his first and second Embassadours, that he might the rather take him at unawares by reason of his hopes of peace, [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar having made long marches thorough Cappadocia, tarried two dayes at Mazace, and then came to Comana, the ancientest Temple of Bellona in Cappadocia, who was worshipped with so great religion, that her Priest was accounted by the con∣sent of the whole Nation in majesty, command, and power, next to the King (con∣cerning whom, Strabo is to be consulted, lib. 12. pag. 535.) This Priesthood Caesar ad∣judged to Nicomedes of Bithynia, a most noble man, who was of the race of the Cap∣padocian Kings, and did but recover his own by an undoubted right, though it was long interrupted, [Hirt.] for although he confirmed the possession of the commands which they had received from Pompey to others who had taken part with Pompey against him; yet he transfer'd the Priesthood of the Comanians from Atchelaus upon Nicomedes, [Appian. in Mithridaticis, pag. 254.] which Pompey had given to his father Archelaus, the husband of Cleopatras elder sister, who was slain in Egypt by Gabinius, [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 558.]

When Caesar came near to Pontus and the borders of Gallogrecia, Dejotarus the Tetrarch of Gallogrecia, and at that time truly of almost all, which the rest of the Teterarchs did strive to prove was never granted to him, neither by law nor custom; yet without doubt he was by the Senate declared King of Armenia the Lesse, laying aside his Royal Robes, and not so much as in the habit of a private man, but of a guilty person, came unto Caesar, and being prostrate at his feet, begged of him, that he would pardon him, that he had served in Cn. Pompeys army, and brought for his excuse, that he did it thorough his not knowing of the state of Italy, and that he was forced thorough the necessity of Pompeys armies, with which he was environed. Caesar rejected his excuse; yet he said he would grant him his request, for his former benefits, and for his old acquaintance and friendships sake, and for the dignity and age of the man, and at the intreaty of many of Dejotarus's friends and acquaintance, of whom many came to supplicate in his behalf: He told also, that he would hereafter determine concerning the controversies of the Tetrarchs, and restored unto him his Royal Robes: But yet he commanded the Legion that Dejotarus had of his own men who were trained up in the Roman discipline, and all his horse, to be brought un∣to him to serve him in the Pontick war, [idem] also Caesar fined his old acquaintance Dejotarus in a sum of money; and gave Armenia the lesse, that was given him by the Senate, but then possessed by Pharnaces, to Ariobarzanes the King of Cappadocia. [Cicero. in Orat. Philippic. 2. de divination. lib. 1. & 2. Dio. lib. 41.]

Cicero declares in an oration for that King, that Domitius gave the money that was laid upon him, by twice or thrice selling his own private goods at open port sale,

that Caesar might make use of it in the war, when also to gain his favour, he thus be∣speakes Caesar concerning this matter. What he keeps by your meanes, he keeps in memory, not what he lost: neither doth he think that he was punished by thee, but whereas he thought, that many things were to be given by thee to many men, he refused not but that you might take some from him, who was on the other side, &c. O Caesar thou hast given all things to Dejotarus; seeing thou hast granted the name of King even to his son: for as long as he retaines and keeps this name, he thinks that no favour of the people of Rome, nor any sentence of the Senate made in his favour is diminished.

When Caesar was come into Pontus, he made a rendezvous of all his forces into one place: who were but indifferent in number, or in martiall discipline except the VI Legion, which being a vetane he had brought with him from Alexandria, (but through the labours and hazards they had undergone, so diminished of souldiers partly by difficulties both by sea and land, and partly by often skirmishes, that they were under a thousand men,) the rest ware three legions: one was Dejotarus his, and two that were in the battle, that Cnidius Domitius made with Pharnaces. [Hirtius.]

Pharnaces being affrighted at the approaching of Caesar, sent Embassadours to treat of peace: bringing a golden crown to him 200 furlongs off, and very foolishly offering him their Kings daughter in marriage. [Appian. bell. civill. lib. 2. pag. 484.] but first of all they begged, that his coming might not be as of an enemy: for Pharnaces would do whatsoever he would command him, but they especially put him in mind, that Pharnaces would send no forces to Pompey against Caesar, whereas Dejotarus who had sent, yet had given him satisfaction. Caesar answered, that he would be very fa∣vourable to Pharnaces, if he would do althings as he promised, but he advised, as he was wont, the Embassadours in mild terms, that they neither should object Dejotarus to him, or too much brag of that favour that they had not sent aid to Pompey. [Hirt.] and also accused Pharnaces for this very thing, that he had been wicked and ungrate∣towards his benefactor. [Dio. lib. 41. 42.] in conclusion he commanded him, that he should depart out of Pontus, and that he should send back the families of the Publicans; and should restore to him the allies and citizens of Rome, which were in his possession: which if he would do he said he would then receive those presents, which the generalls were wont to receive of their friends after a war was happily ended. [Hirtius.]

Pharnaces liberally promised all things; and whereas he hoped that Caesar having a mind to hasten to the city (Rome) that he would more willingly beleive his promi∣ses, he began to go more slowly about his businesse, to demand longer time for his de∣parture, to interpose new conditions, and in fine to disappoint him. Caesar knowing his erast hastened his businesse so much the more, so that he would come to fight with him sooner than any one would think. [idem.]

As soon as he was come to Pharnaces camp, uttering this speech, Shall not now this Parricide be punished? hee mounted his horse, and at the first shout that was given, he put the enemy to flight, and made a great slaughter, being aided with about a thou∣sand horse that followed him, when he first rushed into the battle: thus [Appian. in bell. civill. lib. 2. pag. 485.] and likewise Dio in the 42 book of his history: the same day that he came to the enemy, from his march he went to fight with the enemy, and being sometime troubled with the enemies horse and their chariots, that were armed at length he obtained the victory. Julius Frontinus [Stratagemat. lib. 2. cap. 2.] notes, that Caesar marshalled his army upon an hill, and that that thing made the victory more easie to him was; because the darts that were throwen from above upon the Bar∣barians who were below, made them presently fly, and that Dejotarus was in the battle with Caesar against Pharnaces, and that he put his life in danger, Cicero confirmeth in his oration for that King.

This battle was fought about the mountain Scotium, which is not above three miles distant from the City Zela; near which Mithridates the father of Pharnaces over∣threw Triarius and the Roman army with a great slaughter, [Hirtius, Plutarch in Caesar. Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254. Dion. lib. 42.] This mountain Pharnaces (that we may represent the story of this fight more accurately out of Hirtius) having repair∣ed the old Workes of his fathers Camp, seized upon it with all his Forces. Caesar, who had pitched his Camp five miles from the enemy, that he might possesse the valleys that were next the Kings Camp; the next night, in the fourth watch, with all his Le∣gions, but without any baggage which he left in his Camp, took that very place, in which Mithridates had fought against Triarius.

Pharnaces, as soon as it was day having observed this, drew out all his Forces before his Camp; and either being carried on by the former happinesse of that place, or be∣ing induced by tokens and ceremonies (which we afterwards heard he did obey, saith Hirtius) or thorough contempt of the fewnesse of the Roman Forces, a great part of which he had already overthrown under Domitius, he of his own accord in an uneven place inroded the Romans as they were fortifying their Camp, which put a terrour in∣to

them, being suddenly called from their Workes, and not set in battle array: the Kings Chariots that were armed with Sithes did disorder the souldiers that were got in among them; which yet by the multitude of darts were quickly overwhelmed: the main body of the enemy followed these Chariots; and then coming to handy-stroaks, in the right wing, where the VI old veteran Legion was placed, the beginning of the victory was on that part; and then in the left wing and the main body were the whole Forces of the King routed: and so many of the souldiers being partly killed, and partly troden under foot by their own men, they who might escape by their swiftness, yet having thrown away their armes, and being to passe the valley, could do no good, unarmed and coming from an higher place. But the Romans being encouraged by this Victory, made no scruple to climb up that steep place, and to set upon their Workes, and were suddenly Masters of the enemies Camp, those cohorts defending it which Pharnaces had left to guard it, [Id.]

Thus Caesar ground as it were to dust Pharnaces in one (and as I may say) not a whole battle, after the manner of lightning, which in one and the same moment, came, hit, and departed: Neither was it a vain brag of Caesars, that he had overcome the enemy, before he set eye upon him, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2.] He bragged also that the same day, he came to the enemy, and saw him, and overcame him, [Dio. lib. 42.] which in his letters sent to Rome to his friend Aminitius or Antitius, was expressed in those three words; VENI, VIDI, VICI. I came, I saw, I overcame, [Plu∣tarch. in Caesar. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 485.] Within five dayes after his arrival, and within four hours after he came in sight of him, he vanquished Pharnaces in one onely battle, [Sueton. Julio, Caesar. cap. 35.] often recounting the felicity of Pompey, whose hap it was to gain his principal honour in the Mithridatick War, of so cowardly a kind of enemies, [Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 485.]

Pharnaces, the whose multitude of his army being either killed or taken, fled with a few Horse; and unlesse the invasion of the Camp had given him means of escaping, he had been brought alive into Caesars hands. [Hirt.] But he fled to Sinope with a thousand Horse, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Caesar was over-joyed, that he had ended so great a war in so short a time: and the remembrance of the sudden danger, was the more joyous, because the Victory came so easie out of so many difficulties, [Hirt.] Caesar gave the souldiers, all the Kings bag∣gage, and the spoiles, although they were very much, [Id. & Dio.] and whereas Mi∣thridates had in that place set up a Trophy for the Victory over Triarius; which be∣cause it was consecrated to the gods, it was not lawful for him to pull down; he set up one against it for his Victory over Pharnaces, and so obscured, and in a manner threw down that that Mithridates set up. After this, having recovered all things that Phar∣naces had taken from the Romans or their Allies, he restored to every one the things they had lost: except a part of Armenia, which he gave to Ariobarzanes, and requit∣ed the calamity that the Amiseni suffered, by giving them their liberty, [Dio.] He commanded the sixth Legion to go into Italy to receive the rewards and honours due to them. He sent home the supplies that Dejotarus brought; and left the two other Legions in Pontus with Coelius Vinicianus: and so passing thorough Gallogrecia and Bithynia, into Asia. He took cognizance and determined all the controversies of all those Provinces, and gave lawes to Tetrarchs, Kings and Cities, [Hirtius.]

As he passed thorough Asia, he collected monies there, which raised great grudg∣ing against the Publicans, who secretly exacted it amongst all the people, [Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 485.] (P. Servilius Isauricus the Coleague of Caesar and Cicero in the Augurship, was Proconsul there; as is gathered out of the 13 book ad familiar. epist. 68.)

Brithagoras, a man of great authority among the Heracleenes in Pontus, who had followed Caesar whithersoever he went, even to this place again, for a businesse that concerned his countreymen, as Caesar was providing to return to Rome, being worn out with old age, and continuall labours, died: to the great sorrow of his coun∣trey. [Memnon. in excerptis Photii. cap. 62.]

Caesar made Mithridates Pergamenus King of Bosphorus, (who had carried on the war in Egypt happily, and with great dispatch) who was of the race of the Kings, and had royall education, for him had Mithridates the King of all Asia, taken away from Pergamus when he was but a child, and carried him into his camp, and kept him many yeares: and so fortified the provinces of the people of Rome, against the Barbarians and Kiugs that were enemies, by putting in a King that was most friendly unto them. [Hirt.] concerning whom see [Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 625.] with Causabons notes, and [Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

He commanded him also to make war upon Asander; that, being become master of Bosphorus, he might revenge his treachery against his friend, [Dio. lib. 42.] He

also adjudged unto him the Tetrarchy of the Trochmans, in Gallograecia, who border∣ed upon Pontus and Cappadocia, as belonging unto him by his mothers right; but was seized upon, and in the possession some years before of Dejotarus. [Cicero in Philip. 2. & lib. de divinat. 2. Hirtius, de bell. Alexand. Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 567. & lib. 13. pag. 625. Dio. lib. 42.]

Then Caesar sailed into Graecia and Italy, having raised great sums of mony upon any colour whatsoever, as he had done formerly: for he exacted that mony partly, that had been aforetime promised to Pompey; and partly pretending other excuses, he commanded other sums. He received also from the Princes and Kings, many golden Crowns, as it were in honour of the victories he had gotten; he declared that there were two things, by which Empires were gotten, preferred and increased, souldi∣ers and monies, and that one did help the other, and that if one of them sailed, the other must also fal. [Dio. lib. 42.]

It seems not that he was at Athens on the Kalends of September, (which fell on the 17. day of the Julian June) for many things are reported to stay him in Asia, especially Pharnaces, saith Cicero ad Atticum. [lib. 11. epist. 24.] But Pharnaces being so suddenly conquered, (as it is in the Epitome of the 115. book of Livy) and all things so quickly dispatched, he came into Italy sooner than any one could imagine, as Hirtius observes in the end of his book of the Alexandrian war.

But Caesar came to Rome, just at the end of the year, in which he was designed Dictator, (which office had never before been annual) and was declared Consul for the next year. [Plutarch in Caesar.]

Pharnaces delivered over Synope to Domitius (Calvinus) who was left by Caesar to prosecute the war against him; and having accepted of peace; and dismissed him with his 1000 Horsemen, he killed their Horses; which their masters took much to heart: and then taking shipping, we read in Appian in Mithridatick, [pag. 254.] that he fled into Pontus, whereas it should have been said out of Pontus; for Synopa it self was in Pontus: and the same Appian in lib. 2. Bell. Civil. [pag. 485.] that Pharnaces fled back into the Kingdome of Bosphorus, that was delivered unto him by Pompey.

Herod the Perfect of Galilee, having taken Ezechius, a Jew, with many complices of his thievery, who had wont to make incursions into Syria in troups, and put him to death: which fact of his got him much favour with the Syrians, he then governed the Provice of Syria. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 8. & lib. Antiquit. cap. 17.]

Phasaelus, being stirred up in emulation of his brothers glory, got to himself the favour of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by doing all publick businesses in his own person, and yet not abusing his power to the hurt of any: by which it came to passe that Antipater his father was reverenced by the whole Nation, as if he had been King; yet was his fidelity and good will neverthelesse to Hyrcanus. [Id. idem.]

Caesar undertaking an expedition against P. Scipio, [Year of the World 3958] the father in law of Pompey the Great, M. Cato, and Jula, the King of Mauritania, upon the XIV. Kalends of January, came into Lilybaeum; and from thence on the VI. Kalends of January, taking shipping after four dayes, came within sight of Africa. [Hirt. in lib. de Bell. African.] Now the XIV. Kalends of January, fell at that time upon the 30. and last day of September, of the Julian account, the year before the institution, as the reck∣oning backwards of the long following year of 445. dayes, made in the Kalends of January, of the first Julian year will make manifest: which Plutarch and Dio not observing: he indeed hath related that Caesar crossed into Sicilia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, about the winter Solstice, [in Caesare.) and the other that he went into Africa, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the middest of winter, [lib. 43.] but that he went into Africa before winter, even those words of Cicero [in lib. 2. de divination.] do sufficiently declare. Caesar, when he was advised that he should not go into Africa before winter, did he not go? nay, if he had not gone, all the forces of his adversaries had made their rendezvous in one place.

Upon the Kalends of January, (falling on the 13. day of the Julian October) Caesar incamped at a Town called Ruspina: the day before the Nones of January, (October 16.) after the third day that he landed in Africa, in a most sharp fight which lasted from five of the clock in the morning, till sun set: he overcame Labienus and Petreius: and the VI, Kalends of February, the sixth of the Julian November, he again beat the enemies army, under the commaud of Labienus and Scipio. [Hirtius.]

Dio in his 42 book notes, that Pharnaces, striving by force to enter into Bosphorus, was cast into prison, and put to death by Asander, which is more fully explained by Appian in his Mithridaticks, [pag. 254.] Thus Pharnaces having gathered together a

band of Scythians and Sarmatians, seized upon Theudocia and Panticapeum: and when as he was made war upon by Asander, his Horsemen, being destitute of Horses, and not used so fight on foot, were overcome; onely Pharnaces fighting valiantly, being now 50. years old, and wounded, was killed, after he had reigned fifteen years in Bosphorus, as Appian hath it, or rather seventeen years, which are the time that is reckoned from the murder of his father Mithridates.

Caecilius Bassus, of the order of Knighthood, who, flying from the battle of Pharsalia, after Pompey was overcome, kept himself private at Tyrus, whither also some of his own faction came unto him; and getting the favour to himself, both of these and them of Sextus, the Governour of Syria, his souldiers that came at diverse time for a guard of the City. Seeing there was much news brought of Caesars ill fortune in Africa: he, not being content with his present condition, began to make some innva∣tions: but being apprehended for this by Sextus, before he was throughly provided, he said that he onely raised forces to help Mithridates Pergamenus, to win Bospho∣rus, and so was dismissed upon the belief of this. [Dio. lib. 47.]

The noble men of the Jews seeing Antipater and his sons so highly advanced, both by the favour of the Nation, and by the monies of Hyrcanus, and by the revenues that they received out of Judea, began to stomack him: for now he had contracted friendship with the Roman Generals, and by perswading Hyrcanus to send mony unto them, he got to himself the credit of this present; as if he had sent it of his own treasure, and had not received it of Hyrcanus: which when Hyrcanus heard of, yet was he not moved therewith, but rather contented. But the violence and bold nature of Herod, who was desirous of the tyranny, did most of all terrifie the Princes of the Jews. For this cause therefore they addressed themselves to Hyrcanus, and now openly accused Antipater: but complaining most of all on Herod, because he had put to death Ezechias, with many others, without any commission received from Hyrcanus; in contempt of the laws, by which no man suffers, though never so wicked, unless he be first condemned by the Judges. The mothers also of them that were killed, every day did not cease to weary in the Temple with their continual exclamations, both the King and the people, desiring that Herod might be made to give an account of this his doing before the Sanhedrim. Wherefore Hyrcanus moved with these women, command∣ed Herod to be called before the Councel, and to plead his own cause. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17.]

Herod, having ordered the affairs of Galilee as he thought best for himself, being forewarned of his father, that he should not come into the Counsel as a private person, he took with him a moderate, but yet a sufficient guard, least he should terrifie Hyr∣canus, if he brought too many, nor leave himself unsecured from any danger from the judgement. When Herod therefore presented himself before the Sanbedrim in his royal robes, with his guard in arms, they were all astonished: neither durst any one of them that accused him being absent, speak a word against him, but all of them kept silence, not knowing what to do: then one of the councel called Sameas, a just man, and for this cause, not distracted with fear, (yet that old proverbe of the Hebrews sheweth that he was no hot spirited man, Be thou humble as Hillel, and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 angry as Samai) rrsing up, not onely accused Herod of presumption and violence, but laid the fault upon the Judges, and the King himself, who had granted him so great a liberty: whom he pronounced should afterward, by the just judgement of God, be punished by Herod himself: which the event of the thing proved true, the Judges of that Councel, and Hyrcanus, being put to death by Herod when he was King: but Hyrcanus perceiving that the Judges were inclined to condemn Herod, put off the businesse till the nex day; and privately advised him to shift for himself: and so he departed to Damascus, as though he fled from the King: and presenting himself be∣fore Sextus Caesar, having secured his own affairs, he professed openly, That if he were again cited before the Judges, he would not appear: which they took in great disdain, and endeavoured to perswade Hyrcanus, that all these things tended to his destruction. [Id. ibid.]

Caesar being in Africa, [The Julian Period. 4668] on the XII. Kalends of April, [Year before Christ 46] (the 21 day of the Julian October) having mustered his army, the next day he brought out all his forces, and set them in battel array: but after he had even long enough invited his enemies to bat∣tle, and perceived they were not willing to fight, he brought his forces into their Camp again, [Hirt. de bell. Afric.]

Caecilius Bassus related out of the letters that he seigned, that he had received from Scipio, that Caesar was overcome, and dead in Africa, and that the government of Syria was committed to his charge: wherefore with those souldiers he had made for that purpose he seized upon Tyrus, and from thence marched towards Sextus his forces, by whom he was met and overcome, where he received a wound; wherefore he never after attempted any thing against him by main force. [Dio. lib. 47.]

Caesar the day before the Nones of April (the fourth day of the Julinan February) in the third watch of the night, went out of the Town Agar, and marching 16 miles that night, began to fortifie Thapsus that day: Where he in a memorable fight over∣came Juba and Scipio; after which battle Cato laid violent hands on himself at Utica, [Hirt. de bell. Afric.]

Sextus Caesar, having received money, made Herod Governour of Coelosyria: Herod, taking it unpatiently that he was called before the Council, he led an army against Hyrcanus; but by the meeting and intreaties of his father Antipater, and bro∣ther Phasaelus, he was withheld from the inroding of Jerusalem, who strrived to ap∣pease him, and desired him, that being content to have afrighted them, he should in∣deed do hurt to none, nor that he should attempt any further against him that had raised him to that dignity: whose advice he obeyed, supposing he had done sufficient for his future hopes, that he had shewed to that Nation what power he was of, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17.]

In Africa, Caesar is reported to have seen in his sleep, a great army calling him and weeping: and being moved with this dream, that he immediately put it into his books of Remembrances concerning the building of Carthage and Corinth, [Appian. in Lybicis. pag. 85.]

Hyrcanus by his Embassadours desired of Julius Caesar, that he would confirm the alliance and friendship that was between them, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17.]

Caecilius Bassus, sending some of his party to Sextus Caesars souldiers, who should propound certain hopes to them, so associated them to himself, that having put Sextus to death, his own Legion came over to his side, [Id. ibid. Livy, lib. 114. Libo. apud Appian. lib. 3. de bell. civil. pag. 576. Dio. lib. 47.] although this story he reported by others after this manner. Sextus being a young man given to his pleasure, very un∣handsomely carried about with him the Legion that Julius Caesar had left in Syria. Bassus to whom the care of the Legion was committed reprehending him for this, he sometimes reproachfully rejected: and one afterwards when at his call he but slowly obeyed, he commanded him to be brought by head and shoulders: in this tumult, they came to blows, and when as the army could not endure this insolence, they killed Sextus with their darts: but presently being sorry for what they had done, and afraid of Caesar, they made a conspiracy, that if there was not pardon granted them, and good assurance of it, they would fight it out to the last man; forcing also Bassus to be∣come one of the conspiracy. After this they raised a new company, and accustomed them to the same exercises that they themselves used, [Appian. bell. civil. lib. 3. pag. 575, 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623.]

Bassus drew unto himself all the army, except a few who had wintered at Apamea, who having gone from thence into Cilicia before his coming, he in vain followed thither: and being returned into Syria, he is nominated Praetor, and fortified Apamea, that he might make that the seat of the war: all who were of full age, not onely free∣men, but servants also, he listed for the war: he coyned money, and made armes, [Dio. lib. 47.]

Caesar having finished the African War on the Ides of June, (the 14 day of the Julian April) took shipping at Utica, and after the third day came to Carales into Sardinia: from thence on the III Kalends of July (the 29 of the Julian April) go∣ing by shipping neer the shore, on the 28 day after (the 26 of the Julian May) because he was hindred by storms, he came to the City of Rome, [Hirt. in fin. lib. bell. Africa.]

Caesar Triumphed at Rome four times in the same moneth, but some dayes be∣tween: every one with diverse furniture and provision, [Sueton, in Julio, cap. 37.] The furniture of the Chariot for Gaule, was of Citron tree, for Pontus, of Brazell, for Alex∣andria, of Tortoyseshell, and for Africa of Ivory, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 56.] In the Pontick Triumph amongst the Pageants and Shewes, he carried before him the Title of these three words, VENI, VIDI, VICI. I came, I saw, I overcame. Signifying not the acts atcheived by him, as other Conquerours, but the quick dispatch of this war, [Suetonius, ut supra.] In this, the flight of Pharnaces made the people laugh. The Alexandrian Triumph for Egypt was inserted in the middle between the Gallick and the Pontick: and in it the chance of Achillas and Photinus, was very plau∣sible, [Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 491.] But the chance of Arsinoe the Egyptian be∣ing a woman, and at that time accounted for a Queen, who was led among the cap∣tives, (which had never happened at Rome before) raised much pitty in the people; who yet after the Triumph, in favour of her kindred, was dismissed, [Dio. lib. 43.]

And her kindred, to wit, her elder sister Cleopatra, and younger brother Ptole∣maeus, the husband of Cleoptra, came to Rome this year, being called thither by Caesar. Caesar appointed Cleopatra her lodging in his own house, and sent her away not

without great honours and rewards, and cared not at all, although he were ill reported of for it. [id. ibid. Sueton. in Julio. cap. 52.] moreover also in the temple of Venus Gene∣trix, which he built, upon a vow he made, as the battle of Pharsalia was fighting, (which Dio confirmeth was this year dedieated by him) and even by Venus her side, Caesar set up the image of Cleopatra. [Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 492.]

In Syria C. Antistius (Vetus) and others of Caesars captaines, coming against Cae∣cilius Bassus with both horse and foot forces, shut him up in Apamea: to these the borderers that favoured Caesars party joyned themselves, amongst whom also Antipa∣ter, as well for the sake of that Caesar that was killed, as of him that was alive, because he was a friend to both: by his sons sent them aid, and seeing they had a long time fought it out with aequall advantage, and neither party could get the better of the o∣ther, by a truce confirmed by no articles of covenants, they suspended the war, for the providing of other auxiliaries, [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. sin. lib. 14. Antiquit cap. 17. fin. Dion. lib. 47.]

Mithridates Pergamenus again spoiled the temple of L••ucothea (in the country of the Moschi about the river Phases) which was formerly plundered by Pharnaces: [Strabo. lib. 11. pag, 498.] but as Pharnaces before, so how he endeavouring to seize upon Bosphorns, Asander, (falsly by Strabo called Casander and Lysander) overcame him: and so having removed both of them, he quietly enjoyed the Kingdome of Bosphorus. [id. ibid. pag. 495. & lib. 13. pag. 625.]

C. Julius Caesar being high Priest, in his third year and in the Consul-ship of M. Aemi∣lius Lepidus, ordered the amendment of the Roman year, using therein the help of Sosi∣genes in Astronomicall matters, and of Flarius a Scribe in ordering the Kalendar, and whereas now there were 23 daies intercalated in the month of February; he moreover interposed between November and December, two other intercalary months of 67 daies. So that this present year had 15 months, and 445 daies. [Censorinus de dic. na∣tali. cap. 8. Sueton. in Iulio. cap. 40. Pliny lib. 18. cap, 25. Dion. lib. 43. Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 14.]

The day before the former intercalary Kalends (the 26 day of the Julian Septem∣ber) Cicero made an oration before, [Year of the World 3959] Caesar for Q. Ligatius. [lib. 6. ad fa••iliar. epist. 14.]

From the Kalends of January, [The Julian Period. 4669] on which Caesar took upon him the fo••••th Consul∣ship, [Year before Christ 45] the year is reckoned of the first Julian ordering, for from thence he appointed the beginning of the year ordained by him. [Censorin. ut supra.]

Caesar making war in Spain with Pompeys sons, on the XI Kalends of March won the town Aregna, and was called Emperour, when the Liberalia (called by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Plu∣tarch in Caesare) were celebrated (on the XVI Kalends of Aprill, as is manifest out of the old Kalendar,) he got that memorable victory at the city Munda, in which battle there fell of the Pompeians about 30000 men, with the two generals Labienus and Atius Varus, and almost 3000 that were of the order of Knight-hood: of the Caesarians a∣bout a 1000 men, and about 500 wounded, after this young Cn. Pompeius being killed who had taken to himself the ensignes of the Consul and the government, his head was presented unto Caesar as he was marching to Hispales, the day before the Ides of Aprill, and openly shewed to the people. [Author commentariis de bell. Hispaniensi.]

The day before the Palilia, (on the XII Kalends of May) about evening the news of this victory was brought to Rome. [Dio. lib. 43.] and the day before the Kalends of May Caesar wrote a consolatory letter from Hispalis to M. Cicero, [Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 13. epist. 20.] for the death of his daughter Tullia: who after the divorce of her mother Terentia, at P. Lentulus his house died in childbed. [Ascon. Pedian. in orat. Pisonian. Plutarch. in Ciceron.] whenas her husband P. Cornelius Dolabella was in Spain with Caesar, as is perceived out of the second Philippick, and the 13 book of th•• epistles to Atticus.

Caius Octavius the grandchild of his sister Julia accompanied Caesar in this war, be∣ing then 18 years old, who was alwaies lodged in the same house with him, and ••••∣waies rode in the same coach with him; he honoured this lad with the high Priesthood [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 59.]

King Dejotarus being in some trouble, sent Blesanius his Embassadour into Spain to Caesar, who by letters dated to him from Tarracon, bid him be of good hope and good courage. [Cicero pro Dejotaro.]

Whilst the war in Syria with Caecilius Bassus is prolonged L. Statius (in Velleius called Staius, and in Appian Sextius) Murcus (falsly by Josephus called Marcus) one that had been Praetour, being sent by Julius Caesar as successour of Sextus, came out of Italy with three companies: and is by Bassus valiantly repulsed. [Vellei. Paterc. lib 2. cap, 69. Joseph. lib. 1. bel. cap. 8. fin. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. fin. Appian. bell. civil. 3. pag. 576. &. lib. 4. pag. 623,] for the country furnished the army of Bassus, he had also many Princes of the Arabians, who were associated with him in this war, who held

many fortified places hard by: amongst these places was Lysias, situate beyond the Lake, which is neer unto Apamea, and Arethusa, the country of Sampseranus, and of his lamblychus, (of whom Cicero makes mention in epist. 1. lib. 15. ad familiar) which Princes governed the nation of the Emisseni, Heliopolis and Chalcis also were nigh, which were under the command of Ptolomy, the son of Me••naeus, who also governed Marsya, and the mountanous places of the I••uraeans. [Strabo, lib. 26. pag. 753.]

Alchaudonius the Arabian (called Alchaedamus by Strabo) the King of the Rhambaean Nomades, who dwelt near Euphrates, who formerly had made a league with Lucullus, but afterwards had sent aids to the Parthians against Crassus, being called to assistance, both by Bassus and his enemies, went into Mesopotamia: but when he was come into a place that was between Apamea, and the Caesarians Camp, be∣fore he would give any answer to either party, he proposed that he would help them that gave most, and so joyned himself to Bassus, that gave most, and in the fight did much over-powerthe enemy by his archery. [Idem. ibid. Dion lib. 47.]

On the Ides of September, Caesar made his last Will and Testament in his own house at Laricum, & committed it to the keeping of the chief Vestal Virgin: in it he appointed three grand children of his sisters, his heirs C. Octavius of 3 fourth parts, (not of the half part only, as it is in Livy, lib. 116.) Lucius Pinarius, and Q. Pedius of the other fourth part: he adopted also C. Octavius, into his name and family. He named also many of his murderers for tutours to his sons, if he should chance to have any. He appointed also Decimus Brutus to be one of his second heirs in remainder. [Sueton in [Julio. cap. 83.] and M. Antonius, [Dio. lib. 44. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 4.] if those for∣mermerly appointed, would not take upon them the inheritance. [Appian. bell, civil. lib. 2. pag. 518.]

In the moneth of October, [Year of the World 3960] Caesar being now conquerour of all, entred Rome, and gave pardon to all that had born arms against him. [Vellei. Parcul. lib. 2. cap. 56.] And after he had performed the Triumph for Spain, in the beginning of this moneth, he quitted the Consulship, and by bringing in a new order of substituting honorary Consuls: he made Q. Fabius Maximus, and C. Trebonius Consuls for three moneths, [Dio. lib. 43. cum inscript. Gruteri. pag. CCXCVIII. init.] the former of whom being Consul, triumphed for Spain, on the III. Ides of October. [Ibid. pag. CCXCVII.] Whereupon, when as Chrysippus had seen in the Triumph of Caesar, the Ivory Towns carryed before him: and a few dayes after, the wodden ones of Fabius Maximus, he said they were but the cases of Caesars Towns. [Quintilian. lib. 6. cap. 4.]

Many and very great honours were by the Senate decreed unto Caesar, amongst which, that he should be perpetual Dictator: [Livy, lib. 116.] and moreover, that he should be named Emperour, [Sueton. in Julio. cap. 76.] not in that sense, in which both before and after, it was given to Generals for any victory they had obtained in the wars; but whereby the highest power and authority in the Common-wealth was signified, [Dio. lib. 43.] for it was granted unto him, that he alone should have Soul∣diers, and the command of the Militia, and that he alone should take charge of the publick monies, and that it should be lawful for no other to make use of either of them; and that all Magistrates should be subject to him, yea, even the Magistrates of the common people; and that they should swear that they would never insringe any of his decrees. [Id. ibid. & Appian lib. 2. Bell. Civil, pag. 194.] And from hence, even from this his last return into the City, Velleius Paterculus deduceth, His five moneths of his principal cessation. [lib. 2. cap. 56.]

Caesar had thoughts of repressing the Getae or Daci, who had made a great inrode into Pontus and Thracia, [Sueton. in Julio. cap. 44. Appian. lib. 2. pag. 497.] for the preparation of which expedition, he sent before Octavius, the son of Ariae, his sister Julias daughter, to Apollonia, that he might study there, and learn martial discipline; intending afterward to make him his fellow souldier in the Getick and Pontick war. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 59. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 8. Plutarch. in M. Brut. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 531. Dio. lib. 45.] and thither also came some Squadrons of Pergamus; whom now being very old, he carried with him out of the City thither, [Sueton. in Ostavio. cap. 89. cum Strabone. lib. 13. pag. 625.] and thither also came some Squa∣drons of Horse to him out of Macedonia, with whom he was exercised, where, by entertaining them courteously, he became very gracious with the army. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 531.]

Castor, a young man, incited by his father Suocondarius, (as Strabo calls him) and his mother, the daughter of King Dejotarus, went to Rome to accuse his grand∣father: having corrupted the Kings servant and Phisitian, one Philip, with hopes and promises, that he should accuse his master, under a feigned crime of treason, as though

he would have killed Caesar when he entertained him in his Tetrarchy, to whom the kings Embassadors Hieras, Blescenius, Antigonus, and Dorylaus, opposed themselves offering to Caesar their own bodies for the safety of the two kings, (the father and son who then reigned together) for him Cicero, in remembrance of their old friendship and familiarity, made an oration in Caesars house: using this as a preface, that it was so unusuall for a king to be guilty of treason, that it was never heard of before, but for this accusation, Dejotarus killed his daughter, together with her husband Cast or Su••∣condarius (that noble Chronographer) in Gorbrius the pallace of Castor himself. [Strabo. lib. 1•• pag. 568.] concerning all this businesse famous Vossius (alas! our sometime dear friend) is to be consulted in the last chapter of his first book of Greek Historians.

Upon the Ides of December, Q. Pedius Triumphed for Spain, (the third that was within this three moneths space,) [Gruteri, Inscript. pag. CCXCVII.] in which (as before him Fabius had done) using wooden Pageants and not Ivory, caused much laughter, [Dio. lib. 43.]

The Parthians being by Caecilius Bassus called to his aid, came, but did not stay long with him by reason of winter, nor did any memorable thing. Thus Dio in [lib. 47.] notwithstanding by their coming, he was freed from that close siege with which he was straightned by Antistius Velus, as Velus himself confirmeth in his letters to Bal∣bus: concerning which, Cicero thus, [lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 9.] Balbus is here, and very much with me: to whom letters were delivered on the day before the Kalends of January from Vellus, whenas Caeilius was besieged by him, and was even ready to be tak••n: that Pa∣corus the Parthian came with great Forces, and so escaped him, with the losse of many of his men, for which be accuseth Volcatius. So it seems to me that that war is nigh at hand: but let Ni∣cias and Dollabella look to it. As namely to whom the care of the Province of Syria, and of the Parthian War, after the death of Caesar, was committed: when Cicero wrote this Epistle.

At Rome, the day before the Kalends of January, Q. Fabius Maximus the Consul being dead, C. Caninius Rebilus demanded the Consulship of a few Towns, [Id. ibid. cum Plinio, lib. 7. cap. 53. Sucton, in Claudio. cap. 15. & Trabell Pollion. in XXX. Tyrannis.] concerning whom Cicero, to Curtius. [lib. 7. epist. 30. ad familiar.] Know that all the time that Caninius was Consul, there no body dined: yet there was no hurt done all the time that he was Consul: for he was of wonderful vigilance, as who never took sleep in his Consul∣ship, [Vid. Macrob. lib. 2. Saturnal. cap. 3. & lib. 7. cap. 3.]

The next day Caesar took upon him his fifth and last Consulship: in which he made an Edict, that thanks should be returned to Hyrcanus the High Priest and Prince of the Jews, and to the Nation of the Jews, for their affection to himself, and the people of Rome: and decreed also, that the same Hyrcanus should have the City Jerusalem, and should wall it about, and govern it after his own will. He also granted to the Jews, that every second year there should a deduction be made out of their rents, and that they should be free from imposition and tributes: as is to be seen in the 14 book and 17 chapter of Josephus his Antiquities. So that the same Josephu•• seems to be de∣ceived, who in the former chapter declares, that Caesar being in Syni••, sent letters to Rome to the Consuls, that authority might be given to Hyrcanus to build the walls of Jerusalem that Po••pey had thrown down: and that presently after, Caesar departing out of Syria, Antipater fell to work about it; for that decree of the Senate that he puts down, doth not any thing at all belong either to this Hyrcanus, nor ••o there building of the walls of Jerusalem: as we have formerly observed at the year of the World 3877. concerning which also Salianus is to be consulted with, at the year of the World 4007 num. 36, 37.

In the same fifth Consulship, in the second Julian year, the moneth Quintilis is called July, in honour of Julius Caesar, M. Antonius his Colleague in the Consulship prefer∣ring this law, because Julius was born on the fourth▪ Ides of Quintilis in this moneth, [Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 494. Dio. lib. 44. Censorin. de die 〈◊〉〈◊〉, cap. 9. M••crab••us, lib. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 12.] Whereupon, whereas in the following moneth of Se••••ilis, M. Brut••••, who was the City Praetor, and was to set forth the Apolli••ari••n Plr••es, after the Caesar was murdered by him, he wrote Nonis Jul••••••, the Nones of July. Cicero, wrote to his friend Articus, [lib. 16. epist. 1.] I could be angry an whole day: could any thing be more base, than for Brutus to write Jul••••••? and Brutius being ••dmonished of this by him, said, that he would write that the hunting that was to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 day after the Apollinarian Playes, they should set down to be on the III Ides of Q••intilis, [ibid. epist. 4.]

Caesar rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, which were demolished both at one time, (as hath been formerly said at the year of the World 3858.) by bringing Roman Colo∣nies thither, [Di••. lib. 43. Strabo▪ lib. 8. pag. 38••, & lib. ••7. pag. 833.] which con∣cerning Corinth, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Cori••thiacis, and Solinus, concerning Carthage, cap. 30.]

and Appian at the end of his Lybicorum do so far confirm, that they agree, that between the overthrow and rebuilding of Carthage, there passed an 102 years: which space of time brings us just to this year, on which the Consulship of M. Antonius and P. Dolabella, whom Solinus here nameth, fell. So that Appian lesse considerately signified, that these Cities were again rebuilt by Augustus Caesar.

At this time a great desire took the people of Rome to revenge the death of Crassus and the army that he lost, and hopes of utterly conquering the Parthians: whereupon this war by general consent was decreed to Caesar, and they very earnestly made pre∣paration for it. And among other things that were done in prosecution of that war, and that both Caesar might have officers enough with him, and also that in his absence, lest that the City should be left destitute of Magistrate, neither if the city should chuse them there should be any new stirs again, they intended to appoint magistrates be∣fore hand for the whole three years, (for so long they thought that that war might last) half of these Caesar chose, as indeed was by the law granted unto him, (concer∣ning which law Suetonius is to be consulted) and in truth all the rest. [Dio. lib. 43.]

But minding first to set upon the Ge••ae, or Daci, he sent before him over the Adria∣tick sea, sixteen Legions, and 10000 horse, and then to make war upon the Parthians, through Armenia the l••s••e, and not to come to a s••t battle, till he had tried what they could do. [Sueton. in Iulio. cap. 44. Appian. lib. 2. pag. 497.]

Caesar sent Cornificius to make war in Syria against Caecilius Bassus, and gave unto him the province of Syria. [Cicero. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 18. 19.] but whilst the Legions were to be conducted to him, the murder of Caesar happened: after which that province was assigned to P. Cornelius Dolabella the Consul, and (as we shall see) old Africa was given to Cornificius [Cicero. ibid. epist. 19. 21. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 620. 621.]

Caesar committed the charg and command of three Legions that he had left in A∣lexandria ••o Rufinus the son of a freed man of his, who was an old ca••amite of his own. [Su••ton. ••n Iulio. cap. 76.]

On the VII Ka••en••s of February, Caesar entred the City in an Oration from the mount Albanus. [Inscript. Gruteri. pag. CCXCVII.] for it was decreed that in the per∣formance of the Latine Feriae he should be thus brought into the city. [Dio. lib. 44.]

When some had saluted him King, as he was returning from the sacrifice of the Latine Feriae, and going into the city from the mount Albanus, he being offended that the people took it ill, answered them, that he was Caesar and not a King, and when they all held their peace, he went along by them very sad and melancholy, and when one of the company had put a lawrell crown tied with a white ribbon, (which was that that they used to do to their Kings,) upon his statue; Epidius Marcellus and Caesi∣lius Flarus commanded the crown to be untied, and the man to be had to prison, but Caesar grieving that the mention of a kingdom went not on very prosperously, or that the glory of denying it was taken from him, he severely child the Tribun••s, and de∣prived them of their office. [Sueton. in Iul••o. cap. 79. Plutarch. in eodem, Dio. lib. 41. Livy. lib. 116. Appian. lib. 2. bell, civil. pag. 495. 496.]

On the Lupercalia (which the old Kalender shews were celebrated on the 15 day of February) M. Antonius his Colleague in the Consul-ship, being naked, came run∣ning amongst those that celebrated the feast, and falling down before Caesar, who sate in the Rostra, in his golden chain, cloathed in purple and crowned, and presented him with a diadem, in the name of the people of Rome, which being twice put on his head by him, Caesar took off again and laid in his golden chair, and answered, that Jupiter only was the King of the Romans, and sending the Diadem into the Capitoll to Jupi∣ter, demmanded that it should be written in the records: That at the Lupercalia, Mar∣cus Antonius the Consul, offered a Kingdome to Caesar the Dictatour, but he would not make use of it: whereupon he came into suspicion, that this was but a trick between them, and that indeed he did desire the name of King, but that he would fain be forced to take i••, idem ••b••d•• Cicero. in Philip, 2. 3. 8. 13. Vellei Patercul. lib, 2. cap. 56. Plutarch, in Antonio, Cassador. in Chronico.]

After this there was a rumour went about, either true or false, (as fables use to be made) That the Priest called Quindecimviri found in the Sybils book, that the Parthi∣ans might be overcome by the Romans, if a King were Generall, otherwise they were unconquerable, and thereupon that L. Cotta, one of the Quindecimviri, should in the next Senate preferre a law, that Caesar should be stiled King, and some were of opinion that he ought to be stiled either Dictatour or Emperour of the Romans, or any other name that sounded more plausible than the name of Kings: but that of all o∣ther nations that were under the command of the Romans, he should positively be stiled King. [Sueton. Plutarch, Dion, ut supra Appian, pag. 497.] whither also is to be referred that of Cicero [in lib. 2. de divinat.] We observe the Sybils verses, which she is

reported in a fury to have uttered, whose interpreter (L. Cotta) was of late though to speak some false things meerly out of mens report, as though that he that we have now for King already, must be called King, if we will be secure.

Caesar provided by all means to get him out of the City as soon he could, where he began to be hardly thought of: but four dayes before he intended to go, he was stabbed in the Senate. [Appian. pag. 497.] There was in this conspiracy about 60. Senatours and Knights of Rome, as is reported, [Sueton. in Julio. cap. 80. Eutrop. lib. 6. fin. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 17.] the chief of which were M. Brutus, and C. Triboniu••, and C. Cassius, and of Caesars party D••cimus Brutus, [Livy, lib. 116.] when as there∣fore Caesar was come into the Senate house, with an intention to advance the Parthian war; there the Senatours stabbed him as he sare in the Ivory chair, and he was slain with three and twenty wounds, [Id. ibid. Florus, lib. 4. Histor. Rom. cap. 2. fin.] on the Ides of March, in the fifty sixth year of his age. [Sueton. in Julio. cap. 81, 88, 91. Plutarch in eodem. & Appian. lib. 2. bell. civ. l. pag. 522.]

Thus he who had fought in fifty set battles, and had killed a thousand one hundred ninety two thousand men in battles, (as Pliny relates. lib. 7. cap. 25.] in that Senate; the most part whereof he had chosen himself, in Pompey's Court, before the image of Pompey himself; so many of his own Centurions looking on, he so fell by the hands of the most noble Citizens, and those too, most of them advanced very much by himself, so that not onely none of his friends, but that not so much as any of his servants could come at his body. [Cicero, lib. 2. de divinatione.]

P. Cornelius Dolabella, being but twenty five years old, who was by Caesar him∣self, when he was to go out of the City, designed Consul in his own room, for the rest of the years: whereas he snatched up the fasces, and the consular ensignes, came before them all, and vilely reproached the authour of his dignity; and as some de∣liver, preferred a Law, that that day might be accounted as the birth day of the City. [Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil: pag. 505, 506. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 58.]

The third day after the murder of Caesar, (as Cicero hath it in his Philippicks) whereas the Liberalia were celebrated, (as is gathered out of the fourteenth book, ad Atticum. epist. 10. & 16.) that is, on the XVI. Kalends of April, the Senate being called into the Temple of Tellus, whereas the Consul Antonius, Plancos, and Cicero had discoursed concerning an act of oblivion, and a peace; It was decreed, that the memory of all iniuries might be blotted out, and that a firm peace might be settled among the Citizens, and that Caesars acts might be ratified, [Cicero, Philippick. 1. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 58. Plutarch in Cicerone. Bruto. & Antonio. Appian. lib. 2. D••o. lib. 44.]

And upon the very day first of all (as it is in the Philippick 1.) M. Antonius, laying aside all enmities, was willing that Dolabella should be his Colleague in the Consulship, although when as formerly Caesar shewed himself, that he had a mind, before he left the City, that he should be Consul, he vehemently opposed it, as Cicero declareth in Philippick 2. and Plutarch in Anto.) For at the first he had determined not to admit him to the Consulship, as being yet too young; but for fear he should make any sedition, he suffered him to be his Colleague. D••o. lib. 44.]

The next day the Senate meeting again, decreed Provinces for the murderers of Caesar; as Creta to M. Brutus, to Cassius Africa, to Trebonus Asia, to Cimber Bithinia, and to Decimus Brutus, Gallia Circumpana. [Plutarch in M. Bruto.]

Of these the two former were Praetors of the city, who seeing they thought it unhand∣some, ambitiously to seize upon Provinces before the time of their Magistracy was out; and when they also saw it was not safe for them to exercise any jurisdictions in the City, they determined to passe over the rest of the year in Italy as private men: which when the Senate understood, they appointed them to be Overseers for the bringing in of corn into the City, [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 530.] that Brutus should take charge of sending corn to the City out of Asia, and Cassius out of Sicilia, but Cassius scorned this office. [Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 9, 11, 12.]

Some had a plot, that there should be a private bank raised for them that killed Caesar, from the Roman Knights; and they thought that this might be easily com∣passed, if the chief of them would bring in their monies. Whereupon Atticus is called upon by Flavius, a familiar friend of Brutus, that he would be the chief in this businesse: but he that alwayes thought of doing his friend courtesies, without any faction answered, That if Brutus had any mind to make use of his estate, let him use as much as his estate would bear; but that himself would not so much as speak with any about this matter, nor joyne with them in it, and so the whole plot of the consenters was spoiled by one mans dissent. [Cornel. Nepos in Vita. Attici.]

In the Temple of Castor, some letters of the names of the Consuls Antonius and Dolabella were strucken down with lightning: by which Julius Obsequens, in lib. de Prodigiis, saith that their alienation from their country was signified.

The Consul Antonius perswaded his Colleague Dolabella, as one that was an ambi∣tious young man, that he should demand to be sent into Syria, and to the army that was raised against the Parthians: and brought it to passe that the Province of Syria fell to him by the vot••s of the people, and also the Parthian war, and the Legions that were appointed by Caesar for that purpose, together with those that were sent before into Macedonia: and he then of the Senate obtained Macedonia, (thus left naked with∣out an army) [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 530, 531, & 550.]

Cicero fearing Antonius his power, determined at first to go with Dolabella into Syria, as his Lieutenant, [Plutarch, in Cicerone.] the IIII Nones of April there was a free Lieutenancy granted him, that he might enter upon it and have it when he would himself, [Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 12.] But being perswaded by Hirtius and Pansa who were designed Consuls for the next year, he changed his opinion: and leaving Dolabella, he resolved to spend the Summer at Athens, [Plut. ut supr.] to take his journey into Greece before the time that the Olympian Games were celebrated, [Ci∣cero, ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 24. & lib. 16. epist. 7.] and in this very year, was the 184 Olympiade was celebrated.

Octavius in the sixth moneth after he was come to Apollonia, having received the news of his Uncles death, passed out of Epirus into Italy, where at Brundusium being received by the army that went to meet him as Caesars son, without any further delay, he immediately assumed the name of Caesar, and took upon him to be his heir, (and so much the rather, because he had brought with him great store of money, and great forces that were sent him by Caesar.) And so at Brundusium adopting himself into the Julian Families, he henceforth called himself Caius Julius Caesar Octavius, instead of Caius Octavius, [Livy, lib. 117. Julius Obsequens de Prodiglis, Appian. lib. 3. pag. 531, 532. Dion. lib. 45.]

To this very name, no otherwise then to the true son, there came great store, partly of friends, partly of freed men and slaves, and with them of souldiers also, who either carried provision and money into Macedonia, or brought the tributes and other mo∣nies that they had exacted from the Provinces to Brundusium; he then being more strengthened and emboldened by the multitude of them that flocked to him, and by the authority of the Caesarean name in great reputation with the common people, he took his journey towards the city, with no contemptible Traine, and which daily en∣creased like a floud, [Appian. ibid. pag. 532, 533.]

On the XIIII Kalends of May, Octavius came to Naples, and the next day at Cu∣mae he gave Cicero a visit, [Cicero, lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 10.] of which, thus Cicero himself in an Epistle to Atticus, written X Kalends, [ibid. epist. 12.] Octavius was with us, very nobly and friendly, his own followers saluted him by the name of Casar, but Philip would not: for it stood not with the good liking of his mother Atia, and his father in law Philip, that he should take upon him the name of the envyed fortune of Caesar: as we read in Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 60. Succon, Octavie, cap. 8. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 532, 533.]

There met Octavius as he was coming to Rome, a vast company of his friends; and when he entred the city, the Globe of the Sun seemed upon his head, equally bent and rounded like a bow, (as it were putting a Crown upon the head of him that here∣after was to be so great a man) thus Velleius, [lib. 2. cap. 59. and Iulius Obsequens de Prodigiis.] When as he entred the City with a great multitude about him, the Sun being in∣cluded in the round of a pure and unclouded skie, compassed him about, with the utmost part of the circle, (as the Rainbow is wont to be bent in the cloudes) to wit, a circle of di∣vers colours, as is wont to be in the Rainbow, did at that time compasse about the Sun; as it is in Seneca, [Natural. Quaestion. lib. 1. cap. 2. Plinie, lib. 2. cap. 28. Sueton, in Octa∣vio. cap. 95. Dion. lib. 45. and Oros. lib. 6. cap. 20.]

Octavius calling together his friends, over night commanded them all to be ready the next morning with good store of followers to meet him in the Market-place: where going to Caius the brother of Antonius the city Praetor, he told him he did ac∣cept of his adoption; for it was the Roman custom in an adoption, to interpose the authority of the Praetor: which acceptance being registred by the Scribes, he, im∣mediately from the Market-place, went unto Antonius the Consul, [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 534.] whom the Consul entertained proudly, (but this was not contempt but fear) and scarcely admitting him into Pompeys Gardens, gave him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to speak with him, [Velles. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 60.]

The Circensian Playes were neglected which were decreed to be solemnized for the honour of Caesar in the Palilia, (XI Kalends of may) because the news of his Vi∣ctory in Spain was brought to Rome the day before that day, [Dio. lib. 44. & 45.]

but Quinctus and Lamia wore Crowns there for Caesars honours sake, [Cicer, lib. 14. ad A••ticum, epist. 16. & 22.]

When as the murderers of Caesar were sent into the Provinces, that fell to them by lot, (as Dio hath it in lib. 44.) Caius Trebonius went into his Province by By-ways, [Cicero, lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 10.] to succeed Q. Philippus in the Proconsulate of Asia, [lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 73. & 74. collat. with epist. 43. & 45.] With him went Patiscu••, as ordinary Proquestour: but P. Lentulus the son of Puolius Lentuius Spinther was by the Senate sent into Asia as extraordinary in that office, to gather in the tri∣b••te, and to ••aise money, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14, 15.]

XI Kalends of June, Trebonius came to Athens, and there finding young Cicero earnestly at his study under Cratippus, he invited them both into his Province of Asia: as he himself tells in his letters to his father, dated the VII Kalends of June, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 16.] to which his father Cicero answers in lib. 15. in the last epist. to his familiars.

IV Nones of June, there was a law made, that the Consuls should take cognizance of those things that Caesar had ordained, decreed, and done, [Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 16. epist. 18.]

Antonius, after it was committed to him to overs••e and execute those things that Caesar had commanded to be done, what by corrupting the notes, and changing them at his pleasure, did every thing as it pleased him, as if it were by the appointment of Caesar, gratifying by this means Cities and Governours, and heaping to himself vast sums of money; for he sold not onely fields and tributes, but freedoms also, even of the City of Rome, and other immunities: and that not onely to particular persons, but to whole Provinces, and all people; and of these things there were tables hung up over all the capitol, [Cicero, in Philippica. 2. & lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 1. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 60. Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. lib. 3, pag. 529. Dio. lib. 44.] in one of which, the richest cities of the Cretians were freed from tributes, and it was ordained that after the Proconsulate of Brutus Creete should be no longer a Province, [Cicero, ibid.] Antonius also having received a great sum of money fixed up a Register also, as if the law had been made by Caesar, that the Sicilians should be made citizens of Rome, [Id. lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 12.]

King Dejoratus, as soon as he heard of Caesars death, recovered all things that were taken from him of his own accord, notwithstanding his Embassadours being fearful and unskilful, without the consent of the rest of the Kings friends, by a bond given to Fulvia of 100000 Sesterces, got a decree fixed in the Capitol, by which all things were ridiculously feigned as if they were restored by Caesar himself, [Id. ibid. & in 2. Philippic.]

When as there were Playes to be set forth to Caesars Victory the XIII of August (as appears in the old Kalender in Gruterus his inscriptions pag. CXXXIII) and they not daring to do it to whose office it did belong, Octavius set them forth himself, [Sue∣ton. in Octavio, cap. 10.] And when as he had committed the care for the prepartions for them to C. Matius, a most learned man; who gives this reason to Cicero, [lib. 11. ad familiar, epist. 27. & ad Attic. epist. 2.] not approving it. I have taken care for the Playes that young Caesar made to the Victory of Caesar, but it belonged to my private service to him, and not to the state of the commonwealth: which service yet I ought to perform to the me∣mory and honour of my chiefest friend, although now dead; neither could I deny it at the request of that hopeful young man, and most worthy Caesar.

And hither are to be referred those things in the 45 Book of Dio; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They did sacrifice with certain processions on a particular day consecrated to him for his Victories: and that it was formerly decreed to have been so, Appian in 2 book of the civil wars, [pag. 494.] and in lib. 43. Dion himself confirms; that those dayes should be celebrated with solemn sacrifices on which he obtained his Victories. It seems that the commemoration of all the Victo∣ries he had obtained were summed up on this one day consecrated for his victorial Sacrifices: for that of Lucan in the beginning of the seventh book shews, that the day of the Victory of Pharsalia, the most famous of all the rest, was not particularly reckoned among the Feast dayes.

Tempora signavit leviorum Roma malorum, Hunc voluit nescire diem.

Rome hath oft celebrated times lesse dire; But this would in oblivion have retire.

M. B••utus and Caius Cassius privately by letters advise Trebonins in Asia, and Tullius Cimber in Bythinia, that they should secratly gather up mony, & consider of an army. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 529, 530.] which advice Cimber obeying provided also a navy. [Cassius. ad Ciccron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 13.] It was that drunken Cimber, whom Seneca relates, in epist. 83. that he made this jest upon himself; Ego quemquam feram, qui vinum ferre non possum? Am I able to deal with any one, who cannot bear Wine.

Caesar Octavianus being nineteen years old, by his own advice, and at his own charge, gathered an army; as he himself shews in the Breviary of his Affairs, ingra∣ven in the Ancyran Marble, [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXX.) before the day of the XI. Kalends, to wit of October, in which he was entering into his twentieth year of his age; for before the departure of Antonius from the City, (which happened in the following October) he being commended to the Senate by the means of Cicero, and others that hated Antonius, he endeavoured to get the favour of the people, and to gather an army, [Plutarch in Antonio.] and preparing forces against Antonius, both for his own safty, and the Common-wealths, he stirred up the old Souldiers that were sent into Colonies, [Livy, lib. 117.] concerning which Florus speaks. Octavius Caesar pitied for his youth, and wrongs, and gracious for the majesty of that name, that he had assumed calling the old Souldiers to arms, he being a private person, then (who would believe it?) sets upon the Consul: thus he, [lib. 4. cap. 4.] where yet he doth not right in making him but eighteen years old: as neither Dio which writes that he was 18. years old when he assumed the name, and took upon him as Caesars heire. [lib. 45. pag. 271.] Neither is it accurately enough said of Seneca, [lib. 1. de clementia, cap. 9.] That he was newly out of his eighteenth year, or of Velleius Paterculus, That he was entred on his nineteenth year, for Paterculus saith, C. Caesar being e••tred on his nineteenth year; during wonderful things, and attaining the highest by his own advice, had a greater mind for the safty of the Common∣wealth, than the Senate had. [lib. 2. cap. 61.] For when he began to provide an army, he was almost out of his nineteenth year of his age; and from that time, even to his death, there is reckoned 57 years, and so many also doth Maximus the Monck, in his computation assign to his government.

Here Antonius being afraid, hath a conference with him in the Capitol, and they are reconciled. The same night in his sleep, his right hand seemed to be strook with lightning: and a few dayes dayes after it was secretly whispered unto him, That Caesar sought to betray him; and when he would not belive Caesar that sought to clear himself, their old enmity brake out again. [Plutarch in Antonio.]

Antonius supposing that he had need of greater forces, and knowing that the Legi∣ons of Macedonia, were the best souldiers, and more in number, (for they were six Legions) and that with them there was a great band of archers, and light harnessed men, and horsemen also, and all in excellent equipage, which seemed to belong to Dolabella, because the Parthian▪ war was decreed to him, when Caesar made pre∣paration against the Parthians. These he thought to draw to himself, because for the neernesse they might presently be in Italy, by crossing the Adriatick sea: and when as there was a false rumour spread abroad, that the G••tae hearing of the death of Caesar, wasted Macedonia by their inrodes. Antonius demanded an army of the Senate, that he might be revenged of the enemy, saying, That the Macedonian army was raised by Caesar against the Ge••ae, before he determined to set upon the Parthians, and that all things were now quiet towards the bounds of Parthia. At length having agreed to deliver one Legion over to Dolobella, he is chosen General of the Macedo∣nian army. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 541, 542.] He obtained also by a law made by force the change of Provinces, that C. Antonius his brother should challenge Macedonia, which Province fell to Marcus Brutus lot, and the Consul Marcus Antonius should have Gallia Cisalpina, that was assigned to Decimus Brutus, together with the Mace∣donian army, which was sent before by Cesar to Apollonia. [Dio. lib. 45. cum Livy, lib. 117. & Appian. lib. 3. pag. 543, 545, 546.]

It was reported that the Legions of Alexandria were in arms, that Bassus was sent for out of Syria, and Cassius was expected, [Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 13.]

The time of the playes being come, which Critonius the Edile was to set forth; Cesar provided for his father a golden chaire and a crown: which thing was ordered by the decree of the Senate to be done for ever in all playes: and whereas Critonius ••emed that ever he would suffer Cesar to be honoured in those playes that he set forth at his own private charge: Cesar was brought before Antonius, as unto the Consul; the Consul told him that he would propose it to the Senate, propose it (quoth he) and in the mean time I will provide the chair: which Antonius being exasperated, forbad; neither content with this, but forbad it also, in the following playes, that Cesar solem∣nized, and were instituted in honour of their mother Venus, when a Temple in the

market-place was dedicated to him, and also the market-place it self: which fact of Antonius was entertained with publick hatred. [Appian. ibid. pag. 543, 544.]

On the VI. Kalends of October, in the Marble piece of the old Kalendar, [in Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXV. fin. conferred with another whole one. pag. CXXXIII.] it is there marked. VENERI. GENETRI. CIIN. FORO. CAESAR. On that day therefore Octavianus, to gain the peoples favour, made those playes, that were instituted for the finishing of Venus Temple, at his own charges, as pertaining to him by reason he came from that stock, and which some, during Cesars life time, had un∣dertook that they would solemnize, but yet neglected them. [Dio. lib. 45.] which whilest he was setting fourth, Seneca teacheth that a Comet suddenly brake forth, [in Natural. quaestion. lib. 7. cap. 17. Sueton. in Julio. cap. 88. & Pliny, lib. 2. cap. 25.] where he relates these words of Octavius himself. In the very dayes of my Playes there was a Comet seen seven dayes together, in the North part of the Heaven: it arose about the eleventh hour of the day; it was clear, and conspicious in all lands: the people generally thought that by this star was signified Caesars soul to be received into the number of the gods: and under that notion was that mark added to the image of his head, that we newly consecrated in the market-place: which is also to be seen in some coins that were stamped after his death, with the inscription DIVI JULII. and signified in that of Virgil, Thy fathers star appeared in the North. [Aeneid. 8.]

The VII. Ides of October, [Year of the World 3961] Antonius came to Brudusium, going to meet four of the Macedonian Legions (of five) that he thought to get to himself by mony. [Cicero. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 23. with Appian. lib. 3. pag. 552. 554. & Dion. lib, 45. pag. 276. edit. Graecolatin. Hannoviensis.] And which, being granted him by the Senate and people of Rome, against the Getae, he transported into Italy, [Vellet. Patercul. lib, 2. cap. 61. with Appian. lib. 3. pag. 543, 546. & 556. fin.]

Thither also Octavianus sent his friends with mony, to hire those souldiers for himself. [Dio. ut supra.] But he himself posted into Campania, to ingage those souldiers that his father had sent into Colonies, to war on his side; and first he drew to his party the old Souldiers of Galatia: then those of Casilinum, which lay on both sides of Capua, and, bestowing upon each of them five hundred pence, (which Appian and Dio, after the custom of the Greeks, render drachmes) he gathered together about 10000 men, but neither well armed, nor marshalled into companies, and marched with them under one Ensigne as a guard. [Cicero, lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8. & Philippick. 3. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 61. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 552, 553.] And upon these was the name of the Evocati first put; because that when they had had leave to serve no more in the wars, they were again called to it. [Servius Galba ad Ciceron. in lib. 10. ad familar. epist. 30. Dio. lib. 45. pag. 276. & lib. 55. pag. 565.]

In the mean while the four Legions of Macedonia, accusing Antonius for his delay in revenging Caesars death upon the murderers, without any acclamations conducted him to the Tribunal, as if they would hear an account of this businesse, before any thing. This silence of theirs he took ill, neither could he contain himself, but upbraid∣ed them with their ingratitude, because they did not acknowledge how much better it was to go into Italy, than into Parthia, neither shewed any token of thankfulnesse. He complained moreover, That they had not brought to him some disturbers of the peace, that were sent from that malapert young man (for so he called Caesar) but that he shall find them out; and that he would march with the army to the Province that was decreed him by the Senate, even that fortunate Gallia, and that he would give to every one, then present, 100 drachmes, or pence. This niggardlinesse of his in promising, was entertained with laughter; which when he took ill, he was deserted, and the tumult increased. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 554. with Dion. lib. 45. pag. 276. & Cicero. lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8.]

When Antonius had demanded the seditious of the Tribunes, according to the discipline of war, he drew out the tenth man by lot, but neither did he punish them all, but onely part of them, thinking to terrifie them by little and little. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 554, 555.] Also in the house of his host, in the day of Brundusium, in the presence of his not onely most covetous, but most cruel wife Fulvia, he put to death some Centurions, called out of the Martian Legion. [Cicero. Philippic. 3, 5, 13. Di•• lib. 45. pag. 276.]

When those of Caesars party that were sent to corrupt them, saw that they were more provoked by this deed, they scattered libels about the army, calling 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mind the memory of Caesar, in respect of the Businesse and cruelty of Antonius, and inviting them to the liberality of the young man: and whenas the Consul had pro∣pounded rewards to them that would tell him of them, and punishments to the con∣cealers; he took it ill that none were discovered, as if the army did defend them, [Appian. pag. 555.]

When Caesar Octavianus came to have office, and had endeavoured to assure the people to himself, M, Brutus and Caius Cassius, both casting off all hope of holding the state of a popular commonwealth, and also being afraid of Caesar, set saile out of Italy, and landed at Athens, when they were magnificently entertained, [thus Dio. lib. 47. pag. 238. 239.] Cornelius Nepos in the life of Atticus writes that they, when Antonsus began to have the upper hand, casting of all care of those provinces that were given them by the Consuls, went into exile: and now both fearing the armes of Antonius, and now again to encrease the envy they had against Antonius, they feigned as though they fea∣red, and protested by their edicts, that they would willingly live in perpetuall exile, as long as the commonwealth was in peace, neither would they give any occasion of civill war; Velleius Pa∣tercu••s tells that they went out of Italy. [lib. 2. cap. 62.]

When some went to Octavianus his side, and some to Antonius his party, the armies as if they had been set to sale at an outcry addicted themselves to him that would give most. Brutus intended to leave Italy, and through Lucania came by land to the sea at Elea, from whence setting saile he came to Athens, where being scholler to Theom∣nestas the Academick, and to Cratippus the Peripatetick (the Mitylenian) and toge∣ther with them following his study, he seemed to give over all business and to live in idlenesse, whenas notwithstanding he prepared for the war; [Plutarch. in Bruto. Cicero in Philippic. 10.] declares that the navy of Cassius within few daies overtook Brutus.

Brutus Cassius determined by force to invade Macedonia, and Syria as assigned before to them, to Dolabella and Antonius, which consultation as soon as it was de∣tected; Dolabella hasted into Syria, visiting Asia by the way, to gather mony from thence. So Appianus [de bellis civilibus lib. 3. pag. 541,] for he thought (as also before him Florus lib, 4, cap. 7.) that Macedonia was decreed by Julius Caesar (before he was killed by them) to Brutus, and Syria to Cassius, and that there were other lesser gran∣ted to them, in the place of those that were afterwards taken from them by the Con∣suls, to wit Cyrene and the Isle of Cre••e, or as some write both these to Cassius, and Bi∣thinia to Brutus, but that they contemned these and gathered an army and mony with an intent to invade Syria and Macedonia. [Appian. lib. pag. 527. 530, 531. 533. 536. 550, & lib. 4. pag. 622.]

But that Syria was appointed by Julius Caesar to Cornificius, we learn from Cicero and the fourth day after his murther that Crete was decreed by the Senate to Brutus, and Africa to Cassius, we have heard formerly out of Plutarch, whereupon in Philip∣pic. XI. Cicero saith of Brutus. Neither went he into his own province of Crete, but hasted into Macedonia which was anothers; and of Cassius he obeyed the law of nature, when he went into Syria, anothers province indeed of men would use writen laws, but these being viola∣ted, his own by the law of nature. Velleius Paterculus confirmeth' that they, both of them, seized upon provinces without any decree of the Senate, or publick authority. [lib. 2, cap. 62.] and of both of them living at Athen, Dio thus writes, [lib, 47. pag, 339.] when they heard that Caesar encreased in strength, Crete and Bithynia (for thither were they sent) being neglected, because they thought that these provinces would stand them in small stead, they set their mind upon Syria and Macedonia, indeed no∣thing belonging to them, but that at that time they flourished both in men and mony.

Dolabella making his journy through Achaia, Macedonia, and Thrace, came too late into Asia, but in Achaia having both foot and horse, he met Vetus Antestius, who having returned from Syria, had dismissed his army, (which he had lately used a∣gainst Caecilius Bassus) when he had rather undergo any danger than to seem to give either upon compulsion, or willingly any mony to Dolabella. [Dio, lib. 47, pag, 344. & Brutus in lib. Ciceronis ad Brutum epist, 1.]

On the Kalends of November, letters were brought to Cicero from Octavian, where∣in he asketh his advice, whether he had best come to Rome, with those 4000 old souldiers, or should keep Capax, and shut out Anthonius from thence, or should go to the three Legions of Macedonia, which came by the way of the Adriatick sea, which because they would not receive the largesse that Antonius offered them, he thought he might get them to himself, [Cicero. lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8,] Octavius numbred the centuries of Capua, [epist. 9.] taking his journy into Samnium he came to Cales, and tarried at Theanum, There was a wonderfull 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and confluence of the free cities and corporations which came to Rome, with a great band. [epist, 1.]

Then going forth to the common people, already prepared for this purpose by Ca∣nutius the Tribune of the people) he renewed the memory of his father in a long ora∣tion to them, and the brave acts that he had done, he spake also many things modest∣ly of himself, accused Antonius, and commended the souldiers that followed him; because they were ready to aid the city, and that they had chosen him for that purpose, and that they should by themselves signifie so much to multitudes, and being

commended, partly for the goodly equipage he had, and partly for the multitude of souldiers he had with him; he went into Hetrucia for to raise more souldiers there, [Dio. lib. 45. pag. 276.]

At this time Marcus Cicero dedicates his three famous books of Offices to his son Marcus, having now been a Scholler an whole year to Cratippus, (not now at the first time sent thither, as Dio signifies in lib. 45 pag. 277.) [lib. 16. ad familiares, epist. 11.] and there are yet extant the sons letters to Tiro, [lib. 16. ad familiares, epist. 21.] in which speaking of them that boarded together with him, he saith, I have hired a place for Brutus hard by me, and as much as I can out of my poverty, I sustain his want: More∣over I intended to declaim in Greek before Cassius, but before Brutus, I will do my exercise in Latin. I use for my familiar friends and boarders, those that Cratippus brought with him from Mitylenae, learned men and well approved by him.

Brutus being brought to this want, associated himself (besides Clcero) with other young men that studied at Athens: he sent Herostratus into Macedonia, to get the favour of them that were Captains of the armies; and when he had received news that some Roman ships laded with money directed their course from Asia towards Athens, and that the Admiral was an honest man, and his familiar friend, he went to meet him about the Carystos, he perswaded him to deliver the ships over to him, [Plutarch, in Bruto.]

Brutus upon his Birth-day made a great Feast for the Admiral, in which when they came to tipling, they began a health to Brutus's victory, and the liberty of the people of Rome: then Brutus taking a large cup, spake aloud this Verse without any evident cause;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Sed me sors misera & Latonae perdidit infans.

Latona's stem and cruel fate To my successe have put a date.

Which exclamation was accounted for an ill omen of his overthrow, when going to fight his last battle at Philippi, he gave his souldiers the word Apollo, [Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.]

After this Anistius bestowed on Brutus of that money he carried into Italy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 500 Myriades: as Plutarch writes in that place. The Latin Interpreter rendered it 20000 Sestertium's, which sum Brutus himself acknowledges (that Vetus Antistius both promised of his own accord, and gave him of his money,) in an Epistle in which he commends him to Cicero, as Antistius was going to Rome to demand the Praetorship, [lib. ad Brutum, epist. 11.] We read in Cornelius Nepos in the life of Atticus, that Pompeius Atticus also sent a present of an C. M. Sestert. when Brutus was cast out and left Italy, and in his absence, commanded that 300 should be given him in Epirus.

Cassius and Brutus, parting the one from the other in Piraeera, the one went into Syria, the other into Macedonia, [Plutarch.] Cassius that he might keep Dolabella out of Syria, [Cicero, Philippic. 11.] Brutus that he might get Macedonia and Greece to joyn with him, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 339.] and without any publick authority seizing upon Provinces and armies, pretending that where they were, there was the common∣wealth, they received money of those that would deliver it them, that was sent by the Treasurers to Rome from the parts beyond Seas, [Velle••. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 62.]

Cassius, having prevented Dolabella, sailed into Asia to Trebonius the Proconsul: and having received money from him, he joyned to his party many of those horsemen that were sent before by Dolabella into Syria, (which P. Lentulus brags in his letters to Cicero that he first delivered over to Cassius, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14.] and also many of Asia and Cilicia. He compelled also Tarcondimotus and the Tarsenses to joyne in alliance with him, but the Tarsenses did it against their wills; for they so favoured the first Caesar, and for his sake the later, that instead of Tarsus, they called their City Juliopolus, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 342.]

Brutus also after he had received from Apuleius what forces he then had, and in ready money sixteen thousand talents, which being collected out of the payments and tributes of Asia he had received of Trebonius, he came into Boeotia, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632. with Dion. pag. 339.] There he gathered up souldiers, partly of those of the battle of Pharsalia, he found wandering about Thessalia; partly of those that came with Dolabella from Italy, who either were left there by reason of sicknesse, or that had run away from their Regiments. Moreover, he took from Cinna 500 Horse, which he conducted to Dolabella into Asia, [Plutarch, & Dio, ut supra.] Whither

also belongs that of Cicero concerning Brutus, Philippick XI. He raised new Legions, and entertained the old: he took to himself Dolabella's Horse, and that before he was defiled with the murder (of Trebonius) but judged him an enemy by his own sentence only; for if it were not so, how could he take away the Horse from the Consul?

Brutus being thus appointed, under colour of service to the Common-wealth, and of undertaking a war against Antonius, without any adoe he seized up∣on Greece, where there were no souldiers at all. [Dio. ut supra, with Livy, lib. 118.]

From hence he goeth to Demetrius, where he got into his power great store of arms that were provided by the command of Caesar the Dictator, against the Parthian war, which were to be carried to Antonius. [Plutarch & Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567.]

He came also into Macedonia at the same time, that Caius Antonins, the Consuls brother was newly come thither, and Q. Hortensius, the Proconsul of Macedonia, was preparing for his departure; but he stood nor much upon this, seeing that Hortensius would presently joyn with him: and Antonius being forbidden (Caesar now command∣ing all at Rome) to meddle with any thing that belonged to the chief Magistrate, had no forces. [Dio. ut supra. with Cicero. Philippic. 10.]

There was a muster made in Macedonia, by the great care and industery of Q. Hortensius; the Legion that L. Piso the Lieutenant of Antonius conducted, delivered it self over to Cicero's son, whom Brutus brought with him from Athens, the Horse which was conducted in two bridades into Syria, one whereof left him that conducted them in Thessalia, as it is said, and went to Brutus: the other Cn. Domitius in Macedo∣nia withdrew from the Lieutenant of Syria. [Cicero. Philippic. 10.]

Brutus hearing that Antonius would immediately march to the forces which Gabinius had at Dyrrachium and Apollonia, and desiring to prevent him, suddenly took his journy through rough wayes, and much snow, and far out-went them that carried his dinner: as he came neer to Dyrrachium, through the labour and cold, he was taken with a Bulimia, which disease takes them that are wearied with going in the snow; whose necessity being understood, the Souldiers left the guard, and came running with meat and drink to him: for which curtesie Brutus, when the Town was delivered, shewed himself kind, not onely to them, but for their sakes, to all. [Plutarch.] But Q. Vatinius, who commanded in Illyrium that lay near, came from thence, and had seized upon Dyrrachium before, having been an adversary to Brutus, throughout all the civil war. But being contemned of his Souldiers, by reason of his sicknesse, and they going to Brutus, he opened the gates to him, and delivers up the army to him. [Dio. ut supra. cum Ciceron. Philippick. 10. Livy, lib. 118.]

When a way lay both open, and not long, for Dolabella into Syria, he brake into Asia, another mans Province, in which there was no suspicion of war, he sending M. Octavius a Senatour, but poor, with a Legion, wasted the Countries, and vexed their Cities. [Cicero. Philippick. 11.]

But neither Pergamus nor Smyrna would receive him, but they afforded him a market-place without the City, as to one that was Consul: and when he in a passion had in vain assaulted Smyrna, Trebonius the Proconsul of Asia, who fortified Cities, for the retreat of Brutus and Cassius, promised that he would let him into Ephesus, and commanded his souldiers that they should immediately follow the Consul thither. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 542.]

After this there were familiar conferences with Trebonius, and embracings also, but false tokens of great kindnesse in feigned love. [Cicero, Philippick. 11.] But yet by which Trebonius was deceived, so that he promised Dolabella all courtesies, as afford∣ing provision for his souldiers, and lived together without any fear. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

In Egypt, young Ptolomy being 15. years of age, is poysoned by his wife and sister Cleopatra, in the fourth year of his reign, and the eighth of his sister, (from the death of their father Auletes.) [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4. Porphyr. in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 226.]

Marcus Antonius the Consul, being returned from Brundusium to Rome, when he had commanded the Senate to meet the day before the VIII. Kalends of December; and when they neglected to meet on that day, he deferred it till the IIII. Kalends, and then commanded them to meet in the Capitol. [Cicero, Philippic. 3.]

In the mean time Antonius his Macedonian Legions, mutined as they were going into Gallia Cisalpina; and contemning the Lieutenant that commanded them, many of them revolted to Caesar, [Dio, lib. 45. pag. 276.] all the Martian Legion, took away their colours, and coming to him, tarried at Asia. The fourth Legion also in imita∣tion of that, L. Egnatuleius the Questor being their Commander, revolted unto Caesar also. [Id. ibid. Cicero, Philippic. 3, 4, 5, 11, 13. with lib. 11. ad familiar. ep. 7. Livy, 117.

Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 6. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 556.] Caesar having entertained them, gave them money, as to the former, and so drew many to his party: he got also all Antonius his Elephants, falling upon them by chance as they were driving along, [Dio. ut supra.]

Antonius as he was going into the Senate in the Capitol on the appointed day, to complain of Caesars attempts, in the very entrance of the Court he received news of the revolt of the Legions; by which being terrified, he durst not speak a word in the Senate concerning Caesar, whenas he had intended to propound it to the Senate, and one that had been Consul brought a sentence written, by which he would judge Caesar an ene∣my, [Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5. & 13. & Appian. lib. 3. pag. 556.] And on the very same day at evening, there was casting of lots for the Provinces against the next year, among the friends of Antonius, so that every one might have that Province which was most convenient for him, [Cicero, Philippic. 3.]

He posted out of the City to Alba, to see if he could bring the souldiers of the Mar∣tian Legion who were quartered there, to obedience by words as he thought he might: but when they shot at him from the walls, to the rest of the Legions he sent 500 pence a man, and with what forces he had about him in warlike array, he marched with them to Tibur, and then to Ariminum, in the very entrance of Gallia Cisalpina, having with him three Macedonian Legions, (for the rest were now come) and one of old souldiers, with the auxiliaries that were wont to follow them, besides the Prae∣torians and young souldiers, [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 556.]

Antonius besiged Decimus Brutus, having shut him up in Mutina, because he would not leave Gallia Cisalpina as being his own Province, [Id. ibid. pag. 556, 558.] Caesar Octavius sent aid to him, although he was one of Caesars murderers, yet now doing as the time required, [Dio. lib. 45. pag. 277.] Octavius had besides those two valiant Legions of Macedonia that came to him, and one of raw souldiers, two other Legions of old souldiers, who though they were not compleat, yet were filled up with young souldiers; and when the army would have created him Propraetour, he refused the honour they offered him; yet he ingaged the mercenaries to him by a donative, give∣ing to every man of the two Macedonian Legions (that skirmished before him) 500 pence a peice more, and promised 500000 to the conquerours, if there should be any need of an ingagement indeed, [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 557, 558.] Cicero speakes of them in his X Philippic. The old souldiers that followed the authority of Caesar first repressed the attempts of Antonius, afterwards the Martian Legion abated his fury, and the fourth routed him.

They at Rome called a Senate on the XIII Kalends of January, when neither of the Consuls were there, (for Antonius had sent Dolabella before into Macedonia, and he himself then sate down before Mutina,) on which day Cicero by his third Philippick Oration perswaded, that those things that Octavianus had done against Antonius might be confirmed, and praises and rewards might be decreed to the Mutinenses, the Martian Legion, the fourth, and to the old souldiers that had revolted unto him; and that not onely Decimus Brutus, but all the rest (without taking any notice of that ap∣pointing of Provinces that Antonius made by lots) should keep their Provinces, and deliver them over unto none, without a decree of the Senate: and there being a decree made accordingly, he called the people together and declared unto them what was done in the Senate, [Cicero, ibid. & Phipp. 5, 6. init. cum lib. 11. ad familiar. epist. 6. & lib. 12. epist. 22. Dio. lib. 45. pag. 277.]

On the Kalends of January, [The Julian Period. 4671] on which Hirtius and Pansa began their Consulship, [Year before Christ 43] Cicero in his fifth Philippick Oration, spoken in the Senate, perswaded to make war upon Antonius, and that honours should be decreed to them that defended the Com∣mon-wealth against him. The next day there is given to Caesar Octavianus by the Senate, an extraordinary command (as Cicero calls it in the XI Philippick) with Consular ornaments and lictours, and the ensignes of a P••aetour, and that he should to∣gether with the Consuls aide Decimus Brutus against Antonius: and it was added, that he should deliver his opinion amongst the Questours and those that had been Consuls, and that he should have authority to demand the Consulship ten years before it was by the law allowed. The Senate also honoured him with his Statue all guilt on horseback; which being set in the Rostra, declared his age by an inscription: and by the same decree it was enacted that the money that he had given to the souldiers, he should again receive out of the publick Treasury, (because that although he did it as a private person, yet it was for the service of the common-wealth) and that the do∣native that he had promised to give to the two Macedonian Legions after the victory, should be given them in the name of the common-wealth: and that to those Legions, and to other souldiers that were bired by Caesar, as soon as the war was endeed they should be exempted from going to wars any more; and should have lands presently divided unto them, [Cicero, Philippic. 5. & lib. ad Brut. epist. 15. Livy, lib. 118.

Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 81. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 10. Plutarch. in Antonio. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 359. 360. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 310.]

Although the dignity of Propraetour was granted by the Senate to Caesar Octavia∣nus, which he would not accept of, being formerly offered him by the army, and that he should have the same power in managing the war as the Consuls had, yet there was private command given to the Consuls, that they should withdraw from him the two Macedonian legions, which were most fit to do service, for this was the sum of all their councels, that Antonius being overcome, and Caesar weakened, and all the Caesarians being taken away, the Pompeians should be again restored to the Government of the commonwealth, which thing Pansa the Consul, as he was upon his death bed dis∣covered to Octavian. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 574. 575.]

But when Octavianus found what things had been decreed, he accepted the honours with great joy: and so much the more, because when he had taken upon him the habit and authority of Praetour, as he was sacrificing the first day of his office, the livers of twelve of the sacrifices appeared double, or foulded inwards from the lowest fillets, and it was answered that within the year his command should be doubled, but he took this ill, that Embassadours were sent to Antonius, and that the Consuls did not go on with the war neither seriously, nor presently under pretext of the winter season, where∣upon he was compelled to lye idle all the winter at Forum Cornclis. [Dio. lib. 46. pag. 314. with Julius Obsequens. de prodigiis & Pliny lib. 11. cap. 37.]

The first of all Caesars murderers that suffered punishment, was Caius Trebonius who governed Asia by a consular power, being slain at Smyrna, by the treachery of Dolabella, a man most ungratefull towards the merits of Caesar, and partner in the murder of him, by whom he was advanced to the heigth of the co••sular dignity. [Cic. Philippic. 11. 12. Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 646. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 542. 543. & lib. 4. pag. 624. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344. Orosi. lib. 6. cap. 8.] ••or Dola∣bela entring Smyrna by night, took the Proconsul, who after he had upbraided him in words, delivered him to the banished man Samiarius, who after he had questioned with him about the publick money tortured him by imprisonings, and scourgings, and by the strappado, and that for two daies together, afterward▪ he commanded him to be beheaded, and his head to be carried on a spear, and the rest of his body to be drag∣ged, and torne, and cast into the sea, this is the relation of Cicero in Philippic. XI. much to be preferred before that of Appianus who delivers that this murder was committed by the command of Dolabella, when he passed first into Asia, and was now Consul.

Dio writes that he cast the head of him that he had killed before the statue of Caesar Appian relates that it was commanded to be laid in the Praetorian chair, in which he was wont to minister justice, but the souldiers (saith he) and the drudges being angry with him as a partner of the conspiracy, and because he deteined Antonius in talk be∣fore the doores of the court whilst Caesar was killed, they in divers manners abused the other part of his body, as also making a football of his head in a place that was paved with stones, they so tore it that no sign of face appeared. Strabo affirmes, that there were many parts of the city of Smyrna that were overthrown by Dolobella.

Asia being seized upon by Dolabella, P. Lentulus the extraordinary Quaestour, sent with all speed great store of money and great aides to Cassius, that he might seize up∣on Syria, he himself went into the next province of Macedonia to Brutus, doing his endeavour, that by whom he could soonest, the province of Asia and the tributes might be recovered, which he signifies in two espistles, one publickly to the Senate, and another privately to Cicero himself. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14. & 15.] when he tells him he could not see his son, because he was gone into the winter quarter, with the horse.

Dolabella carried himself most cruelly in the province of Asia. [Cicero. lib. ad Bru∣tum epist. 3. 4.] of them that were set forth by the Germans, taking away the Roman tributes, and polling and vexing the Roman citizens. [P. Lentulus in Cicero lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 15.] he burthened the cities with new exactions of tributes, and hired 〈…〉〈…〉 L••cians, Pamphilians, Cilicians, by the meanes of L. Figulus. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

The Rhodians, being afraid concerning the lands that they had in the continent, ••a they said themselves] sent two Embassies to Dolabella, and truly after a new example, and against their lawes, because the Magistrates forbad it, [Lentulus ut supra.] whom notwithwanding Brutus writes was excluded by the Rhodians. [lib. ad Brutum ut supra epist. 4.]

Aulus Allienus the Lieutenant of Dolabella, went to him after the death of Trebo∣nius [Cicero. Philippic, 11.] whom he sent into Egypt unto the Queen Cleopatra, who favouring him for the acquaintance he had with the former Caesar, sent four Legions to him by Allienus the remainder of the overthrowes of Pompey and Crassus, (or of the number of those that remained with Cleopatra, upon the departure of Caesar) she

had a Navy also ready to aide him, which yet could not saile, by reason of contra∣ry winds. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 576. lib. 4. pag. 623. & 626. & lib. 6. pag. 685.]

When as the valiant and victorious army (as Cicero calls it, in Philippick 11. in an Oratian spoken that year) of Q. Caecilius Bassus, a private, but valiant and famous, man, had prevailed sometime in Syria. Q. Marcius (not, as in Appian, Minutius) Crispus the Proconsul, (as Cicero calls him in Philippick XI.) being called by Statius Murcus to his aide, out of Bythinia (which he commanded by the decree of Julius Caesar, and approved by the Senate, although Cimber (as it seemeth, endeavoured to hold this Province this year also, by Antonius his lottery) with three Troups of his own, and three of Murcus his Troups, besieged the two Troups of Bassus (called by Strabo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Appian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for it is manifest out of Cassius his letters to Cicero, that they made but one Legion. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. & 12.] But Bassus so stoutly susteined the siege of two Roman armies, that he was not subdued, until having obtained what conditions he pleased, he yielded himself. [Strabo. l••b. 16. pag. 752. fin.] For when C. Cassius had come with his forces, being called thither by the consent of Murcus Marcius and the army, as Brutus relates in his letters to Cicero. [lib. ad Brut. epist. 5.] He would not deliver the army over to him: and unlesse the Souldiers had sent messengers to Cassius, without his consent, he had held Apamea ou••, till it had been taken by assault; as Cassius himself writes to Cicero. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.]

Cassius raised the siege before Apamea, Bassus and Murcus being reconciled: and having drawn to his party those two Troups that were besieged, and six others that did besiege them, he takes upon himself the Ensignes of a General, and commands them by a proconsular power. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99. Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 9. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 18. Appian. & Dion, ut supra.]

From this time he took upon himself the title of Proconsul, as appears by the in∣scriptions of his letters to Cicero, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist, 11, 12.] although Cicero in his letters to him gives him not that title, [ibid. epist. 7, 8, 9, 10.] as not yet given him by the Senate; however Appian thinks otherwise. [lib. 3. pag, 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623.]

When Cassius with all these forces had placed his Camp in one place, there fell suddenly a mighty rain, and forces also rushing into the Camp through every Port, confounded and disturbed all things, so that some did presage from these things, his sudden power, and a litle after his sudden overthrow should happen. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.]

Cassius being strengthened with these forces, immediately reduced to his obedience all the Cities of Syria, by the fame of those things he did, being Questor, and by the glory of his name, without any more pains. [Dio. lib. 47. pag, 339. 343.] And going to the Cities, there he got both arms and souldiers, and exacted very grievous taxes. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 18.] Livy writes that he invaded Syria with three armies, which were in that Province. [lib. 121.] and Velleius Paterculus, that he brought under his power••en Legions in that Country. [lib. 2. cap. 69.]

Marcus Brutus having undertaken an expedition against C. Antonius, who kept Apollonia with seven Cohorts, sent publick letters to Rome, concerning the things that he had done in Greece and Macedonia, which being rehearsed in the Senate, by the Consul Pansa, and by the X Philippick oration of Cicero there spoken, there was a Decree of the Senate made, that Brutus should hold Macedonia, Illyricum, and all Greece, as Proconsul. [Cicero. ibid. cum Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567. & lib. 4. pag. 622. & 632.]

The reliques of Trebonius being brought to Rome, and the scornes likewise with which they used him being known, the Senate declared Dolabella an enemy to the state, (Cicero. Philippic. 11. Livy lib. 119. Appian. lib. 2. pag. 566. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 8.] a day also he set for them who were with them, before which if they departed not from his party, that they also should be esteemed enemies. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

The next day when it was disputed in the Senate, concerning the choice of a Gene∣rall, to follow the war against Dolabella, L. Caesars opinion was, that this war should be committed to P. Servilius contrary to the ordinary course, others thought that the Consuls cast lots for Asia, and Syria, in respect of prosecuting the war against Dola∣bella: Cicero in his XI Philippick oration, having first fiercely inveighed against Do∣labella (in times past his son in law, but with whom a little after his departure out of Italy, there was great heart-burnings) perswaded that this war should be committed to C. Cassius, whose opinion Scaliger doth not rightly propound, in his animadversions upon Eusebius•• (at the number MDCCCCLXXIII) as an example of the decree of the Senate concerning the command of Cassius, for that this opinion did not prevaile

in the Senate, Pansa the Consul eagerly withstanding it, Cicero himself is witnesse in his letters to Cassius, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 7.] adding also these things in them concerning himself. I promised and also performed it, that you had not expected, nor should not expect our decrees, but that you your selfe should defend the commonwealth, and although as yet we heard nothing, either where you were, or what forces you had: yet my opinion was, that all, both of aides and forces which were in those parts were at your command, and I was confident that the province of Asia should by you be recovered to the Commonwealth.

Whenas now it was not known at Rome, that Cassius had possessed himself of Syria, the war against Dolabella was altogether committed to the Consuls, if the present businesse against Antonins should come to an end, and a charge is also given to the governours of the neighbour nations, that they should take heed that the forces of Do∣labella were not encreased, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.] and by the Consuls consent the government of Asia is continued to P. Lentulus Spinther, who now commanded them under the title of Proquaestor and Propraetor, as may be seen in his letters to Cicero written after the death of Pansa and Hirtius (which yet he was ignorant of at that time.)

This decree against Dolabella being enacted, there were letters brought from An∣tonius to Hirtius the Consul, and Caesar the Propraetour, which are related and re••uted by Cicero in his XIII Philippick.

Antonius to Hirtius and Caesar.

THe death of C. Trebonius being known, I rejoyced not so much as I grieved. That such a wicked person received due vengeance, and thereby made recompence to the reliques of that illustrious Heroe, and that the just wrath of heaven was manifest so paily before the yeares end, (from whence we gather that Trebonius was slain not much before the Ides of March which followed immediately the murther of Caesar) or that now the wrath of the gods up∣on the paricide is executed or impending, administers matter of joy. That Dolabella is judged an enemy for killing a common murderer, and that the son of a Parasite (Trebonius) should be more dear to the people of Rome, than C. Caesar, the very father of our country, is no lesse to be lamented. Well Aulus Hirtius, it is a hard case that you, who by the very benefits of Caesar attained your honour, and were left so well by him that you your selfe must needs wonder, to whom you owe whatsoever accomplishment you are arrived unto, should act so as to procure Dolabella to be condemned; that that poisoner should be freed from the siege; and that Brutus and Cassius should grow most powerfull. And in the same manner do you countenance these affaires as you did the former. You call the tents of Pompei the Senate, you accounted Cicero generall even when he was conquered, you fortifie Macedonia with armies, committed Africa to Varus, who was twice taken, sent Cassius into Syria, suffered Casea to enjoy the Tribune-ship, took the Julian revenues from the Lupercalian officers, abolisht the colonies of the Veterans, deduced by law and the decree of the Senate, promised the Massilienses to restore to them, what you had taken from them by the law of armes. Ye have forgotten that by the Hirian Law no Pompeian that lived should bear any office of dignity, suborned Brutus with the money of Apuleia, ye praised Paetus and Menedemus who were punished with the axe, having had a city bestowed on them; and being made guests of Caesar: you neglected Theopompus who was destitute, and forced to fly from Trebonius into Alexandria, you see Serpius Galba environed in his camp by the same sword-bearer, you have contracted either mine or the Veteran souldiers, as it were to the distru∣ction of them, who had killed Caesar, and before they were aware, had brought them into danger, of the Quaestor or Emperour, or their own fellow-souldiers. In fine what have you not proved or done? what could Pompey himself do if he were alive? or his son if he could be at home? last of all, you deny that a peace can be made unlesse I either send out Brutus, or furnish you with corne. What? doth this please those Veteranes who have all things entire? because you come with flatte∣ring and venemous gifts. But you aid the besieged souldiers. I stick not to let them go whither they please, so they will deliver him to execution, who deserves it. You say a peace was moved in the Senate, and write that five consular Legates were appointed. It is a hard matter for me to believe, that those who would have prceipated me, when I brought conditions of the highest equity; and yet thinking to remit something of them too, will act any thing either moderately or fairly: and it is scarce likely that they who condemned Dolabella for justice, as a crime, would spare us who are of the same opinion. Wherefore rather consider whether it be fitter and more profitable to both sides, to prosecute the death of Caesar, or Trebonius; and whether it be more equal, that we combine, that s•• it may be more easie for us to revive the Pompeian cause, that hath been so often quasht, or to consent, least we become a Ludibriuns to our enemies, to whom, which soever of us prevail, our contention will be a gain. A spestacle that fortune hath avoided to see two armies of one body (Cicero being the fencer) contend, who is so fortunate in his expressions, that he will deceive you in the very same ornaments, in which he gloryed he guld Caesar. For my

part I am resolved neither to to bear my own, nor my Souldiers and friends disgrace; nor to forsake that part that Pompey hated, nor to suffer the veterans to be moved from their colonies, nor to be drawn one by one to execution, nor to betray the faith I have engaged to Dosobella, nor to violate my society with Lepidus, that most just man, nor betray Plancus, the partner in our counsels. If the immortal gods, as I hope they will, shall assist me with my right wits, I will live free. But if other fortune is alotted me, I foreshow you the joy of your own punishments. For if the Pompeians, now being conquered, are so insolent, you shall especially experience what they will be, when they shall become conquerours. To close, the sum of my opinion tends to this: That I could be content to endure the injuries to me and mine, if they would but forget thy were done, or were prepared, together with us, to revenge Caesars death. I belive not that any Embassa∣dours will come; whence the war comes, and, when it comes, what it will require, I would fain know.

When as the Embassadours that were sent from the Senate to Antonius for the set∣ling of a peace, could do no great good in it, the whole people of Rome (even those that did not go to the war) put on their souldiers cassockes: and making a general muster thorough all Italy, the armies of A. Hirtius and Caius Caesar the Proptaetour, were sent against him, [Cicero, Philip. 6, 10, 13. Livy, lib. 118. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 311, 312.] from the undertaking of which Expedition against M. Antonius, Eusebius and Cassiodorus seem to derive the Principality of Caesar Octa∣vianus, assigning unto it, 56 years and 6 moneths.

Caius Antonius was overcome in a battle that was fought by the River Byllis with Cicero's son a Captain of Brutus; and a little after, his souldiers yeilded up both him, and themselves to Brutus, and Brutus a long time very honourably entertained Anto∣nius, even so far, that he did not take from him the ensignes of his Magistracy, [Plu∣tarch in M. Bruto.]

M. Brutus received three Legions of Illyricum, from Vatinius, whom by a decree of the Senate he succeeded in the Province of Illyricum; besides one that he took from Antonius in Macedonia, and four other, which he himself had gathered up; so that in all, he had eight Legions, and in them many of C. Caesars old souldiers. Moreover, he had store of horsemen, and light-harnessed men, and archers, and, praising the Ma∣cedonians, he exercised them after the Italian manner, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632. 633.]

As Brutus was thus gathering souldiers and money, a certain chance out of Thracia offered it self unto him; Polemocratia the wife of a certain King, her husband being slain by his enemies, she being afraid lest some hurt should come to her son, came to Brutus, and commended her son to him, and delivered her husbands treasure to him: he committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be brought up, until he had leisure to re∣store him to his fathers kingdom; in these treasures he found great store of gold and silver, which he coined, [ibid. pag. 633.]

C. Cassius, having seized upon Syria, goeth towards Judea, because he heard that the souldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar, came thither: both those and the Jews also without any great trouble he made of his party, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.] for he circumvented in Palestina Allienus the Lieutenant of Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions, before he was aware of him, and forced him to take his side, Allienus not daring to oppose his four Legions against the others eight: and so he was possessed of 12 Legions in all, more than he looked for, besides some Parthian horsemen, that were archers; for he was in great account with that Nation, ever since the time that he was Quaestor to Crassus, and esteemed by them to be wiser than the General himself, [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623, 624.]

As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought out of Egypt, he wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. 12.] dated on the Nones of March, from the Camp at Tarichaea in Galilee.

C. Cassius Proconsul, sendeth hearty commen∣dations to M. Tullius Cicero.

IF thou art in good health, it is well, I indeed am in health: Know that I am come into Syria to the Generals, L. Murcus, and Q. Crispus; both valiant men, and good citizens, who as soon as they heard what things were done at Rome, delivered the armies over to me: they together with me govern the Commonwealth with a constant resolution. Know also, that the Legion that Q. Caecilius Bassus had, came unto me. Know also, that the four Legions that

A. Allienus brought from Egypt, were delivered over to me by him. I do not think that you want any incouragement, to defend both us being absent, and the Commonwealth, as much as lies in your power: I would have you know, that there is not wanting to you and the Senate strong aides, that thou mayest defend the Commonwealth with great hopes and a constant mind. Other things L. Carteius my familiar friend shall treate with you of.

Farwell.

Dat. the Nones of March, from the Camp at Tarichea.

After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassa, and Crispus, and the rest that would not serve under him, doing them no injury at all: but to Statius Murcus, he left that dignity intire, that he came to him with, and also committed the charge of his Navy to him. Thus Dio, [lib. 47. pag. 343.] although it appeareth out of Cassius his own letters to Cicero, that Crispus firmly adhered to him, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. & 12.]

Cassius exacted from Judea 700 talents of silver, (not of gold, as it is read in the 45 Chapter of the Jewish Histories, set forth in Arabick, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many languages.) But Antipater seeing the Common-wealth in trouble, and fear∣ing Cassius his threats, appointed two of his sons to gather part of the mony, and Malichus a Jew, that was an enemy of his, to gather another part, and some others another part. But Herod bringing first of all an 100 talents from Galilee, which be∣longed to his government, was much in Cassius his favour; for it was accounted wise councel, to seek to get, even then, the favour of the Romens, at the charge of other men: but under the other Governours, the Cities were set to sale, with the inhabi∣tants; of which, four of the chief were, Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma, for the common people of these Cities he put to port sale: he was also so much enra∣ged, that he was about to put Malichus to death, but that Hyrcanus, sending an 100. talents by Antipater, appeased his fury. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 9. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 18.]

Caesar Octavianus finished the war against Antonius, that was committed unto him, in three moneths. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 10.] Which war was so well managed by him about Mutina, when as he was but twenty years old; that Decimus Brutus was freed from besieging, and Antonius was forced to forsake Italy by a dishonourable flight, and without his baggage. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 61.] concerning which battle Cecero is to be consulted in his XIV. Philippicks, and Ser. Galba, who was in the battle, in his letters to him. [lib. 10. ad familiar. epist. 30.] in the beginning of which, he shews that it was fought on the XVII. Kalends of May, so that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to begin the principality of Caesar Octavianus, who have attributed to it 56 years, four moneths, and one day, as may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus, and Clemens Alexan∣drinus, lib. 10. Stromatum, if the errours of the Printer of him be corrected, which there puts the number of the years, 46 for 55.

A. Hirtius the Consul (the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was managed by Julius Caesar) died in the battle: the other Consul Pansa also, a little after, died of his wounds. [Cicero. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 25. Dio. Brutus, ibid. lib. 11, epist. 9. Liv. lib. 119. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2, cap. 61, &c.] From whence in this verse, both T••bullus assignes the birth-day. [lib. 3. Elegye. 5.] and Ovid. [Tristium. lib. 4. Elegic, 10.]

Quum cecidit fato C••nsul utterque pari. When both the Consuls fell with equal Fate.

Both the armies of the slain Consuls obeyed Caesar. [Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

The Senate shewed it self little gratefull to Caesar, who alone survived of the three Generals: who in a Tryumph that was decreed to Decimus brutus, being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar, made no very honourable mention of Caesar and his army. [Livy, l••b. 119. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 62.] Embassadors also being sent to the army, were commanded to speak to the souldiers, when he was out of the way; but the army was not so ungrateful as the Senate was: for when as Caesar dissembling, bare this injury, the souldiers professed they would not hear any commands, except their Ge∣nerall were present, yea, without doubt they had taken the Legions from him, which he had, but that they were afraid openly to decree this, because they were not ignorant of the love of the Souldiers towards Caesar. [Patercul. ibid. Dion. lib. 46. pag. 317, 318.]

The Tarsenses of their own accord called Dolabella into Cilicia, as also them of Laodicea did into Syria. [Cassius Parmensis. ad Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 13.]

Dolabella being about to leave Asia, sent five Cohorts into Chersonesus, to be seized upon by Brutus, without any great hazard (who had five Legions, very good Horse, and great Auxiliaries) [Cicero. lib. ad Brutum, epist. 2. dat. 12. or 14. Kalends of May.] And he himself went out of Asia by land with two Legions; and Lucus Figulus followed him with the navy. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

On the V. Kalends of May, when as there were divers opinions in the Senate, con∣cerning making war upon them, that were adjudged enemies of the State. Servilius, a Tribune of the people, was of opinion that Cassius should make war upon Dolabella, to which Caesar assented; and decreed moreover that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella, if he thought it profitable, and for the good of the Common-wealth; and that he should do what he thought was best for the Common-wealth. But concerning Cassius there was nothing decreed, neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him. [Cicero, lib. ad Brutum, epist. 5.] The reasons of the delay, of which Cassius himself shews in his letters to Cicero. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.]

Dolabella coming into Cilicia, had Tarsus freely yielded unto him, and over∣came also some forces of Cassius his, that were in Egae. [Dion. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

Cassius was then in Palestine, [Id. ibid.] from whence he wrote his second letter to Cicero, dated the Nones of May from the Camp. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.] In which writing concerning the state of his own affairs, he saith. All the armies that were in Syria I now possesse. I made some stop, whilst I paide the Souldiers those things I pro∣mised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me. And then exhorting Cicero that he would defend the dignity, both of his Souldiers, and also of the Generals, Murcus and Crispus, he adds. I have heard by letters that were written, that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his forces; I will go into Cilicia, whatsoever I shall do, I will do my en∣deavour to give you speedy notice of it; I willingly wish, that we may deserve well of the Common-wealth, and so we shall be happy.

As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus practiced Antipaters death, supposing by his death, they should more firmly provide for the security of Hyrcanus his government: whose counsels Antipater having an inckling of, went beyond Jordan and gathered an army, both of the inhabitants there, and of the Arabians: but Malichus being a politick man, denied that he intended any treason, swearing before Antipater and his sons, that never any such thing came into his minde, especially seeing that Phasa∣clus had a Garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the army at his command: and so was reconciled to Antipater, Murcus being President of Syria, who afterward under∣standing that Malichus went about to make some innovations in Italy, there wanted but little, that he had put him to death, but spared him at the intreaty of Anti∣pater, [Josoph. lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 18.]

Cassius and Murcus, having gathered an army, made Herod Governour of all Coe∣losyria; and delived to him great forces both of Foot and Horse and Ships at sea: and promised him also the kingdom of Judea, after the war was ended that they had had against Antonius and young Caesar, [Id. ibid. cap. 19.]

Cassius made many Tyrants in Syria. Marion also the Tyrant of the Tyrians be∣ing left by Cassius, exercised tyranny in Syria; and disposing Garrisons there, seized upon three Castles in Galilee that confined upon it, [Joseph. lib. belli. 1. cap. 10. & lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 21.]

A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius the Lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dola∣bella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus, and that his army was routed: whose Greek Epistle concerning which businesse, Brutus sent to Cicero, the XVII Kalends of June, [lib. ad Brutum, epist. 6.] but it was a false report.

For Dolabell•• passing out of Asia into Cilicia, from thence went into Syria: where being refused to enter into Antiochia by the Garrison that defended the City, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.] he many times ••tempted to enter it by force, but was alwayes repulsed with losse. Wherefore having lost about an 100 men, and leaving behind him many sick, he fled by night from Antiochia towards Laodicea. That night almost all the souldiers that he had enrolled in Asia lest him, of whom, some returned to An∣tioch, and yeilded themselves to them, that Cassius had left there to command the City; some came down the Hill Amanus into Cilicia, of which number 30 came into Pamphilia, who said it was reported, that Cassius with all his Forces was but four dayes journey, just at the time when Dolabella was coming thither, [P. Lentulus, ad Cicero. lib. ad familiar. epist. 15.]

Dolabella having intelligence concerning Cassius his forces, came to Laodicea a City that was his friends, seated in a Peninsula, and where it looked toward the Continent, well fortified, and towards the Sea, having an Haven very convenient for bringing in provision abundantly, and also very opportune for sailing whensoever or wheresoever

they would go out. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.] This City he took without any assault, the citizens truly yeilding themselves to him, for the love they bare to the former Caesar, [Dio. l••b. 47. pag. 344.]

At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus his house, Malichus corrupting the Kings Butler, poisoned Antipater, and gathering a band of souldiers, seized upon the Government of the City: but Phasaelus and Herod being grievously incensed, Malichus stifly denied all things. But Herod had a great mind presently to re∣venge his fathers death, and to raise an army for that purpose; but Phasaelus thought it better to circumvent him with policy, lest he should seem to be the beginner of a civil war: he therefore accepting of his justifications, made as though he did believe, that he was not conscious of his fathers death, and set himself to furnish the Monument that he had built for his father, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 19.]

Mean while, Herod coming to Samaria, and finding it in a desperate estate, restor∣ed the same, and pacified the dissentions that were among the inhabitants; and not long after the feast of Pentecost approaching, he also came into the City of Jerusalem with souldiers: of whom Malichus being afraid, perswaded Hyrcanus not to suffer him to enter: which thing Hyrcanus did, saying, that amongst the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixt multitude of profane men: But Herod making small ac∣count of this denial, entred the City by night, and mightily terrified Malichus. Where∣upon, according to his wonted dissimulations, he openly bewailed with teares the death of Antipater as his great friend: wherefore it was thought meet by Herods friends to take no notice of this dissembling, but curtuously again to entertain Mali∣chus: but Herod by letters certified Cassius of his fathers death; and he that very well knew what conversation Malichus was of, wrote back unto Herod, that he might re∣venge his fathers death, and secretly also gave order to the Tribunes that were at Tyre, that they should be aiding to Herod in his so just undertakings, [Id. ibid. cap. 19. & 20.]

In Gallia, the IIII Kalends of June, M. Lepidus joyned himself with M. Antonius. [Plancus ad Ciceron. lib. 10. ad familiar. epist. 23.]

D. Lentulus, the Proquestor of Asia, and Propretour extraordinary, when he saw that Brutus foreslowed his coming inro Asia, and that Dolabella was departed out of Asia, he thought it best for him to return as soon as he could out of Macedonia to his office, that he might exact the tribute that was behind, and gather up the mony that he had left there, and send it to Rome: but in the mean while, as he was sailing about the Islands, it was told him, that the Navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia, (al. Lycia) and that the Rhodians had many ships furnished, and already lanched: wherefore he, with those ships that he had, or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetour of Asia had provided, returned to Rhodes, trusting to the Decrte of the Senate, by which Dolabella was adjudged an enemy, and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians; but so far off was it, that the Proquestors would strengthen his Navy with their convoy, that by the Rhodians, the souldiers were forbidden to come into the City, or Port, or Rode, yea, they were kept from provision of victuals, yea, water it self, and very hardly themselves were admitted into the City, with each his cock-boat. But Lentulus being brought into their City, and the Senate, could obtain nothing of them: of which both in his publick letters to the Senate, as in his private to Cicero, be greatly complained. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14, 15.]

Whilst that Lentulus and Patiscus were deteined at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the Lieutenants of Dolabella, knowing of their coming, presently departed from the Navy from Cilicia, (al. Lycia) and fled way in a Gally; leaving their ships of burden, for the gathering together of which▪ they had spent much time. There were of these above an hundred, and the least of them were of 2000 Tuns in burden, which Dolabella had provided for this purpose, that if his hopes of Syria and Egypt were frustrated, that he might go aboard them with all his Souldiers, and all his mony, and go directly into Italy, and joyn himself with the two Antonies that were brethren: therefore Lentulus and Patiscus coming thither from Rhodes, with the ships that they had, took all those ships of burden, and restored them to the right owners. From thence they pursued the Navy that fled as far as Sida, the utmost country of the Pro∣vince of Asia, whither they knew that some of Dolabella's fleet were fled, and that the rest were sailed into Syria and Cyprus, (al. Egypt) which being scattered, when Len∣tulus heard that Cassius had a very great fleet that was ready prepared in Syria, he re∣turned to his office. [P. Lentul. ut supra.]

But Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis from the sea coast of the Province of Asia, and from all the Islands they could, got together a fleet: they presently got Marriners to∣gether, though the cities were very disobedient: They pursued the fleet of Dolabella, which Lucilius commanded; who putting them in hope that he would yield, yet never slacking his sailing, at last he came to Corycus in Pamphilia, and there burning

the Haven kept himself within: wherefore they leaving Corycus, thought it better to come into Cassius his Camp, and because another Fleet that Tullius Cimber had pro∣vided the year before in Bithynia, of which Turulius the Quaestour was Admiral, fol∣lowed them, and so they came to Cyprus, [Cassi. Parmensis, ad Ciceron. lib. 12. ad fami∣liar. epist. 13.]

Concerning the affairs of Dolabella, and of his coming to the City of Laodicea, there are extant two Epistles written to Cicero [in lib. 12. ad familiar.] viz. the fourteenth from P. Lentulus, from Pamphylia, the fourth Nones of June (not Ka∣lends) as manifestly appears, out of the following Epistle to the Senate, to which that refers us, which was dated at Perga, and the thirteeneth that was afterwards sent from Cassius on the Ides of June from Cyprus. In the first he thus related the straites that Do∣labella was in, being received into Laodicea. I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither hath he any place to flee to, nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius hath. The other Epistle of Cassius (if I be not mistaken) Parmensis, who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar, and wrote that taunting letter to Octavianus, mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio. cap. 4. not of Cassius Longinus, who then bare the title of Proconsul of Syria; ef whom also he makes mention in the end of this Epistle: where also we have more exactly represented by him, the condition of Dolabellas Camp in these words. The Tarsenses, very bad allies, and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad, of their own accord sent for Dolabella: from both which cities, by a number of Greek souldiers, he hath gotten a kind of an army; he hath placed his Camp before the city of Laodicea, and hath broken down part of the wall; and so joyned his Camp to the Town. Our Cassius with ten Legions, and twenty companies of Auxiliaries, and 4000 Horse, hath his Camp at Palium within twenty miles, and he thinkes he may overcome him without once striking stroke; for wheat is now at three tetradarachmes in Dolabella his Camp, and unlesse he hath gotten some supply by the shipping of Laodicea, he must of necessity shortly perish by famine; but that he cannot supply himself, a great Navy that Cassius hath, which Quintilius Rufus commands, those that I, Turulius, and Patiscus, have brought, will easily perform.

When as Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good power, especially his Navy, following him so suddenly out of Asia, he went to the Aradians to receive from them both money and shipping: in which place being surprised with a few, he brought his condition into great danger; for as he fled, he met with the army of Cassius, and being overcome in fight by him, he retired to Laodicea, [Dion. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

Cassius, fearing that Dolabella might escape from thence, raised a Rampire two furlongs in length crosse the Isthmus, with stones and materials brought from the Vil∣lages that were without the City, and from Sepulchres; and by his messengers desired ships from Phoenicia, Lycia, and Rhodes: but being flighted of all of them, except the Sidonians, he ingaged in a Sea-fight with Dolabella, in which, after the losse of many ships on both sides, five together with all the Mariners were taken by Dolabella, [Ap∣pian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

Then Cassius again sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands, and to Cleopatra the Queen of Egypt, and to Serapion that commanded her Forces in Cyprus. The Tyrians and Aradians, and Serapion, without the Queens advice, sent as many ships as they had: but the Queen excusing her self that the Egyptians were troubled both with famine and pestilence, sent no aid at all, [Id. ibid. lib. 5. pag. 675.] The Rhodians also and the Lycians, denied they would help any thing toward the civil wars; for even those ships that they had given to Dolabella, were but to this purpose, to convoy him; but they knew not whether he used them in war or no, [Id. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

The Tarsenses endeavoured to keep Tullius Cimber (who was also one of Caesars murderers) from passing the mountain Taurus, as he was hastening to Cassius aid: but by and by being surprised with fear, they, leaving the passages, thinking Cimber had great Forces with him, made an agreement with him: but when afterwards they understood the smallnesse of his Forces, they neither received him into their City, nor supplied him with provision; therefore Cimber thinking it better, to carry his aid to Cassius, than to assault Tarsus, having built a Fort against them, he went into Syria. But the Tarsenses went thither with souldiers, and having seized upon the Castle, they turned their armes against the City Adana, (which being near to them, they alwayes had a controversie with) because they said they favoured Cassius his party: of which Cassius being certified, sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345.]

Cassius, having repaired his Fleet as well as he could, after Statius Murcus with the Navy that he had gotten together was come, twice again fought with Dolabella at Sea; the first upon equal losse on both sides, but in the second fight he had much the better: by land also, having perfected his Rampire, he brough the Ram•• to the

walls. Dolabella being thus shut up from bringing of any necessaries either by sea or land, for very want of provision made a sally, but was presently beaten back into the Town. [Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Casslus, whenas he could not corrupt with money the watch by night, whom Mar∣sus commanded, corrupted them that kept guard by day whom Quintius commanded, so that whilst Marsus slept by day, he is let in by some lesser ports, the city being taken, Dolabella offered his throat to cut to one of his guard, commanding him that when he had cut off his head, he should provide for his own safety: he did as he was com∣manded, but withall cut his own throat. [Appian. ibid. cum lib, 5. pag. 673.] We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca, that Deillias (or Q. De••lias the Historian) was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius, to agree for his own safety, if he should kill Dolabella.

And thus Dolabella was forced to death by Cassius at Laodicea, [Livy lib. 12. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 752. Vellei, Prtercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Dio. lib. 47, pag. 345. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] with whom Marsus also laid violent hands upon himself. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.] and also M. Octavins the Lieutenant of Dolabella, Cassius afforded them buriall, although they cast out Trebonius unburied, and those also that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave them quarter and impunity, neither punished he them of Laodicea any more, than by imposing a sum of money upon them, [Dio. ut supra.] although Appian saith that he plundred both the temples and treasury, and exacted very grievous tribute of the rest, and that he put to death every noble man, so that he brought the city to most extream misery. [pag. 625. 626.]

Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella, to take the military oath to him. [App. ibid. pag. 625.] and then went to Tarsus, and seeing the Tarsenses had already yeilded to Rufus, he amerced them in all the private, and publick money, and laid no other punishment upon them. [Dio. ut supra. pag. 345.] but he laid a most heavy tax upon them of 1500 talents, whereupon for want of money, they, when the souldiers violently exacted it, were fain to fell all their publick and sacred ornaments, breaking down the pageants and the dedicated things, and when these were not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were free born, first virgins and boyes, afterwards wo∣men and old men were sold for very little, and after that young men of whom many killed themselves. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Whenas after the taking of Laodicea, the governours came from every place toge∣ther, bringing Crownes and presents to Cassius: Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder committed on his father Antipater, but he concei∣ving a suspicion of this thought to make the Phaenicians about Tyre to undertake some greater matters; and because his sonne was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steale him away privately into Judea: and whilst Cassius was busied in the war against Antonius, to stir the Nation of the Jews to revolt from the Romans, and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the Kingdome for himself: but Herod being politick, having understood of the treachery, invites both him and Hyrcanus with their com∣panion to supper; at which time he sent one of his servants under colour to provide for the banquet, but indeed he sent him to the Tribunes, that they might set upon Malichus with their weapons, they mindfull of the commands of Cassius, went forth, and finding him neer the city on the shoar, ran him through and killed him, at which Hyrcanus being astonished, fell in a swoune, and being scarcely come to himself, he asked who killed Malichus, and when one of the Tribunes answered, that it was done by Cassius his command, he said, truly Cassius hath preserved me and my country, in killing him that was a traitour to both, but whether herein, he spake as he thought, or through fear approved the fact, it is uncertain. [Joseph. lib. bell. cap. 9. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20.]

The day before the Kalends of July, M. Lepidus is judged an enemy of the state, (for entertaining of Antonius) and also the rest that had revolted from the common∣wealth; but yet there was power given to come in before the Kalends of September, thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius the kinsman of Lepidus, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 10.] adding this moreover. We had gallantly overcome, had not Lepidus, en••rtained Antonius after he was pillaged, disarmed and flying, wherefore Antonius was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus, he raised war from a commonwealth that was in troubles, but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet.

In the same epistle Cicero sheweth that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the camp the Nones of March, in which he s••gnified that he held Syria, and that he prepared for his expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella, but of the successe of the expedition, and of the mischance of Dolabella, as yet there was no newes at Rome: he had written to Caesar of his returning into favour, as in likemanner Brutus had done to the Senate concerning the state of affaires. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.] for Brutus him∣self also, in his letters sent to Caesar, perswaded him to resist Antonius, and to agree

with him, [id. ibid. pag. 340.] but in his letters to Cicero, he declared another manner of courage, for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar; that there was one thing desired and expected from him, that he would let those citizens live in quiet, whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of. Brutus in a rage wrote thus back again to Cicero; What if he will not, shall we not be? it is better not to l••ve, than to live by his means. I, by my troth, do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that Octavius must be intreated for the safety of one private Citizen, I will not say for the deliverers of the whole World. [lib. ad Brutum. epist. 16.]

The Senate being being certified of the affairs of Cassius, confirmed unto him the government of Syria, (which he then held) and committed to his care the war against Dolabella, (which they knew to have been already ended) [Dio, lib. 47. pag. 343, 344.] And so all governments beyond sea are committed to the disposal of Brutus and Cassius: and there was a command likewise, that all the Provinces and armies from the Ionian sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to these two: and moreover, appointing all things that they had done, and praising those armies that had yielded unto them, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. cap. 62, cum Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567, 568.]

Octavius, seeing the acts of the Senate manifestly to tend to the advantage of the Pompeian party, and to the detriment of the Caesarians; and thinking it a disgrace to him, that Decimus Brutus, and not he, was chosen General, for the war against Antonius: hiding his discontent, he demanded a Triumph for the victory at Mutina: and being slighted by the Senate, as though he demanded greater matters than were fit for his age; and fearing least that if Antonius should be utterly van∣quished, he should be the more slighted, he began to have some thoughts of agreeing with him, according to the advice of Pansa, upon his death-bed. [Appian, lib. 3. pag. 568.] Which agreement with him was made by M. Lepidus. [Liv. lib. 119. Oros. 6. cap. 18.]

Between these three therefore there was a society of power begun, by the com∣merce of letters that passed between them, and mention of conditions made in them: and when Antonius warned Caesar, how great enemies the Pompeian party were to him, and to what an height they were come, and how Brutus and Cassius were extol∣led by the means of Cicero. He declared unto him, that he would joyn his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were Commanders of 17 Legions, if he refused his alliance. He said moreover, that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father, then he the death of his friend: and by the advise and intreaty of the armies, there was an affinity made between Antonius and Caesar, the daughter in law of Antonius, being betroathed to Caesar, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 65.] to wit, Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P. Clodius, who was scarce marriagable. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 62.]

When the agreement was made with M. Antonius, M. Lepidus, Octavianus sent 400 Souldiers to Rome, to demand the Consuls ship for him in the name of the army: and when the Senate made some doubt, Cornelius a Ce••tn••ion, the chief man of that message, casting his souldiers coat behind him, and shewing his swords hilt, stuck not to say openly in the Court, This shall do it, if you will not do it: and being compelled by his Souldiers, went towards Rome with them. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 26. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 582. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 319.]

Whilest he was in his journy, the Praetors placed guards in divers places of the city, and seized upon Janiculum, with a guard of souldiers they had already in the city, and with two Legions that had come from Africa. But when he was entred the city, the Praetors came down from Janiculum, and yielded both themselves and their souldiers unto him. The Legions of their own accord delivering their Ensignes unto him. [Appian. ut supra. 584, 585. Dio. pag. 320.] And in the moneth of August, the Legions that were brought from Janiculum, followed the conduct and protection of Octavian; as it is in the Decree of the Senate in Macrobius. [lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.]

In the first day of the chusing of Consuls, as Octavian was taking a••gury in Mars his field, there appeared six Vultures to him, and there being created Consul, and speak∣ing to the Souldiers out of the Rostra, there appeared again six, or as some say, twelve Vultures, as there did to Romulus in his Auguries, when he was about to build Rome, from whence he conceived hope that the Monarchy should come to him. [Juli••s Obsequens, de Prodigiis, Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 95. Appian. 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320.] He being chosen consul, with him, they fled also to Quintus Pedius his colleague; who gave him his portion out of the inheritance of Julius Caesar. [Vell••i. Patercul. lib. 2. ca. 95. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320.]

Livius faith he was created Consul, when he was but XIX. years old. [lib. 119,] but Suetonius more freely wrote that he invaded the Consulship in the XX. year of

his age [in Octavio. cap. 16.] and Eurropius in his 7 book, which also Plutarch confirms out of Octavianus his own commentaries, thus writing in Brutus, his army being planted about the city, he received the Consul-ship, being scarce come to mans estate being but twenty yeares old, as he relates in his own commentaries; that he was made Consul, the day before he was twenty years old, on the X Kalends of October, Velleius Paterculus wrote, [lib. 2. cap. 65.] but yet Velleius was mistaken in the assigning the day of his entring upon the Consulship, for there wanted an whole month and five daies for the full compleating of the twentieth year of Octavianus, for neither in the month of September in which he was borne, but in August he first obteined the Consulship, from whence the month Sextilis was called August, as it is man fest out of Suetonius, [in Octavio. cap. 31. Dion. lib. 55. pag. 552,] and from the decree of the Senate produced out of Macrobius. [lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.]

And indeed Dio noted that on the 19 day of the month of August, he was both made Consul the first time, and that he died the same day. [lib. 56. pag. 590.] from whence the observation of the overcurious in Tacitus, [lib. 1. Annal. cap. 9.] arose: that the same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the Empire, and the last of his life, his empire being not ill derived from this first Consul-ship, which he extorted from the Senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, [lib. 1. Annal. cap. 10.] and laid it down at his own pleasure; although in dissimulation he gave thanks to the Senate; and ••eig∣ned that he aceounted it a benefit, that those things that he extorted by force, as if they were offered to him of their own accord; and the Senatours bragged, that they had conferred these things upon him of their own accord: and this moreover they gave to him, whom they vouchsafed not the Consul-ship, that after his Consul-ship should be ended, as often as ever he went to the army, he should alwaies have precedency of the Consuls, and they commanded the other armies to obey him, whom they threat∣ned to punish, because he had gathered forces by his own private authority, and they added also the Legions of Brutus, for disgrace of whom, and for the repressing of whom, the war against Antonius was committed to him; in short the custody of the city was given to his charge, and it was granted withall, that he should have power, even without any prescript form of law, to do whatsoever he would, [Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321.] this power, that he reteined during his life, he bare 56 whole yeares, so that, not with∣out cause Brutus thus gave Cicero this admonition, [in lib. ad Brutum. epist. 4.] I am afraid, least your Caesar will think himself gotten so high by your decrees, that he will scarce come down again, if he be once made Consul.

Octavianus not being content with the former adoption made by the testament of Julius Caesar, got it to be confirmed by a decree of the people, (which Antonius had hindred the year before) in a ful assembly of their wards, and then he took upon him by publick authority the name of C, Julius Caesar Octavianns. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 586, Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321. 322.]

And presently after by another law newly preferred he absolved Dolabella, (of whose death as yet there was no news brought to Rome,) who was by the Se∣nate adjudged an enemy of the state: and appointed processe for the death of Caesar, [Appian. ibid.] and that it might be thought, that he did nothing by force, but by law, Quintus Paedius his Col••eague in the Consul-ship made the law Paedia; which decreed that all they, that had any hand in the murther of Caesar, should be banished, and their goods confiscate, [Livy lib. 120. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Sueton. in Ne∣rone. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 322.] he appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus, and M. Agrippa, to accuse C. Cassius: who being absent were condemned without any hearing of their cause [Plu••arch. in M. Bruto.] Capito the Eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of the Senatours order, subscribed to M. Agrippa against C. Cassius, [Vellei. Patercul. nt supra.]

Decimus Brutus one of the murderers also of Caesar, being absent was also condem∣ned: by the command of M. Antonius, in the house of a certain guest of his, a noble man, by name Camelius, was slain by Capenus a Burgundian a year and an half after the death of Caesar, [Livy. lib. 120. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 64. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 588. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] whom although Cicero saith that he excelled in this kind of vertue, [lib. 11. ad familiar. epist. 21.] that he never was afraid, nor ever disturbed, yet Seneca declares [in epist. k8.] that he betraied a base fear in undergoing death, for the removing of which fear, Helvius Blasio, a man who alwaies loved him, because they were alwaies souldiers together, killed himself, he looking upon him, animating him by his example to endure the taking of his death, [Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325.] Camelius sent the head of dead Brutus to Antonius, who when he had looked upon it, delivered it to his friends to bury it. [Appian. ut supra.]

He was the next that suffered punishment after Trebonius, for the murder of Caesar, whose murderer he was, when as he was the chiefest of his friends, and he thought it fit, to keep those things that he had received from Caesar, but that Caesar must die, who

gave them him; for whilst Caesar lived he was the Master of the Horse, and comman∣ded the farther Gallia. He was also elected Consul by him, in the year next after the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, and Governour also of the hither Gallia, [Vellei. Pa∣tercul. & Appian. ut supr.]

At the same time also, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by his own servants, because in his anger he had guelded some of them, [Appian. & Oros. ut supr.]

M. Brutus, [Year of the World 3962] when he had appeased the army that was like to mutiny by the perswa∣sion of C. Antonius, and had left Antonius himself at Apollonia in the custody of one C. Clodius, he went into the higher Macedonia with the greatest and strongest part of his army, and from thence passed on into Asia, that having drawn them as far from Italy as he could, he might then maintain, them by the help of those that were under his authority. Here in Asia he provided himself of many Auxiliaries, as also of Dejo∣tarus, a man that was now very old, and who formerly had denied aid to C. Cassius, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 340, 341.]

M. Antonius, and M. Lepidus, leaving their Lieutenants in Gallia, went to Caesar in∣to Italy with the greatest and best part of the army, [Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325.] whose three armies heing mustred together at Bononia, an Eagle sitting upon the Tent of Caesar, beate two crowes that troubled her to the ground, all the army marking it, and presaging, that some time or other there would a difference arise between the Collea∣gues, and that Caesar would get the Victory of them both, [Id. lib. 47. pag. 328. Sue∣ton. in Octavio. cap. 96.]

These three, at Confluences, about Bononia and M••tina, in a certain little Island that is made by the River Lavinius, had private conference for three dayes together, and so made peace amongst themselves, that they should joyntly order the common∣wealths affaires for the space of five yeares, [Liv. 120. Florus, l••b. 4. cap. 6. Plu∣tarch, in Cicerone & Antonio. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 589, 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag 325, 326.]

Here by a common decree they appointed these things: That Caesar should deli∣ver over the Consulship to Ventidius for the remainder of the year; and that a new Magistracy of the Triumviri for the avoiding all civil dissentions should be created; and that Lepidus with Antonius and Caesar, should beare the office for five years with consular power. That the Triumviri should forthwith be annual Magistrates for the city for five years. That the Provinces should be so divided, that, Antonius should have all Gallia, as well Togata on this side the Alpes, as Comata on the other side; except the Province of Narbon. That Lepidus should have the command of this, together with Spain. That Africa, together with Sardinia and S••cilia should fall to Caesars share. And thus was the Roman Empire divided among the Triumviri; de∣ferring the division of the beyond sea Provinces, over which Brutus and Cassius com∣manded. Moreover it was agreed amongst them that they should put to death their enemies, and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen Consul in the room of Decimus Brutus, and that he should have the Guard of Rome and all Italy; and that Antonius and Caesar should carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 326.]

On the third day, the Triumviri entred Rome, every one apart with his Praetorian cohort, and one Legion. When Publius Titius the Tribune of the people, calling an assembly of the Wards, made a law for the creating a new Magistracy, that the Tri∣umviri for the setling of the common-wealth might govern for five years space with consular authority, [Appian. ibid. 592, 593. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 328.]

M. Cicero, upon the coming of the Triumviri, went out of the city, being assured, which also came to passe, that he could no more scape Antonius, than B••utus and Cas∣sius could escape Caesar, [Livius, apud Senecam, in orat. Suasoria. 7.]

M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antonius, and Caesar Octavianus, the V Kalends of De∣cember, began the Triumvirate, the same was to continue to the dayes before the Ka∣lends of January which were to be six in number (or of the sixth year following) as appeareth out of the Colotian Marble. [in inscription Gruteri, pag. CCXCVIII.] in which time M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads: and from thence Suetonius [in Octavio. cap. 8.] and Eutropius, [lib. 7.] derive the beginning of the Prin∣cipality of Caesar Octavianus; reckoning almost XII years before the Victory at Actium, from which they begin his Monarchy, to which there were almost 3 moneths wanting.

The VII Ides of the December of that year, in which Caesar Octavianus substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for Consuls in the room of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Ci∣cero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antonius, as the Author of the Dia∣logue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms out of the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Ciceros, ascribed to corn. Tacitus. This was the end of his life, who was the

first that in peace deserved the Triumph and Laurel of the Tongue, and was the fa∣ther of Eloquence and Latine Learning, and (as Caesar the Dictatour wrote formerly of him) that he had obtained a Laurel far beyond all Triumphs, by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman Wit, than of the Empire, [Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30.] concerning whom those things are to be seen, which are in Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 66. Seneca in Suasorus, orat. VII. and Plutarch in the end of his Cicero,]

Cleopatra, brought no aid to Cassius, although he demanded Auxiliaries of her with threats, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 675.]

Whilst Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola laid plots against him, and in Mace∣donia his brother Marcus, sending some for this purpose, endeavoured to get Caius Antonius out of his power; wherefore Caius Clodius that was left Antonius his keeper, when he could not keep him safely, put him to death, using therein his own authority, or by Brutus his command. It is reported, that when Brutus had a great care for the safe∣ty of Antonius, after he understood of Brutus his death, took no more care of him: yet he punished not Gellius, although convict of Treason against him; for seeing that Brutus alwayes accounted him amongst the chiefest of his friends, and also knew that Marcus Messala his brother was very neer allied to Cassius, he let him alone, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 341.]

Brutus as soon as he understood the endeavour of M. Antonius and the death of Caius Antonius, fearing lest there should arise some innovation in Macedonia, went in all haste into Europe, [Id. ibid.]

The Triumviri at Rome decreed a Temple to Isis and Serapis, [ibid, pag. 336.]

When Octavianus had resigned the Consulship, and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the Triumviri created Consul P. Ventidius (Bassa) the Praetor, with one C. Curtinus; as may be understood from the inscription in Gruterus, pag. CCXCVII. out of the Colatian marble; and delivered the Praetorship to one that was Aedile, and afterwards deprived all the P••aetours of their magistracy, which office they were to beare five dayes longer; and sending them into Provinces, substituted others in their rooms, [ibid. pag. 335.] whither is to be referred that of Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 65.] This year saw Ventidius, both Consul and Praetor in that city, thorough which he was led in Triumph to Picencium amongst the captives; concerning whom, being led in Triumph, Valerius Maximus is to be consulted, (lib. 6. cap. 9. and A. Gellius, lib. 15. cap. 4. Plinius, lib. 7. cap. 43.) where also he addeth, That he got his living when he was a young man very basely, by providing mules and coaches for the Magistrates that were to go into the Provinces: whereupon these Verses were commonly written thorough all the wayes of the streets.

Concurrite omnes Augures, Aruspices, Portentum inusitatum confl••tum est recens; Nam mulos qui fricabat, Consul factus est.

You Augurs, and Auruspices draw neer, We have an uncouth wonder happ'nd here; He that rub'd mules doth Salve Consul hear.

In the end of the year, those that were newly elected Consuls Triumphed; L. Muna∣tius Plancus for Gallia, IIII Kalends of January, and M. Emilius Lepidus the Triumvir for Spain, the day before the Kalends of January; as appeareth out of the Marble Re∣cords of Triumphs, [in inscr••pt. Gruter. pag. CCXCVII.] Vid. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 67. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 607.

In the fourth Julian year, [The Julian Period. 4672] there was a day in February falsly intercalated; [Year before Christ 42] seeing that from the February of the first Julian year until that time, there had passed but the space of three years onely: which errour had continued unto the 37 Julian year; for whereas they ought to intercalate one day, which is made of four quarters, every fourth year being ended before the fifth should begin; the Priests did not intercalate it the fourth year being ended, but beginning; and so the year that was rightly order∣ed by Julius Caesar, by their negligence was disturbed and disordered, [Sueton. in Octa∣vio. cap. 31. Macrobius lib. Saturnal. cap. 14. fin.]

M. Brutus, having setled all things in Macedonia, went back again into Asia, [Dio. lib. 47. pag, 341.] and having carried a great army thither, he provided a Fleet in Bithynia, and at Cyzicum: he went by land and setled all the cities, and heard the complaints of the Governours. [Plutarch, in Bruto.] He set Apuleius that fled to him from the proscription of the Triumviri, over Bythinia, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 616.]

The Epistles of Brutus, which he wrote in a Laconick stile te them of Asia, are extant: which Aldus set forth in Greek, and Ranutius Florentius translated and set forth in Latine, Plutarch recites three of them in his Life: The first whereof to the Pergamenians, is to be seen in the beginning of the Collection already published, ano∣ther to the Rhodians shall here following be exhibited by us; the third and shortest of all, inscribed in the published Greek Copie to the Bythinians, in the Latin Copy of Ranutius to the Galatians: and in Plutarch to the Samians, is after this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Your councel is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow: what do you think will bethe end of these things?

Cassius intended to go into Egypt, having heard that Cleopatra was gone with a great navy to Caesar and Antonius, supposing that by this means he might both hinder and punish; and also desiring to prevent her, being afflicted with famine, and almost without any forraign aide, by reason of the sudden departure of Allie∣nus, with four Roman Legions. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625. cum. lib. 5. pag. 675.]

He hoping that he should have a fit occasion for this enterprize, Brutus recalled him into Syria, by messenger after messenger. [Id. ibid. Plutarch in M. Bruto.] And being thus withdrawn from the hopes he had in Egypt, he sent again light Horse men, and not without bribes to the King of the Parthians, and sent Lieutenants also with them, to demand greater aides. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Cassius, leaving his brothers son in Syria with one Legion, sent his Horse men be∣fore him into Cappadocia; who suddenly set upon Ariobarzanes, who took away great store of mony, and other provision. But Cassius returning from Syria, took pity on the Tarsenses, most miserably oppressed, and quitted them from paying any tributes for the future. [Id. ibid. pag. 626.] And his affairs being thus setled in Syria and Cilicia, he went into Asia to Brutus. [Dion, lib. 47. pag. 345. fin.]

After Cassius was gone out of Syria, there arose a sedition at Jerusalem, for Faelix, who was left there (by Cassius) with souldiers, in revenge of Malichus his death, set upon Phasaelus, and the people took up arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the Go∣vernour of Damascus; and having a mind to help his brother, was hindred by sick∣nesse. Notwithstanding, Phasaelus getting the better of Phaelix, first forced him into the Town, and agreeing upon quarter, suffered him to go out: but he was very angry with Hyrcanns, that after the receipt of so many benefits from him, he did favour Faelix, and suffered the brother of Malichus to seize upon some Castles; for he held many, and amongst the rest Massada, a most strong piece. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20.]

Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident at the meeting together at Smyrna, in consideration of both their forces there present: for when as they went out of Italy, poor, and without arms, in manner of most abject exiles, who had not so much as one ship rigged, not one Souldier, nor one Town to friend: in a little time they met toge∣ther with a fleet, and were furnished with Horse and Foot, and mony to pay them, fit to fight for the Roman Empire. Cassius desired to have the same honour with Brutus, and to give him the like, but commonly Brutus prevented him, coming often unto him, because he was the elder, and of a body so fit to endure labour as he was [Plutarch in M. Bruto.]

Here both of them ordered their councels for the war they were to undertake against the Triumviri. [Livy, lib. 122.] and truly Brutus opinion was to go into Ma∣cedonia, with their joynt forces, and to put all upon a general battle; for now the enemy had 40 Legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. On the contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible, and that they would want provision for so great a multitude: the best way was to quell the favourers of the adverse faction, as the Rhodians and Lycians, who were strong at sea, least whilst they were setting upon the enemy, they should come upon them behind them; and this opinion prevailed, [Appian. lib. 4. pag, 626.] for they heard say that the Triumviri were busie about setling their affairs at Rome, and they supposed they should have work enough, Sextus Pompeius keeping the rode against them in Sicily, that was so near. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346,]

Moreover, then at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the mony, of which Cassius had great store: for he declared that he had spent all that he had in providing of a fleet, by which they might have the whole inland sea with their com∣mand. But yet Cassius his friends were against his giving him any; denying it was just, that, that we had saved through parsimony, and had gotten together with ill will, should be spent in bribing the Souldiers; yet he bestowed a third part of all things upon him; and so both of them went to their own charge. [Plutarch,]

When they, either going about themselves, or sending their Lieutenants, drew to their side, those that were not of the same opinion with them, and got together both men and money, they doing this, all those that lived in those parts, and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came in to them; only Ariobarzanes, and the Rho∣d••ans and Lycians, although they did not resist them, yet denied to enter into society with them, these Brutus and Cassius had in suspicion, as though they favoured the ad∣verse party, because they had received so many favours from the former Caesar; and fearing least in their absence they should raise some stirs, and incite the rest not to keep their promise, they determined first of all to set upon them: hoping that they, to whom, they were superiour in power, and on whom they would bestow favours, would easily be brought either by perswasion, or force, into amity with them. [Dio. ut supra.]

As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus, and took from him all the Castles that he had seized upon, and himself also in Massada, whom he let go free upon composition, he also recovered three Castles that were sei∣zed upon by Masion, the Tyrant of the Tyrians in Galilee, but gave quarter to all the garrison souldiers of the Tyrians; and sent some of them home well rewarded, by this meanes getting himself the love of the city, and hatred of the Tyrant. [Joseph. lib. 1. belli. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20. 21.]

The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commanded by the Triumviti; and hopes given them that they should receive something, ••or the losses they had su∣stained, of them also Cleopatra obteined, in respect of the aid she had sent to Dola∣bella, that her son, by name Ptolomaeu••, whom she said she had by Caesar, and there∣fore called Caesarion, should be called King of Egypt. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345.]

Brutus demanded men and money of the Lycians, but because Naucrates, an Ora∣tour (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) had compelled the cities to a revolt; and they had seated them∣selves upon some hillocks to keep Brutus from passing ever; first he sent his horse a∣gainst them, as they were at dinner, by whom there were 600 put to death, afterwards taking some Castles, and smaller Townes, he let them all go free without ransome, that he might get the favour of the nation, but they being refractory, and disconten∣ted for the losses they had received, despised his clemency and good will. [Plutarch. in Bruto.]

Brutus overcame in battle the common army of the whole nation of the Lycians, and possessed their camp also, entring it with them that fled; and had many cities yeilded unto him. [Dio. lib. 47, pag. 347.]

Then he besieged the most warlike of them, having forced them within the walls of Xanthum [Plutarch.] they having levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials, and having well fortified their city, drave the enemy from the fortifications, having also a ditch of fifty foot deep, and broad ac∣cording to the proportion of the depth, so that standing upon the banck they could use their darts and arrowes, as if they had been divided by an unfordable river, whilst Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch, he covered his pioneers with hurdles; and dividing his army in two for to follow the assault by night, and by day; he brought his materials from far, (as it is usually done when the businesse goeth on heartily,) still urging them on to hasten the work, doing whatsoever was to be done with great earnestnesse and labour: wherefore although at the first he thought, he should do no good by reason of the strong resistance of the enemy, or at least should not overcome them in many months, yet neverthelesse he finished his businesse within few daies, for he assaulted the besieged a far off partly with engines, and neer the gate partly with his cohorts, which he continually changed, they being alwaies wearied with fresh men, and wounded likewise yet stood it out manfully, as long as the fortifications held, but they falling, and the Towns being battered with the engines; Brutus perceiving what would come to passe, commanded them that besieged the gate to retreat, which the Xanthian supposing had been done through negligence of the guard, made a sally out by night with torches upon the engines; but the Roman cohorts hasting thither as it was agreed, they presently fled back to the gate: which they that kept it had now shut, least the enemy should break in with them that fled, where was a great slaughter made of them that were shut out. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 633. 634.]

A river ran by the city, this some passed under water and fled, but they were taken again in nets that were let down into the depth, crosse the channell; and had bels that hung at the top of them which gave notice when any one was intangled. [Plutarch. in Bruto.]

The Xanthians sallyed out again about noon, and beating back the guards burnt all the Engines; and seeing that the gate stood open for the foresaid occasion 2000. Romans rushed in together with the Townsmen, and others also entring in pell mel, the Portcullis fell upon them, either by the Xanthians means, or by the breaking of the

ropes, by which it was let down; therefore as many Romans as had broken in, were either beaten down, or shut in, seeing they could not draw it up again without ropes: and being assaulted from above by the Xanthians, they very hardly at length got into the market-place which was nigh, and there they were grievously infested by the Archers; and seeing they had neither bows nor darts, for fear they should be invi∣roned, they fled into the Temple of Sarpedon. In the mean time the Romans that were without, were very solicitous for them that were intercepted. Brutus also run∣ning up and down, tryed all things in all places; and seeing they could not break open the Portcullis, and they had lost their ladders and wodden Towns by the fire, yet some presently made ladders, others brought props to the walls, and used them for ladders; some fastning hooks to withs, cast them upon the walls, and as often as any stook fast, they crept up by them. [Appian. lib. ut supra. pag. 634.]

The Oenandenses, their neighbours and enemies, and therefore at that time the Allies of Brutus, climed up the steep rocks, whom the Romans presently imitated with great earnestnesse, and many fell down, their feet failing them; yet some got over the wall, and opened a little gate, before which was a fortification of sharp stakes set thickly; by the help of these, the most daring got up, and now being increased in num¦ber, they went to break the gate open, which had no bars to strengthen it; others also endeavoured to do the same on the other side: and seeing that the Xanthians set upon them that were fled into the Temple of Sarpedon, they that both within and without were breaking open the gate, brake it with such furious noise, that they rushed in, in one company, even as the Sun was setting, and gave a great shoute, that this might be a token to them that were shut in. [Ibid. pag. 634, 635.]

The Romans rushing into the Cities, set some houses on fire, the fire first terrified them, before whose eyes these things were done: and to them that were farther off, gave an occasion to think that the City was taken, therefore the neighbours of their own accord, set their own houses on fire, but the greater part killed one the other. [Dio. lib. 4. pag. 347.] For retiring within their own private houses, they killed every one that was dear to them; they willingly offered their throats to be cut. There be∣ing a lamentable cry made at that time, Brutus thought the souldiers were sacking the City, which he forbad by publick Cryers: but when he was better informed, pitying the generous disposition of these men, born to liberty, he by messengers invited them to peace: whom they beat back with theis darts; and having first killed all that belonged to them, and laid them on funeral piles, after they had put fire to them, they cut their own throats. Thus Appian, [ut supra. pag. 635.] But Plutarch after this manner.

Brutus being afraid least the City should be spoiled, commanded the souldiers, that they should quench the fire, and to help the City; but a great and incredible despe∣ration suddenly seized on the Lycians, which you may well compare to a desire of death: for both free men and servants, both old and young, with women and chil∣dren, assailed the enemy from the wall, that came to quench the fire. The Xanthi∣ans themselves brought reeds, and all combustible matter to set the City on a flame; and having set fire to it, used all the means they could to encrease it. After all the City was on a light fire, Brutus being grieved for this, went about the City to help it, and stretching forth his hands to the Xanthians intreated them to spare the City, and to preserve it: but none obeyed him, yea, they themselves destroyed themselves by all manner of wayes; not onely men and women, but little children also, with great cry∣ings and howlings threw themselves into the fire, and some headlong from the wall, some offered their naked throats, to the naked swords of their fathers, desiring them to kill them. The City being thus consumed, there was one woman seen hanging by a rope, which had her dead child hanging at her neck, and with a firy torch, with which she let her house on fire; which sight appeared so tragical, that Brutus could not endure to behold it, but when it was told him, fell a weeping, and pronouced a reward to the Souldiers, whoever had saved a Lycian. They reckon but an hundred and fifty, which would take quarter. Thus Plutarch.

Appian writes that Brutus got but some slaves, but of free-born, scarce CL. women, and those wanted husbands to kill them; and he adds that Brutus saved all the Temples he could possibly. [pag. 635.]

Brutus from thence went to Patara, a City which might seem to be the Dock of the Xanthians, where their ships were laid up, and denounced unto them that they should yield unto him, or expect such a destruction as the Xanthians had; but the citizens yielded not to the peace that was offered unto them; for the servants having newly gotten the liberty, and the freemen that were poor having newly all their debts can∣celled, resisted the pacification. Therefore Brutus sent the Xanthians that he had taken

captive unto them, because they were akin to each other, who by seeing their miser∣able condition, should exhort them to change their purposes; who seeing they were never the more altered from their stiffnesse, although he had granted as a gift to every one his kindred, he permitted them the rest of the day for consultation, and so with∣drew himself; but yet he the next morning brought his Forces thither again, [Appian. ibid. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347.] and setting up a cage in a safe place under the wall, he sold the chief of the Xanthians, bringing them out one by one, if by chance this might move the Patarenses; but when they would not yeild for all this, having sold a few of them, he let the rest go free, [Dio. ibid.]

When also he had taken captive the women of Patara, he let them also go free without any ransom, who having told their husbands and fathers who were of the chief men, that Brutus was a most modest and just man, they perswaded them, that they should yeild, and deliver up the Town to him, [Plutarch.] and he entring the Town, neither put any to death, nor banished any one: but yet commanded all the publick gold and silver to be brought to him; he exacted also every ones particular treasure, propounding a punishment to them that denied it, and a reward to them that brought it forth, [Appian. pag. 636.]

Here a servant betrayed some gold that was hid by his Master, and shewed it to a Centurion that was sent for that purpose; and when they were all brought forth, the Master was silent; but his mother, that she might save her son, followed crying, that she had hid the money: the servant unasked, said that she lyed, and that the other hid the money: But Brutus having commended the young mans patience, and the mothers piety, dismisled them both with the gold, but hung up the servant, who against all equity betrayed his Master, [Id. ibid.]

At the same time also, Lentulus was sent to Andriaca, which was the dock of the Myrenses, and having broken the chaine with which the mouth of the Haven was barred, he went to the Praetor of the Myrenses; whom when Brutus had dismissed, the Myrenses yeilded, and paid the money imposed upon them, [Appian. & Dio. ut supr.] And after the same manner, all the whole Nation of the Lycians was reduced; and sending Embassadours to Brutus, promised they would send both men and money to their power, whom they had found so bountiful and indulgent beyond all expecta∣tion. For sending home all the free-borne of the Xanthians, he imposed upon the Ly∣cians onely, an 150 talents, neither used he towards them any other voilence, [Plu∣tarch, Appian. Dio.]

And thus Brutus conquered the Lycians, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] amongst whose Epistles this is reported to be one, to the Rhodians. We have extreamly punished the Xanthians, when they revolted from us; for putting them to death even to the little ones, we destroyed the city with fire and sword. To the Patarenses who were faithful to us, we have re∣leased their tributes, and granted them their freedom, and to live after their own laws: and we have given them 50 talents towards the rebuilding of those things that were demolished. You have libetty to provide for your selves, and to see, whether you will be accounted enemies as the Xanthians, or friends as the Patarenses. But in Plutarch this Epistle is much more con∣cise; thus. The Xanthians contemning our bounty, have made their country the Sepulchre of their desparation. The Patarenses who have submiited unto me, want not their liberty in go∣verning their common-weneth; therefore it is in your power, either to chuse the opinion of the Patarenses, or the fortune of the Xanthians.

The Rhodian Noble men feared to contend with the Romans, but the common people were in high conceit of themselves, being mindful of the ancient Victories they had of other manner of men. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 627.] They trusted so much to their skill in Navigation, that they went first to Cassius into the Continent, and shewed to him the fetters that they had brought, as if they would take many of their enemies alive. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346.]

Cassius, because he had to do with them that were skilful at sea, exercised at Myndus his ships that he had rigged and furnished with souldiers. Thither the Rhodians sent Embassadours to him, who should intreat him, that neither he would contemn Rhodes who had alwayes revenged the injuries done to her, neither the league that was be∣tween the Romans and the Rhodians, by which it is provided in plain terms, that neither people should make war on the other. They sent also Archelaus Embassa∣dour unto him, who had formerly been his Master at Rhodes for the Greek tongue, to demand this of him with more submission; to whom Cassius gave answer, That the league was first broken by the Rhodians, and that he would punish them for it, if they yeilded not presently, [Appian. pag. 626, 627. 630.]

This answer more terrified the wiser citizens; but the people were more moved with the Orations of Alexander and Mnaseas, putting them in mind, with how much greater a Navy Mithridates had inroded Rhodes, and before him Demetrius, two most potent Kings. Whereupon they created Alexander, Prytanis, which is a Magistrate among

them of very great power, and made Mnaseas Admiral. [pag. 627. 628.]

Alexander and Mnaseas, the Commanders of the Rhodians, with 33. choice ships, saile to Myndus, that by this daring, they might put Cassius in fear; and it might by chance be some colour of hope, seeing that having overtaken Mithridates near this Town, they saw an happy end to that war. After they had shewed their skill in sayling, they went to Cnidus the first day. The next day Cassius his souldiers loosed from shore against them that came from sea-ward. [pag. 627, 630.]

Here was a sharp fight between them, the Rhodians with their nimble ships, running hither and thither, sometimes ran through the enemies rancks, sometimes about them: on the contrary the Romans trusting to their great ships, as often as they laid hold on any ship with their iron hooks, by being too strong for them they prevailed, as in a fight at land: but because Cassius had the greater number of ships, the Rhodians could not long dally with their enemies, through their swiftnesse and usual artifices: for whereas they set up them only in front, and then retreated, it did them little good, their enemies still keeping themselves close together. The strokes also of their beaks were of no strength against the heavy ships of the Romans: on the other side, the Roman ships beat those light with a direct assault, until three Rhodian ships were taken, with all the souldiers in them, two being broken, sunck, the rest very much shattered, fled to Rhodes, [pag. 630.]

With this successe the Romans fleet fought with the Rhodian at Myndus [Ibid. cum Dion. pag. 346.] Which fight Cassius beheld from a Mountain; and immediately after he had repaired his fleet, he went to Loryma, a Castle of the Rhodians on the other side of the Continent: from whence he conveyed over his land forces in ships of burden, under the conduct of Fanius and Lentulus; he himself with 80 long ships furnished, to strike a terrour into the Rhodians, both by sea and land, rested himself, expecting if by chance the enemy would leave his fiercenesse. [Appian. pag. 631.]

But they boldly met him again, whom Cassius by the help of Statius (Murcus) overcame, conquering their skill by the greatnesse and number of his ships: and then having lost two ships, they are besieged on every side. [Id. ibid. Dion. pag. 346.]

Immediately all the walls are filled with Souldiers; who might keep Fanius from assaulting them by land, and Cassius with his Navy by sea, not unprovided for invading the walls: for Cassius thinking that some such thing would happen, did bring with him Towns that were folded up, which were there set up. Thus Rhodes, twice beaten by sea, was now assaulted both by sea and land, unprovided, as in a thing they looked not for, to sustein an assault; by which it appeared, it would in short time come into the power of the enemies, being overcome either by arms or famine: and this was known to the wiser of the Rhodians, there having passed secret conference between them, and Fanius and Lentulus: and seeing that Cassius was suddenly come into the middest of the City with his choicest souldiery, it is believed that some lesser portals were open∣ed to him by Citizens that privately favoured him, least the City should be miserably destroyed. [Appian. pag. 631.]

Here Cassius answered the Rhodians, that called him King and Lord, I am neither Lord nor King, but the killer and avenger of a Lord and King. [Plutarch. in M. Bruto.] He sat under a spear for his Tribunall, because he would seem as if he had taken the City by force of arms: and having commanded his army to be quiet, and by his publick Cryers, threatned death to plunderers; he cited before him 50 Rhodian Cityzens, whom he commanded to be put to death, and other 25 not appearing, he banished. [Appian. pag. 731.]

There he dispoiled the Rhodians both of their ships and mony; he scraped together all the gold that belonged either to the Temples or Treasury, yea, he took away all things that were dedicated to the gods, except the Chariot of the Sun. [Id. ibid. Dio. pag. 246.] Neither was he content with all that, but he took privately from the owner, what gold or silver soever he had: denouncing a punishment by a Cryer, if any one hid it, and propounding a reward to them that told of it, to wit, a tenth part, and to the slaves liberty. At the first some concealed their mony, hoping that his threats would go no further than words: but after they saw that rewards were given to disco∣verers, they desired that the time prefixed might be prolonged: which being granted, some digged up that they had hid in the earth; others drew their mony out of wells, and some again brought more than they hid before. [Appian. pag. 631, 332.] And when as thus he had extorted from private men 8000 talents, and publickly had fined the City in 500 more. [Plutarch. in M. Brut••.] He left to the Rhodians remaining no∣thing but their life. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

This therefore Cassius by a sharp and most prosperous war, took Rhodes, a matter of huge consequence, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] who rejoycing at his sudden over∣coming

it and the great store of money, left L. Varus at Rhodes with a Garrison, [Ap∣pian. pag. 632.] After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had taken, [Dio. pag. 346. fin.] and commanded a tribute of ten years from all the Provinces of Asia, which he exacted without any abatement, [Appian. 632.]

Then it was told Cassius, that Cleopatra was sailing towards Caesar and Antonius with an huge Navy, and great preparation; she having alwayes before followed that side, for the love she bare to the former Caesar; but then far more eagerly for the fear she had of Cassius: for the invasion of whom, Cassius sent into Peloponesus, Murcus to∣gether with one Legion and some Archers in 60 covered ships, to keep the road about the Promontary of Tenarus; but Cleopatra contemning Cassius and Murcus his guard, set sail towards the Ionian Sea: but her Fleet was grievously troubled with a tempest on the coast of Africa, and the tokens of her shipwrack were brought by the waves even into the country of Laconia, and Cleopatra her self fell into a sicknesse, and so returned home, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632, 636. cum lib. 5. pag. 975.]

Among Brutus's Epistles, there is one concerning the Victories of him and Cassius, as it were sent to the Coans. Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius, a city rather bold, than strong by her own strength. All Lycia is now at our command, partly conquered in war, and partly for fear of suffering extremities: which choice truly was for their profit; for willingly they chose that, which they must have done in a little time after: Chuse you therefore whether you had rather serve being forced thereto by war, or rather to be called our friends by recei∣ving us.

Brutus being returned from Lycia into Ionium, he did many memorable workes, both in honouring them that deserved well, and in punishing others according to their demerit; and amongst others, Theodorus the Rhetorician, by whose perswasion (as he himself bragged) Pompey the Great was killed, finding wandering in Asia, he put to death, with all manner of torments, [Plutarch, in Bruto, & Pompeio.]

Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardes, and as he was coming near there, he went to meet him with his friends: the whole souldiery being ready in their arms, saluted them both Generals: as it is wont to be in great matters between two who have many Captains and Friends, that mutual suspicion and accusations will arise between them. The first thing they did, they two alone went into a private room, and shutting the doors to them, and all men bid w••thdraw, they began amongst themselves first to ex∣postulate, then to argue, and accuse each other: then falling into fear, and to a more free and vehement chiding, their friends wondering at the sharpnesse of this wrath and contention, feared to what issue this would come, [Id. in Bruto.] but all these suspici∣ons, (which each had conceived against other thorough other mens false accusations,) they wisely at length took away. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347.]

M. Favonius was then there, (of whom Cicero makes mention of as a familiar friend to Brutus, lib. 15. ad Atticum, epist. 11.) an imitatour a long while of M. Cato, who was a Philosopher, not so much thorough reason, as by some passionate and mad mo∣tion; and placed it amongst the least matters to be Consul of Rome: and with a Cy∣nical kind of harsh language which he used, he aleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many. He then violently thrusting away the porters who forbad him entrance, went into the room where Brutus and Cassius had private conference, with a mimick voyce, pronouncing those Verses that Homer saith Nestor used,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At parete ambo, natu me nempe minores;

But both obey, for I your Senior am.

and those that follow. This made Cassius laugh, but Brutus thrust him out; calling him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, unlearned dog, and adulterous dog; After this difference was ended, Cassius provided a supper, and Brutus invited his friends thither. As they were going to sit down, Favonius came very trim: Brutus protesting that he came un∣sent for, and bidding him be gone; but he thrusting in, placed himself at the upper end of the Table between them: and there was at the Feast both mirth and good discourse, [Id. ibid.]

The next day Brutus condemned in publick judgement, and with a note of infamy, L. Pellius, one that had been Praetor, and whose help he had used, being accused of bri∣bery by the Sardians: which deed did not a little touch Cassius, who a few dayes be∣fore, onely chastised privately two that were found guilty of the same fault, and absol∣ving them publickly, still made use of them. Whereupon he accused Brutus as too rigidly keeping the laws, and too just, as such a time as he should do but civilly and with humanity: he admonished him again that he should remember the Ides of

March, on which they had killed Caesar, who had not so much vexed all men, as a patrone of them that did it. [Id. ibid.]

Labienus the younger, the son of Titus Labienus, (Caesars Lieutenant in Gallia, being sent by Cassius and Brutus to demand aid of Orodes, the King of the Parthians, re∣mained there a long time with him, without any notice being taken of him, both be¦cause the King had no mind to help them, and also because he durst not deny them. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371. cum Floro. lib. 4. cap. 9. & Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78.]

Brutus commanded the whole fleet of the Lycians, to set saile for Abydus, whither also he marched with his land forces; to stay there for Cassius his coming out of loni∣um, that they might both go to Sestos together. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 636.]

When Cassius and Brutus were about to passe out of Asia into Europe, and to transport their army into the opposite continent; an horrible spectacle is said to be shewed to Brutus; for in the dead of the night, when the moon shined not very bright, and all the army was in silence, a black image of an huge and horrid body, standing by him silently is said to offer it self to Brutus, his candle being almost out, but he asking without fear, what either man or god he was, the spirit answered, O Brutus I am thy evill Genius, thou shalt see me again at Philippi, and that he should answer undauntedly, Then I shall see thee: Florus relates these things [lib, 4. cap. 7. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.] Plutarch in the end of Caesars life, but more fully in the life of Brutus. where he adds that the next morning he told Cassius what he had seen, and that he expounded to him out of the doctrine of the Epicureans, what was to be thought con∣cerning such spectrals.

Antigonus the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus) invaded Judea, [Year of the World 3963] being aided by Ptolomei the son of Mennaeus, and Fabius the governour of Damascus, whom he had made his friend by money, and Masion the Tyrant of the Tyrians, who adhered to him, for the hate he bare to Herod, whom Herod meeting being scarce entred the borders of the Country, drave him from thence, having overcome him in battle, wherefore Hyrcanus honoured him with crownes as soon as he returned to Jerusalem, for already by promise he was accounted of as one of the family of Hyrca∣nus, being to marry Mariamme (in Syriack called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Mary) born of Alexander the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus, and Alexandra the daughter of Hyr∣canus. [Joseph. lib. belli. 1. cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 21. cum lib. 15. cap. 9. 11.]

At the gulf Melanes, Cassius and Brutus having mustered their army, there were found in it 80000 foot, and Brutus had of French and Lusitanian horse 4000, of Thracian, Illyrian, Parthia, and Thessalian 2000. Cassius had of Spanish and French 2000; 4000 horsemen that were archers out of Arabia, Media, and Parthia, (for Justin confirmes that the Parthians sent aides hither, [lib. 42. cap. 4.] there followed also Kings that were allies, and Tetrarchs out of Gallograecia, who brought 5000 horse besides foot forces. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 840.]

These met with the army of the Triumviri, M. Antonius and Octavianus Caesar at Philippi, a city of Macedonia, (not lesse famous for Saint Pauls epistle, than for this war:) [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] in like manner on each side there were 19 Legions. Antonius and Caesar had 13, Brutus and Cassius 20000. the Cassi••••s, desiring to tire the enemy out with scarcity of provision, for many daies refused the fight; seeing all things were supplied to them out of Asia, and brought neer hand by sea, whereas the enemies were in want in an enemies countrey; for neither the merchants could get any thing out of Egypt, there qeing a great famine there: neither would Sextus Pompeius suffer any thing to be brought out of Spain or Africk, nor Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus out of Italy, and truely Macedonia and Thessalia, could not long suffice, which then alone maintained the army; on the other side Antonius, that he might hinder the bringing in provision to the enemy behind them out of Tha∣sus, in ten daies space, having privately opened a passage in a narrow fen, erected ma∣ny Castles with trenches on the farther side; which afterward Cassius by running a trench from his camp to the sea through all the fen, rendred unprofitable to him. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 652. 653.]

The fight then being begun, (from which Caesar and Antonius are said to have withdrawn themselves) the wing that Brutus commanded, beating back the enemy, took Caesars camp; but the wing in which Cassius was, was put to flight and discomfi∣ted, and his camp taken by the Antonians; [Florus lib. 4. cap. 7. Vellei. Patercul. ut supra. Plutarch. in Antonio.] there fell of the Cassians 8000 reckoning the servants, that followed the camp, whom Brutus called Brigae of Caesars army Massala Corrinus, who was then present in Brutus camp, and a little after yielded himself to Caesar, saith he thought there were lost twice so many or more. [Plutarch. in M. Bruto. cum Appiano. lib. 4. pag. 655.]

Cassius having lost his Camp, could not returne thither, but went about unto an

hill by Philippi, to take a view what should be done, [Appian. pag. 655.] and supposing that the whole army was discomfited, killed himself, [Livy, lib. 124.] with the same sword he had killed Caesar, as Plutarch relates in the end of his Caesar. Although in another he himself, with others also, say, That his head was cut off by his freed man Pindarus: whom from the overthrow of Crassus in Parthia, he had appointed for such a necessity. [Id. in Bruto. & Antonio. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Appian. pag. 655. Dion. pag. 354.] Of whom Valerius Maximus, lib. 6. cap, 8. P••ndarus newly m••numitted by Cassius, now overcome in the war at Philippi, withdraw him from the insulting of his enemies, by cutting off his head at his own command, who withdrew himself from the sight of men, by a voluntary death; so that his dead body could not be found: which of the gods, the revenger of so great a wickednesse, bound that right hand with such dulnesse, wh••ch was enraged in the murder of the father of his Country, that it should come trembling to Pindarus his knees, least he should pay that punishment, which he had deserved, at the will of the pious Conquerour? Truly thou, Deified Julius, hast exacted the revenge due to thy hea∣venly wounds, by compelling that head was perfidious against thee, to be made a suppliant to the a••d•• of a base man, forced by the rage of mind, that he would not retein his life, nor durst end it by his own hand.

Brutus, having delivered Cassius his Corps to his friends, caused it to be pri∣vately buried at T••asus, least the army, by the fight of his funeral, should be provoked to mourning, and be dejected. [Plutarch. in Bruto. Appian. pag. 655. Dio. pag. 354.] Cassius died the very day he was born, [Appian. ibid.] and his servant in the evening came to Antonius, with his souldiers coat, and his sword, which he had newly taken from his body; which being brought him, the Antonians took such courage, that they set the army in battle array, as soon as it was day. [Plutarch ut supra.]

On the same day that the army of Caesar was overthrown in the field at Philippi, the Marthian Legion, and other great forces, that were bringing to Caesar, by Do∣mitius Culvinus out of Italy, were overcome and discomfited by M••rcus and Aeno∣barbus in the Ionian sea. [Plutarch. in Bruto. Appian. pag. 656, 657.] Of which victory Brutus was ignorant for 20 daies together; all which time the Souldiers of Caesar and Antonius were miredin the fens of Philippi, and very much troubled with au••umnal showres, that followed after the battle, and conjealed into ice. [Plutarch. ibid.] In which time many Germans fled to Brutus: and in like manner Amyntas, the Generall of Doj••tarus, and Rhascipolis the Thracian, left Brutus his party: which when Brutus suspected, in fear of a greater revolt, he determined to put all upon a general battle. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 355.]

The night before the battle, it is reported, that that ghost cume again to Brutus, in the same manner as before, but spake nothing, and so vanished away: although P. Volumnius, a man given to the study of wisdom, who was then in Brutus his Camp, and wrote other progidies that happened, made no mention of this apparation. [Plutaroh. in fin. Caesaris, & in Bruto. cum. Appiano, lib. 4. pag. 668.]

At this second fight, not onely Antonius was present, b•• also Caesar Octavins, though weak and sickly: of whom Ovid touching the things that were done in this Philippick war, in the third book Fastorum.

Hoc opus, haec pietas, haec prima elementa fuerunt Caesaris; ulcisci justa per arma patrem.

Caesars first work, or worthie action rather, Was, By just arms he did revenge his father.

And in the fifth.

Voverat hoc juvenis tunc, cum pia sustulit arma; A tantis princeps incipiendus erat. Ille manus tendens: adstanti milite justo, In conjuratos talia verba dedit, &c.

This the youth vow'd, when first to arms he ran, Being the chief of them he then began. His stretch't out hand to th' souldiers whilst he shoke, He, them confederated, thus bespoke.

Brutus being overcome in battle, fled to an hill by night: and on the next day he desired of Strabo Aegeates, an Epirote, with whom there was friendship, by reason that they studied Rhetorick together, that he would lend him his hand towards his death:

and casting his left arme over his head, when as holding the point of the sword in his right hand, and directing it to his left pappe, where the heart beats, and forcing himself upon a wound, so gave up the ghost, being run through at one thrust. [Livy, lib. 124. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Plutarch in M. Bruto. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 665, 666.]

And this was the end of Brutus and Cassius in this war, who being the murderers of Julius Caesar their Emperour, by whom they were saved in the Pharsalian fight, after∣wards murdred themselves, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 667, 668.] being both of them run through with the swords they had killed Caesar, as Dio affirms in the beginning of his 48. book; and the liberty which they so much desired to see restored, they lost by this murder of Caesar, [Florus. lib. 4. cap. 7.] although they, in lesse than two years, had gathered together more than 20. Legions, and about ••0000 Horse, above 200. long ships, and other not contemptible preparations, and had extorted huge sums of mony from men, whether they would or not: and being often victours in the wars, they waged with many Cities, and with Nations of the contrary faction, and had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates; and whosoever they made war with, they drew them to their society, and made use of their help which were faithful to them, as of Kings and Governours, yea, of the Parthians, although their enemies. [Appian. pag, 666, 667.]

Antonius standing by the corps of Brutus, modestly upbraided him with the death of his brother Caius, put to death by him in Macedonia; but often say∣ing, That he rather imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius, (who was Pro∣consul of Macedonia) than to Brutus; he commanded Hortensius to be killed upon his grave, [Plutarch in M. Bruto. & M. Antonio.] He cast upn Brutus his body his purple souldiers coat of great price, and committed the care of his funeral to one of his free men, whom afterwards he put to death, when he knew he had not burnt that coat with him, and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia. [Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.] But Octavian sent his head to Rome, that it might be bestowed under Caesars statue. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 13.] But in the passage from Dyrrachium, a tempest arising, it was cast into the sea. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 356.]

As many of the Nobility as escaped into Thasus, some sailed from thence, others yielded themselves to the power and mercy of Messala, Corvinus and L. Bibulus; others having agreed for their security with the Antonians: Antonius himself being come into Thasus, delivered up to him whatsoever of either mony, arms, provision, or other preparation remained. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 669.]

L. Julius Mocilla, one that had been Praetour, and his son, and A. Torquates, and others that were abashed with the like fortune, went into Samothracia, to whom Pom∣ponius Atticus commanded all things to be supplied out of Epirus. [Cornel. Nepos. in Vita Attici.]

Cassius Parmensis, Brutus and Cassius being gone to the war, was left in Asia with a fleet and an army, to exact mony, after the death of Cassius, hoping better things from Brutus, chose 30 of the Rhodian ships, supposing he should fill so many with Mariners of the Allies; the rest he burnt, least the City should make some innovations. Having done this, he sets saile with his own, and the Rhodian ships; but Clodius being sent by Brutus, as soon as he saw the Rhodians about to rebell, (for now Brutus was dead) he withdrew the Garrison of 3000 men, and joyned himself with Par∣menses: to them came Toru••us with many other ships, and mony which he had exacted from the Rhodians, before their revolt. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 671, 672.]

To this Fleet, as in which there was yet some strength, resorted as many as were dispersed thorough Asia for divers affairs; and put into them as many Legionar•• souldiers as they could possibly, and made a muster for rowers of bondmen and slaves, and of the Islanders into whose Ports they came. To them came Cicero the younger, and as many of the Nobility as fled from Thasus: So that in short time, there was a great company, and both a fleet and an army not to be contemned, with Leaders al∣so, [Id. ibid. pag. 672.]

These sailed into the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus, and Cn. Aenobarbus, who com∣manded great forces, taking Lepidus wth them with another band, who kept Cr••••e with a Garrison of Brutus's: where parting, part remained with Aenobarbus, making a faction of their own, (keeping the Ionian Sea, bringing much damage to their enemies;) part went with Murcus and joyned forces with Sextus Pompeius; for joyn∣ing himself to Pompeius both with that part of the army that was committed to his charge, and a great Fleet, and the reliques of Brutus his army, he doubled Pompeius's Forces, [Id. ibid. cum Velle••. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 72. & 77. Dion. lib. 48. pag. 361, 368.]

Caesar and Antonius dismissed the souldiers that had served out their time, except 8000 whom they intreated to serve longer under them, and divided them between them, and took one of an hundred of them for their Life-guard: of eleven Legions and 14000 Horse, which were left of Brutus his army, Antonius took six Legions, and 10000 Horse; and Caesar four Legions, and 4000 Horse, [Appian. ibid. pag. 672. 673.] Moreover it was agreed, that Caesar should give two Legions of his own to go along with Antonius, and that he again should receive two others which were then left in Italy, which were his souldiers under the command of Calenus, [Id. ibid. pag. 673. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 358.]

Caesar taking this businesse upon him, that he might represse Lepidus the Triumvir if he should make any stir, and carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius, and divide the lands promised to the old souldiers that were ensignes, returned into Italy; but in his journey fell so sick, that they that were at Rome thought he was dead. Antonius stayed to go about the Provinces beyond Sea, to abate the enemies pride, and to get money for the souldiers as they had promised them, [Livy, lib. 125. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 74. Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 672, 673. Dio. lib. 48, pag. 357, 358.] for seeing they had promised to every souldier 5000 drachmes, they were to take the greater care to find out and to command money, [Plutarch, in Antonio. cum Dion. lib. 47. pag. 352.]

Antonius therefore with a great army passing into Greece, at the first shewed not himself harsh or rigid to the Grecians; but rejoyced to be accounted a friend of the Grecians, especially of the Athenians, on whose City he bestowed many gifts, [Plutarch.]

L. Censorinus being left in Greece, [The Julian Period. 4673] himself went into Asia. [Year before Christ 41] [Id.] There he going abou••, and sending others, exacted money of the Cities, and sold their Territories, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371.] Kings also much haunted his Court, and Kings wives stri∣ving amongst themselves in gifts and beauty, offered their service to him. Anaxenor also an harper, Xuthus a musitian, Metrodorus a dancer, and all the Asian comicks and kickshaws crept into the Court; where all things abounded in luxury. At length Antonius being ready to go to the Parthian war, he sent Dellius (the Historian, as Plutarch afterwards calls him, and whom Seneca, in 1 Suasoria, saith, left Cassius and went to Antonius) into Egypt to Cleopatra; commanding her to appear before him in Cilicia, to answer for her self, because she was said to have afforded much help and aid to Cassius, [Plutarch.]

Apuleiu, who was proscribed by the Triumviri, by delivering Bythinia to Anto∣nius, over which he was made Governour by Brutus, obtained of him to be restored into his country, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 616.]

In Bythinia, Antonius met with Embassies from all Nations; there were also the Rulers of the Jews, to accuse Phasaclus and Herod; as though Hyrcanus reigned onely in shew; but in truth all the power was in the two brothers. But Antonius high∣ly honoured Herod, who was come thither to wipe off all objections, by which it came to passe, that his adversaries were not so much as admitted to speak to him; for this Herod had obtained by bribing him, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 22.]

At his entrance into Ephesus, the women went before him in habits of the Bac∣charae, and men in the habit of Satyres and Panes: all the city resounded with hurry∣ing after Ivy Garlands with instruments of musick, flutes and pipes: they called him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bacchus the bountiful and debonair, [Plutarch.] He there sacrificed to Diana with all magnificence, as to the Protectour of that place: and ab∣solved the Cassiani upon their petitions, who had fled into Sanctuary there, except Pe∣tronius who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar, and Quintus who had be∣trayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. [Appian. lib. 6. pg. 683.]

Thither came the Embassadors of Hyrcanus the High Priest; and of the Jews: to wit, Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Joseph; the son of Mennaeus, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, bringing unto him a Crown of gold; they declared unto him the same Embassie they did at Rome: desiring him, that those Jews that Cassius had taken prisoners, contrary to the Laws of Arms, might, by his letters written to the Provinces, beset at liberty, and that their Country that Cassius had taken from them, might be restored. Antonius thinking they demanded but equity, presently yielded to their requests, and wrote letters to this purpose, both to Hyrcanus himself, and also to the Tyrians, Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians, which are extant in Josephus, [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 22.]

The Graecians and other Nations inhabiting Asia Pergamena, being cited to Ephesu, Antonius declared unto them, what great promises he had made to his 28 conquering Legions, which with those that belonged to them made up; 150000 men and whenas they had given to Cassius and Brutus his enemies ten yeares tribute in 2 yeares, he demanded of them that they should give him so much in one year, who

complaining that they were exhausted by their former enemies, at length very hardly obteined, that they might pay nine yeares tribute in two yeares, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 673. 674.]

Antonius deprived many noble men of their estates, and bestowed them upon Knaves, and flatterers, many begged the fortunes of some that were alive, and had them, and some of those that were dead, he bestowed the goods of a Citizen of Mag∣nesia upon a Cook who had dressed but one supper, (as it is reported) handsomely for him; at last, when he had burthened the Cities with another tribute, Hybreas who agitated the affaires of Asia, was so bold to say, if you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year, you must be able also to make two summers, and then to yield fruites to us twice, and when Asia brought in 200000 talents he said if thou hast not received them, demand them, but if thou hast not that that thou hast received, we are undone; sharply nipping Antonius by this saying; who out of simplicity believing his own servants, was ignorant of many things that were done, [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

In like manner other tributes were imposed by the command of Antonius upon Kings, Governours, and free Cities, each according to their abilities. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 674.]

As he was going about the Provinces, L. the brother of Cassius, and as many as had heard of the act of clemency done by him at Ephesus, and were afraid, humbly came and presented themselves unto him, all whom he absolved, except those that were guilty of Caesars death, to whom only he continued unplacable. [Id. ibid.]

The Lycians and Xanthians he freed from tribute, and exhorted them to rebuild their city, to the Rhodians also he gave Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus: which not long after he took from them, as ruling too cruelly over them, but also granted to them of Laodicea and Tarsus, liberty and freedome from tributes, to the Athenians that came unto him, he gave first Tenos; and then Aegina, and also Icos, Cea, Scia∣thus, and Parepathus, [ibid. pag. 675.]

Passing by Phrygia, Mysia, Gallograecia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Coelosyria, Palestina, Ituraea, and other Provinces of the Syrians, he laid very grievous tributes on them all, he composed also al-differences of Kings, and Cities after his own pleasure, and parti∣cularly in Cappadocia, the businesse of Sisenna and Ariarathes, Sisenna being prefer∣red to the Kingdome, in favour of his beautifull mother, yet in Syria he took away Tyrants from divers Townes, [ibid.] he committed the Government of Cyprus, to De∣metrius the freed man of Julius Caesar. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 381.]

Antonius promised the Tarsenses the command of the university, and preferred Boethus to that office in that place, one as well an ill Poet, as an ill Citizen; yet Anto∣nius approved his Poem that he wrote of his victory at Philippi: but the Tarsenses chiefly preferred him, because he was able on a sudden to speak something concerning any subject, but when the accounts of the expences to be laid out in the university, were committed to his charge, he was found to have stollen both other things and also the oyl, upon which account being accused before Antonius, he answered him, as Ho∣mer sang the praises of Agamemnon, and Achilles, and also Ulysses, so have I thine, therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee, but: answered the accu••er, Homer stole no oyl from Agamemnon and Achilles, which because thou hast done, thou shalt be punished, neverthelesse Boethus, having appeased his anger by some services, kept the Government of the City even to the death of Antonius. [Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 674.]

Cleopatra, what being brought in by Dellius, and partly trusting in the comelinesse of her beauty and behaviour, came into Cilicia, unto Antonius, [Plutarch. in Antonio. cum Joseph••. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 673. & Dion. lib. 48. 371.] the fantasticallnesse of whose coming, is thus described by Plutarch more like a Poet, than an Historian, she was conveyed by a ship all guilt, on the river Cydnus, which runs by the City Tarsus, with purple sailes all spread, and the oares all silvered, with musick flutes, and pipes, and harps, she lay being curiously dressed under a canopie of cloath of gold, as Venus is painted, boyes like to Cupids, stood here and there and fanned her, and her maidens in the habits of Nereides and Graces, stood at the helms, and others plied the oares, all the bancks were filled with most fragrant smels, by rea∣son of the abundance of perfumes, the men from both sides the shore accompanied her from the river, and they that were in the city came to see the sight, so that Antonius was left alone sitting in the Forum, upon his Tribunall, and there went a generall rumour, that Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus, for the preservation of Asia, Antonius sent certain men to invite her to supper; but she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her: who that he might just at her coming shew his gentlenesse and curtesie, obeyed her and came.

Cleopatra, when Antonius accused her that she was not at part of Caesars labours in the last war, objected to him again among other things, both the four Legions that

she had sent to Dolabella, and how her fleet was torn with Tempests, and how often Cassius had threatned her, because she had sent no aide to him: he being overcome, began, like a young man, although he was then fourty years old, to love her; upon whom a good while agone, he had wontonly cast his eyes, when she was a but a girle; when he being a young man, followed Gabinius to Alexandria, being at that time master of his Horse: and immediately Antonius his ancient industry decaying, all men did nothing but execute the commands of Cleopatra, without respect, either of Humane or Divine Law. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 671, 675, 676.]

At the entreaty of Cleopatra, Antonius sent murtherers to Miletus, to kill her sister Arsinoe, a Nunne of Diana Leucophrine, as Appian relates: [Ibid. pag. 676.] although Josephus saith that she was killed at Ephesus, as she was at her prayers in the Temple of Diana. [lib. 15. cap. 14.]

Antonius commanded the Tyrians to deliver to Cleopatra Serapion, the Governour of Cyprus, who had sent aide to Cassius, and now came to beg his pardon: as also the Aradians, another suppliant; who when as Ptolaemaeus, the brother of Cleopatra, being overcome by Julius Caesar in a navral fight, upon the river Nilus, and was never seen more, had bragged to the Aradians, that he was Ptolomy. He com∣manded also Megabezus, the Priest of Diana, the Ephesian, to be brought before him, because he had entertained Arsinoe, as a Queen; but at the entreaty of the Ephesians to Cleopatra, he dismissed him. [Appian. ut supra, pag. 676.]

In the interim, Fulvia, the wife of Antonius in Italy, that had nothing of a woman in her, but her body, raised great stirs and wars against Caesar Octavianus. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 74.] By which dissention both the affinity between them is broken off, and the Common-wealth is broken into open war: for Caesar seeing he could not endure the insolency of his mother in law, (for he had rather seem not to agree with her, than with Antonius) he made a divorce with her daughter Claudia, whom he sware was yet a Virgin. [Dion, lib. 48. pag. 359, 360. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 62.]

Hereupon Caesar sent into Phoenicia to Antonius, Cocceius and Cecinna, of whom Cecinna, his Embassy being ended, returned to Caesar; but Cocceius tarried with An∣tonius. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 707.]

There came an hundred of the most honourable among the Jews to Daphne, near Antioch in Syria to Antonius, now doting on the love of Cleopatra, that they might accuse Phasaelus and Herod; having chosen out for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number, and Messala undertook to defend the young mens cause: Hyrcanus also assisted him, who had betroathed his daughter to Herod. But parties being heard, Antonius demanded of Hyrcanus, which party he thought to be fittest to govern a Common-wealth: when he had answered on the young mens behalf, Anto∣nius who loved them, because he had been kindly entertained by their fathers) made them both Tetrarchs, leaving unto them the government of all Judea, and wrote letters also to this purpose, and clapt fifteen of their adversaries in prison, and would have put them to death, had not Herod interceded for them. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23.]

Then a thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyrus, to Antontus, who being already bribed by the brethren, commanded the magistracy of that place, that they should kill the Embassadours, as men that made innovations, and that they should aide the Tetrarchs: but Herod and Hyrcanus coming to them at their time without the City on the sea shoare, advised them earnestly to withdraw; and admonishing them what danger would ensue, if they followed the suite: but they contemned this advice. Whereupon certain Jews, and the inhabitants of that City, brake out upon them, and killed some, and wounded other some; but Hyrcanus caused the wounded to be cured, and dead to be buryed, and the rest took their flight homewards: but whrn the people did nothing but raile against Herod, Antonius in his displeasure slew those that he had in hold. [Ibid.]

Cleopatra being returned home, Antonius sent Horesemen to Palmyra, a City seated not far from Euphrates, to plunder it; a light crime being objected against them for colour sake; that whenas they lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians, (they being Merchants, carried out of Persia, Indian, and Arabian wares to the Romans) but indeed, that they might enrich the Horsemen: of which when the Palmyreni had an inckling, they carried their goods to the other side of the bank, and placed Archers to keep them off, in which kind of weapon they do excel: but the Horse men finding the City empty, returned without either plunder or bloudshed. Hereupon presently after followed the Parthian war; many Tyrants out of Syria, whom Antonius had expulsed from thence, flying to the Parthians, and inviting them to seize upon Syria. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 676, 677.]

Antonius, [Year of the World 3964] when he had laid grievous tributes on the people, and had thus offended the Palmyren••; he staid not to settle the troubles of the Province, but dividing his army into winter quarters, he himself went into Egypt to Cleopatra, [ibid. pag. 677.] leaving Plancas in Asia, and Saxa in Syria, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371.] to wit Decidius Sava: of whom Cicero makes mention in 13 Philippick, as one of M. Antonius guard, and Livy [in lib. 127.] as of his Lieutenant in Syria.

This thing gave occasion to many stirs; for they that inhabited the Island Ara∣dus, obeyed not those that were sent to them, for the ex••cting the money, but also slew some of them: and the Parthians whereas before they were in some commotions, then much more made insurrections against the Romans, Labienus, and Paco••us the son of Orodes being their Commanders, [Dio. ibid.]

To the Aradians belongeth, that that is read in the Chronicle of Eusebius. Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the Island Aradus, because he too fiercely exacted the tributes. Concerning Labienus, who Livy notes in lib. 127. to have been of Pom∣peyes faction, thus we read in Plutarch, [in Antonio.] When the forces of Parthians were in suspence, of which Labienus being created General for the conduct of the Parthians, the Kings Captains being about to set upon Syria, Antonius was drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra. From whence a place that was brought to this purpose by the compiler of the Parthian Story of Appian, [pag. 155, 156.] is to be corrected: who foolishly in∣sinuates, that Labienus was brought by the Kings Captains to Alexandria: but Dio explains both the Original and Progresse of this Expedition after this manner.

After the overthrow of Philippi Labienus, supposing that the Conquerours would pardon none of the adverse party, thought it better to live with Barbarians than to perish in his own country, and therefore stayed with the Parthians: and as soon as he understood of the sloth of Antonius, and his love and journey into Egypt, he advised the Parthians to make war upon the Romans, whose armies partly were cut off, part∣ly received some losse, and the rest disagreed among themselves, and looked every day again as if they would come to a civil war. Wherefore he perswaded the King, that whilst Caesar was detained in Italy by reason of Sextus Pompeius, and Antonius gave himself over to his love in Egypt, he might subdue Syria, and the countries neer unto it. He promised him also that he would be the General of this war, and so he might move many Nations to revolt from the Romans, who were offended with them, for the continual dammages with which they were afflicted by them, [Dio. pag. 371, 372.]

When he had perswaded the King by this discourse to make war, having received great forces from hi•• and his son Pacorus, he brake into Phoenice; and setting upon Apamea, but being beaten from the wall, he took the Garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary resignation: those consisted of Cassius and Brutus his souldiers; whom Antonius had chosen into his army, and had left to keep Syria, as well knowing that country: therefore Labienus easily made them of his party, as they that were familiarly acquainted with him; except Saxa, who then commanded them; for he being the brother of Decidius Saxa the Lieutenant of Antonius, and his Quae∣stor, was the onely man that joyned not with Labienus, [Ibid.]

Labienus overcame his Saxa in a set battle by the multitude and valour of his Horse, and pursued him as he was flying by night out of his Camp. He had before shot ticke••s into his Camp, to draw his souldiers to his party; which thing also Saxa fearing fled. Labienus having overtaken him, killed most of them that were with him: but when Saxa had fled to Antioch, he took Apamea, which no longer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him, because it was generally reported that he was dead. He also took Antioch, de∣serted by Saxa, [Ibid.]

M. Antonius being splendidly entertained by Cleopatra, wintered in Egypt with∣out his imperial ensignes, either as being in anothers government and royal City, or because he would solemnize Festival dayes in his winter quarters; for setting aside all businesse, for his country, he wore the Grecian four-cornered Robe, and the white Attic shooe called Phaecusium, which the Athenian and Alexandrian Priests did use. When he went abroad he went onely to the Temples, or places of Exercise, or to the meetings of Philosophers, alwayes keeping company with the Grecians, and courting of Cleopatra, for whose sake chiefely he said he undertook this voyage, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 677.]

Being thus given to luxury with Cleopatra and the Egyptians, he lay there idle even to his utter destruction, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373.] Plutarch describeth at large the luxury of him and his son, relating those things concerning this businesse that Philotus the Amphissian Physitian told his Grandfather Lamprias, who was then at that time at Alexandria following his studies.

Cleopatra departing from him neither by night nor day, played with him at dice,

drank with him, hunted with him, and saw him exercising himself in his armes; she accompanied him by night thorough the streets as he was eve••dropping at the gates and windows of the citizens, and talking to them that were within, and rambled with him, clad in the habit of a serving-maid; for he was wont to wear such habit himself; whereupon he returned home oftentimes well jeered, and oftentimes well cudgelled, [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Antonius deteined the Embassadours that were sent to him from the Italian Colo∣nies; either because it was winter, or because he would conceal his counsels. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 701] but in the mean time Caesar Octavianus did besiege the Consul L. An∣tonius his brother, at Perasium in Hetruria, [Id. ibid. pag. 689.]

Cn. Domitius Calvinus, [The Julian Period. 4674] and Asinius Pollio being Consuls, [Year before Christ 40] Perusia was taken by Octavian. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 365.]

Labienus having followed Saza, flying into Cilicia, there killed him. [Dio. lib. 48 pag. 372.] Labienus going from Brutus his camp to the Parthians, and leading an army of them into Syria, killed the Lieutenant of Antonius, had very much afflicted the transmarine provinces: saith Velleius Paterculus [lib. 2. cap. 5.] but Florus in his fourth book 9 chap∣ter Saxa (for thus it is to be read there; not Casca) the Lieutenant, was beholding to his own sword, that he might not come into his enemies power.

Saxa bein dead, Pacorus subdued all Syria, [Florus & Dio. ut supra. cum Livio. lib. 127.] Tyrus only excepted, which the Romans that were left, and the Syrians who agreed with, had taken before, and neither by perswasions, nor force could they be re∣duced under his power, for the Parthians had never a fleet with them. [Dio, ibid.]

In the second year (as it is in Josephus, [lib. 14. cap. 23.] to wit from the coming of Antonius into Syria, in which, Pacorus the Kings son, aed Barzapharnes a ruler of the Parthians seized upon Lysia, Ptolomaeus the son of Mennaeus died, whose successor in the principality Lysanias his son, (whom Dio saith was made King of the Ituraeans by Antonius) was made friends with An Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, a noble man, who could do much with him, reconciling them.

M. Antonius at the beginning of the spring, went against the Parthians, he came as far as Phaenicia, yea he came to Tyre; [Plutarch. in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 701.] he sailed thither, as if he would bring aid to the City; but seeing all the country about seized upon by the enemy, pretending the war against Sextus Pompeius, he left it; on the contrary, under pretext of the Parthian war he excused himself, that he did not sooner go against Pompey: it so happened, that he neither came to help his allies, under colour of Pompey, neither aided he Italy, under colour of the allies. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 372.]

As he was passing by the continent, and sailing by Cyprus and Rh••••s to Asia, he heard of the event of the siege of Perusia: and accused his brother Lucius, and his wife Fulvia. bu•• more especially Manius, who was his agent in Italy in his absence, then passing into Graecia, he met with his mother Julia, and his wife Fulvia, who had fled out of Italy; and from hence, as he sailed into Italy, he took Sipus. [Id. ibid. cum Ap. lib. 5. pag. 679. 701.]

Fulvia being dead at Sicyon, her husband Antonius, at the perswasion of his mother Julia and L. Cocceius, being obout to treat of a peace with Caesar, recalled Sextus Pompeius (with whom he had already entred into league,) into Sicily, as it were to provide for those things that they had agreed upon; and he sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bythinia to command there. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 707. 708.] and seeing that Mar∣cellus the husband of Octavia, the most beloved sister of Caesar, although by another mother, was newly dead: for the more firm confirmation of a peace, she is betrothed to Antonius, who although he did not dissemble that he had to do with Cleopatra, yet denied that she was his wife. [Id. ibid. pag. 709. Livy, lib. 127. Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Then, dividing the Roman Empire between them, they made Codropolis, a Town of Illyrium, (which seemed seated within the innermost part of the Adriatick gulf,) to be the bound of each ones dominions: so that all the Eastern Countreys, aswell Islands as Provinces, both of Europe and Asia, even to the river Euphrates, should fall to Antonius his part, and the Western as Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain, and Gallia to Caesars, for the Provinces of Africa, Lepidus the Triumvir had already received from Caesar, and Sextus Pompeius had seized upon Sicily, [Plutarch. Appian. ibid. Dio. pag. 374.]

The war against Pompeius sell to Caesar; unlesse something else did intervene, and to Antonius sell the Parthian war, to reveng the injury done to Crassus: Domitius Ae∣nobarbus (although one of the murderers of Julius Caesar) was taken into league by Caesar, upon the same condition that he was formerly, by Antonius it was added to the league, that it might be lawfull, for both the Generals, to muster the like number of Legions out of Italy, upon these articles the last league was made between Caesar and Antonius. [Appian. pag. 709.]

Caesar and Antonius entered Rome with an Oration, for joy of the peace that was made between them, [inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXCVII.] whom the citizens enter∣tained as triumphing; and clad them in a triumphal Robe, and placed them to see the Playes, in Ivory chairs, [Dio. pag. 375.] and then also was solemnized the Mar∣riage between Antonius and Octavia, who was then great with child: and because the law forbad any woman to marry till ten moneths after the death of her husband, the time was remitted by a decree of the Senate, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78. Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 710. Dio. pag. 375. fin.] But Antonius put Manius to death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining on Cleopatra, and because he had been the cause of so great evils, [Appian. ibid.]

Asinius Pollio had a son born in his Consulship, whom he called Salonius, from his taking Salonae, a city of Spalato in Dalmatia: for whom Virgil in his Pollio singing verses upon his nativity, out of the Cumaean or Sibylline Poemes, who dividing the ages of the World by mettals, and in the tenth and last age of the World, (in which Sol or Apollo was to rule) foretelling that there should come to be a restoring of all things, pronounced that this year the Golden Age (and with it the Virgin, Erigone, or Astraea, who had left the earth in the Iron Age) should return again. [Servius in Virgil. Eclogue. 4.] In which description the Poet seems to have inserted those things which either he had heard spoken of by the Jews, whom (Cicero in orat. pro Flacco. saith) that there were many dwelt at Rome about the Aurelian Stayres; or which he had himself read in the bookes of the Prophets, (which were common in the Greek tongue) written of him.

Pacor••s the King of Parthia his son, having taken Syria, went into Palestina, and deposed Hyrcanus, who was set by the Romans to govern that country, and placed his brother Aristobulus in his room. Thus Dio, [lib. 48. pag. 372, 373.] ill confound∣ing Aristobulus the father, with Antigonus the son; whenas he himself afterwards alwayes calls this Antigonus the King, and not Aristobulus, [lib. 48. pag. 382. & lib. 49. pag. 405.] But most fully doth Josephus lay open this whole matter after this manner.

Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, said that he would give to the Parthians a 1000 talents and 500 women, if they would translate the kingdom from Hyrcanus upon him, and would also kill Herod with all that belonged to him: which things although he performed not, yet the Parthians to claim the kingdom for Antonius, marched with their army towards Judea. Pacorus the Kings son by sea, and Barzapharnes by land. The Tyrians shut their gates against him, but the Sidonians and them of Pto∣lomais, opened their gates to him. He sent a squadron of horse into Judea before him to see what was to be done, and gave command that they should help Antigo∣nus. He that commanded the squadron was the Kings Buttler, and called also Pacorus.

The Jews also inhabiting Mount Carmel, joyning themselves with Antonius, and shewing themselves ready with him to inrod the enemies country, he began to con∣ceive some hope, that by their help he might bring under his power that part of the country, which is called D••ynos; where having encountered with his enemies, and putting them to flight, he pursued them even to Jerusalem.

Here also they of Antigonus his party, their number very much increasing, set upon the Kings house; Phasaelus and Herod defending it: where in the Market-place there was a fight between them, and the enemies being overcome by the brethren, fled into the Temple: whom they having shut up in the Temple, they appointed 60 men to keep them, placed in the adjoyning houses: but these, the people bearing a grudge to the brethren, burnt them with fire. Whereat Herod being angry, killed many of the people: and every hour, one laid waite for another, so that every day some were murdered.

When the day of Penticost was come, there were many thousands of men, as well armed as unarmed, gathered together about the Temple, from all parts of the coun∣try, who seized upon both the Temple and the City, except the Kings house; for this Herod kept with a few souldiers, as his brother Phasaclus did the walls. But Herod (being something helped by his brother) assaulted his enemies in the suburbs, forced many thousands of them to flee, some into the City, some into the Temple, and some into a Rampire that was neer the City.

In the mean while, Antigonus demanded that Pacorus the General of the Parthi∣ans might be admitted to conclude a peace between them. Pacorus being entertained by Phasaelus, perswaded him that he would go as Embassadour to Barzapharnes, laying an ambush for him: he suspecting nothing went; Herod by no means appro∣ving this matter by reason of the perfideousnesse of the Barbarians, but advising rather that he would kill Pacorus, and those that came with him. Wherefore Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their Embassie; and Pacorus leaving with Herod 200

Horsemen, and ten whom they call Elutheri, took with him the Embassa∣dours.

But as soon as they were come into Galilee, the governours of those Towns came out against them in arms; and Barzapharnes entertained them with a chearful coun∣tenance, and bestowed gifts upon them, but afterward laid ambushes for them. Phasa∣elus was brought with his traine to a place near the sea side, called Ecdippon. Where Ophellus, learning from Saramulla, the richest of all the Syrians, that there were ambushes laid for Phasaelus, offered him shipping to shift away: but he unwilling to leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in Jeopardy, expostulated with Barzaphernes, concerning the injury offered to Embassadours, who swearing that these things were not true, went presently to Pacor••s.

He was no sooner gone, but Hyrcanus and Phasaelus were clapt up in prison, much detesting the perjury of the Parthians, and to Herod also was an Eunuch sent with command, to surprize him if he could get him out of the City. Herod understand∣ing from others what had happened to his brother, taking with him what aide he had about him, and setting the women on Horses, to wit, his mother Cybele, his sister Salome, his wife Mariamme, and the Mother of his wife Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother Pheroras, with their Servants, and the rest of the company, he by night, unknown to his enemies, took his flight into Idumaea.

In the journy, his mother by the overthrow of her Coach, was in great danger of death, that Herod was so astonished, least the enemy should overtake them whilst they stayed there: that he thought to kill himself with his own sword: but being re∣strained by them that were about him, he went towards Massada, a most strong for∣tified place, (which is seated in the Country af Arabia, and Palestina) by the nearest way he could possibly: the Parthians first pursuing him, and then the Jews, when he was but 60. furlongs from the City, but both overcome in fight.

After he was come to Ressa, a Village of Idumea, his brother Joseph came unto him; and seeing they brought so great a multitude with them, as without any hired Souldier, the Castle at Massada, whither they were determined to fly, could not hold them, he dismissed the greater part of them, to wit, 9000. com∣manding them to shift for themselves in Idumaea, giving them victual, but taking unto him the choicest men, and his nearest friends, he entred the Castle, and there dispo∣sing of the women, with the rest of their companions, because there was plenty of corn, water, and things necessary besides, he himself went unto Petra, a City of Arabia.

The next day after he was fled from Jerusalem, the Parthians plundred all the goods of the Citizens of Jerusalem, and the Kings house also, onely the treasure of Hyrcanus, which was 300 talents remained untouched: a great part also of Herods substance, especially that that he providently had carried into Idumaea: neither were the Parthians contented with the plunder of the City, but going out of the City, they harrassed the Country also, and rased the rich City of Marissa.

Antigonus, being thus brought back into his Country, by the King of the Parthia∣ans, received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, that were then prisoners; but he was very much agrived, that the women were got away, whom he had intended to deliver to the Parthians, together with the mony that he had promised to give them: but then being afraid, least Hyrcanus, whom the Parthians had then prisoner, should again, by the favour of the people, be restored into his kingdom, he cut off his ears, that so he might be rendred unfit for the Priesthood: the Law forbidding, that any one that wanted any member, should approach unto the Altar. [Levittic. XXI. 17, 18. &c.]

Phasaelus knowing that he was appointed to be put to death, seeing he could not lay violent hands upon himself, by reason of his chains, he beat out his own brains against a stone; but before he was quite dead, hearing by a woman, that his brother Herod was escaped, he greatly rejoyced that there was left one to revenge his death. But the Parthians, although they missed of the women which they most of all desired, notwithstanding, having setled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus, when they departed, took Hyrcanus along with them prisoner into Parthia. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 11. lib, 14. Antiquit. cap. 24, 25.]

At the same time Labienus took Cilicia, and all the Cities seated in the Continent of Asia, (for, for fear of him, Plan••u••, the Lieutenant of Antonius in Asia, had fled into the Island) except Stratonicea, most of them without stroke striken, but Melissa and Alabanda he took by force: for these Cities, when they had entertained a Garri∣son from Labienus, on a certain festival day, put to death the Garrison, and revolted. Wherefore Labienus having taken Alabanda, put the Citizens to death, and raised M••lissa, being abandoned by the inhabitants: and although he had a long time be∣sieged

Stratonicea, yet could he by no means get the City. At length, when he had gotten their mony, and robed their Temples, he called himself the Parthian Emperour, by a clean different reason from the Romans; for he imposed upon himself a name from them whom he led against the Romans, as if he had conquered them, and not his fellow Citizens. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373.]

Thus the Parthians, conquering for themselves under colour of Auxiliaries, Labienus being their Captain, they made excursions from Euphrates and Syria, even to Ionium, but yet more like thieves than enemies. [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9. Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 120. in Parthic. pag. 134, 156. lib. bell. Civil. pag. 709. For the stopping of whose progresse, M. Antonius sent into Asia his Lieutenant M. Ventidius Bassus. [Plutarch. ibid. Appian. pag. 156, & 709.]

Ventidius was come to Labienus, before he knew any thing of it, who being terri∣fied with his sudden coming, and destitute of his forces, for he had none with him, but Souldiers gathered out of Asia, and was without the Parthians, and not daring to meet him, he immediately put him to flight, and followed him as he fled with his light harnessed Souldiers, and having overtaken him at the Mountain Taurus, would not let him go any further. [Dio, lib. 48. pag. 380, 381.]

In that place they lay quiet many dayes in their Camps, one over against the other, Labienus expecting the Parthians, and Ventidius the Legions: when as in those dayes that happened to both of them, that both desired to hide. Ventldius, because he was afraid of the Parthian Horse, kept himself on high (for there he had placed his Camp) and the Parthians trusting to their multitude, and contemning those that they had in times past overcome, before they joyned with Labienus, early in the morning went towards the hill, and nobly coming out against them, they intended to go even to the top of the hill: and when now they were come up, the Romans running towards them, tumbled them headlong without any great paines. Thus the Parthians being slain partly by the Romans, but the greater part destroyed by their own party in their retreat; seeing that some were flying, when as some were but just come to the hill. [Ibid. pag. 381.]

Ventidius followed the Parthians that turned their flight, not towards Labienus, but into Cilicia, even to the Camp; who seeing Labienus there stood still: but when Labienus had set his men in array; but seeing his men astonished by the flight of the Barbarians, he durst not fight, but by night determined to fly some whither. Ventidius having intelligence of this by some Fugitives, killed many of them in their departure by ambushments; all the rest being deserted by Labienus, he took to himself. [Ib.]

Labienus, having changed his habit, fled, and after he had laine hid in Cilicia some time, he was sought out, and taken by Demetrius, who then governed Cyprus for An∣tonius. [Ibid.]

These things thus done, Ventidius recovered and setled Cilicia, he sent before him Popedius Silo, with Horsemen to the Mountain Amanus, seated in the confines of Cilicia and Syria, in those straits, which are called the gates. Silo by no means could get a Castle that was built there; and also he was brought into great danger by Pharnapates, the Lieutenant of Pacorus, who kept that passe, and had been utterly routed, but that Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting, and so brought aide to his own party. He setting upon the Parthians on a suddain, and they also fewer in number, Pharnapates, with many others, being killed, he recovered Syria, now relinquished by the Parthians, without any war, except only Aradus: for the Arabians fearing they should be compelled to suffer punishment for the boldnesse against Antonius, yielded not to Ventidius, although some time assaulted by him. [Ibid. pag. 381, 382.]

Herod, not yet assured of his brother Phasaelus his death, went unto Malchus, the King of the Arabians (Nabataeans) who was obliged unto him, for many favours he had done him; being willing to expend 300 talents, to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy: for which cause he carried with him Phasaelus, his bro∣thers son, a child of seven years old, to leave him in pledge with the Arabians. But there met him some that were sent from Malchus, to him; that he should depart from the bounds of the kingdom, for so the Parthians had commanded: but he pretended this by the perswasion of his Noble men, and that he might cousen him of that trea∣sure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody. Which Herod taking very heavily, returned into a certain Temple, where he had left many of his followers: but the next day, when he came to Rh••ocorura, he heard of his brothers death. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 25.]

Malchus repenting of this ingratitude, sent in all hast after Herod, but could not overtake him, for he was gotten far onward of his way, posting to Pelusium, where the Mariners that were to saile to Alexandria, denying him passage; he was by the Magistrates of the place honourably entertained, and brought to Cleopatra the

Queen, who could by no meanes, detaine him then, because he was hastning to Rome although the sea was very much troubled with tempests, and the affaires at that time were in no very good condition in Italy, for seeing that it was not yet winter time, (as Salianus hath observed against Tormellus, in the year of the world 4014 num. 26. & 27.) I take that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Josephus concerning a storme at sea, which Herod neglecting, sailed from Alexandria towards Pamphilia, and being tossed with a grievous tempest, he cast over board much of his substance, and scarce got to Rhodes. [Joseph. ibid.]

Then met him at Rhodes two of his greatest friends, Sappinas and Ptolomaeus, and finding the City had suffered much in the war against Cassius, he could not be restrained no not by his present poverty, but that he would do something for it even above his ability, he then caused a frigot to be built, and embarking himself with his friends, he arrived at Brundusium in Italy, from thence he went to Rome, and decla∣red unto Antonius those things that had happened to him and his family, and how through these tempests, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and continuing all dangers he had retired to him as to his only refuge, and in whom all his hope lay. [id. ibid.]

The narration had moved the compassion of Antonius, calling to remembrance also his fathers friendship, but especially the promise of money, if he were made King by his meanes, and the hatred of Antigonus, as of a man of a turbulent spirit, and an ene∣my to the Romans: made him more inclined to Herod: Caesar also, partly for that Antipater had been fellow souldier with his father in Egypt; and for other curtesies which he had shewed him, and partly that he might gratifie Antonius, whom he knew was well affected to Herod, was willing to promote his endeavours, whereupon the Senate being called, Messala, and then Atratinus, brought forth Herod, and after they had praised him, reckoning up the services and good will, that both his father and he had done for the Romans; they accused also Antigonus for ancient crimes, and that but newly in contempt of the Romans, he had received the Kingdome from the Parthians, and when Antonius had declared to the Senate, how much conducing it was to the Parthian war, that was then in hand, that Herod should be made King; Antigonus was declared an enemy, and the Kingly title was devolved upon Herod by their generall suffrage. [id ibid. cap. 26.]

The Senate being dismissed, Antonius and Caesar went out leading Herod between them, and being accompanied with the Consuls and other Magistrates, they went up into the Capitoll, to do sacrifice there, and to place there the decree of the Senate, and the new King the first day of his reign, was feasted by Antonius, and after this manner he obteined the Kingdome, in the CLXXXV. Olympiade, (not CLXXXIV. as it is in Josephus) (Domitius Calvinus II. and Asinius Pollio being Consuls, and within seven daies Antonius dismissed Herod out of Italy, honoured with this unexpected feli∣city. [ibid.]

All the time of Herods absence, Antigonus assaulted his family in Massada, aboun∣ding in all other provision, but only wanting water: so that for this very cause his bro∣ther Joseph was determined with 200 of his friends to fly unto the Arabians, for he had heard that Malchus now repented of the ingratitude he had shewed Herod; but a shower falling that night, he changed his purpose, for the cisterns being filled with water, they made a gallant sally out, and killed many of Antigonus his men, both in open field, and covert assaults. [ibid.]

Ventidius easily recovered Palestina, Antigonus the King thereof being much afraid and exacted great sums of money from all men, but especially from Antigonus, Anti∣ochus (Commagenian) and Malchus the Nabathaean; because they had aided Paco∣rus. [Dion. lib. 48. pag. 382.] he came also into Palestina, under colour as though it were to help Joseph: but indeed with this purpose to extort money from Antigonus; therefore he encamped neer Jerusalem, and drew from him a sufficient sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered, he left Silo there with some part of his forces: who also was to be pleased by Antigonus, least he should raise him some new troubles, till the Parthians as he hoped, would come to his aid. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 26.]

There was in the company of Antonius an Egyptian, one that cast nativites, who told him, that although his fortune was most splendid and great, yet it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar, and therefore perswaded him to get from that young man as far as he could, for thy Genius (said he) is afraid of his Genius; for whereas thy Ge∣nius is erect and high when alone, but he coming neer, is rendred more remish and li∣ther. [Plutarch, in Antonio.]

After these things Antonius being to go to the Parthian war, had all his acts aswell past as to come, confirmed by the Senate, he again dismissed many of his comman∣ders, and disposed all things as he would himself, he called some Kings by his owne authority, who should only pay a certain tribute, as he made Herod King both of the

Idumaeans and Samatitanes, so Darius (the son of Pharnaces, and nephew of Mithri∣dates) of Pontus, Amyntus of the Pisidians, Polemon of part of Cilicia, and other Kings of other Nations, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 715.] Then committing the care of his family to Caesar, he departed out of Italy, taking with him Octavia into Graecia, of whom he had one son born, [Plutarch.] and there he spent many dayes, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 380.]

But his army, which was otherwise to winter about him, that he might accustom it to plunder and exercise, he sent against the Parthieni, a Nation of Illyria, in for∣mer time greatly affected to Brutus: others against the Dardanians, these also were of Illyria, and were wont to make inrodes into Macedonia: others he commanded to stay for him in Epirus, that he might have them all about him; for he had intended his winter quarters should be at Athens. He sent also Furnius into Africa, that he might conduct the four Legions of Sextius against the Parthians, for he had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. These things being thus disposed, he wintered at Athens with Octavia, as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleo∣patra, [Appian. pag. 715, 716.]

As he wintered at Athens, the first news of Ventidius's prosperous successe were told him; how that the Parthians being overthrown, Labienus and Pharnapates, or Phraates the chief General of King Herod or Orodes, were killed by him. For this Victories sake he made a Feast for the Grecians, and set forth Playes of exercises to the people of Athens, in which he himself would be chief; wherefore leaving at home his Imperial ensignes, he went abroad with the rods that Judges in such exercises used, clad with coats and shooes called Phaecasia; and staving the young gamsters when they had contended as long as he thought good, parted them, [Plutarch.]

Antonius was praised at Rome, and processions decreed in his name: but to Ven∣tidius himself, there was no reward decreed by the Senate, because he was not General, but carried on the war under the authority of another, [Dio, lib. 48. pag. 382.]

The countries of Attalus and Dejotarus, which two were dead, were delivered to one Castor, [Ibid. pag. 277.]

Herod being returned out of Italy to Ptolomais, having gathered store of souldiers both of hired, and those of his own country, hasted thorough Galilee against Antigo∣nus; being aided by Silo and Ventidius, to whom Dellius (for so his name is to be read, in the 15 book, cap. 2. not Gellius) was sent from Antonius with commands, that they should conduct him into his kingdom: although Ventidius was by chance detained for setling the tumults in divers cities, that the Parthians had raised: but Silo was in Ju∣dea, but bribed with money by Antonius. Yet Herods forces, as he went on, daily increased, and all Galilee, a few excepted, stood for his party, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

As Herod was marching to Masada, because he must of necessity succour his kind∣red, Joppe would not let him passe: which he must first take from the possession of the enemy, because he would not have behind him any fortification, in his march to Jerusalem: which occasion Silo taking hold on, dislodged his army; whom when the Jews pursued, Herod met with a small band of men, saved Silo, & who fought very cow∣ardly, [Id. ibid.]

After Joppe was taken, he hasted to Masada to deliver his kindred from the siege, and his army was greately increased, many of the country people joyning with him: and having discharged his friends from Masada, he approached Jerusalem, in spight of Antigonus who had laid ambushments for him in all convenient places: the soul∣diers also of Silo following him, and many of the Jews terrified with his power. And when he had encamped on the west side of the City, those that kept the walls on that side, shot at him their arrows and darts: divers also coming out in troops, and beating up their quarters, Herod commanded an Herald to proclaim round about the walls, that he came for the publick good, and for the conservation of the City, and that he would pardon all former injuries. On the other side, Antigonus turning his speech to Silo, and the Romans, told them, That it was unjustly done to give the kingdom to Herod, a private man, and an Idumaean; that is, an half Jew: whenas by custom, it ought to be given to the Priests line: and whenas Antonius his men, vali∣antly shooting from the Towres, had droven the enemy from the walls, Silo being bribed, suborned some souldiers of his acquaintance, who should demand larger pro∣visions, and money to buy them, and should request to be withdrawn into commodius winter quarters. Whereupon the army being troubled and preparing to dislodge, Herod intreated the Captains and souldiers of Silo his army, that they would not leave him now, he being sent both by Caesar and Antonius, and all the rest of the Senate: and presently sending his souldiers into the country, he cut off all occasion of Silo his departure: such store of all necessaries being brought thither, more than any one

could hope for. He commanded also his friends that inhabited about Samaria, that they should bring to Jericho, corn, wine, oil, cattle, and other necessaries, that for the future, there might be enough for the souldier, [Ibid.]

Antigonus, whe•• he knew this, presently sent into the country those that should in∣tercept the victuallers; but Herod taking with him some Cohorts, whereof five con∣sisted of Romans, and as many of Jews, with whom he intermixed some forreign soul∣diers, and a few Horse, and went to Jericho: where finding the City forsaken of the inhabitants, and 500 that had fled with their families to the tops of the Hills, whom he took and let go again: But the Romans entering the City, plundered it, finding the houses full of all precious moveables. The King therefore leaving a Garrison there, re∣turned, and dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries lately surrendered to him; namly, Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also obtained of Silo by bribery that part of the Roman army should be lodged in Lydda, currying favour with Antonius. Thus the Romans lived in all plenty, and free from bearing armes, [Ibid.]

But Herod could not be idle, [The Julian Period. 4675] for sending his brother Joseph into Idumaea, [Year before Christ 39] with a 1000 Foot, and 400 Horse, himself went into Samaria, and there setled his mother and the rest of his kindred, whom he had drawn out of Masada, and marched into Ga∣lilee; and there surprised some places that were held by Antigonus his Gorrisons. And when he came to Sephorus in snowy weather, Antigonus his men fled from thence, and he took great store of necessaries. From thence he sent a troop of Horse, and three Companies of Foot, against some theeves that inhabited in caves, to keep them from doing of mischief: they were not far from the Village Arbela. On the 40 day he came with the whole army, whom the enemy boldly met, and made his left wing begin to waver, until he came with the main Body, and succoured them, and forced his enemy that was conquering, to flee, and his own men who were fleeing to stand: and not content with this, he followed the chase as far as Jordan; so that he drew all Galilee to his subjection, except those that inhabited the caves: and giving every man of them a 150 drachmes, and more to the Captains, he dismissed them into their winter quarters, [Ibid.]

In the mean time, Silo came to him with his Captains who had wintered with An∣tigonus, for that he would not maintain them longer than one moneth; for he had sent to the inhabitants thereabout, commanding them, to spoile the country of all victual, and to flee to the mountains, that the Romans might perish thorough famine: but Herod committed the charge of provision to his brother Pheroras, commanding him to rebuild Alexandrium; who in a short time furnished the souldiers with abundance of all necessaries; and rebuilt again Alexandrium, which was formerly dismantled. About this time Antonius sojourned at Athens, [Ibid.]

P. Ventidius, when he heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria, was afraid; whenas neither the Cities were setled, and the armies as yet were dispersed in their winter quarters. Wherefore that he might give a stop to Pacorus, and remedy the slownesse of his own Forces, he went to Chaunaeus a certain Govern∣our, one that he was well acquainted with, but one that he knew wished well to the Parthians. Him neverthelesse he highly honoured as if he had been his faithful friend, and demmanded advice of him in some affairs; so that, yet without any hurt to himself, he would seem to have this opinion of him, that he would make him par∣taker of his most secret counsels. The businesse being brought to this passe, he feigned as though he were afraid lest the Parthians omitting their usual passage over Euphra∣tes at Zeugma, should use some lower part of the River: because that there the Cham∣pain were fitter for the Parthians, but here the Hill for him; and thus he perswaded Chaunaeus, and by him deceived Pacorus. So that chusing the longer march by the Champain, (by which Ventidius feigned he would not have him come) he gave Ventidius time to collect his Forces. Thus Dio relates the businesse in the 56 book of Histor. [pag. 403, 404.] but Frontinus, lib. 10. Stratagem. cap. 1. thus. Ventidius in the Parthian war against King Pacorus, knowing that one Pharneus a Cyrrhestian by birth, who seemed to be one of his allyes, that he told the Parthians, whatsoever was done in his Camp, turned the perfidiousnesse of the Barbarian to his own profit; for those things he most desired, he dissembled as though he were afraid they should happen, and those he was afraid of, he made as though he desired: for being troubled lest the Parthians should passe Euphrates, before that the Legions could come to him, which he had in Cappadocia on the other side Taurus; he very carefully wrought with the Traytor, that by his ordinary perfidiousnesse he should perswade the Par∣thians, that they should passe their army over at Zeugma, both where the cut is shorter, and the chanel not so deep; for if they should come that way, he affirmed, that he could make much use of the Hills to evade the archers, but that he was mightily a∣fraid, if they should come into the open field.

Antonius having spent the winter at Athens, with great luxury and pleasure of Octavia, as if he had been clean another man, he returned to the old Roman fashion, and changed his behaviour; for now the Lictors were about the gates, and the Cap∣tains; and his guards, and all things ordered to make men afraid of him. Embassadors now had audience, which were deferred for a long time; justice was administred, the ships were lanched, and things were in a hurry for the preparation. [Appian. l. 5. p. 716.] Finally, he took him a Crown from the sacred Olive tree, being to go to the war; and for satisfaction of a certain oracle, he carried with him a vessel, filled from the Moun∣tain Clapsydra. [Plutarch. in Antonio]

In Syria, Ventidius sending for Silo to go against the Parthians, commanded him first to aide Herod, and then to bring Herod along with him, and the rest of the Auxiliaries of those Provinces; but Herod, having sent Silo unto him, marched with his souldiers against the thieves that lived in the caves; as Josephus more fully shews in [lib. 1. Bell. cap. 12. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

Herod made Ptolomeus governour of the Country, but his government happened not well for him; for being invaded by them, who formerly disturbed the Country, he was killed. Which being done, they retired into fens, and unaccessable places, infesting with robberies and inrodes all that Country. But Herod being returned, made them pay dear for their thievery; for of these revolters, some he killed, others flying into fortified places, having conquered them, he punished them, and rased their strong holds; and so taking away the authors of the innovations, he fined the Cities in an 100 talents. [Joseph. ibid.]

Pacorus coming into Syria, with great forces of the Parthians, left that shorter cut at Zeugma, and brought his army about by the lower way: and whilest the Barbarians joyn the bridge to those wider bancks, and therefore more unwildy, and bring on their Engines, 40 dayes are spent: which spacce Vintidius used to gather his forces together, which he received, but three dayes before the Parthians came: whom when Venti∣dius had suffered to passe the river, for he did not set upon them in their passage; he brought them into this opinion, That the Romans were effiminate and cowards. Ventidius also, by a dissembled fear, kept himself a long time quiet, and suffered the Parthians a long time to insult, At last he sent part of the Legions against them, as they were in security and jollity: at whose first brunt the Parthians were discomfited and routed. But when Pacorus saw his men flying, he thought that all the Legions had been withdrawn with them, wherefore he set upon Ventidius his Camp, with his main body, as though it had been left without any to defend it: which being seated upon an hill, and the Parthian Horsemen invading, they were ceasily tumbled down the precipice, by a sudden sally that the Romans made. Yet Vintidius lead not out the other part of the Legions into the Camp again, till they were come within half a mile of him; and then made so sudden eruption, that being near them, he made their darts of no use against him, of which there was great use at a distance: by which policy he quickly beat the Barbarians, because carried with a kind of ostentation of confidence, The slingers helped him very much, who exceedingly afflicted the Barbarians with their violent strokes at a distance: yet the Parthians, of whom many armed at all points, fought stoutly; and Pacorus himself valiantly fighting, fell down dead: for whose dead body a few couragiously strove, but in vain: to be short, Ventidius slew all the Parthian Horsemen, all along between the river Orontes and Euphrates, ma∣king a slaughter of above 20000. neither in any war did the Parthians receive a greater wound. Of them that fled, some that endeavoured to get home over the bridge, being prevented by their enemies there perished: others fled into Commagena, to King Antiochus. And thus Ventidius again drave the Parthians within Media, and Mesopotamia, but would not pursue them any farther, fearing the envy of Anto∣nius. [Livy, lib. 128. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9. Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 751. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78. Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27. A Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Sueton. Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Plutarch. in Antonio. Jul. Fronton. Stratagem. lib. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 2. Dion. lib. 49. pag. 409. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sext. Ruf. in Breviario. Oros. l••b. 6. cap. 18.]

The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica. [Strabo, Plutarch, Dio.] and Pacorus was killed the same day of the year, in which (fourteen years befor) his father Orodes had killed Crassus by his Captain Surena. [Dio. pag. 404. Eutrop. Sext Rufus, &. Oros.] which was done in the moneth of June, as Ov••d saith in his 6. lib. Fastorum.

Ventidius making an expedition against those that had revolted, subdued them, [Plutarch.] for the Syrians did extreamly love Pacorus for his justice and clemency, as never any King the like, [Dio. pag. 404.] Wherefore, when as Syria expected the event of the war, but doubtfully, Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted, he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken. [Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 9.]

Ventidius making an expedition egainst those that had revolted, subdued them. [Plutarch.] for the Syrians did extreamly love Pacorus for his justice and clemency, as never any King the like. [Dio. pag. 404.] Wherefore, whenas Syria expected the event of the war; but doubtfully, Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted, he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken. [Id. ib. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9.]

Orodes, who a little before had heard that Syria was wasted, and Asia seized upon by the Parthians, and gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans; when he heard of a suddain, that his son was dead, and his army destroyed, for very grief fell mad: for many dayes he spake to no man, nor eat any thing, but was speechlesse, so that he seemed to be striken dumb: but after many dayes, when grief had loosened his voyce, he did nothing but call Pacorus, that he spake with him, and that he stood by him, and then again would with tears bewaile the losse of him. [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4.]

At Rome there were decreed for this victory against the Parthians, both pro∣cessions and a Triumph (but yet he never triumphed) both for his eminency, and also according to the Laws, because it was his Province. There were the same things decreed to Ventidius, because he seemed abundantly to have recompensed the overthrow of Crassus, by the like upon Pacorus. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 404, 405.]

Ventidius led his army against Antiochus the Commagenian, under colour, that he had not given him his servants, but indeed in hope to possesse his treasure, of which Antiochus had good store, [Id. ibid. pag. 404.]

Him he assaulted, being shut up in Samosata, but promising 1000 talents, and that he would be obedient to Antonius, he commanded him to send Embassadors unto him, (for he was far from thence) to demand peace of him; for this onely he would have to belong to him, that all things should not seem to be done by Ventidius alone, [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Antonius commanded Ventidius, that he should send Machaeras to aide Herod with two Legions, and 1000 Horse, [Joseph. lib. 4. cap. 27.] but yet for both the victories of Labienus, and of Pacorus, which were gotten by Ventidius, Antonius did not only not rejoyce, but envied him also, because of his prosperous successe by his own con∣duct; and although there were processions and a Triumph decreed to him, for both the victories that Ventidius had gotten, yet he thrust him from his charge, (the go∣vernment of Syria) and neither then, nor hereafter, used his help any more. Thus Dio, although Plutarch hath written, that he was honoured by him, and that he was sent by him to Triumph.

Machaeras being drawn by Antigonus, and corrupted with mony, against Herods perswasion went unto him, as if he went to look to his actions; but Antigonus sus∣pecting him, gave him not admission, but drave him from thence with slings: he then perceived that Herod had given him good counsel, and his own error in not following it. Wherefore he retired to Emmaus, and in his march killed all the Jews that came to hand, without distinction of friend or foe, he being angry at those things that had happened. At which fact Herod being sore grieved, came to Samaria, with an in∣tent to go to Antonius; saying, That he had need of other manner of men than those, who did him more hurt than his enemies, whereas of himself he was to subdue Anti∣gonus. But Machaeras overtaking him, entreated him to stay, or if he were determined to go on, at least that he would give him his brother Joseph, that they together might make war against Antigonus. Thus was he, after much intreaty, reconciled to Machaerus, and having Joseph his brother with the army, command him that in his absence, he should put all to the hazard of a battle, but he himself hasted to Antonius, whom he found assaulting Samosata, a city neer Euphrates, and brought with him Auxiliaries both of Horse and Foot. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

After he was come to Antioch, he found many there, who desired to repaire to An∣tonius, but durst not venture, because the Barbarians had beset the wayes, to whom he offered himself to be their guide, and so came to Samosata to Antonius, having over∣come the Barbarians once or twice, when he was entertained by him very honourably and much praised for his valour. [Id. ib.]

Seeing the siege of Samosata lasted long, the besieged turning valiant, out of dispaire of peace. (as it is in Plutarch) Antonius also suspected that his souldiers alienated from him, because he had used Ventidius ignominously, (as Dio hath it) he privately men∣tioned some hope of peace, that he might with honour depart: and when he could not receive no more than two hostages, and they not noble men, neither the mony he had demanded; he granted peace to Antiochus, and was content with 300 talents, yielding also unto him, that he might put to death Alexander, who had formerly fled from him to the Romans. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Plutarch. in Antonio. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

This war being ended after this manner, [Year of the World 3966] he delivered to C. Sosius the gouernmen•• of Syria and Cilicia with an army, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 405. Joseph. lib. 14. pag. 27.] who had often very good successe in Syria. [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

The affaires in Syria being something setled, Plutarch writes, that Antonius retur∣ned to Athens; Josephus, that he went into Egypt, Dio that he intend••d to go for Italy, so that he may seem first to have returned to Athens, from thence to have passed into Italy, being called thither by Caesar, and the King returned to Athens to have sailed into Egypt to winter with Cleopatra, for he was sent for by Caesar from Athens, that they might consult together about the war against Sextus Pompeius, whither he came with a few as far as Brundusium; where seeing he found not Caesar at the day appointed, being affrighted with a certain prodigie, he went back again into Grae••ia under colour of the urgency of the Parthian war; Caesar not taking it well, that he did not stay for him. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 717. 718. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 385.] Josephus unmindfull of his brother Herods commands, in his absence taking with him his own and five Roman cohorts given him by Machaeras, went towards Jericho, that he might reape the enemies corn now it was ripe, and encamped in the mountaines, and because the Roman cohorts were most raw souldiers & unskilfull of the art military, because most of them were taken up out of Syria, he being circumvented by the ene∣mies in the midst of those fastnesses, having lost six cohorts, he himself also valiantly fighting was slain; yea Antigonus being master of the dead bodies, was so enraged, that he whipped the dead body of Joseph; although Pheroras his brother offered 50 talents to redeem it, after which the Galileans revolting from their Governours, drow∣ned those that were of Herods party in the lake, in Idumea, also there were many innovations; when Machaeras fortified Gitta. [Joseph. lib. 1. cap. 13. Antiquit. 14. cap. 27.]

Caius Sosius being commanded by Antonius to help Herod against Antigonus, sent with him two cohorts into Judea, [id. ibid.] he subdued the Aradians, who had endu∣red a siege but now were worne out with famine and sicknesse. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405.]

His brothers mischance was told to Herod at Daphne, the suburbes of Antioch, who expected some such thing by reason of some dreames that he had, wherefore hastning his journey, after he was come into mount Libanus, he took with him 800 men of that place, and leading with him one cohort of the Romans, and came to Ptolaemais; from whence by night he went with the army and passed through Galilee. [Ioseph. ut supra.]

Here his enemies met him, who were overcome in fight and forced into the castle from which they issued the day before, when Herod assailed by break of day, but being com∣pelled to desist by reason of extremity of the weather, he led his men into the villages ad∣joyning, but upon the coming of another cohort from Antonius, they that kept the fort were dismayed, and forsook it by night: Herod also hasted to Jericho, with an intent to revenge his brothers death, whither when he was come, he made a feast to the no∣blemen; and after the feast was ended, and the guests dismissed, he retired to his lodging, and the room in which they had supped, being now empty of company, fell down and did no body any hurt, whereby it came to passe, that all thought Herod to be beloved of God, who had so miraculously preserved him. [ibid.]

The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountaines, to fight with him, and terrified the Romans, and their forlorn hope with darts and stones chased Herods souldiers, so that the King himself received a wound in his side. [ibid.]

Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria, desiring to seem to have so many forces, as he could make war abroad, but he went against Machaeras; and as touching Herod he had taken five townes, and put 2000 of the Garrison soul∣diers to the sword, and then having set the Townes on fire he went against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanae. [ibid.]

Herod, many coming to him out of Jericho and Judea, when he saw the enemy was so bold as to come to battle with him, fought with them and overcame them: and being inflamed with a desire to revenge his brothers death, he slew them that fled, and followed them even into the village, but the houses being filled with souldiers, and some flying to the tops of the houses, these being overcome and the houses throwen down, yet he found all other places filled with souldiers, all whom being after a mise∣rable manner crushed to death, the rest fled out in companies being sore affrighted, and immediately Herod had gone to Jerusalem, had not the sharpnesse of the winter hin∣dred him, and put an end to the war, for now Antigonus began to think of flying, and to forsake the city. [ibid.]

Herod in the evening, when he had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves, he as yet hot in his armour, went into a chamber being accompanied with only one

servant to wash himself, where within were some of his enemies armed, whom fear had forced thither, and whilst he was naked and washed himself, one with a drawn sword run hastily out of the doores, and then another, and likewise a third all armed, they were so astonished, that they were glad to save themselves, without doing the King any hurt; the next day among others he cut of Pappus his head, and sent it to his brother Pherorus in reveng of his brothers death whom he had killed, for it was Pappus who with his own hand had killed Joseph. [Ibid.]

At Rome on the V Kalends of December, P. Ventidius for his victory at mount Taurus, and over the Parthains, as we read in marble Kalendars of the triumphs [Gruterus inscript. pag. CCXCVII.] Thus Ventidius Bassus a man of base parentage came by the favour of Antonius to such height of honour, that he was made Gover∣nour of the Eastern Provinces, and triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacorus and the Parthians, who himself was once, and again too, (if we may believe Massuri∣us in Pliny) led in triumph with other captives, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 65. Valerius Maximus lib. 6. cap. 9. Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 43. A. Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Sueton. Plutar. in Antonio. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Eutrop. lib. 7.] see before in the end of the year of the Julian Period 4671. Spain being now reduced under the power of Caesar Octavi∣auus by Domitius Calvinus the Proconsul, the Spaniards begins their computation of time from the Kalends of January of this year, as may be understood from others, and also from Eulogius the Arch-bishop of Toledo, in his memorial of the Saints.

In the beginning of the Spring, Antonius arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum, out of Syria (as Dio) or from Athen, (as Appian hath it) to aid Caesar against Sextus Pompeius: of which when he would make no use, Antonius took it ill, yet stayed in the same place; for seeing that he had against his will bestowed so much cost upon the Navy, and had need of Italian Legions ••or the Parthian war, he thought to change his fleet for them: and although by the agreement, both of them had power to raise souldiers in Italy; yet it would be very difficult for him, Italy by lot falling to the o∣thers share. Wherefore he sent Octavia (who accompanied him out of Greece, who also was then with child, and by whom Antonius had had a second daughter) to her brother Caesar, that she might be a stickler between them: who brought the business to that passe, that Antonius should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently, an 150 ships, (for which Plutarch puts an 100 beaked-ships) for which Caesar promised that he would send to Antonius out of Italy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as it is in the same Plutarch) or 20000 souldiers, (as Appian hath it) Moreover besides the covenants, Octavia ob∣tained for her brother of her husband, 20 small ships, as Plutarch, or ten Galions three oares on a seat, as Appian relates: and Caesar again gave to Octavfa a 1000 picked men for his guard, leaving the choice of them to Antonius, [Plutrch in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 725, 726. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 390.] and that there might be more tyes of kindred, Caesar betrothed his daughter (Julia) to Antyllus the son of Antonius, and again Antonius betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia, to Domitius (Aeno∣barous) although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar, and had been proscrib∣ed: but these things were but feigned by them, as which they would never do, but onely the present occasions required it. [Dio. ibid.]

And because the five years time of the Triumvirate was our, they prolonged their power to themselve•• for another five years, not caring for the peoples consent, [Id. ibid. Appian. pag. 726, 727.] But Antonius sent back Octavia into Italy, for fear of any danger in the Parthian war: and having commended to Caesar the children that he had both by her, and Fulvia, he went into Syria, [Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. pag. 727. Dio. pag. 390, 391.]

Cleopatra built a new Library in the same place, where the old one at Alexandria was burnt in Julius Caesars time, which was called the daughter of the former: as Epiphanius affirmeth in his book of measures and weights: when yet from the 7 year of Ptolomaeus Pniladelphus, in which we have shewed at the year of the Julian Period, 4437. that the former Library was built, he ill reckons 249 years to this time, which should end in the year 4686 of the Julian Period, which was one year after Cleopatra's death, and whereas the chief errour of the calculation ariseth from hence, that Epi∣phanius attributes 32 yeares to the reign of Cleopatra, for 22 which ten superfluous yeares being taken away, we make the time between the beginnings of the two libra∣ries 239 yeares, and to this belongeth, that which is read in Plutarch, in Antonio. that it was objected to Antonius by Calvisius, that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamus, in which were 20000 entire books, or single volumes, and Strabo spake of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, possessions, not of libraries that were then extant in his time, [lib. 13. pag. 624.] (as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of libraries.)

Herod in the beginning of the third year, after he had been declared King at Rome, coming with an army to Jerusalem, encamped neer the City; and presently

moving neerer where he thought the walls f••est to be assaulted, he placed his tents before the temple; intending to assaile them, where Pompey had done in time past, where∣fore having compassed the place with three bulwarks, he erected his batteries, by the assistance of many workmen, and fetching materials from all places thereabouts, and setting fit men to oversee the workes, he went to Samaria to solemnize his marriage, with Mariamme the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who was formerly betroathrd to him. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27. fin.]

After the marriage Sosius came through Pnaenicia, having sent his army through the continent, and thither himself also came having with him many both horse and foot: Herod also came from Samaria, bringing with him no small accession to the old army: for they were about 3000, all the army being come together, there were eleven Legions of Foot, and 6000 Horse, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, (which are not to be reckoned for the least part) placed their camp at the north wall of the City, of this army there were two Generals, Sosius who was sent by Antonius to aid Herod, and Herod, who made war for himself with an intent, that having dispossessed Antigonus an enemy of the people of Rome, he might be King in his room according to the de∣cree of the Senate. [Id. ibid. cap. 28. lib, 1. bell. cap. 13.]

The Jews being gathered together out of the whole Country, and here shut up within the walls made valiant resistance, boasting much of the temple of the Lord, and wishing well to the people, and saying, that God would not forsake his in their danger, and spoiling all provision that was without the City, both for man and horse; by secret thefts also they made provisions very scarce to the besiegers, but Herod pro∣vided well for this, for placing ambushments in convenient places he prevented the thieves, and sending souldiers he fetched provisions afar off, so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all necessaries. [ibid.]

By the multitude of the workmen, the three bulwarks were easily finished, it was now summer, and the work went on, being hindred by no untemperatenesse of the weather, he often battered the walls with his engines, and left nothing unassayed, but the besieged fought valiantly, and used all cunning to evade their enemies endea∣vours, and making often sallies out, they set fire on their works both which were begun, and some also finished, and coming to handy stroakes with the Romans they were nothing inferiour to them in manhood, but only in martiall skill. [ibid.]

The Sabbaticall year now coming, [Year of the World 3867] brought a famine to the Jews that were besie∣ged, notwithstanding which, they built a new wall for that, that was beaten down by the Engines, and countermined the enemies mines, so that sometimes they came to fight hand to hand under ground, and using despair rather than courage, they held out to the last, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 28.] although Pollio the Pharisee, and Samias his disciple, advised them to receive Herod into the City, saying they could not avoid his being their King by reason of their sinnes. [Id. ibid. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1.]

They held out the siege during five months space, for all there was so great an army besieging them, [Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13.] at length 20 of Herods choicest souldiers got upon the wall, and then the Centurions of Sosius. [Id. ibid. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 28.]

The first wall was taken on the 40 day, and the secoud on the 50, and some galle∣ries about the temple were burnt, which Herod slandered Antigonus to have burned, to have brought him into hatred with the people, the outward part of the temple be∣ing taken, and the lower City, the Jews fled into the inner part of the temple, and the upper City; and fearing that they should be hindred from offering the daily sacrifices to God, they sent Embassadours to demand leave that those beasts only might be brought in which also Herod granted, hoping by this meanes they would leave their obstinacy and submit themselves. [ibid. cap. 28.]

But perceiving that his opinion failed him herein, [The Julian Period. 4677] and that the besieged obstinately contended to continue the soveraignty in Antigonus, [Year before Christ 37] he gave a generall assault, and won the City, [ibid.] to wit: on the Kalends of January, of the year of the Julian Period, 4677 on the second day of the month Cislu, which according to the accounts of the Eastern people of the civill year was the third, being the 28 day in which the Jews were wont to celebrate a solemn fast, in memory of the holy rowle that was burnt by Jehoiakim, as hath been formerly shewed by us, at the year of the Julian Period 4650.

These Kalends of January, by reason of the bad account intercalating received at that time at Rome, till upon the last of December, which ended both the first five years of the Triumviri, and also the Consulship of Claudius and Nortanus, to which this ca∣lamity of the Jews is referred by Dio, [lib. 49. pag. 405.] and the next day M. Vesp∣sanius Agrippa, and L. Cuminius Gallus entred upon their Consulships at Rome, to which the same is referred by Josephus, in the last Chapter of the 14. book of

Antiquities, declaring the time that this happened in. This calamity of Jerusalem hap∣pened in the Consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus, in the CLXXXV. Olympiade, (to wit in the third year) the third moneth, on a solemn Fast-day, as if the calamity brought upon the Jews twenty seven years before, had come about again upon the same moment of time, (for the City was taken by him on the same day.) But yet this intervall of time exceeds the true account one year; unlesse you interpret 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the year after twenty seven, as Mark VIII. 31. it is said, that Christ shall rise again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, after three dayes; which is more clearly propounded, Matth. XVI. 21. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 on the third day, and that in the II of Mac. XIV. 1, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, after the time of three years, the Interpreters expound it of the third year, in the Catalogue of the Stadionic, of Julius Africanus, Olympiade CXI. the Games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to wit, in the second year of that Olym∣piade. [in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. pag. 221.] Yea, even in Josephus himself, that which in the first book of the war, cap. 11. is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the 14 of Antiquities, cap. 23. is expounded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The City being won, all things were filled with murthers: the Roman, being in∣censed that they had so long continued the siege, and the Herodian Jews endeavouring to extirpate the contrary faction, so that there were continuall slaughters through the Porches and Houses, yea, the reverence of the Temple not saving the suppliants: they spared neither age nor sex, nor so much as the children: and although he besought them, and intreated them to forbear, yet none obeyed him, but as if they had been mad, they shewed their cruelty without any distinction of age. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. ult.]

Antigonus coming down from the Town, fell at Sosius his feet; who nothing pitying the change of his fortune, insulting over him, called him, Madam Antigona, but put him in prison, and set keepers over him. [Id. ibid.]

When as a multitude of strangers that he had hired, came rushing in, not into the Temple onely, but also the Sanctuary; whereof some he rest rained by entreaty, some by threats, and some by force of arms: thinking his victory worse than if he had been overthrown, if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen, were beheld by the prophane multitude. He forbad also any plunderings in the City, as much as in him lay; and likewise intreating Sosius, asking if the Romans would make him King of a wildernesse, the City being so exhausted with rapines and murders, who answer∣ing, That the Souldiers desired the plunder of the City, in regard he had indured the siege: whereunto Herod answered, That he would reward every man out of his own Treasury, and by this means he freed the City from any farther vexation, by perfor∣mance of his promises, for he bestowed his gifes liberally to the Souldiers, and in proportion to the Commanders, and royally to Sosius, and so Sosius, offering a Crown of gold to God, departed from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus with him prisoner to Antonius. [Ibid.]

Herod, making a difference of the multitude of the City, advanced those that were of his faction, and daily put them to death that were of the contrary. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13, lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 1.] Among whom, he also put to death all those judges of the great Sanhedrim, who had accused him of some capital crime before he was King, except Pollio the Pharisee, and his disciple Sameas, whom he highly ho∣noured. [Id. ibid. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1.]

He gathered together all the royall ornaments, and what by collections, and by taking away from rich men, great store of gold and silver, and gave it all to Anto∣nius and his souldiers. He put to death also 45 of Antigonus his chief Noble men, and set watch at the doors, that none of them might be carried out under colour of being dead; and what gold or silver soever was found, was all brought to Herod, so that there was no end of these miseries, for the covetousnesse of the needy Conquerour consumed all their goods. The fields also, by reason of the Sabbatical year, lay un∣tilled, in which it was unlawful to sow. [Id. lib. 15. cap. 1.]

Of these miserable times, among others were spectatours, Zacharias the Priest, with his wife Elizabeth, of the relicks of Davids stock, Heli and Joseph, Anna also the Prophetesse, of the tribe of Aser, and Simon the Just, who received an answer from the Holy Ghost, that he should not see death, till he had seen the Lords Christ. [Luke II. 26.]

Antonius, having taken Antigonus, intended to keep him prisoner with him untill his Triumph: but seeing Herod was afraid, least Antigonus, being brought to Rome by Antonius, should contend with him before the Senate, for his right to the kingdom: and Antonius heard, that the Nation were ready to innovate, and for hatred to He∣rod, favoured Antigonus, having received great sums of mony from Herod, he cut off Antigonus his head at Antioch, having lulled him on with vain hope of life, even unto the last: which being done, Herod was totally freed from fear, the principa∣lity

of the Hasmonaeans, being taken away. [Id. ibid. & lib. 14. cap. ult. lib. 20. cap. 8. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13.]

From the beginning of the Priesthood and principality of Antigonu••, to the taking of Jerusalem, are reckoned about two years and seven moneths, from whence also in the third year of the reign, both of Antigonus, and also of Herod, he is said to be killed by Antonius, in the 52 Chapter of the Jewish History, which is written in Arabick, set forth in the Paris Bible of many Languages: But Josephus attributes to Antigonus but three years and three moneths, [lib. 20. cap. 8.] which if they be to be extended to his death, will argue that it was delayed till the moneth of August of this year: to which, according to our account, from the beginning of the Captain-ship of Judas Maccabaeus, there passed 126 years, and two or three moneths. Josephus also not disagreeing in the end of his 14 book, where he writes, that the principality of the Hasmonaeans ended, Antigonus being slain, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, after an 126 years. But Herod, in the same Authour, [lib. 17. cap. 8.] allows only 125 years to the government of the Hasmonaeans: which being deduced from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus, are ended in the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod, in which the siege of Jerusalem began.

Now let us see what forraign Writers have delivered concerning the taking of Jeru∣salem, and the death of Autigonus. Livy seemeth in lib. 128. to have spoken of this History; in the Epitome of which, The Jews are said to be subdued by the Lieutenants of Antonius, for so the old books have it, where the Vulgar read, The Embassadors of the Jews were killed by Antonius. But of the death of Antigonus, we have this Testimony preserved by Josephus [lib. 15. cap. 1.] out of the books of Strabo the Cappadocian. Antonius having brought Antigonus the Jew to Antioch, caused him to be beheaded; and was supposed to be the first among the Romans, that put a King to death after this manner; think∣ing that the Jews could not be brought otherwise to admit of Herod for their King: for neither by torments could they be brought to vouchsafe him the name of King, in so high esteem held they the former King. Wherefore it was thought fit to obscure his memory by some ignominious death, and lessen the publick hatred they had against Herod. Of whom Plutarch in Anton. He bestowed tetrarchies of great nations upon many private men, and took away kingdoms from many, as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded, with which punishment no King was ever put to death before.

Dio also mentions this History, [lib. 59. pag. 405.] writing thus of Sosius. He conquered Antigonus, who had killed a Garrison of the Romans which was with him; for being overcome in battle at Jerusalem, for it fled thither. The Jews, (a nation of unplacable anger, if it be once stirred) did many injuries to the Romans, but suffered far more: those were taken first by them, who fought for the Temple of their God: and then the rest, upon a Saturday, which day they keep a Festival with so much religion, that those that were formerly taken with the Temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged leave of Sosius, that they might go up to the Temple, and there with the rest offer sacrifice after the custom. Over these (Antonius) made one Herod Ling: but Antigonus he put to death, after he had scourged him, and tied him to a post, (which was never done to any King before by the Romans) to wit, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning which the first Excercitation of Causabon upon Baronius, cap. 7. is to be consulted, but that this was done Claudius and Norbanus being Consuls, as Dio intimates, it is true of Antigonus his being overcome, and of the taking of Jurusalem; but by no means concerning the death of Antigonus, which he under∣went in the Consulships of M. Agrippa, and Caninius, or Canidius Gallus, which was the next year.

Nothing worthy of memory was done by the Romans this year in Syria, for An∣tonius spent the whole year in going into, and returning from Italy: and Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antonius, so spent that time, that he thought not how he might offend Antonius by some gallant action, but he might curry favour with him by doing nothing. [Dio. ibid. pag. 405, 406.] Who neverthelesse being returned out of Italy, removed him, and made Plancus Governour of Syria, and in the room of Plan∣cus, appointed C. Furnius, his Lieutenant in Asia. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 749, 753. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371, 372. lib. 49. pag. 402. 403.]

Another great trouble, [Year of the World 3968] after his long mourning, seized upon Orodes, King of the Parthians; namely, which of his 30 sons, he should make King in the room of Paco∣rus: for many Concubines, of whom he had begotten many sons, besieged the old mans mind every one for their own children. At last he pitched upon the eldest, which was the worst of them all, and made him King. [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag, 406.] This was Phraates the III. called by Plutarch in Anton. Phraortes, although by the compiler of Appians Parthian stories, which he transcribed word for word out of Plutarch, and by Plutarch himself in the end of his Crassus, he is named Phraates; and likewise by Horace, Ode. 2. lib. 2. speaking of this time.

Redditum Cyri solio Phraatem. Phraates restored to Cyrus his Throne.

He having received the Kindom by treachery, slew his brothers, who were born of the daughter of Antiochus, because they excelled him in virtue, and in bloud by the mothers side, and killed also Orodes, because he was angry at it. [Dio. pag. 404.] for he poisoned him as he lay sick of the Dropsie: which, when as he had voided the strength of the disease by siege, and began to be better, Phraates, letting his poi∣soning alone, took a shorter course, and strangled him. [Plutarch in fin. Crasso.]

After Phraates had killed his father, he put to death all his brothers, and when he saw that all the Nobility hated him for his daily vilanies, he commanded his own son, who was grown upto mans estate to be put to death, that there should be none that might be named King. [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5.]

Seeing that Phraates went about to put the Nobility to death, and committed many wicked things; many of the chief fled from him, some otherwhere, and some to Antonius; of which one was Moneses, a noble and powerful man. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 406.] This happened, Agrippa, and Gallus being Consuls. [Dio, ibid.]

The rest of the Winter, Gellius and Nerva being Consuls, P. Canidius Crassus being left Lieutenant by Antonius, about the Confines of Armenia, led his army against the Iberians; and having overcome their King Pharnabazus in battle, he compelled him to joyn forces with him: and going into Albania with him, he likewise joyned to him, that Nation also which he conquered, and their King Zoberes. [Id. ibid.] Who going as far as Caucasus with the conquered Armenians, and the Kings of the Iberians, and Albanians, he was the cause that the name of Antonius grew fa∣mous amongst the Barbarous Nations. [Plutarch in Antonius, Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 501.]

Antonius being puffed up with these successes, and relying much upon Moneses, committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him; promising him the King∣dom of the Parthians, and granting to him the revenues of their Cities that were subject to the Romans, that he should receive them as long as the war lasted. [Dio. ut supra.] For Antonius comparing the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles his, and equally his own riches and magnificence to the Kings of Persia, he gave him three Cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. [Plutarch.]

Phraates, the King of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive King Hyrcanus, for the nobility of his descent; and drawing him out of prison, suffered him to live in Babylon, where were great store of Jews: they no lesse honoured him then the King and High Priest, and not they only, but also all those of the Nation of the Jews, who were in old time carried beyond Euphrates by the Assyrians (or Baby∣lonians) of whom there were many millions: but after he knew that Herod was made King, he began to cast his hopes another way, expecting favour from Herod, whom he had saved when he was called in question for his life: he began therefore to consult with the Jews, who in duty came to visit him, touching his journy, who with all their wise admonitions, could not withdraw him from the desire of going into his own Country. To this was added the Tetrarchy of Herod, who striving by all means to get the poor old man into his clutches, wrote to him, that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that Kingdom, that they would not envy him the joynt power that he should enjoy with his son in law; for now the time was come, wherein he might re∣quite the favours he had done him in being his nourisher and preserver. He sent also Saramala his Embassadour to Phraates himself with great presents; soothing him up, That he should not hinder him from being thankful to him that had deserved so well of him. When therefore he had received Hyrcanus, thus dismissed by the Parthians, and honourably furnished by the Jews, for his expences for his journy, he entertained him with all honour, giving him the upper hand in all assemblies, and the mote honou∣rable place at all feasts, and calling him father, he thus lulled him on, least he should suspect any trechery. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 2, 3.]

Herod taking care that none of the Nobility should be created High Priest, sent to Babylon for a Priest of base Parentage, whom he was well acquainted with, but yet of the race of the Priests, but derived from those Jews that were carried beyond Eu∣phrates, this mans name was Ananelus (or Hananeel) and to him he gave the High Priesthood. [Id. ibid.]

Marcus Antonius refusing all honest and wholesome counsel, sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria, [Plutarch in Antonio.] into which she was no sooner come, but she presently thought how she might get it into her possession, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4.] She accused also the Syrian Noble men to Antonius, and perswaded him to put them to death, that she might more easily come to be Mistresse of their estates, [Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13.]

She accused Pausanias the son of Ptolomaeus (Mennaeus) King of Chalcis and Itu••aea, as if he favoured the Parthians, and caused him to be put to death by Antonius, (Id. lib. 14. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411.] in whom for Pacorus is to be read Parthian) fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes; as is manifest out of Porphyrius, in the Greek Eusebian. of Scaliger, pag. 226. where the name of Lysimachus is falsely put for Lysanias.

Antonius made Amyntas the Secretary of Dejotarus Prince of Galatia, adding to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia, [Dio. ut supr. pag. 411. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 567.]

Antonius also made Archelaus King of Cappadocia, who was nothing akin to the regal Family, and deposed Ariarathes; whose paternal stock was derived from those Archelai, who had waged war against the Romans, and his mother was that Harlot Glaphyra, [Dio. ut supr. pag. 411.] and that Antonius was naught with Glaphyra appears, out of that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavianus, [in Martian. lib. 11. epigra. 21.]

Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobu∣lus, and mother in law of Herod, taking it ill that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was contemned, because that during his life time one called from another place should usurpe the High Priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra by a certain Mu∣sitian, that she would demand the Priesthood of Antonius for her son: but her neg∣lecting this businesse, Dellius a friend of Antonius, going into Judea upon some occa∣sions, perswaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antonius; for if he should but once see them, he would deny them no∣thing. Which being sent, Dellius also added, that they seemed to be of Divine, rather than of humane race, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 2.] This was Dellius the Historian, of whom mention is made in Plutarch, and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were com∣mon; as Seneca hath related in his first Swasory Oration: and whom Dio intimates, that Antonius used dishonestly, [l••b. 49. pag. 415.]

Antonius thinking it undecent to send for a Lady that was married to Herod, and shunning also the jealousie of Cleopatra, wrote to Alexandra that she shou••d send her son under some honest pretence; but adding withal, unlesse it were troublesome to her: but when these things were afterwards told Herod, he thought it not safe that Aristobulus a young man in the flowre of his age, being but sixteen, should be sent to Antonius, who was first the most potent of all the Romans, and also very much given to lusts. Wherefore he wrote back, that if the youth did but step out of the kingdom, all the whole country would be up in armes. The Jews hoping for some innovations under a new King, and by this means satisfied Antonius, [Joseph. ut supr.]

In the Sicilian war, Sextus Pompeius was overcome by Caesar Octavianus, and M. Lepidus, waxing proud under confidence of his 20 Legions, and attributing to himself, the whole Victory, was so bold as to oppose himself against Coesar, and to challenge Sicily for himself: but being forsaken by his army, and the Triumvirate taken from him, he was glad to beg his life and goods of Caesar, by whom he was sent into banish∣ment to Circeli, [Liv. lib. 129. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 79, 80. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 16, & 54. Appian. lib. 5. Dio. 49. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

Sextus Pompeius, who was but now Master of 350 ships, fled into Asia with six or seven: as Florus relates, [lib. 4. cap. 8.] although Appian [lib. 5. pag. 741.] and Oro∣sius, [lib. 6. cap. 18.] write that there were with him seventeen. He had an intent to flee unto Antonius, because he had saved his mother from the like danger, [Appian. ibid.]

Wherefore putting his daughter, his friends, his money, and all his best things into the ships that were left, which were swiftest of sail, Pompeius went away by night, none pursuing him; because he went away privately, and Caesar was continually enter∣tained with troubles from Lepidus, [Dio lib. 49. pag. 398.] notwithstanding Pom∣peius being gone from Messana, fearing a pursuite, and suspecting the treachery of his companions, when he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he put out the light that the Admirals ships are wont to carry, and sailed by the coast of Italy, [Id. ibid. pag. 402.] and when he arrived at the promonto••y of Lacinium, he robbed the Temple of Juno of all its offerings, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747.]

From hence he passed to Corcyra, and thence into Cephalenia; and there he enter∣tained others, who were cast in there by force of tempest: whom having called to∣gether,

he laid his souldiers habite aside, and told them, that it would come to passe, that if they all stayed together, they could neither sufficiently help one the other, nor long lie hid; but if they were despersed, they might more easily flee, therefore he ad∣v••sed them every one to shift for himself: which advice when most of them yeilded unto, they departed several wayes; but he with some that stayed with him, went to Lesbos, [Dio. pag. 402.] tarrying at Mitylenae, where his father had bestowed him before the Pharsalian battle, and being overcome, received him from thence again, [Appian. pag. 747.]

When the Parthians were troubled for the flight of Moneses to Antonius, and Phraa∣tes for that cause was in a fright; he sent messengers to Moneses to treat of a peace: and perswaded him with great promises to return again: which being known, al∣though, as it was like to do, angered Antonius; yet he did not put Moneses whom as yet he had in his power, to death, (which if he had done, he conceived that none of the Barbarians would ever accept of his friendship) yet using policy against the enemy, he dismissed him, as if by his meanes he would make peace with the Parthians: and with him also sent Embassadours to Phraates, who in words should compose a peaee, if the King would restore the ensignes and captives that were alive, which the Parthians had taken in the overthrow of Crassus: for he thought he should take the King unprovided by reason of hopes of peace, [Plutarch in Antonio, Dio. lib. 49. pag. 406.]

But he himself in the mean while preparing for the war, came to Euphrates: which he supposed was kept by no Garrison; but when he found that there was a strong Gar∣rison there, he changed his course, and intended presently to go into Armenia, to make war upon Artavasdes King of the Medes, being drawn thither by Artavasdes the King of the Greater Armenia who was the others enemy, [Dio. pag. 407.]

This Artavasdes the King of the Armenians, Josephus calls Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, [lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. lib. 15. cap. 5.] and Orosius calls Artabanes, [lib. 16. cap. 19.] whom when Antonius had taken him to be his counsellour, and guide, and chief for the management of the war, he then betrayed him, and afterwards brought the Romans into divers calamities, [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 524. & lib. 16. pag 748.]

Antonius having sent back Cleopatra into Egypt, he went thorough Arabia into Armenia: where he had commanded both his own forces and the auxiliaries of the Kings to meet him: amongst whom were many friends and allies, and among them that Artavasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia, 6000 Horse and 7000 Foot: and when the souldiers were mustered, there were found to be of the Romans, and of the allies of Italy, 60000 Foot, and the ordinary Horse of the Spaniards and French 10000. and of auxiliaries from other Nations 30000. reckoning the Horsemen and the light-harnessed souldiers. Thus Plutarch; but Velleius Paterculus allows Antonius XIII Legions, [lib. 2. cap. 82.] Florus, XVI. [lib. 4, cap. 10.] and Justin, [lib. 42. cap. 5.] and Livy, XVIII Legions, and XVI thousand Horse, [lib. 130.]

The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to Euphrates, even to the entring of Atrapatena, (which the river Araxes divideth from Armenia) 8000 fur∣longs, twice so much more as the right way, by carrying them about over mountains and by-waies, [Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 524.] and whereas Aetonius ought to have refresh∣ed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia, being wearied with a journey of 8000 furlongs, and the spring but now beginning, to have invaded Media, before the Par∣thians were come out of their winter quarters, he could not away with any delay; being so ravished with the longing after Cleopatra, that he thought rather of a speedy return, than of gaining a victory. [Plutarch.]

Therefore when he understood, that the King of Media was gone far from his own Country, to bring aid to the Parthian; he himself in all hast marched with the best part of his horse and foot, leaving part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapia∣nus, but commanding them to follow him; hoping that at the first onset he should con∣quer Media. [Dio. pag. 407.]

Among the carriages that were left, were the engines for battery, which were car∣ried in 300 carts, among which was a ram of 80 foot long, of which if any were broken they could not be mended, for the scarcity of materialls in those Countryes, that bring forth trees neither high nor strong enough. [Plutarch.]

Antonius after he had passed the river Araxes, was beset with miseries on all sides, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and as soon as he came into Atrapatena, he harrased that coun∣try, then he besieged Phraata, a great City, in which was the wife of the King of the Medes with her children, when presently he found his errour that he had committed, in leaving his engines behind him, and so was fain to raise a mount neer the City, which he did but very slowly and with great labour, [id.] this was the royall City of the Medes called by Dio Praaspa, and by Strabo Vera, (unlesse I be deceived) [in his lib. 11. pag. 523.] out of Adelphius, (if it be not Dellius the Historian) who was

with Antonius in this expedition, and wrote it, and commanded part of the army, shewing that this City was 2400 furlongs from the river Araxes.

The Parthians and Medes, knowing that Antonius did but labour in vain, in assaul∣ting that City that was so well fortified with walls and men, they of a sudden set upon Statianus as he was tired with his journey, and killed both him, and all that were with him, Plutarch reckons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 10000, Velleius Paterculus, nameth two Legions, and took all the baggage and engines of war, Polemo the King of Pontus, and companion of the war, being taken was dismissed for his ransome of money that he gave: and this was an easie matter for the Barbarians to doe, because the King of Armenia was not at the fight; who might have helped the Romans; which he not onely did not, but de∣parted, not indeed unto Antonius, but into his own kingdom, [Dio. pag. 407. Vellei. Pa∣tercul. lib. 2. cap. 8. Plutarch, in Antonio.]

Antonius, although he made haste at the first news of Statianus, that he might suc∣cour his men, yet he came too late; for he found none but dead men. Wherefore al∣though he was much afrighted with this overthrow, yet because none of the Barba∣rians opposed him, thinking that they were gone for fear of him, he took courage a∣gain, and not long after meeting with them, by the help of his slingers (of vvhich he had great store, he put them to flight, for the slingers darts went farther than the ene∣mies arrovvs: so that the cuirassecres vvere not safe from them, but yet by the svvift∣nesse of the Barbarian horse there was no great slaughter made. [Dio. ut supra.]

Antonius again set upon the assault of Praaspa, in which he did not much endam∣mage the enemy, the Garrison which were within strongly repulsing them, and the enemy that was without hindring them from coming to handy blowes, [id. ibid.] and whereas the Parthians that came to aid the besieged, threatned the Romans most contumeliously; Antonius being unwilling that his souldiers should loose any of their animosity, he took with him ten Legions, and three Praetorian cohorts, and all his Horsemen, and a forraging: hoping by this meanes that the enemy would set upon him, and so he should come to a set battle. [Plutarch.]

When he had gone a daies journey, as soon as he saw the Parthians, wheeling a∣bout him, to hinder his return, he commanded the signall of battle to be sounded, yet trus••ed up his tents, as though he prepared not to fight, but for his march, and thus he marched by the Barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon, commanding his Horse, that as soon as they were come together, that the Legions might set upon the enemy, they should begin the charg, the Parthians did much wonder at the well ordered army of the Romans, beholding the souldiers passing by and keeping their rancks, and shaking their darts at them, but not speaking a word: but after the signe and a great shout made, the Horse had given the onset, they resisted a little, although that immediately the Romans had gotten so within them, that they took from them the use of the arrowes, then presently, the Legions coming to joyn, with great shouting and the clattering of the armour, the Parthian horse were frighted, and the Parthians themselves turned their backs before they came to handy stroakes, Antonius hoping that now he should overcome them, or at least finish the greatest part of the war, fol∣lowed the chase very hard, but when his Foot had pursued them 50 furlongs, and his Horse three times so much, and considered the number of the slain, and prisoners, they found they had taken 30, and killed only 80, this did much discourage them; thinking it was hard, if being Conquerours they should kill so few, but being conque∣red they should lose so many as they had done when the carriages were taken, the next day, as they were returning to their Camp, they met at the first a few of their enemies then more, at last all of them, as if they had not been formerly routed but all fresh men vvho reviled them and brake in upon them on every side, so that they could not but very hardly and vvith great labour get to their camp again. [id.]

In the absence of Antonius the Medes that vvere at Praaspa set upon the mount, and put the defenders of it in a fright, for vvhich Antonius being enraged, decimated them that had forsaken the place, and for the rest he gave them barly instead of vvheat. [id.]

The Forragers that were sent out by Antonius, at the beginning, when the Ro∣mans had their provisions neer them were sufficient for bringing them in, but after∣wards, when they had eaten up all that was neer them, that the souldiers themselves were forced to go a forraging: but it came to passe, that if but few were sent, that they only not brought any thing, but that the forragers themselves were lost; if many, Praaspa was le••t naked of besiegers, and by the sallies of the Barbarians, many of the Romans were killed, and many engines were destroyed, from whence it came to passe that Antonius his men, who besieged others, suffered the same things that those that are besieged use to suffer, for the Townes-men observed fit times for sallies, and those that were without, by their sudden incursions and quick retreates, did grievously trou∣ble them that remained in the Camp, as often as they divided their forces, but the for∣ragers that went to the villages they never molested, but set upon them unexpectedly

as they were scattered in their return to the Camp. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 408.]

Sextus Pompeius hearing that Antonius was in Media, making war with the Medes and Parthians, intended to commit himself, to his protection at his return, and in the mean time to winter in Lesbos; the Lesbians for the memory of his Father most willingly entertaining and detaining him. [Id. ibid. pag. 402. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747.]

Antonius protracting the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both par∣ties; for neither Antonius could get any victual, but by the bloud and wounds of his own men: and Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure any thing, rather than winter in the Camp, and that in a strange Country, wherefore he was afraid, that if the Romans continued in arms, he should be forsaken of his men: the weather grow∣ing very cold, after the Autumnal Equinoxial. [Plutarch.] He was afraid also, that if the siege were continued, Antonius, either by himself, or else being helped with supplies, would very much incommodate the City; wherefore he suborned some, that should promote the motion of a peace between them, with an hope that it would be easily granted. [Dio. pag. 408.]

Wherfore the Parthian commanded his men, when they met with the Forragers, to deal more courteously with them, and also to cast in some words of peace; by which means Antonius being perswaded, sent a friend to demand the restitution both of his Ensignes and Prisoners, least he should seem to be content only to depart with safe∣ty: to whom it was answered, That he should let those things alone, but if he desired peace and security, he should depart suddainly. [Plutarch.] And thus Phraates, sitting on his guilt Throne, and twanging a bow string, after that he had in many words in∣veghed against the Romans, he promised Antonius his Embassadors peace upon this condition, That he should immediately withdraw his army. [Dio. pag. 408.]

When Antonius received this answer, although he was very eloquent, both for civil and military Orations, yet at that time, for shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his souldiers, but made Domitius Aenobarbus supply his place, to spake to the souldiers, and to bid them be of good chear: and within few dayes, having trussed up his baggage, he departed, [Plutarch.] leaving his works that he had raised, for the assault of Praaspa undismantled, as if he had been in a friends Country, all which the Medes burnt, and cast down the Mount. [Dio. ut supra.]

But when they were to return by the same Campaign, where was no wood, a cer∣tain Mardian that knew the fashion of the Parthians, who had done very good service for the Romans, at the battle where the Engines were taken, perswaded Antonius, that he should march with his army by the Mountains on the right hand, and that he should not hazard it in the plain and open fields; they being heavily armed, against the multitude of Parthian Horse men, who were all Archers; for that the Parthians did but seek this occasion by fair words, to draw him from the siege, that he would shew him a shorter way, and more plentiful for the victualling of his souldiers. These things Antonius related to his Council, dissembling withal, That he little trusted to the peace with the Parthians, yet commending the shortnesse of the way, and especially the passage through a plentiful Country: he demanded some assurance of the Mar∣dian, who yielded himself to be bound, till he had brought the army into Armenia; and being thus bound, he brought them without molestation for two dayes together. [Plutarch.]

But on the third day, when Antonius little thought of the Parthians, marched securely, in confidence of the peace: the Mardian perceiving the dam of the river newly broken up, and that all the way was drowned by which they should passe, he understood that this was done by the Parthians, by this difficulty to give an halt to the Roman army: he presently told Antonius of this, and bad him to provide against the coming of the enemy. He, ordering his battle, set distances between the ranks, by which those that used darts and slings, might make an excursion upon the enemies, when the Parthians opened their files to compasse about and disorder the army: but when the light Horsemen brake in upon them, after the giving and receiving of many wounds, they retired, and again came on, until the French Horse, being reserve, gave them a fierce charge, and routed them so, that they attempted nothing more that day. [Id.]

Antonius learning from hence what was to be done, made his army march in a square body, having a strong guard of darters and slingers, not onely in the rereward, but also in the flanks; giving also a charge to his Horse, that if the enemy assailed them, they should repulse them; but if they fled, they should not follow the chase too far, and so the Parthians for four dayes space, having received as good as they brought, began not to be so hot upon them, but taking the winter for an excuse, thought upon re∣turning backagain. [Id.]

On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the Captains, a valiant and industrious man,

desired of Antonius, that he would give him leave to take some light armed men from the rear, and some Horsemen from the front, as if he would do some gallant act. He by a rash attempt, brake in upon the enemy, with much hazard, whilst they send him aide by small companies: they, as too weak, are cut off by the enemy, untill that Antonius came in with the whole strength of the army, and rescued the rest from manifest danger. [Id.]

Florus writes, [lib. 4. cap. 10.] that there were two Legions overthrown by the Parthian darts, Plutarch saith that there sell not lesse than 3000, and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the Tents, amongst which was Gallus, who was shot through in four places, who afterwards died of his wounds: Antonius was very much troubled to see this, went and comforted them that were wounded: but they chearfully took him by the right hand, and desired him that he would look to himself and trouble himself no more for them, and calling him their Emperour, told him that if he were well, then they were all safe and in health. [Plutarch.]

This victory made the Parthians so proud, who were before weary and in despair, that they lodged all night neer the Romans Camp, hoping that they should have pre∣sently the plunder of all their money, and the ransacking of their tents, [Plutarch.] on which night, a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus his overthrow, came in a Parthian habit to the Roman trenches, and saluting them in Latine, after he had gotten to be believed, informed them what danger was at hand, that the King would come with all his Forces; and advised them, that they should not march that way they intended, but that they should go back again, and take the way by the woods and the mountains, and withal told them, that perchance they might meet with the ene∣my that way also, [Florus. lib. 4. cap. 10. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.]

As soon as it was day, many enemies came together, and they say there was not less than 4000 Horse, the King also sending thither his Life-guard, as to a most certain and an assured Victory, for the King as yet was never at any fight. Then Antonius lifting up his hands to heaven, made his prayers to the gods; that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune, that he would lay all the adversity upon his own head, but that health and victory might be to the rest of the army, [Plutarch.]

The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard: the Parthians setting upon them, were very much deceived in their expectation; they supposing they came but to pillage and plunder, and not to fight; but being cheerfully received by the Ro∣man darts, thereupon their hearts began again to fail them, [Id.]

And as they were going down a certain Hill, the Parthians lay in ambush for them, and overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as haile; but then the souldiers that carried great shields, took in the light-harnessed men into the middest of them, and kneeling down upon their left knee, held their bucklers over their heads, and made a testudo: by which means they defended both themselves and their friends from the enemies arrows, which falling upon the convexity of the shields, slid off by reason of the slipperinesse, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10. Frontino. lib. 2. Stratagem. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 409.]

The Parthians, who had never seen such a thing before, thinking that they had all fallen down by reason of their wounds, or that they would presently all fall; where∣fore they cast away their bows, and leapt from their horses, and taking them Spears, they came to kill them with their naked swords: then the Romans rose up again, and at the signal given, widened their body, and making a shout, set upon their enemies in the Front, and with their darts they slew the foremost, and made them all flee: which thing struck such amazement in the Barbarians, that one amongst them used this speech; Go ye Romans, and farewel, fame with good cause termes ye the Conquerours of Na∣tions, who can outstand the Parthian shot, [Florus, Plutarch, Dio, ut supr.]

There were continaul skirmishes between them, which was the cause that the Ro∣mans could rid but little way in their march, [Plutarch.] and when they marched by break of day, they were alwayes infested with the Parthian arrows; whereupon An∣tonius deferred his removing until the fifth hour, and so made his own souldiers more confident: through which perswasion the Parthians went from thence, and they marched an indifferent way without any trouble for that day, [Frontin. lib. 2. Strata∣gem. cap. ult.]

The army then began to be troubled with famine, because they were hindered from forraging by their often skirmishing, and they wanted also Mills; which for the most part were left behind, and the beasts were either dead or else imployed to carry the sick and wounded men. It is reported that little above a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmes, and barly loaves for their weight in silver. Then they were fain to eat rootes and herbs, and by chance they fell upon one that being eaten made them mad; and all that eat it did nothing but dig up stones, and remove them, thinking they had

been about some serious businesse: at last they vomitted up a great deal of cho∣ler, and died, because they wanted wine, (which was the onely remedy,) [Plutarch.]

The famine thus raging in the Camp, they began to flee to the enemy, and but that the Parthians slew these runawayes in the sight of the rest, all had a good mind to be going; but the cruelty of the Parthians stopped the revolt, [Dio. lib. 5. pag 409.]

Antonius (seeing so many of his own souldiers dying, and the Parthians all setting upon) is reported to have often cryed out 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I wondering at those 10000 men who under the conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon, and often fighting with their enemies, and yet came home safe, [Plutarch.]

And seeing the Parthians could neither break the body of the Romans, no nor their ranks, but that they were often overcome themselves and repulsed, they began again to talk peaceably with them that went to fetch water and forrage, and shewing them their bows unbent, told them that they were departing, and that they would follow them no more; but that perhaps they might have some Medes follow them a day or two, but that they would not do them any great hurt, onely secure some of the re∣moter villages; and holding them with this talke, they gently took their leave of them: at which the Romans were very joyful; which being told Antonius, he de∣sired rather to march by the champain, than the mountains, because it was said that that way wanted water, [Id.]

Whilst he was in this determination, there came to him one from the enemies Camp named Mithradates, a cosin of Moneses, to whom Antonius had given the three Ci∣ties; and demanded that some might be sent to him that understood the Syriack or Parthian Language, to whom when Alexander an Antiochian, a familiar friend of Antonius, was come, he declared unto him, that in those mountains which he saw, the Parthians with all their forces lay in ambush, to set upon them as they passed by the plains; and advised them to passe by the mountains, which had no other incon∣venience than want of water for one day, whose counsel Antonius following, and ha∣ving the Mardian for his guide, by night took his journey by the way of the moun∣tains; commanding his souldiers to carry water with them, which many did in their helmets and leathrene bags, [Id.]

The Parthians having intelligence of this, contrary to their custom, pursued them by night, and by Sun-rising they overtook the reare ward of the Romans, tyred with labour and watching; for that night they had gone 240 furlongs, although they did not think that the enemy would have come upon them so soon; by which they were the more dejected, their thirst also was increased by their fighting; for they were for∣ced to march fighting, [Id.]

In the interim the vowwards met with a River coole indeed and clear, but salt and venemous, which immediately did gnaw the guts of them that drank it, and increased their thirst: which although the Mardian forewarned them of, yet they violently thrust them away that would have kept them from drinking of it, and drank freely of it. Antonius also was very urgent with them, and prayed them to forbear but a little, for not far off, there was one that they might drink of, and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven, that the enemy could by no means follow them. He sounded a retreat also, that at least the souldiers might refresh themselves in the shade, [Id. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10.]

As soon as the Tents were pitched, the Parthians according to their custom depar∣ted, and Mithradates returned: and Alexander coming unto him, he told him, that after they had something refreshed themselves, they should all rise, and make haste over the River, for that was the utmost that they would pursue them. Antonius for this gave him great store of gold-plate, of which he took as much as he could hide in his garment, and departed, [Plutarch.]

The next dayes journey was without any molestation, but the following night they themselves made most grievous and dangerous to themselves; for those that had any gold or silver, were killed, and robbed, and the sumpters that carried the Treasure were plundered; and last of all, the household stuff of Antonius himself, as his plate and precious tables, they brake and divided among themselves. Wherefore this tumult and uproar being in the army, for they thought that the enemy had set upon the sump∣ters to rob them, Antonius called a free man of his, and commanded him to kill him, and to cut off his head, that neither he might not be taken alive by the enemy, nor known when he was dead, [Id. cum Floro. ut supr. Sexto Rufo. in Bre∣viario.]

As his friends were weeping about him, the Mardian bid Antonius be of good chear, for he perceived there was a River near: and others told him that this tumult arose from their own covetousnesse and doing wrong one to the other. Wherefore

Antonius, that he might compose these tumults and disturbances in the army, gave a signal to encamp. And now it began to grow light, and the army to fall in good order again: when as the reareward perceived the enemies arrows, whereupon the signal of battle was given to the light Horsemen, and the Shieldmen coming together as they did before, defended the force of the Parthian arrows, who durst never come near them. And as they marched a little forward, as soon as ever the river was espied by those that went first, Antonius opposing his Horse against the enemy, made all the sick men pass over first: and now both the fear and labour was much dimi∣nished in them that fought. For as soon as the Parthians saw the river, they unbent their bows, and bid them a Gods name, highly commending their valour: so they passed leasurely over the river, and made much of themselves, not overmuch trusting to the promises of the Parthians. [Plutarch.]

Caesar Octavianus, having setled his affairs in Sicily, on the Ides of November en∣tred Rome, out of Sicily in an Oration, as is manifest from the marble triumphal Ne∣ords, [Inscript. Grut. pag. CCXCVII. cum Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 22. Dion. lib. 49. pag. 400. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] and had a golden Statue erected for him in the Rostra, which expressed his lively portaicture with this inscription, For peace restored after con∣tinual wars both by sea and land, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 746.] and was then 28 years old: after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

He received also the Tribunitial power for ever, by a Decree of the Senate, inviting him by this honour to lay down the Triumvirate; concerning which businesse he wrote privately to Antonius, by Bibulus. [Appian. ibid. pag. 747. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

Antonius his men came to the river Araxes, the sixth day after the battle, which divideth Media (Atropatena) from Armenia: here the passage seemed very difficult, by reason of the depth and rapidnesse of the river; and there was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to set upon them in their passage: but after they were safely passed over, and were entred Armenia, as if they had newly landed from sea, they kissed the earth, aud fell embracing one the other with tears of joy. But when they marched through a plentiful Country, they so filled themselves with plenty of victuals, after their long famine, that many began to be sick of Dropsies and Fluxes. [Plutarch.]

Here Antonius mustred his army, and found that he had lost 20000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, the half of whom died of diseases, and not in fight against the enemy. [Id.] Of the whole army there was not lesse than the fourth part wanting, of the grooms and slaves a third and scarce any of the baggage remained; yet Antonius called this flight his victory, because he came off alive. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.]

He fled in 21 dayes 300 miles. [Livy, lib. 130.] The march continued for 27 dayes together, from Phraata (or Phraaspa) in which space of time the Parthians were re∣pulsed in fight 18 times: but those 16000 Horse, who were armed after the Parthian manner, and used to fight with them, which Artarasdes brought out of Armenia: the Parthians could not so often repaire their battle, being so often beaten by the Ro∣mans, if they had had those to pursue them. Wherefore all men egged on Antonius to punish the Armenians: but he took no advice, neither upbraided him with his treachery, but used him with the same honour and courtesie that he ever had done, but all this was because he knew the army was weak and wanted necessaries. [Plutarch.]

Antonius, being now no more troubled with enemies, hasted to Cleopatra, he being unwilling to winter in Armenia; and taking a suddain journy in a sharp winter, and continual snows, and hurrying on his souldiers, he lost 8000 men by extremity of weather. [Livy, lib. 130. Plutarch in Antonio.] And also as they passed over the Mountains of Armenia, that were covered over with snow, the wounds, of which they received many, extreamly troubled them. Wherefore many being dead, and many rendred unserviceable; Antonius, because he could not endure to hear of these things, forbad that any one should speak to him of any such thing. But the King of Arme∣nia, although he were angry with him, and carried revenge in his mind, because he had deserted him; yet he strived to indeare him to him, that he might get provisions from him. At length, seeing the souldiers could not endure this journy in winter any longer, he so perswaded the King, what by flatteries and promises, that he would let his army winter in his Country, as if intending the next spring to load his army against the Parthians. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 310.]

At length, [The Julian Period. 4679] having scarse left the third part of sixteen Legions, [Year before Christ 35] he fled into Syria, (returning to Antiochia, as it is in Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 19.) where being as it were in a manner besotted, he began somewhat more to brag, as if he had gotten the

victory, because he got away. [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10.]

He coming down to the sea side with a few company, stayed in a Castle between Berytus and Sidon, (called Leucocome) and tarried for Cleopatra's coming, for whose absence he pined away: to wear which away, he fell to feasting and quiffing, amids which he would oft rise up and run, to see if she were coming, until at last she came in∣deed. [Plutarch. in Anton.]

Cleopatra brought for the souldiers great store of mony and apparel; and some reported, That Antonius took the apparel that she had brought, and gave it to the souldiers, and to the souldiers his own mony, as if she had given it. [Id. ibid.] Concerning which matter Dio writes thus. Monies were brought him by Cleopatra, of which he divided to every Legionary souldier 35. drachmes, (or pence) and to others proportionably: and when that mony was not enough, he made out the rest out of his own treasure, and gave acquittances for that he had received of Cleopatra. He re∣ceived also much mony of his friends, and exacted much of his allies. Which when he had done, he went into Egypt. [Dio. ut supra. 410.]

Herod being continually molested with the intreaties of his wife Mariamme, that he would restore the High Priesthood to her brother Aristobulus, according to his due: wherefore calling a Council of his friends, he bitterly inveighed against his mo∣ther in law Alexandra, as if she had privately wrought treason against his Kingdom, and had endeavoured by Cleopatra's means to translate it to the lad; yet notwith∣standing, least he should seem to contemn both his piety to her, and the rest of the kindred, he said, he would now restore the Priesthood to her son, to which Ananelus had hitherto been preferred, by reason of his tender years. Alexandra, almost beside her self for joy, and grieving that she was suspected, fell a weeping, and cleared her self of these accusations; and giving him many thanks for her sons honour, promised that hereafter she would be most obedient unto the King. And thus Herod gave the Priesthood to Aristobulus, in the lifetime of Ananelus's, he being then but seventeen years old. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. cap. 2. & 3.]

Sextus Pompeius, when he understood of Antonius ill fortune in Media, and that Caius Furnius, who at that time was governour of Asia, was no very good friend of his, he tarried not in Lesbos; but beginning to conceive some hopes, that either he should succeed Antonius (if he were once dead) in whole power, or at least should re∣ceive some part of it, especially seeing that both out of Sicily, and from other places, many came unto him, (partly in opinion of his fathers glory, and others, because they did not well know how to live else) so that he both took the ornaments of the General, and provided himself for the seizing upon the opposite Continent of Asia, alwaies setting before his eies, the late example of Labienus, who had over-run it on a suddain. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747. Dio, lib. 49. pag. 402.]

Antonius, when he was come into the Country of his friends, knowing what Pom∣peius had done, promised, That if he would lay down his arms, he would both pardon him, and be his friend. Pompeius promised he would, and so wrote him word back: but then contemning Antonius, both for the overthrow he had received, and for that he was so immediately gone into Egypt, he went on with his designe. [Dio, ibid.] But yet making way for both, by sending messengers to Antonius, offered himself to him, as to his friend and ally: but indeed to spy out his doings. In the mean time he sent Embassadors to the Governours of Thracia and Pontus, supposing, that if he could not obtain what he desired, he might through Pontus fly into Armenia. He sent Embassadors also to the Parthians, hoping that they would willingly use him for their Captain, in the war that was not yet ended against Antonius, he being both a Roman, and also the son of Pompeius the Great. He also provided ships, and exercised the Mariners, dissembling that he was afraid of Caesar, and that this preparation was for the service of Antonius. [Appian. ut supra.]

Antonius, as soon as he heard what Pompeius intended, yet he kept on his way, but sent Marcus Titius, who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him, as General against him, that having received both a fleet and army from Syria, he should with all his power resist Pompeius, if he made any war, but if he would yield himself, he should receive him with all honour. [Id. & Dio. ibid.]

Pompeius his Embassadors that were sent to the Parthians, were surprised by An∣tonius his Captains, and brought to Alexandria. When Antonius had learned all these things from these Embassadors, he called the Embassadors that were sent to him, and brought them face to face: who excused him as being a young man in misery, and fearing he should be repulsed by him, was forced to prove the good will even of Na∣tions that were greatest enemies of the Romans; but if he had known Antonius his mind, there had been no need of all the solicitations and policies. This he believed, as being a man not at all malicious, but well meaning, and generous. [Appian. pag. 749.]

Octavia being at Rome intended to saile unto Antonius, to which Caesar consented not, as most write, for any respect at all to him, but that he might have an honest co∣lour of war against him if he sleighted, or m••sled her, [Plutarch. in Antonio.] the co∣ming to Athens wintered there. [Appian lib. 5. pag. 750.]

At this time war brake out between the King of the Medes (Artarasdes) and Phraates the King of the Parthians, and Artabazes or Artarasdes King of the Arme∣nians; he was angry with the Armenians, because by his meanes the Romans were brought in upon him; and with the Parthian, because he neither received any great matter of the spoiles of the Romans, nor any honour at all, and was afraid also that he would take away his Kingdome from him, he sent also Polemo the King of Pontus Embassadour to Antonius, desiring his friendship and alliance, desiring him to come unto him, and promising him the aid of all his forces, which Embassy Antonius took very well, for that only thing which seemed to want towards the overthrowing of the Parthian, which was because he was not strong enough in Horsemen and Archers: he thought now he should have, and yet do more pleasure in the receiving them, than the other did him in giving them, whereupon being puffed up with great hopes, he prepared again to go through Armenia, and having called the King of the Mede to the river Araxes, then to go forward with the war. [Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio, lib. 49. pag. 411.]

Antonius wrote to Octavia being now at Athens, commanding her to stay there, and advertised her of an expedition that he was about to take; she although she took it ill and smelled out the pretence, yet she wrote to him to know whether he would have those things sent that she had brought him, for she had brought much apparell for the souldiers, and many horse, and much money, and presents for his Captaines and friends, and besides all this 2000 choice men all armed, like the Praetorian cohorts, Niger, a friend of Antonius, being sent from Octavia declared unto him, adding withall the deserving commendations of Octavia. Antonius accepted both her own and others gifts, and also the souldiers that she had begged of her brother for this pur∣pose. [ibid.]

Cleopatra, fearing least Octavia should draw Antonius from her, seemed to languish for the love of him, making her body so weak by her feminine tricks, as though she could not live if she were deprived of him, by which Antonius being overcome, left off his journey to the King of the Medes, (although news were brought him that the Par∣thians were in civil wars) and returned again into Alexandria, [Plutarch.] and so from thence forward did more and more give himself over to the love and imposture of Cleopatra. [Dio. pag. 411.]

Antonius summoned Artarasdes King of Armenia into Egypt, as a friend, that ha∣ving gotten him into his power he might more easily put him to death, but seeing he did not come, suspecting some deceit, he then found other meanes to deceive him, nei∣ther did he openly shew his anger against him, least he should provoke him to war. [Dio. ibid.]

C. Furnius the Governour of Asia, (whom we read in Plutarch, Antonius, and St. Jersmees Chronicle, to be a man of great authorite, and to be the most eloquent among the Romans,) entertained Pompeius coming to him presently, being neither strong enough to repulse him, neither did he know Antonius his mind, but when he saw his souldiers to be exercised, he also mustered them that were of his Province, and sent for Aenobarbus, that commanded the army, that was next him, and called in all hast Amyntas to his aid, who when they came immediately together Pompeius complai∣ned that he was accounted for an enemy, at that time whenas he expected an answer from Antonius, by the Embassadours that he had sent unto him: neverthelesse he had a mind to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius a familiar friend of his, hoping that it would be a matter of great moment, if any charg should happen; but the trea∣son being discovered, Curius was put to death being condemned in the consistory of the Romans; and Pompeius also killed Theodorns a freed man of his, who only knew of this businesse, as if he had been the blabber of it. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 749.]

Pompeius despairing that Furnius would be received by him, seized upon Lamp∣sacus by treachery; where many Italians lived, being brought thither as a Colony by C. Caesar: which Italians he by great wages inticed to serve under him, and now he had 200 Horse and 3 Legions, when setting upon Cyzicum by sea and land, he was repulsed in both places, for there were there then a very great band of souldiers, who kept the fencer•• that were then brought up for Antoniu••: being returned therefore into the haven of the Arhaeans, he there provided corn. [id. ibid.]

Seeing Fur••ius would not fight, but alwaies kept neer his Camp with many Horse∣men; not suffering him either to provide any corn, nor seize upon any Cityes; Pompe∣ius set upon his Camp in front, sending also some about, that should do the same in

the reare; wherefore when Furnius went out against him, he had his Camp at his back. Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander: for the field was very plashy by reason of much rain that fell. Those that escaped, retreated into a safe place, but unable to provide for a new war: and whenas they received supply out of Mysia, Propontis, and other places; poor men, being exhausted with exactions, for very reward did serve under Pompeius, who was now grown famous for the Victory he got at the Haven of the Achaeans, [Ibid. pag. 750.]

Seeing Pompeius wanted Horse, and therefore was cut very short in his forraging; he heard that a squadron of Italian Horse were going to Antonius, being sent by Octavia, who wintered in Athens: and therefore presently sent to corrupt them with gold; these the President that was set over Macedonia by Antonius apprehended, and divided the money to the souldiers, [Ibid.]

Pompeius having seized upon Nicaea and Nicomedia, he gathered money together in abundance, by reason of the great and unexpected successes, [Ibid.]

As Furnius lay incamped neer him, at first there came to him out of Sicily, as soon as the Spring began, a Fleet of 70 ships, which onely remained of the Fleet that Anto∣nius had lent Caesar against Pompeius; for when the Sicilian war was ended, Caesar dismissed them. Titius also came out of Syria with an 120 ships, and a great army, and all arrived at Proconesus, [Ibid.]

Pompeius being much afraid, being not as yet fully provided, chose those places that were most convenient for his fleeing: but being apprehended in Nicomedia, he demanded peace by his Embassadours, laying the hopes of obtaining it, on the favours that he had formerly done Titius; but Titius absolutely denied to yeild to any peace, unlesse he yeilded up into his hands, all his ships and forces, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 402, 403.]

Wherefore Pompeius, despairing of any safety by sea, having put all his provision of any weight into his ships, set them on fire; and armed his Mariners as being of more use to him on land with others, [Id. ibid. pag. 403. Appian. pag. 750.]

Herod fearing lest his mother in law Alexandra should seek occasions to raise new troubles, commanded her to keep within the Palace, and to do nothing of her own au∣thority; and she was kept so strictly, that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did; yea even to the expences of her Table: which servitude she took very hea∣vily, and sent letters to Cleopatra, complaining of her hard condition, desiring her that she would yeild her assistance. Wherefore at the command of Cleopatra, that she with her son should flee into Egypt to her, she provided two coffins, wherein she in∣closed her self and her son, such as men are put in when they go to be buried; com∣manding those servants that were privy to the plot, that they should carry them out by night, & bend their course to a ship that was ready provided to carry them into Egypt. This businesse Aesopus a servant blabbed to Sabbation a friend of Alexanders, suppo∣sing that he had known all before: which as soon as Sabbation knew, he who hitherto was an enemy of Herods, as being suspected to be of the plot in the poisoning of Antipater, took this occasion of being reconciled to the Kings favour by declaring this matter; who dissembling the matter till it was upon execution, surprised her in flight, and brought her back: yet notwithstanding he pardoned her her fault, as not daring to punish her; for he feared that Cleopatra would not be so contented, but would seek any occasion of hatred against him: wherefore under colour of a magnanimous spirit, he made shew as if he pardoned her out of meer clemency, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 3.]

Cassius Parmensis, Nasidius, Saturninus, Antistius, and other honourable friends of Sextus Pompeius, and his dear friend Fannius, and his father in law Libo also, when they saw that he would not leave off making war with one more powerful that him∣self, nay not after the coming of Titius, to whom Antonius had committed it; began to despair of him, and therefore covenanting for themselves, they went over to Anto∣nius, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 750, 751.]

Pompeius thus forsaken of his friends, departed into the mid-land Country of By∣thinia, intending to go (as was reported) into Armenia: him stealing privately out of the Camp by night, Furnius and Titius, and with them Amyntas pursued, and mar∣ching excessive fast, they overtook about evening, they incamped both of them about an Hill, but without either ditch or trench; it being late at night and they weary. Pompeius being in this condition, sent by night 3000 Targatiers, who set upon them either in their beds, or running out from their lodgings, who all fled naked most cow∣ardly. If Pompeius had set upon them with all his forces, or out pursued them as they fled, he might have had an absolute Victory: which when he observed not, he gained nothing by all this, but that he went on whither he was a going into the mid-land Country, [Id. ibid. pag. 751.]

His enemies being joyned together, kept him from forraging, that he was so op∣pressed with famine, that he was forced to demand a parly with Furnius, in former time a friend of Pompey; the Great, a man of honour and gravity above the rest. Where∣fore standing upon the bank of a River that ran between them, he told him that he would commit himself to his protection, upon condition that he might be brought to Antonius; Furnius answered, that this businesse did not belong to him, but to Titius: Pompeius suspecting Titius his faithfulnesse, offered again to yeild himself, intreating that he might be accepted; which when it could not be obtained, he desired that he might be received by Amyntas: but he told him, that Amyntas would do nothing that might be an injury to him that was to execute the commands of Antonius; and so the parly brake off, [Id. ibid. pag. 751, 752.]

Furnius his souldiers, thought that for very want of food he would the next day yeild himself to Titius; but he according to the custom in Campes, made many fires in the night, and by Trumpeters distinguishing the watches of the night, he privately with∣drew himself with his army without any baggage, not so much as telling them whi∣ther they were going; for he thought to return to the sea, and to burn Titius his fleet; which perhaps he had effected, but that Scaurus run from him, and told both of his de∣parture, and which way he went; although he knew not what he intended. Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 Horse, whereof he was absolutely destitute. As soon as he came neer him, Pompeius his souldiers went over to him, some privately, and some openly. Pompeius being now almost desolate, and being afraid of his own soul∣diers, yeilded himself without any conditions, who formerly had refused the conditions of Titius, [Id. ibid. pag. 752.]

Dio writes, that he was surprised and circumvented, and taken by Ti••ius and Furnius at Miletum, which is a Town of Phrygia, [pag. 403.] Appianus saith, that his army was compelled by Titius, to take a solemn oath to Antonius, [pag. 753.]

Antonius being certified of this businesse, immediately by his letters commanded Pompeius to be put to death: but a little after repenting him, he commanded him to be saved; but seeing the carrier of the last letters came before him that brought the first; Titius then afterwards receiving the letters concerning his death, and perhaps supposing them indeed to be written last, or knowing the truth would not believe it; he followed the orders of the letters, as they were delivered, and not the sense, [Dio. pag. 403.]

There are some who report, that it was not Antonius that commanded the death of Pompeius, but Plancus; who being Governour of Syria, was wont in letters of moment to subscribe the name of Antonius, and also to use his seal: either with the knowledge of Antonius, (yet he himself would not write, either by reason of the re∣nown of Pompeius himself, or because Cleopatra favoured him for the memory of his father the Great Pompeius) or by his own advice being afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between Caesar and Antonius, or lest Cleopatra should transfer her favour upon Pompeius, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 753.]

And thus was Sextus Pompeius put to death at Miletum, [Id. ibid. Strabo, lib. 3. pag. 141.] L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius being Consuls, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403.] of whom in the epitomy of Livies 132 book, we thus read. Sextus Pompeius, when he yeilded himself unto Antonius, but yet raising war against him in Asia, was overcome by his Lieutenants: and in Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 19.] Pompeius fleeing, being often overcome both by sea and land, was taken, and a little after put to death: and in Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 87.] Antonius, when he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius, then also deprived him of life. And more fully in the 97 Chapter. Pom∣peius fled into Asia, and by the command of Antonius, whose help he implored, whilst he was in disturbance between being a General, and a Petitioner, and now would retain his dignity, and now beg his life, had his throat cut by Titius, by which the envy he had contracted lasted so long, that when as he exhibited Play••s in Pompeius his theatre, he was driven out thence with the curses of the people from the Shews that he set forth.

Caesar Octavianus, exhibited Playes on horseback, because of the death of Sextus Pompeius; and setting up a Chariot for the honour of Antonius before the Rostra and Statues in the Temple of Concorde, gave him leave to banquet there with his wife and children, as it was formerly decreed unto himself: for as yet he feigned himself to be his friend, and comforted him concerning the Parthian Expedition, and told him what envy there was risen against him, by reason of the Sicilian Victory, and the honours decreed unto him for it, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403.]

In the Feast of Tabernacles, [Year of the World 3970] the new High Priest Aristobulus being just now past seventeen years old, being to offer sacrifice according to the Law, being clad in Pon∣tifical attire, came to the Altar, and performed the ceremony with all decency, whose excellent beauty and stature being higher than usually of his age, carrying in his coun∣tenance the honour of his linage, turned the eyes and love of all the multitude upon

him, every one calling to mind the worthy and memorable actions of his grandfather Aristobulns: and being overcome with the affection they bare him, they were so over∣joyed, they could not contain themselves, but openly praied for him, and wished him all joy, and that more freely than was fit, under such a King, proclaiming openly both the memory and thanks they owed to that family for all their benefits. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 3.]

As soon as the feast was ended, he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra; and King Herod courteously inticing the young man into a convenient place, counterfeiting to sport with him, after the fashion of young men: and because that place was too hot, they were quickly weary: they left their sport, and went to the fish pools that were near the Court, to take the fresh aire at noon time: and at first they beheld some of their friends and servants as they were swimming. At length the young man also, by the perswasion of Herod, went in amongst them; then those to whom this charge was given, ducking him as he was swimming, as it were in sport and jest, holding him under water, never left off till they had drowned him. And this was the end of Aristobulus, in the eighteenth year of his age, and the first of his High-Priesthood, which immediately returned to Ananelus. [Id. ib.]

Now when this accident was reported to the women, they were all in an uproare, and did nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow also seized upon the whole City, as soon as the rumour was spread abroad, every house bewailing the calamity, as if it had been their own. But Herod endeavoured by all means to make people belive, that this chance happened without his knowledge, not only feigning to be sorrowful, but also tears and grief very like to true grief: and that he might the more comfort the women, he buried the body with a most magnificent fu∣neral; being extreamly liberal, both in adorning his monument, and also in perfumes and other precious things. [Ib.]

His mother Alexandra, although she was often ready to lay violent hands upon her self, seeing she knew all the treason, yet she repressed her passion, seeming not to be suspicious, as if she had thought that her son had been killed on purpose, untill some occasion of revenge might offer it self. [Ib.]

Antonius seeking some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Arta∣va••des King of Armenia, [The Julian Period 4680] sent unto him Q Dellius, [Year before Christ 34] and by him demanded, adding also many promises, that there might be a marriage concluded between his daughter and his son Alexander (whom he had by Cleopatra) at length on a suddain, in the beginning of the Spring, he came to Nicopolis, a City in the lesser Armenia, built by Pompeius; and thither he sends for him to come, as though he would make use of both his advise and aide in the Parthian war; but Artavasdes suspecting treachery, did not come. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 475.]

Alexandra, being incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge, certified Cleopatra by letters of the treachery of Herod, and also of the lamentable death of her son, and she who a long time was desirous to help her, and then also pitying the womans misfortune, took a particular care of this businesse, as if it had been her own: neither was she ever quiet from perswading Antonius to revenge the young mans death, telling him it was an unpardonable act, that he that by his help had enjoyed a Kingdom that belonged to anothers right, should so insolently rage against the lawful race of the Kings. Antonius being perswaded by these words, after he was come into Laodicea in Syria, he sent for Herod to come before him, to answer to the crime objected against him, of the death of Aristobulus. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4.]

Herod, committing the care of the Kingdom to his Uncle Joseph, commanded him by private instructions, that if Antonius should do him any mischief, he should put his wife Mariamme to death, telling him, that he so loved her, that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself, if any one should enjoy her beauty, yea, though it were after his death. [Id. ibid.]

Herod then coming to Antonius, so appeased him with the presents, that for this purpose he had brought from Jerusalem, and so appeased his anger by often confe∣rences; that hereafter Cleopatras instigations had lesse weight with him: for An∣tonius denied that it was fit a King should give an account of his actions, other∣wise he would cease to be a King: for having once given him the honour, the free power also was to be permitted unto him. He said also, That it concerned Cleopatra her self, not too much to meddle with other mens govern∣ments. [Ibid.]

Joseph governing the Kingdom that was committed unto him, conversed divers times with Mariamme, partly upon businesse, and partly to do her honour, and in their discourses, there was often mention made how much Herod loved her; which discourse was laughed at by the Ladies, especially Alexandra; but he was carried on with such a desire of proving the Kings love to them, that he told them what private

command the King had given him; supposing that this was a most certain argument of his love, because he could neither endure to live without her, nor in death be dis∣joyned from her: which words of Joseph, the Ladies did not i••terpret as an indubi••ate signe of Herods love, as abhorring his tyrannical mind, who though he were dead, yet would seek their life. [Ib.]

In the interim their was a rumour spread about the City, that the King was put to death by Antonius, which disturbed all the Court, especially the Ladies. Alexandra also perswaded Joseph, that taking them with him, he should fly to the Ensignes of the Roman Legions, which were there about the City, for a guard under the Tribu••e Julius: so that if at first there should be any troubles about the Court, they might be in security by the favour of the Romans. And moreover it was to be hoped, that Mariamme would obtain any thing, if she should once come in the sight of Antonius, and might also recover the Kingdom, and whatsoever belonged to the royall issue. [Ibid.]

As they were holding this consultation, there came letters from Herod, that clean dashed the rumour, signifieing what honours Antonius had done him, both in publick assemblie••, and also inviting him to feasts; and that even during the accusations of Cleopatra: who being desirous of that country, sought by all means to destroy him, that she might usurpe that Kingdome: but because Antonius had shewed himself just, there was not hereafter any great danger to be expected, and that he should shortly returne, having his kingdom and allyance confirmed by Antonius, nei∣ther was there any hope left now for the covetousnesse of Cleopatra, seeing Antonius had granted her Coelosiria, instead of that he had demanded, upon this condition, That she should not hereafter demand Judea, and that she should no more trouble him with this businesse. [Ibid.]

As soon as these letters were received, the intent of flying to the Romans vanished, but yet their resolution was not hid: but as soon as Herod had bro••ght Antonius, some part of the way against the Parthians, (for so he pretended) he returned into Judea, and immediately his sister Salome, and his mother Salome, told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends. Neither was Salome content with this but accused her husband Joseph, as if he had been too familiar with Mariamme: but this she did for an old grudge, because the Queen, a woman of a high spirit, among other womens brabbles, had upbraded her with her obscure birth. [Ibid.]

When Mariamme had ascertained to Herod by oath of her chastity, and Herod had told her again how much he loved her; she denied that it was the part of a lover to command, that if he should die, that also his wife should be put to death. Herod supposing this secret could never be known, except she had committed adultery with Joseph, and then wanted but little, but that he had killed her: but being overcome with love, though hardly, yet, restrained himself; but yet he commanded Joseph to be put to death, not so much as suffering him to come into his presence. Alexandra also he cast into prison, as being the cause of all these evils. [Ibid.]

In the mean while the affairs of Syria were in disturbance, Cleopatra never failing to whet on Antonius his displeasure against all men, perswading him to take every ones government from him, and to give it to her: desiring that Judea and Arabia might be given to her, being taken from the two Kings, Herod and Malchus, whose destruction she plotted to work: but yet Antonius thought it was unjust to put two such great Kings to death, in favour of an importunate woman. But yet he no more accounted them his friends, but took part of their Country from them, and gave them to Cleopatra. Moreover, he gave her all the Cities that lye between the river Eleu∣therus and Egypt, Tyre and Sidon only excepted, which he knew were alwaies free Cities, although by her earnest intreaties she endeavoured to get these. [Ibid. cum lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13. & lib. 7. cap. 28.]

Thus Cleopatra, by the bounty of Antonius, enjoyed a great part of Cilicia, the Country of Judea, where the balsame groweth, Arabia, Nabathaea, which was Malchus his country, (to wit, all that that lay toward the sea) Ituraea, Phaenicia, Coelosyria, Cyprus, and some part of Crete: which vast gifts of Antonius much offended the people of Rome, as did also the filthinesse of Cleopatra, of whom he had gotten twins formerly, to wit, Alexandra and Cleopatra, (whom he named one the Sun, and the other the Moon) and also Ptolomaeus, whom she named Philadelphus. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411. Livy, lib. 132.] Cleopatra is reported to have understood many lan∣guages, so that of her self, without an Interpreter, she could answer either Aethiopians, Trogloditae, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes and Parthians, when as her pre∣decessors, the Kings of Egypt, scarce understood the Egyptian tongues, and some also of them had forgot the Macedonian language. [Plut. ib.]

Cleopatra having accompained Antonius, who was going with his army into Ar∣menia, as far as Euphrates, returneth, and by the way visited Apamea and Damascus, she then came into Judea, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.]

In the third Summer, from that in which Lepidus was cast out of office by Caesar Octavianus in Sicilia, Antonius undertook this Expedition into Armenia, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.] Sextus Pompeius being now dead, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 753.] and having again sent Q. De••lius to the King of Armenia to confer with him, he him∣self in all speed went to Artaxata, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415.]

Cleopatra being entertained by Herod in Judea, assured unto her that part of Ara∣bia that was granted her by Antonius, and the revenues of Jericho also. This Coun∣try beareth Balsom, which being the most precious of all Oyntments onely grows there, and also great store of the best Dates, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.] which Balsame, is granted onely to the land of Judea, and is onely in two Gardens, and both the Kings, one of 20 acres, and the other of lesse, [Plin. lib. 12. cap. 25.]

By these means Herod grew into great familiarity with Cleopatra; she sought to allure him to her lust, either through the intemperance of her lust, or else seeking oc∣casion too by this for her treachery: but she, pretended love, yet Herod refused her, and had a consultation with his friends about killing her; but being restrained from this attempt by them, he having appeased Cleopatra by great presents, and all manner of obsequiousnesse, he accompanied her as far as Pelusium. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. & lib. 15. cap. 5.] but yet being afraid both of her, and also of the people of the Jews, he provided that castle as a refuge for himself; laying as many armes there as would suffice for 10000 men. [Id. lib. 7. bell. cap. 28.]

In Armenia, Anto••ius partly by the perswasion of his friends, and partly scaring him with the greatnesse of his forces, induced King Artarasdes, being deceived by his many promises, seeing he alwaies shewed himself, his friends, both by writings and deeds, that he would come into his camp upon his assurance, when he was apprehen∣ded. [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 415. Livy lib. 131. Strabo. lib. 1. pag. 524. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82. Plutarch. in Antonio. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

As soon as ever Antonius had taken him, he carried him about the Castles in which his treasure was, yet not in fetters; in hope that he should have them without any fighting, feigning that he took him captive, for no other cause but to get money, from the Armenians for their freedome and his Kingdome, but all this was in vain, seeing those that kept the treasure, would not obey him. [Dio. ibid.]

Those Armenians that were up in armes, made his eldest son Artaxias King instead of Artarasdes or Artabazes that was taken prisoner, [Id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.] Antonius bound Artabasdes with silver chains, as if it were a base thing for a King to be tied with iron fetters, [Dio. ibid.] then by his silver chain he compelled him to con∣fesse where the royall treasure was; and having won the Town, in which he told him the treasure was laid up, he took from thence a great masse of gold and silver. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 11.]

After these thing, Antonius partly by force and partly by surrender, reduced all Ar∣menia under his power, [Joseph. & Dio. ut supra.] for Artaxias having ventured a bat∣tle and being overcome, fled to the Parthians, [Dio.] bnt Antonius ••ed Artaba∣zes bound, with his sons who were Princes into Egypt, as a present to Cleopatra, and whatsoever was of great value, in that Kingdome. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 5.]

At Rome on the Ides of September, C. Sosius the Proconsul triumphed for Judea: as appeares in the marble triumphall records. [in Inscript. Gruteri. pag. CCXCVII.]

M. Antonius [Year of the World 3971] having obteined for a stricter tie of friendship the daughter of Arta∣rasdes King of Media for a marriage with his son, having left his army in Armenia, he returned into Egypt with his great prey, where entring Alexandria in a chariot, among other captives he led before him Artarasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia, with his wife and children, [Dio. lib. 45. pag. 415.] at which the Romans were dis∣contented, as if the prime ornaments of their Country, should be communicated with the Egyptians, in favour of Cleopatra. [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Antonius presented Artarasdes with his relations, in chains of gold before Cleopa∣tra, in an assembly of the people, who in a Tribunall all guilt, sate in a chair of gold, the Barbarians neither reverenced her, nor fell on their knees, (though they were of∣ten commanded to do so by threates and promises,) but onely called her by her own name, and although for this they were thought to have the greater spirits, yet they were the more rigidly handled. [Dio. ut supra.]

Antonius feasted the Alexandrians, and having called the people into the shew∣place, where the young men exercise themselves, there upon a high silvered Tribunall he set two golden chaires, one for himself and another for Cleopatra, and lower

chaires for his children, then making an oration to the people, he commanded that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings, and her son and partner in the Kingdom, namely, Ptolomaeus Caesarion, King of Kings, and gave them Egypt and Cypru••, different from the division that he had formerly made: he told them also that Cleopa∣tra was the wife of Caesar the Dictatour, and that Caesarion was his lawfull son, he feig∣ned also that he spake this in love to Caesar, that he might bring into hatred Octa∣vianus, that was not his son born, but only and adopted son, and to the children that he had by Cleopatra, to their daughter Cleopatra, he gave Lybia Cyreniaca: to her bro∣ther Alexander he gave Armenia; promising also Media and Parthia, and all those Countryes that lye beyond Euphrates even to India, when he had conquered them, he gave also to Ptolomaeus (surnamed Philadelphus) Phoe••icia, Syria, Cilicia, and all the Country on this side Euphrates to the Hellespont. [Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415. 416.]

Antonius also brought forth his other sonnes, namely Alexander in the habit of the Medes, and wearing the Persian attire and bonnets on the head: and Ptolemei in slippers, and cloak, and that, with a Crown about it: for this was the habite of Alex∣anders successours, and the other of the Medes and Armenians. And as soon as the lads had saluted their Parents, the Macedonians were a guard to one, and the Arme∣nians to the other; for Cleopatra whensoever she came in publick, wore the apparel of the goddesse Isis, and so gave audience to all her subjects in the name of new Isis, [Plutarch in Antonio.] Also she commanded that she should be called Isis and the Moon, and Antonius Osiris and Liber Pater; seeing he was Crowned with Ivy, and wore buskins, and was carried at Alexandria in a Chariot like Liber Pater, [Velleius, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 421.]

Antonius went as far as the River Araxis, [The Julian Period. 4681] as if he intended to make war upon the Parthians; [Year before Christ 33] but thought he had done enough to have joyned in league with Artavas∣des King of the Medes: upon which account, Antonius and the Mede promised each to other mutual assistance, the one against the Parthian, and the other against Caesar: and for this cause they changed some souldiers. Antonius also delivered to the Mede, part of Armenia that he had newly seized upon, and received from him his daughter ••otape, being very young, to be in time a wife for his son Alexander (born of Cleo∣patra, to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia, which also Livy confirms in lib. 131.) and also the ensignes that were lost by Statianus, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 417, 418. Plutarch in Antonio.]

Peace being thus concluded with the Mede, Antonius gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia, as a reward of the Embassie he had undertaken for the making of a League between them: he also gave the Consulship to L. Clauvius (or Cluvius) who was with him, and took it from him, [Dio. ut supr. pag. 411. 418.]

Caesar Octavianus, both in the Senate, and to the people, often accused Antonius, incensing the people against him. Anton••us also sent to recriminate him. [Plutarch.] Caesar amongst other things, objected against Antonius, that he held Egypt that was not his by lot: that he had killed Sextus Pompetus, whom (as he said) he had wil∣lingly let escape: that having treacherously taken Artavasdes and cast him in prison, he had brought great infamy upon the people of Rome. He demanded also part of the spoiles; but above all he upbraided him with Cleopatra, and the children that he had had by her, and the Countries that he had given her; and that especially, because he had brought Cae••arion the son of Cleopatra into the family of Caesar, [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419.] But Antonius affirmed to the Senate, that he was acknowledged so by Ju∣lius Caesar, and that C. Marius, and C. Oppius, and other friends of Julius Caesar knew this: of whom Caius Oppius, as if the businesse wanted a defence and countenance set forth a book, that he was not Caesars son, whom Cleopatra said was, [Sueton. in Jul••o, cap. 52.]

Antonius being in Armenia, commanded Canidius to go to the sea side with 16 Legions; but he taking Cleopatra with him, went to Ephesus, where when his Fleet were all come together, there were eight hundred ships, of which Cleopatra promised 200, and 20000 talents, and provision for all the army during the war, [Plutarch in Antonio.]

Antonius by the advice of Domitius and some others, commanded Cleopatra to re∣turn into Egypt, and there to attend the event of the war; but she fearing that there might happen a new reconciliation by the means of Octavia, perswaded Canidius by a great reward, that he would speak to Antonius for her, and that he should shew him, that it was not just, that she should be sent back, that had brought so great aid to the war, neither that it was for his profit, that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a great part of the naval forces. Which when he had obtained, they ga∣thered together their forces, and sailed to Samos, where they gave themselves over to pleasure: for as it was injoyned to all Kings, Governours, Tetrarchs, Nations, and

Cities that lie between Syria, Meotis, Armenia, and Lauria, that they should send or bring all manner of warlike provision, so was it enjoyned also that all that could skill to make any good sport, should also meet at Samos: and whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing, this one Island alone resounded with piping, and singing for many daies, and all the theatre was full of these common players, then also every City sent over for sacrifices, and the Kings strove amongst themselves, who should make the greatest feast, and give the greatest presents, so that it was ordinarily said, What will they do when they are Conquerours in triumph, when as the very preparation for the war is with such sumptuousnesse? [id. ibid.]

From hence Antonius sailed to Athens, and there gave himself wholly to see plaies and shews, [ibid.] he went with a staffe of gold, and a Persian sword by his side, a pur∣ple robe buttoned with precious stones, and a Crown that a King might enjoy a Queen [Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.]

The King of Media using the help of the Romans that Antonius had left with him, overcame the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artax••as the Armenian) that came against him. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 418.]

Herod duly paid the Tributes of the Countreys of Judea and Arabia, [Year of the World 3972] which she had received of Antonius; thinking it was little safe to give her any occasion of ill will against him, but the Arabian, after the exaction of them began to belong to Herod, for some time paid 200 talents yearly, but afterward he grew slow and negligent, and scarce paid half and that very negligently. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.]

Caesar and Antonius mutually accused each other, and mutually defended them∣selves, partly by letters privately sent, (among which that of Antonius to Caesar was most pe••ulant, mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio, where he saith that he began to company with Queen Cleopatra, whom he affirmeth to have been his wife nine yeares since) and partly publickly; when Caesar pleaded in publick, and Antonius by letters, upon which occasions they often sent Embassadours one to the other, that they might more fully shew their cause to be just, and spy out the affairs of the adversary, in the mean while they got money together, as if it had been for some other purpose, and preparrd themselves for war, as if it had been against certain other enemies. [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419.]

The new Consul at Rome, [The Julian Period. 4682] C. Sosius (who had triumphed for Judea) on the very Kalends of January made a long speech in the Senate, [Year before Christ 31] in the praise of Antonius, and disgrace of Caesar, (Domitius Aenobarbus his Colleague, because he had endured many calamities formerly, medling with no new businesse) and was ready to make an edict against Caesar, who was on purpose gone out of the City, if Nonius Balbus the Tribune of the people had not withstood it. [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 419.]

Antonius wrote to Rome that the pa••tition that he had made at Alexandria, the Countrey between Cleopatra and her children might be confirmed, which letters not∣withstanding were not publickly read, Domitius and Sosius the Consuls who most fa∣vorred Antonius forbidding it, although Caesar desired that all things might be brought into publick; and seeing their opinion was carried in that, Caesar also got this in the Senate, that none of those that were written concerning Artarasdes the Armeni∣an should be publickly proposed; because he both pitied Artarasdes, with whom he privately had consulted against Antonius, and he also envied Antonius a triumph. [Id. lib. 49. pag. 416.]

The Senate being come together, Caesar sate between the Consuls in the curule chair, environed about with his friends and souldiers, that privately carried their wea∣pons about them, when he at large defended himself, and accused Sosius and Antoni∣us and seeing neither any other, nor the Consuls themselves durst speak a word, he commanded them to meet again at a certain day, and then he would demonstrate unto them the injuries of Antonius in writing, but the Consuls not daring to contra∣dict, nor yet able to hold their peace, they privately before the day came went out of the City, and went unto Antonius, whom also many of the Senatours followed, which when Caesar knew, he said that they had free leave from him to go, least he should seem to have been forsaken by them, for some injury he had done them; he gave leave also to any that would go to Antonius that they might safely do it. [Id. lib. 50. pag. 420, Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17.]

After the departure of the Consuls, Caesar called a Senate, and did and said what he would, which when Antonius heard, he called a Councell of his friends, and after many arguments on both sides, he undertook the war, [Dio. pag. 420.] and comman∣ded a divorce to be declared to his wife Octavia the sister of Caesar. [Id. ibid. Livy lib. 132. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

Afterwards he sent some to Rome, to put Octavia out of his house, who they say when she went took with her all Antonius his children, which he had by Fulvia except the eldest, who lived with his father: she vvept and vvailed exceedingly because she

seemed to be one cause of the civil war; but the people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antonius, and much more those that had seen Cleopatra, who was not to be preferred before Octavia, neither in beauty nor youth. [Plutarch. in Anton.]

But Caesar, when he heard of the suddain and great preparation of Antonius, was much astonished, fearing he should be driven to fight that Summer; for he wanted mony extreamly, and did vex the people of Italy with exactions, so that it was account∣ed one of the greatest faults of Antonius, that he prolonged the giving of battle, by which means he gave Caesar time to prepare himself, and to quiet the uproare that was risen about the exactions. [Ib.]

King Herod being freed from the trouble of Judea, and having taken Hyrcanium, (a Town which the sister of Antigonus had kept) The Actian war, in the CLXXXVII. Olympiade (which was this Summer) now breaking out, made great preparation for the aiding of Antonius: but he quitted him of this trouble, telling him he had no need of them. But because he had heard both from himself, and by Cleo∣patra, of the injurious dealings of the Arabian, that denied to pay the tribute imposed upon him; he commanded him to make war upon him. Cleopatra also perswading him that it would be for her profit; for the hoped, that if Herod should overcome the Arabian, then she should be Mistres of Arabia, but if the Arabian overcome Herod, then she should be Mistres of Judea. Wherefore Herod returned home by Antonius command, and there kept his army, with which he presently, being well furnished with Horse and Foot, invaded Arabia, going to Diospolis, where the Arabians met him, and after a fierce conflict, the Jews got the victory. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. lib. 15. cap. 6.

Titius and Plancus, who were chief friends to Antonius, and that had been Consuls, and were privy to all his secrets, being privily envied by Cleopatra, because they were much against his being present in this war, fled unto Caesar, who willingly entertained them; from whom he learned all, both his actions and counsels, and also those things that were in his Will, and where the Will it self was, for they were witnesses to it, and knew the Contents. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420.] But of Plancus his manners, (who was formerly master of request to Antonius, and afterwards was by him made Proconsul of Asia, and then of Syria) and also of his and Titius his flight. Vellcius Paterculus is to be consulted. [lib. 2. cap. 83.]

The Testament of Antonius was deposited with the Vestal Virgins, who denied the delivery of it at the demand of Caesar; if he would have it, they bid him come and take it. He went therefore and took it. [Plutarch in Anton.] At first he read it privately to himself, and noted some places that were subject to reprehension, but afterward he read it openly in the Senate, and then to the people: many taking it ill, that a man being alive, should give an account of things to be done after his death. But yet though it was counted very unjust, yet those things that were conteined in the Testament, were of such nature, that they clean took away all envy from Caesar, for doing this deed: for Antonius by this Testament gave Testimony, That Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the Dictatour; he reckoned the children that he had by Cleopatra amongst his heirs, and bestowed great gifts upon them. Also his Will was concerning his funeral, that his body, although he had died at Rome, should be carried through the Forum, and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. [Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420, 421.]

These things so enraged every one against Antonius, that they believed all things to be true that were reported: as that Antonius, if he should get the power into his hands, would give Rome it self to Cleopatra, and translate the Empire into Egypt. Moreover, all men were so angry with him, that not onely his enemies and newters, but they also who were his great friends, very much blamed him: for being astonished at the rehersal of the Testament, and meeting with the suspicious that Caesar had, they all said the same things, [Dio. lib. 50. pag, 421.]

The late runnaway Plancus, objected many horrible things against Antonius in the Senate. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 1. cap. 83.] Many things also Calvius, or Calvisius, a friend of Caesars, upbraided him with, as done in favour of Cleopatra, but he was thought that he belyed him in many things: but yet Antonius his friends were intercessors to the people for him, and sent one Geminius into Grecia to him, to desire Antonius, Thar he would take heed that the Empire should not be taken from him, and that he should be declared an enemy to the State. Who at supper time being provoked by Cleopatra, told her that all things would go well, if she were once gone into Egypt, but fearing the Queens anger, he was fain to fly as fast as he could to Rome. [Plutarch in Anton.]

As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared, he proclaimed open war against Cleo∣patra: the Consulship also (for he was designed Consul for the next year) was taken

from him, as all his other power likewise was, which he had committed to the pleasure of women. It is said also that Cleopatra by philters and charms, had so besotted An∣ton us, that he was not his own man. [Id. ibid. Dio. p. 421.] for she had so inthralled him, that she made him the overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians, she being called by him Queen and Lady, that she had Roman souldiers in her guard, and all of them had in their bucklers the name of Cleopatra written. She went also into the forum with Antonius, and with him provided for the plaies, with him sat in judgement, with him rode the Horse, and in Cities she rode in a Chariot, whilst Antonius followed her a foot with the Eunuchs: to be short, she was so bold, as to hope for the government over the Romans; as if she did at any time, by a great oath, she alwaies swore, as she hoped to give laws in the Capitol. [Dio. pag. 421. 422.] Wishing also through her womanish desire, to raign in Rome. [Eutrop. lib. 7.] Of which Horace. lib. 1. Ode. 37.]

—Capitolio Regina dementes ruinas Funus & imperio parabat. Contaminato cum grege turpium Morbo virorum, quidlibet impotens Sperare, fortunaque dulci Ebria.

This Queen did to The Capitol provide, And Empire, ruine, Joyning to her side The dregs of th' World, being above hope now, Rivisht with Madam fortunes pleasing brow.

And Ovid lib. 15. Metamorphos.

Romanique ducis conjux Aegyptiataedae Non bene fisa cadet; frustraque erit illa minata, Servitura suo Capitolia nostra Canopo.

—The Egyptian spouse shall fall, Ill trusting to her Roman General; To make our stately Capitol obey Oft proud Canopus shall in vain assay.

If Antonius had been declared an enemy, those also that were with him, except they had come from him, had been accounted enemies likewise: which least it should hap∣pen, (for the power of his friends was to be feared) he was not in word declared an enemy, though he was indeed: but impunity and commendations were propounded to them that should forsake Antonius, but war was openly proclaimed against Cleo∣patra, whom they knew would never forsake him. And it sufficed, that this crime might be objected against him, That he of his own accord had undertaken a war against his own Country, by whom he was never offended, in the behalf of an Egyp∣tian woman, and as if there had now been an actual war; they took their soul∣diers coats, and went unto the Temple of Bellona: and there Caesar, as if he had been an Herauld, performed all those things, by their command, that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans, before the war was begun, [Dio. pag. 421, 422,] And added moreover, That now those that were to make war with the Ro∣mans, were Macedonian Eunuchs, and Pothinus, and Iras, that trimmed Cleopatra's hair, and Charmium (Nairas and Carmio, Gala saith were Cleopatras Maides, lib. de Theriaca ad Pisonem) by whom the greatest affairs of Antonius Empire were managed. [Plutarch.]

After this, the youth were called earnestly to armes by them both, money was coined, and all things that were necessary for the carrying on the war were in all haste provided: and the preparation for this war was far greater than all the former, by reason so many Nations sent succours to each party. All Italy, France, Spain, Illyri∣cum, both the A••ricks, Sardinia, Sicilia, and other Islands that lay near the foresaid Continents, helped Caesar, [Dio. pag. 422.] He had of ships for war 250 sail, 80000 Foot, 12000 Horse. Antonius had not lesse than 500 ships of war, in which were some that had eight or ten bankes of oares, furnished sumptuously and fit for a Triumph; a 100000 Foot, and (as Caesar had) 12000 Horse: the Kings that were his subjects

and brought him aid, were, Bocchus King of Africa, (that was outed of his kingdom by the Romans) Tarcondemus, (or Tarcondimotus) of the Upper Cilicia, Arche∣laus of Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithradates of Commagena, and Adallas King of Thracia: these were in person in the war. Polemon sent aid from Pontus, Malchus also from Arabia, and Herod the Jew. Moreover Amyntas King of Lyconia and Galatia. Antonius also commanded all from Euphrates and Arme∣nia, even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum, and from Cyrena to Ethiopia, [Plutarch in Antonio.] Whereupon all the Countries of the Continent of Asia which obeyed the Romans, namely, both the Thraciae, Grecia, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrenica, with the borders, and all the neighbour Islands, and almost all Kings and Princes, and all that did but border upon that part of the Roman Empire that obeyed Antonius, some in person, others by their Generals, (as it is said) helped Antonius, [Dio. ut supr.]

Supplies also were sent to him from the King of the Medes, [Plutarch.] which see∣ing Antonius did not onely not send back, but also recalled his own souldiers he had lent the Mede, that King was overcome and taken by Phraates King of the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artaxias) King of the Armenians: and after this manner was Arme∣nia (which Antonius had but newly gotten) lost together with Media, [Dio. fin. lib. 49.]

Antonius being afraid of the over great curtesie of Cleopatra her self in the prepa∣ration of the Actian war, and not taking any meat without assure; she is said by this means to have purged him of this fear; she dipped the uppermost flowers of her Gar∣land in poison, and put the Garland on her own head; and immediately, in the height of their mirth, invited Antonius to drink their Garlands: which Antonius taking from his head, and putting it into the cup began to drink, but with her hand she stopped him, saying, I am she, my dear Antonius, who you provide against by this new care of tasters; Do you think that either occasion or invention is wanting, if I could live without thee? and then calling for a prisoner, commanded him to drink it, who presently gave up the ghost, [Plin. lib. 21. cap. 3.]

When Herod had routed the greatest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelo∣syria; Athenio the General of Queen Cleopatra in that Country, who hated Herod, having gotten together a band of the natives, and joyning with the Arabians, made a great slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult places (with which the enemy was better accquainted) but the King seeing his men put to the worst, posted on horseback, to bring new supplies; but yet although he made all the haste he could, he came not time enough, but that the Jews Camp was taken by the enemies, [Jo∣seph. lib. 15. cap. 6.]

From that time, Herod began to make incursions and to prey upon the Arabians, incamping alwaies upon the mountains, and alwaies forbearing to come to set a battle; but yet he got this good by it, that he accustomed his men to labour, and by continual exercise, he prepared himself a way to blot out the infamy of his former defeate, [Id. ibid.]

Antonius, intending to direct his course for Italy, and there to carry on the war be∣fore his enemies were aware: when coming to Corcyra he heard, that some light ships that were sent out for spies, were at anchor by the Ceraunian mountains; and he suspecting that Caesar was come with his whole Fleet, went back again into Pelopo∣nesus, (for it was now at the end of Autumn) and wintered at Patara, sending soul∣diers into all places, that they might the better guard them, and that there might be a better supply of victual for them, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 424.]

Caesar also loosing from Brundusium, and having gone as far as Corcyra, thinking to set upon the enemy on a sudden as they were in the road at Actium, but being tossed with a tempest, he was fain to return and missed of his purpose, [Id. ibid. pag. 425.]

Whilst Herod made inrodes upon the confines of Arabia, in the seventh year of his reign (reckoned both here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus, about the moneth of August of the year of the Julian Period 4676.) the Actian war being now begun, in the beginning of the Spring, Judea was shaken with an Earthquake, as was never the like before, in which were overwhelmed with the ruines of houses 10000 men▪ but yet the souldiers received no damage, because they were in the open fields. This calamity was made much more by the reports, which the reporters knowing the hatred between the two Nations, told the Arabians, That it was a wonder to see how proud they were grown, as if all the Cities of the Jews were overthrown, and the men all dead, so that there were no enemies left. For which cause laying hold of the Embassadors of the Jews, who in this their affliction came to demand peace, they slew them, and presently prepared for war with all earnestnesse. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. & lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 7.]

Herod having encouraged his men, and offered sacrifice according to the custom, he in all haste marched with his army over Jordan: and having incamped at Phila∣delphia, there the fight began about the taking of a Castle that lay between him and the Arabians; in which the Jews got the better, and forced the enemy being dismayed to another fight, where after continual skirmishes the Arabians are put to flight, and what by themselves in flight, and by their enemies pursuing them, they were so troden under-foot, that they lost 5000 men: the rest being besieged in their Camp, and ex∣treamly wanting water, they sent Embassadours to Herod; whom when he contem∣ned, and was more earnest upon them for offering 50 talents for their freedom, they being burnt up with thirst, came out in companies, and offered themselves to the Jews: and thus after this manner there were 5000 taken within five dayes. On the fifth day the rest that were in the Camp came out to fight, but despairing of any good successe▪ for in the first conflict there fell about 7000. By this overthrow the courage of the A∣rabians was tamed, and Herod being declared Governour of that Nation by them, re∣turned home with great glory, [Id. ibid. & lib. 15. cap. 89.]

Hillel a Babylonian of the stock of David flourished at Jerusalem an 100 years be∣fore the Jewish account of the destruction of the Temple; as is gathered out of G••∣m••ra Babylonic. tractat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cap. 1. out of whose multitude of disciples, came Jona∣than the son of Uzziel, the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the Pro∣phets, from a difference arising between this Hillel and Sammaius (or Sameas con∣cerning whom was formerly spoken out of Josephus) the Phraisees were divided into two sects: concerning whom, St. Jerome, lib. 3. comment. on Esay, cap. 8. v. 14. The Nazarites (such are those that receive Christ, and yet omit not the observations of the old Law) interpret the two houses of Sammai and Hillel, two families; from whom sprung the Scribes and Phrisees. He addes moreover, That Sammai and Hillel, (or their two houses, of which there is so often mention in the Talmuud) sprang not up long before the Lord was born.

Seeing Phraates the King of the Parthians, was become more insolent by the Vi∣ctory he got of Antonius, and that he dealt more cruelly than before, he was driven into exile by his own subjects: and one Tiridates made King in his room, [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 32. pag. 456.]

A certain Midian perswaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antonius, and by their aid made war there against the Antonians, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443.]

Antonius went to Actium, whither he had appointed his Fleet, and was nothing mo∣ved; when he found that almost a third part of his Mariners were starved to death: Well (saith he) the oares are safe, for I will not want rowers, as long as Greece hath any men, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] Whereupon there were pressed by the Captains of the ships, passengers, groomes, harvest-men, young men: and yet neither thus were the ships fully supplied, but that many were empty, [Plutarch.]

Asinius Pollio, seeing he had kept himself in Italy all the while after the peace con∣cluded at Brundusium, and had never seen Cleopatra, or after that Antonius was so be∣sotted with the love of her, had ever any thing to do with his party, being asked by Caesar if he would go with him to the Actian war, answered; My deserts towards An∣tonius are greater, his favours towards me are more known, wherefore I will have nothing to do with your difference, but will be the prey of the Conquerour, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 86.]

M. Agrippa being sent before by Caesar, took many ships of burden laden with co••n and armes, as they were coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia, to Antonius his succour: and having passed over the bay of Peloponesus, he conquered Methona that was fortified with a strong Garrison of Antonius his, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and there he killed Bogudes: he observed also which were the fittest places for ships of burden to arrive; and from thence going into divers places into Greece, he very much trou∣bled Antonius, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425.]

Caesar being encouraged by these meanes, went from Brundusium with 230 ships having their stems armed, and all his forces, into Epirus having crossed the Ionian Sea, [Id. ibid. Livy, lib. 132. Plutarch in Anton. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] Where finding his Foot whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian mountains to Actium, he him∣self seized upon Corcyra that was left without a Garrison, with his ships: which being drawn within the Haven Dulcis, so called from the sweet water, he there stood at an∣chor. From thence he went with his Fleet to Actium; where the greatest part of Antonius his Fleet was also at anchor, and having seized upon that place where he af∣terwards built Nicopolis, he there encamped, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425, 426.]

Antonius, seeing his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day, fearing they would take his ships, he wanting men to defend them, set his Mariners upon the fore∣castle in armes, and commanded them to hold up their oares on both sides of the ships, as if they had been souldiers; and so kepe them in the mouth of the Haven at Actium

with the prowes towards the enemy, as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight; by which Stratagem Caesar being deluded returned. [Plutarch.]

Marcus Agrippa sailed to L••ucas, and took the Island and the ships that were in it, under the very nose of Antonius his fleet, he seized also upon Patoae, having overcome Q. Asidius in a fight at sea, and after that took Corinth. [Vellet. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 427.]

Marcus Titius, and Statilius Taurus suddenly set upon Antonius's Horse and rou∣ted them; they also joyned in league with Philadelphus King of Pap••lagonia. [Dio. ibid.]

Cneus Domitius a very gallant man, who alone of all Antonius's party, never cal∣led for Cleopatra but by her own name, being extreamly hated by the Queen, through great and headlong danger went over to Caesar, [id. ibid. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84.] for being sick of a fever, he took a little boat and went over to Caesar; which though Antonius took ill, yet contrary to Cleopatra's mind he sent him all his carriage toge∣ther with his friends and servants, but Domitius, as though he repented of his open treasons died soon after, [Plutarch.] but because he seemed to have fled from Antoni∣us, as though he despaired of Antonius good fortune; many followed his example. [Dion. pag. 427.]

Antonius being now out of hope began to have all his friends in suspicion, of whom among other, he put to death Jamblichus a King of part of Arabia, by torture; and gave command to some that they should tear in pieces Q. Posthumius a Senatour, then fearing, least Quintus Dellius and Amyntas the King of Galatia, had sent into Macedonia, and Thracia to hire souldiers, should more esteem Caesars party; he went towards, as if it were to succour them, if the enemy should set upon them. [Dio. ibid.]

In the mean time Sosius hoping that if he should set upon L. Tauresius, who with a few ships kept a guard against Antonius fleet, before the coming of Agrippa, who was Caesars Admirall, he might do some great matter; early in the morning on a sudden, went against him, taking the convenience of a fog least Tauresius seeing the multitude of his ships should fly, whom having put to flight at the first conflict, he pursued, but by chance meeting with Agrippa, he not only did not overtake Tauresi∣us or received any fruit of his victory, but himself also perished with Tarcondimo∣tus and many others. [id. ibid.]

This businesse and also because himself was overcome, in his return in a battle of Horsemen by Caesars guard, took Antonius from the opinion of having his Camp over against the enemies Camp; therefore leaving his by night, he went unto the o∣ther side of the Ambracian gulf, where his greater forces were encamped, and seeing that now he began to be shut up from provision, he propounded in councell, whether they should stay there and bring it to a battle, or leaving that place should protract the war till some other time. [Id. pag, 427. 428.]

Canidius, who commanded the Legions, and was the cause of Antonius his brin∣ging Cleopatra with him, now changed his opinion, and perswaded him to send her back again, and that he should go into Thracia, or Macedonia, and then trie it out by a battle at land, because he was stronger at land, and also he might make use of the new supplies that Dicomes the King of the Getae sent. [Plutarch. in An∣tonio.]

But Cleopatra, and Antonius also, being afflighted at some prodigies, and by rea∣son of them, with the sadnesse of the army, obteined of her husband, that the war might be then tried by sea, but yet so providing for her flight, that she trussed up her baggage, not as if she intended to conquer, but that if all were lost, how she might more easily fly, but yet they determined not to depart by stealth or as if they fled, least they should strike a fear into the army, but as it were ready prepared for fight, but yet if any would oppose them, that they might by plain force make their way into Egypt. [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 428.]

Velleius Paterculus saith, [lib. 2. cap. 84.] that King Amyntas, but Plutarch that both he and Dejotarus, revolted unto Caesar, Q. Dellius the Historian also revolted unto Caesar, (to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin. of Horace was written) either being afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra, which he said Glauc••s her Phisiciau told him of; or else keeping his old wont, for he had fled from Dolabella to Cassius, and from Cassius formerly to Antonius; he is called by Messala Corinus, the vaulter of the civill wars. [M. Seneca. in Orat. Suasor. 1. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84. Plutar. in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433.]

Antonius his fleet was twice overcome before the last great battle, [Vellei. Pater∣cul. ut supra.] and just as they were going to it, they say, there was a foot Captain, a valiant man, who had fought many battles under Antonius command, and had

many skarres on his body, who in Antonius his presence cryed out unto him; O noble Emperour, why do you distrust these wounds, and our swords, and put your trust in these wodden sh••ps? let the Egyptians and Phaenicians fight by sea, give us leave to fight by land, where we have been wont either to dye standing, or to overcome our enemies. To which Antonius re∣turned no answer, but yet with his hand and countenance, as it were, bidding him be of good courage, he passed by, yet without any great courage himselfe. [Plutarch.]

Of the Egyptian ships, Antonius and Cleopatra only reserved 60. the rest they burnt, because the number of his souldiers, both by overthrows, and running away, was much diminished: then by night they carried aboard all the things they had of most value: and when the masters of the Gallies would only in the fight have taken their oares, and have left theirs sailes, Antonius compelled them to carry them with them, and to clap them on their ships, saying it must be done, least any of his enemies should escape him, when as by this means he himself provided to escape. [Id. Dio. pag. 428.]

Caesar had 200 beaked ships, and 30 without banks; his Gallies for swiftnesse were like light ships, in which fleet were eight Legions, besides five praetorian Cohorts, Antonius his fleet was 170 ships, which though lesse in number, yet far greater in bur∣den; for they were in height from the sea ten foot, (or rather banks of oars) saith Orosius, [lib. 5. cap. 19.] and before him Flotus, [lib. 4. cap. 11.] We had 400 ships, and the enemie had not lesse than 200. but what they wanted in number, was made up in bulk, for all they had were from six to nine banks of oars: and moreover, so raised with turrets and docks, that they resembled Castles and Cities, making the sea groan under them, and the wind out of breath to carry them, which bignesse of theirs, was it self their bane. But yet Caesar himself in his Comm••ntaries, produced by Plutarch, gainsayeth these things, concern∣ing the number of Antonius his ships, saying, That he took 300 of them. But of the greatnesse Vegetius [de re militari lib. 4. cap. 27.] rela••es, which may be reckoned by the banks of oars, that there met together ships of six, and above, banks of oars. Florus saith, that Caesars ships had not above three banks of oars to six, and none above. But Strabo, together with Plutarch and Dio, positively say, That Antonius had some ships that had ten: concerning which Scaliger is to be consulted, Ad num. Euseb. MCCXXX.

Now because there was a report that Sextus Pompeius was overcome in Sicilia, by reason of the greatnesse of Caesars ships. Antonius had built his ships much greater than his enemies; he had indeed some of three banks of oars, but all the rest from four to ten banks. He also built high Towers in them, and put in them multitudes of men, who should fight as it were from a wall. He put all the Noble men he had with him a shipboard, least i•• they were at their own command, they should make some alteration, (as Dellius and some others that fled to Caesar had done) he also put aboard some Archers, Slingers, and armed souldiers, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433.] and so filled his best and greatest ships, from three to ten bank of oars, with 20000 Foot, and 2000 Archers. [Plut.]

Caesar seeing the preparation of the enemy, and understanding of his intentions from others, but especially from Dellius, prepares himself also for the fight. [Dio. pag. 433.] The four first dayes t••e ••ea rose so high, that the battle was put off: the fifth day the sky cleared, and storm ceased, and they came to shock. Antonius and Popli∣colus were in the right wing, Caelius in the left, the middle battle M. Octavia, and M. Justeius commanded. Caesar placed Agrippa in the left wing, and kept the right himself. (Thus Plutarch) but yet Velle••us Paterculus before him. [lib. 2. cap. 85.] Thus the right wing of the Julia•• ships was committed to M. Larius, (or Lurius) the left to Arruntius and to Agryppa, the ordering of the whole battle by sea; Caesar was present every where, being designed for that place, whither fortune should call him. The command of Antonius's fleet was committed to Publicola and Sosius. But concerning the Commanders of the land forces of both armies, it is agreed on all hands, that Taurus should command Caesars forces, and Antonius his forces Canidius commanded.

Antonius being carried about in a swift Pinnas, exhorting his souldiers, encouraging them to fight valiantly, as upon firm land, by reason of the heavinesse of their ships, and commanded the masters of the Gallies, that they should receive their enemies charge, no otherwise than as if the ships were at anchor, and that they should keep the straight in the mouth of the gulf. [Plutarch.]

They report that Caesar, whilst it was yet dark, going out of his Tent to visit his fleet, throughout, met an asse and his driver, the mans name was Eutychus, the asses Nicon: after the victory was obtained, he put up both their images in brasse, in a Temple that he built in the very place where he had encamped. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 96. Plutarch in Anton.] There happened also, that as he was sacrificing before the fight, a beast had a double liver. [Pliny, lib. 11. cap. 37.]

Caesar went in a Pinnace to the right wing of Antonius his fleet, wondring that the enemy lay so still in the Gulf, thinking they had lyen at anchor, he kept his Gallies back, being now eight furlongs from the enemies: but in the sixth hower, there began a little gale of wind to rise from the sea, and then Antonius his souldiers began to be angry that they were delayed from fighting, trusting to the greatnesse of their ships, as if they had been invincible, they put forward their left wing, with whom Caesars men began to fight, as soon as they were come out of the Gulf and Straight. [Plutarch.]

Caesars ships being more yare, and ready for any needs of service, either for charge or recharges or to turn about, but the others were heavy and unweildy, many of Caesars set upon each of the other, with darts, and their hacks, and casting fi••••, over∣come them; [Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.] on the other side Antonius his souldiers, shot with their crosbows from the wooden Towers, darts and stones, they cast also iron grapples on their enemies ships, if they came neer them, which if they took luckily, they overcame, otherwise they b••lged their ownships: after this manner therefore was the fight at sea, whenas both sides used divers reasons to stir up the skill and cou∣rage of their souldiers, they heard also the cries of those land souldiers that heartened them on crying; Courage. [Dio. pag. 438. 439. with Plutarch.]

Agrippa stretching forth one of his wings to compasse about the enemy, Poplicola on the other side was forced also to widen his wing, and so was divided from his main body; which being distressed, and fighting with Arran••ius, but yet upon equall termes, Cleopatra that had been long in carefull suspence what to doe, and now over∣come with the expectation of the event of a doubtfull battle, gave a sign to her ships, and she in a gally whose poop was of gold, and her saile of purple, and 60 of the swiftest Egyptian ships, hoysed saile amain, and having a prosperous gale they set saile for Peloponesus. Antonius as soon as he saw the ship of Cleopatra under saile, he forget∣ting all things, imbarked in a gally with five banks of oares, and taking off the ensign from the Admirall gally he followed his flying wife accompanied only with Alexan∣der a Syrian and Scellius. [Floruss. lib. 4. cap. 11. Plutarch. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 439. 440. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and thus the generall, who should punish runawaies, became the desertour of his own army, so that it may be doubted, whether he would have ordered the victory at the disposing of Cleopatra, who directed his flight at her command. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.]

Cleopatra perceiving Antonius coming, lift up a sign out of her ship, and Antonius being come was taken up into her ship, but he neither saw her nor was seen by her, but went and sate down alone in the prow of the ship, and said never a word, clapping both his hands over his head. [Plutarch.]

Antonius his souldiers being astonished at the flight of their Generall, began also to think of flying, and some hoysed saile, other cast the Towers and tacklings of their ships into the sea, that the ships being lightned they might fly the faster, Caesars soul∣diers who had no sailes, and were not provided for any but for a fight at sea, did not follow them that fled, but setting upon them that vvere preparing for flight, (for novv they were equall to their enemies in number,) compassing about each ships of their enemies, vvith many of their ovvn, they fought vvith them as hand, and afar of. [Dio. pag. 440.] for Antonius's souldiers, valour lasted a long time after their Generall was gone, and when they despaired of victory, they fought that they might die; Caesar desiring to pacifie them with words, whom he could kill with his sword, calls out to them telling them that Antonius was fled, and demanded of them for whom and with whom they fought. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.] at length upon meer compulsion, he commanded fire to be brought out of the Camp, for now there was no other way of getting the full victory, although he had absteined from setting fire on the ships, in hope to get the enemies treasure; yea the Caesarians themselves, seeing they would not help themselves when their ships were on fire, much lesse hurt their enemies, they sailed to them, and with desire of getting money, endeavoured to quench the fire; of whom many perished by the being burned with their ships, and by the grapplings of their enemies. [Dio. fin. lib. 50.]

Whenas the Fleet of Antonius had long resisted Caesar, and was grievously troubled with the waves that beat full upon the prowes of their ships, they were overcome about the tenth hour: as Plutarch writes; and thus the souldiers when they had long fought for their absent General, at last very unwillingly laying down their armes yeild∣ed up the Victory: and Caesar soon gave them life and pardon, than they could be per∣swaded to ask it; and it was generally granted that the souldiers performed the parts of an excellent General, and the General of a cowardly souldier, [Velles. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.]

From the fifth hour (as Orosius saith) to the seventh, the battle on both sides went with uncertain hope of conquest: but the rest of the day with the following night, in∣clined

the Victory to Caesar, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] for the fight continued till late at night, so that the Conquerour was forced to lodge aboard all night, [Sueton. in Octa∣vio. cap. 17.]

The battle at Actium was fought, Caesar and Messala Corvinus being Consuls, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84.] the second of September, from which begins the ac∣count of the years of Caesars Monarchy; as in the beginning of his 51 book Dio ob∣serveth, which also in another place he saith was 44 years, [lib. 55. pag. 590.] want∣ing 13 dayes, as much as are between the 19 of August in which he died, and the se∣cond of September, but both those dayes being excluded: after which manner Sue∣tonius [in Octavio. cap. 8.] Aurelius Victor and Eutropius are to be taken; whenas they say that he alone governed the Common-wealth full fourty years.

As soon as it was day, Caesar perfected the Victory: there are 12000 of the conquer∣ed reported to be slain, and 6 or 7000 wounded, of whom a 1000 died of their wounds. So Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 19.] But Plutarch saith, that there died not of them above 5000, and 300 ships taken; the reliques of this huge armado, was carried in the wracks there∣of up and down over the whole sea: for the seas being purged with the wind, did day∣ly belck up upon the shoars gold and purple being the spoiles of the Arabians and Sa∣beans, and a thousand other Nations of Asia, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 11.]

And this was that famous Sea-fight so much spoken of by the Poets of that time; namely, Virgil lib. 8. Aeneid. Ovid, lib. Metamorphos. 15. Horace Epod. 9. ad Moe∣cenatem, & Propert. lib. 4. Elog. 6. where is that memorable distick.

Frangit, & attollit vires in milite causa Quae nisi justa subest, excutit arma pudor.

The cause it is the souldier animates, Which if not good, his courage shame abates.

To which answers that which Messala Corvinus is reported to have said, when he was commended by Caesar (with whom he was Colleague this year in the Consulship••) that though he was his utter enemy in Brutus his businesse, yet had done very good service for him in the battle of Actium. O Caesar, you shall alwayes find me of the better and juster party, [Plutarch in fin. Bruti.]

Caesar of the spoiles of the enemy, dedicated ten ships to Apollo Actius, from a ship of one bank of oares, to ten, [Strabo, lib. 7. pag. 325. Dio. lib. 52. pag. 442.]

Caesar sent part of his Fleet in pursuite of Antonius and Cleopatra, who when they could not overtake them, returned, [Dio. pag. 443.] But some light ships overtook him: which he repulsed; onely Lacon a Lacedemonian, the son of Lacharis who was beheaded by Antonius for theevery, shook a lance at him from the deck of the ship as if he would have thrown it at him; but yet he did not set upon Antonius his ship, but he struck with his beak another Admiral Gally, (for there were two of them) that he turned her round and took her, and another of them which was laden with very rich stuff and carriage, [Plutarch.]

After he was gone, Antonius returned to his former silence, composing himself after the same manner: but after he had spent three dayes thus in the prow of the ship, either stricken with anger or shame, he arrived at Taenarus where Cleopatras women first brought them to speak together, and afterwards to sup and lie together, [Id.]

There arrived also many Merchant ships, and some of Antonius his friends that had escaped by flight, bringing news that indeed the Fleet was scattered, but yet they thought that the land Forces remained whole: where he sent messengers to Canidius, commanding him that with all speed he should retire with the army thorough Mace∣donia into Asia, [Id.]

Many of the army by land knew not of Antonius his fligh; yea when they heard it, it seemed incredible, that he should flee, leaving behind him XIX whole Legions of Foot, and XII thousand Horse; for his souldiers were in desire and hope that he would again appear somewhere else: yea they shewed so much fidelity to him, that when his flight was certainly known, yet they stayed seven dayes, and rejected the messengers that were sent unto them by Caesar, [Id.]

Caesar overtook them as they were marching into Macedonia, and without a stroak joyned them unto himself, [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 443.] for when it was night, the General Canidius left the Camp, and in all haste fled unto Antonius; then they being destitute of all things, and betrayed by their Leaders, joyned themselves to the Conquerour, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 86. Plutarch in Anton.] who admitted them into his own army, [Dio. pag. 444.]

Many of the Roman Nobility even then fled to Antonius, but the auxiliaries every one into his own Country: yet they never hereafter waged war against Caesar; bu•• both they, and all people who were formerly subject to the Romans, partly presently, and partly afterwards, accepted of conditions of peace from Caesar, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443.]

Caesar having commanded money from the Cities, and taken from them the power over the Citizens, which they usurped in the councils of the people; took from the Kings and Governours, all the Towns they had received from Antonius, except onely from Amyntas and Archelaus. He dispoiled of their Principality, Philopater the son of Tarcond••motus, (Prince of Cilicia) Lycomedes who obtained the kingdom of Pontus in part of Cappadocia, and Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, who had re∣ceived a kingdom in Arabia, for accusing of Caesar. He gave the Country of Lyco∣medis to Medius, who was the author of the revolt of the Mysians of Asia from Anto∣nius. He granted freedom to the Cydonians and Lampaeans (in Crete,) because they aided him: and rebuilt the City of the Lampaeans, which was overthrown. The Senatours and Knights and other Noble men, who had in any way helped Antonius, many of them he fined in money, many he put to death, and some he pardoned, [Id. ibid.]

Among those that he granted life to, was Sosius, who seeing he had often made war against Caesar, was then shrunk away and fled, but being afterwards found out, was let go free: and M. Scaurus, the half brother of Sextus Pompeius, who also was designed to death, yet had his life given him for his mother Murcia's sake. Among them that were put to death, was Curio the son of that Curio whose help Caesar the Dictatour often used: and Aquilles Flori, both father and son, of whom when one onely was by Caesar commanded to be put to death, namely upon whom the lot fell, both died; for the son, before they cast lots, offered himself freely to the Executioner, and the father, in a great passion of grief for this businesse, laid violent hands upon him∣self, [Id. pag, 443, 444.]

Cassius Parmensis fled to Athens, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 1. cap. 7.] he of whom Ho∣race makes mention in the 3 book, epist. 4. asking of Albius Tibullus the Poet, whether he means him;

Scribere, quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vincat?

What, to excell Parmensis Cassius, write?

and of whose Poems that Orpheus is thought to be one, which is set forth by Achilles Statius, at the end of the Commentaries upon the book of Suetonius a famous Rhe∣torecian: a Poeme also called Brutus is cited by Varro, in lib. 5. de lingua Latina: and that this Cassius was afrighted now at Athens with such a ghost, as was said to have appeared to Brutus before the battle at Phillippi, Valerius notes in these words in the former place. In the dead of the night as he lay in bed, having his mind astonished with grief and cares, he thought he saw coming unto him, a man of huge greatnesse, of black ••iew, with an ugly beard, and long hair: who being asked who he was, an∣swered, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He being afrighted with so horrible a vision, and more horrid name, called his servants, and asked them, if they saw any so habited, either coming in, or going out; who answering him, that none came thither, he gave himself again to rest and sleep; but yet the same vision was alwayes in his mind; wherefore putting away sleep, he commanded a light to be brought in, and forbad his servants to leave him. Valerius addes, that a very little time passed between this night and his death, which Caesar inflicted on him; for amongst the last that were put to death for the mur∣der of Julius Caesar, was this Parmensis Cassius, as Trebonius was the first, [Vellei. Pater∣cul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] which we may understand out of the former relation of Valerius Maximus, was done at Athens a little after the Victory at Acti••m.

For Caesar then sailed to Athens, and being appeased with the Greeks, he distribut∣ed the corn that was left in the war to the Cities that were afflicted with famine, and were dispoiled of money, servants, and horses, [Plutarch.]

Antonius being to depart from Tenarus into Africa, chose out one ship of good bur∣den laden with great store of treasure, and other rich plate of gold and silver, and gave it nnto his friends, commanding them to divide it amongst them, and to shift for them∣selves; which they refusing and weeping, he very courteously comforted them, and praying them that they would provide for themselves, he dismissed them; and wrote letters to Theophilus the Governour of Corinth, that he would see them safe, and afford them some hiding place, till they might make their peace with Caesar. This Theophilus was the father of Hypparchus, who was in great authority with Antonius,

and the first of his freed men, that revolted from him to Caesar, who afterwards went and dwelt at Corinth. [Id,]

Cleopatra, that she might safely saile into Egypt, put Crownes on the prowes of her ships, and commanded those songs to be sung on a pipe, that are usually sung after obteining a victory. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.]

Having thus gotten a safe passage into Egypt, she put to death many noble men, that were alwaies her enemies: and at that time were growen pert by reason of her overthrow, and from what they had, and taking away all oblations to their gods, yea even from temples, that were not to be come unto, she got huge store of money, she provided also forces, and sought out forraign supplies, and that she might draw the King of Media to her alliance, she sent unto him the head that was cut off from the King of Armenia, (Artarasdes or Artabazes.) [Id. ibid.]

She also set upon a bold and great enterprize, for she went about to passe her fleet over the Isthmus which divides the red sea from Egypt, and which is thought to di∣stinguish Africa from Asia, when it is narrowest and so straitned by the two seas, that it is not above 300 furlongs over, that having sent her forces into the Arabian gulf, with great store of money, she might seek out some remote Country by her shipping, and so be free from slavery and war, [Plutarch. in Antonio.] but the first ships that were so carried over, and others that were built for sailing into the red sea, the inhabitants of Arabia Pesora burnt at the perswasion of Q. Didius the governour of Syria. [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]

Antonius being come into Africa, went into a desert, wandring up and down only with two friends, namely Aristocrates a Greek Rhetorician, and Lucilius a Roman, [Plutarch. ibid.] and when he had sent some to Pinarius Scarpus and the army, which he had then formerly raised for the defence of Egypt, he told them that he would not entertain Antonius, and killed also those that were sent unto him, and put to death likewise some souldiers that seemed to take it ill. [Dio. ibid. pag. 446.]

When Antonius understood of this revolt, he determined to kill himself; but being hindred by his friends, he went to Alexandria, who being come thither, and thinking that the Legions at Actium remained whole still, (of the losse of which Canidius him∣self brought him the news) Cleopatra left off her design of sailing into the red sea, and fortified with garrison the mouths of Nilus. [Plutarch. ut supra.]

But Antonius left the City, and the conversation of his friends, and built him an house in the sea by the Isle of Pharos, by casting a mount into the sea, and there lived as a banished man from all men, saying he would lead the life of Timon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the man-hater, because his condition was like his: because he was abused by his friends and had experience of their ingratitude, therefore he would trust no man, and was an∣gry with all men, and thereupon called his house Timonium. [Id. ibid. Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 794.]

Herod sending unto Antonius, advised him to put Cleopatra to death, for he said, if that were timely done, he might enjoy her estate, and obtain from Caesar easier conditions of peace. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 10.]

Caesar dismissed the old souldiers of his own and Antonius his army into Italy, gi∣ving nothing to any of them, and the rest he sent into severall places, but being afraid, least they that were companions of his victory, and were dismissed without any reward, should raise any sedition; he sent Agrippa after them into Italy, as it were upon some other businesse; and setled the affaires of Greece, as if there were no danger to be ex∣pected from those souldiers that were discharged, and being gone into Asia, and setled things there, he expected what Antonius would doe. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 444. 445.]

When all people and all Kings denied to send any succour to Antonius and Cleopa∣tra, (although many of them had received great favours from them both;) the Gla∣diatours a people of most abject condition, who were brought up at Cyzicum by Anto∣nius, for the setting forth of triumphall plaies, (of whom formerly mention was made out of Appian, at the year of the Julian Period 4679.) valiantly fought for them, for as soon as they knew what things were done, they determined to take a voyage into Egypt for to bring them aid; and in their passage did not a little incommodate Amyn∣tas in Galatia, and the sons of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia, who formerly had been great friends to Antonius and Cleopatra, but had revolted from them, and also Q. Didius the Governour of Syria who forbad them passage, but seeing they were compassed in, and could not passe into Egypt; yet could they not by any meanes be brought to re∣volt, although Didius gave them many fair promises, but sent for Antonius to come unto them, thinking that they might the more easily carry on the war in Syria, if they were joyned with him, but when that neither Antonius came himself, nor sent any messenger unto them, they against their wills yeilded unto Didius, but with this condi∣tion that they should not hereafter be Gladiatours. Didius granted unto them Daphne

the suburbs of Antioch to dwell in, till he had certified this matter unto Caesar, [Id: ibid. pag. 447.]

For the suppressing of these Gladiatours, Didius wrote unto Caesar, that there were supplies sent unto him by Herod: of which Caesar in his discourse that he had with Herod; in Josephus lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Because Ventidius hath writ to me that thou hast sent suc∣cour to him as against the Gladiatours, which in the 15 of the Antiquit. cap. 10. is thus expressely read. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That Capidius had written unto him, how much Herod had assisted him in the war against the Monarchs of Syria: when as in the former place I have put Gladiatours for Monarchs; So it is clear, that in both places, for Ventidius and Capidius, the name of Q. Didius is to be put out: and from hence rose that news that was brought to Antonius to his house Timonium; that Herod the Jew with some Legions and some Cohorts, was revolted unto Caesar; as Plutarch relates in his life.

At Rome many things were decreed in honour of Caesar for his Victory at Sea; for a Triumph was granted to him for Cleopatra, and a Triumphal arch at Brundu∣sium, and another in the Roman Forum. That the base of the Julian Temple should be adorned with the beakes of ships that were taken. That there should be Playes every fifth year in honour of him. That Processions should be alwayes on his birth∣day, and on the day the news was first brought: and that the Vestal Virgins, Senate and their wives and children, should go and meet him as he entred the City. That all the ornaments of Antonius should be cast down and demolished, his birth-day also was judged unlucky: and it was provided by an Edict, that none of that family should have the fore name of Marcus, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454.]

Caesar retired into Samos to winter there, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17.] from whence seeing Antonius had taken away the three great Colossick works of Myron, that stood upon one base. Caesar replaced two of them upon the same base, namely, Minerva, and Hercules; but carried Jupiter into the Capitol, and made a Chappel a purpose for it, [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 637.]

There when Caesar took a view of the prisoners, one Metellus an old man was brought forth, with long hair, and otherwise deformed by reason of his habit; and when he by the Cryer was cited by name as he stood amongst the prisoners; his son, which was one of Caesars Captains, leapt from his seat, and went and embraced with teares, his father whom he yet scarce knew; but then refraining weeping, he said, My father, O Caesar, was an enemy to thee, I a companion, he hath deserved punishment, I a reward; I desire that either you would grant my father his life for my sake, or put me to death together with him. When beginning to pity them, Caesar granted Metellus life, although he was his moral enemy: So that by no gifts he could be perswaded to revolt from Antonius to him, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 613.]

Antonius leaving his Sea-cottage which he called Timonium, went unto the Palace; and being there entertained by Cleopatra, he set all the City to rioting and banquet∣ting, and himself to liberality. [Plutarch.] He enrolled Caesarion the son of Caesar and Cleopatra, amongst they young men; and to his own son Antyllus by Fulvia, he gave the virile gown, which was of Purple without any embroidery: both that the Egyptians might be more cheerful, in having a man to raign over them, and the rest that should have them for Commanders should be more confirmed, if any thing should happen not well to Antonius and Cleopatra, [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.]

Whereupon there was huge feastings and banquettings at Alexandria for many dayes; but yet they turned this meeting into another nothing inferiour to the other in delights, luxury, and splendour, which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or of them that will die together: for the friends of those that would die together, gave in their names, and passed the time in pleasures and in feastings, when it came round to every ones turn, [Plutarch, ibid.]

Moreover Cleopatra got together divers sorts of deadly poysons, of each of which that she might make triall, she gave them to condemned persons, she also made expe∣rience of beasts, and looked on them as they were put divers to divers persons; this she did daily, and amongst all she found that the biting of the Aspe was the only way, for it brought a sleepinesse and heavinesse upon one without any contraction of the members, or groaning, only with a gentle sweating of the face, and a languishing stupidity of the sences. [Id. ibid.]

Yet although Antonius and Cleopatra thus provided for themselves, as if they would make war both by sea and land; yet they no lesse provided for this, that upon any urgent necessity, they might set saile for Spain, hoping that by their money they might draw it to revolt, or else that they might get into the Red Sea, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.] of whose preparation of flee into the Ocean, Florus also makes mention, [lib. 4. pag. 11.]

Caesar entred upon the fourth Consulship in Asia, [The Julian Period. 4684] [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 26.] [Year before Christ 30] where he is the sixth time saluted Emperour, and being now the fourth time Consul with Marcus Licinius, Crassus entred Brundusium, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] being recalled into Italy, by letters written by Agryppa from Rome, [Plutarch. in Anton.] that he might represse a sedition of the souldiers; demanding rewards, and discharge from service whom (after the victory at Actium) out of the whole number he had sent before unto Brundusium. [Sueton in Octavio. cap. 17.]

In passing the seas thither, he was twice tossed with tempests; first between the promontory of Peloponesus, and Aetolia; and again by the Caraunian Moun∣tains. In both places part of his pinnaces were cast away; and also in that ship in which he went, the tackling was rent, and the helme broken. [Sueton. ibid.]

He came into Brundusium in the middest of winter, but went no farther, because the whole Senate (the Tribunes of the people had two Praetors, being left for the government of the City, by a decree of the Senate) with the Knights, and great part of the people, with many others, came to meet him: also those very souldiers, partly through fear (of so great a multitude that were come together, and of Caesar himself, whom Germanicus saies in Tacitus, lib. 1. Annal. cap. 42.) That he daunted the Actian Legion, with his look, and partly through hope, many also came thither, being sent for; to some of which Caesar gave mony, and to some that had been with him in all his wars, he gave lands also. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445.]

Suetonius writes that he stayed not at Brundusium above 27 dayes, til he had ordered his businesse about the Souldiers. Dio saith that he went into Greece again, on the 31 day after he came into Italy; and that by reason of the Winter, the ships being brought over the Isthmus of Peloponesus, he came with such speed into Asia, that Cleopatra and Antonius heard both of his departure, and returne at the same time. [pag. 445, 446.]

Antonius sent Alexas, or Alexander, a Laodicean, who by Timagenes means be∣came known unto him at Rome, and could do most with him of all the Grecians, unto King Herod, to hinder his revolt unto Caesar, who betrayed Antonius, and tarried with Herod. [Plutarch.]

Alexandra hoping that Herod should be throughly punished by Caesar, who was his enemy, solicited her father Hyrcanus, that he would no longer suffer this affliction of their family, but that he would provide for himself, and reserve himself for better fortunes: She councelled him also, that he should demand protection and entertain∣ment of Malchus, King of Arabia. These perswasions of hers Hyrcanus at first repul∣sed; but being overcome with the importunity of the woman, alwaies singing the same song of his future hopes, and the treachery of Herod. He sent letters to the Arabian, by one Dositheus, a friend of his, that he should send Horsemen, which should conduct him to the Asphaltick Lake, which lieth distant from the confines of Jerusalem 300 furlongs: this Dositheus was kinsman to that Joseph that was put to death by Herod: his brethren also were put to death amongst others at Tyrus by Antonius: neverthelesse, he to curry favour with the King, shewed him the letter. Herod giving him first thanks for this, desired of him one courtesie more; which was, That he would now fold up the letter, and new seal it, and give it to Malchus, and receive an answer from him again. The Arabian wrote word back, That he was ready to entertain Hyrcanus, and his family, and all the Jews that were of that faction, and that he would send a band of souldiers, that should conduct him in safety, and should be obedient to his command in all things. After Herod had also received this letter, he called Hyrcanus, aud asked him, whether he had any confederacy with Malchus; who denying it, he produced the letters, in the Council of the Sanhedrim, and commanded him to be put to death. Thus are these matters registred in Herods Commentaries, for they are otherwise delivered by others: to wit, that he was not put to death for this crime, but for some treasons against the King. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 9.]

Antonius and Cleopatra sent Embassadors unto Caesar into Asia. Cleopatra de∣manded the Kingdom of Egypt for her children, he demanded that he might lead a private life in Athens, if it would not be yielded to, that it might be in Egypt, through the want and distrust of friends, by reason of their many revolts, Antonius sent Euphroneus, his sons School-master, Embassadour. [Plutarch in Anton.] Cleopatra, without Antonius privacy, sent to Caesar a golden Scepter, a golden Crown, and a golden Chaire, as it were delivering her Kingdom over unto him, so that if he mo••∣tally hated Antonius, yet at least he might have some pity on her. Caesar accepted of the presents, accounting them as good omens, but afforded Antonius no answer, and truely openly threatned Cleopatra, and thus answered her, That if she would lay aside her arms and her Kingdom, he would then advise, what was fit to be done with her;

but privately he promised her impunity and her kingdom sure, if she would put Anto∣nius to death, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]

Herod having dispatched Hyrcanus posting unto Caesar, and hoping no good from him for the friendship he had shewed unto Antonius, had Alexandra in suspition, lest she taking this opportunity should incite the people to rebel, and fill the kingdom with domestick seditions. Wherefore committing the care of the kingdom to his brother Pheroras, he left his mother Cyproes, and sister Salome, and all his kindred in the Castle of Masada; aud commanded his brother, that if any thing happened other∣wise then well, he should keep the government of the kingdom in his own hands; and for his wife Mariamme, who for some differences could not live with his mother, he placed her in Alexandrion with her mother Alexandra: committing the custody of them to his Treasurer Joseph, and to Sohemus an Iturian, men that had alwayes been faithful unto him, and now set for the keeping of these Ladies, as it were for their ho∣nour; but yet he also gave them this command, That if they should certainly know that any sinister mishap befel him, that they should presently put both of them to death, and to the utmost of their power, continue the kingdom for his children, and his brother Pheroras, [Joseph. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 9.]

Having given these commands, Herod posted to Rhodes, to meet with Caesar there, whither when he was come, he onely laid aside his Crown, but for his other Princely Ornaments, he altered nothing: and being admitted into Caesars presence, with great constancy and magnanimity of spirit, he freely confessed the love he bore Antonius, and also the succours he sent Antonius of corn and money, because that being detained by the Arabian war, he could not bring any succour unto him in person: adding moreover, that he was ready with the same faith to keep friendship with Caesar: which that he would do, Caesar exhorted him, and restoring his Crown to him, ex∣ceedingly honoured him. And thus beyond all expectation Herod is again confirmed in his kingdom; both by the free gift of Caesar, and also by a decree of the Senate which he obtained for him, [Id. ibid. cap. 10. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15.] of whom also Strabo, [lib. 16. pag. 765.] He excelled his ancestours so much especially in familiarity with the Ro∣mans, that he was declared King; first by Antonius, and afterward by Caesar, granting the same authority to him. And Tacitus, [Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9.] Augustus being Conquerour enlarged Herods kingdom that was given him by Antonius.

Herod gave Presents to Caesar himself, and also to his friends above his ability, to shew the greatnesse of his mind. He endeavoured also to beg pardon for Alexas, or Alexander the Laodicean, that was sent unto him from Antonius, but he could not; because Caesar had sworn that he would punish him (for he had been the most violent defender towards Antonius of all the machinations that Cleopatra used against Octa∣via.) Wherefore seeing he relying upon Herod durst come into Caesars presence, he was presently taken, and carried in fetters into his own country, and there put to death by Caesars command, (during the life time of Antonius whom he had betrayed,) [Joseph. ibid. Plutarch, in Ant.]

Antonius and Cleopatra sent other Embassadours to Caesar, and Cleopatra by them promised him an huge masse of money, and Antonius put him in mind of the friendship and kindred that was between them, and excused the familiarity that he had with the Egyptian woman; and reckoned up the society that was between them, and the acts that they had done in their youth. Moreover he delivered over to him, Q. Turullius a Senatour, one of Cesars murderers, and then his friend, and promised him also, that he would kill himself, if by doing that he might obtain security for Cleopa∣tra. Cesar put Turullius to death, and that in the Isle of Coos (in which he had felled trees for ship-timber, out of Aesculapius his Grove) but neither then afforded he any answer to Antonius, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448.]

In the absence of Herod, his wife Mariamme, and mother in law Alexandra, took it very ill that they were shut up in that Castle as in prison, so that they could neither enjoy their own, nor make use of other mens goods; especially when by her feminine flatteries she had fished out of Sohemus, what Herod had commanded him concerning them: she then began to wish that he might never return home, supposing that she should live a most intolerable life with him; all which she afterwards dissembled not, but openly confessed what it was that afflicted her: for he being returned beyond all expectation, and relating to Mariamme the successes he had, she seemed nor to regard them, and at all the caresses that he made her, she would sigh, so that Herod plainly perceived the hatred of his wife against him, and was wavering between love and hatred towards her, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Before Cesar went with his army into Egypt, he went into Syria, as may be under∣stood out of Josephus Suetonius, [cap. 17.] Plutarch and Orosius.

Phraates and Tiridates contending about the kingdom of Parthia, and demmand∣ing aid of Cesar; he gave them no other answer, than that he would consider of it,

Pretending his businesse in Egypt, whenas indeed he did nothing else, but that by this civil war, both their strengths might be weakened. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456.]

C. Merius a Centurion, who in the war against Antonius had offered one excellent ser∣vice, was circumvented unawars by an ambush of his enemies, & brought to Alexandria before Antonius, by whom being asked what was fit to be done with him, answered, Command to have my throat cut, for neither can I sufficiently be induced by benefits, nor for fear of death, to leave off to be Caesars souldier, or begin to be thine; for which vertues sake Antonius pardoned him. [Valerius Maximus lib. 3. cap. 8.]

Antonius and Cleopatra thought fit that their children should be sent before into the red sea, with part of the Queens treasure. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] they themselves having disposed garrisons about the two corner coasts of Egypt, Pelusium, and Parae∣tonium, prepared a fleet and forces, for the setting a foot the war again. [Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.]

Antonius sent a third Embassie unto Caesar, and his son Antyllus with much gold, whom he sent back again, without either granting his Embassie, or giving any an∣swer, only took his gold. But to Cleopatra, as he did at first and second, so now the third time, he propounded many threats and promises. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448.]

And that he might win Cleopatra unto him, he sent unto her Thyreus, or Thyrsus, a freed man of his, a very discreet man, [Id. ibid. Plutarch in Anton.] for he was afraid, least Antonius and Cleopatra, being in dispair of pardon, should persist in their intention, and overcome him by their own strength, or else should passe into Spain or Gallia, or that Cleopatra should burn all the treasures that she had heaped into her Sepulcher, as she threatned to do: therefore he sent Thyrsus, who conferred very courteously with Cleopatra, and told her that Caesar was in love with her; hoping that she, that had a mind to have all men in love with her, might be brought to that passe, that having put Antonius to death, she would preserve both her self and her mony. [Dio. ut supra.]

Caesar marched against Antonius through Syria, and his Lieutenant through Lybia. [Plutarch.] Cornelius Gallus, being sent by him before, having received four Legions of Scarpas, which were at Cyrenae, for a guard of that place, suddenly seized upon Paraetonium, the prime City of Egypt, that lieth towards Lybia, [Dio. pag. 448. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

Antonius having intelligence of this, although he thought to have gone into Syria, being called thither by the Gladiatorus, yet setting that designe a part, he marched towards Parae••onium, hoping that he should easily draw those forces from Gallus unto himself; for he knew that they were well affected towards him, because they had been souldiers together: but if that would not doe, then he would win them by force, for he brought with him great forces both by sea and land: but neither could he so much as parly with thems, (for Gallus made all the Trumpetors to sound, so that no body could ••ear any thing) and beside he received some losse by a suddain sally, and his Fleet also was somewhat incommodated: for Gallus had by night laids chain crosse the mouth of the Haven, which lay hid under water, keeping the Port with a guard that was not seen, and suffered Antonius his ships, without any fear, to saile within the Haven in contempt of him; but the chains being drawn up by certain Engines, pre∣pared on purpose, he partly burnt, and partly sunck, the ships being assailed on every side by sea and land, and also from the houses. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448, 449.]

Herod entertained Caesar with all royal magnificence at Ptolomais, as he passed through Syria into Egypt, and shewed all hospitality towards his army, giving them plenty of all victual; by which means he was accounted one of Caesars chiefest friends, and was wont to ride about with him, when he mustered his army: he entertained him also and his friends, with the service of an 150 men, clad in most rich and sumptu∣ous apparel; yea, he also suffered them to want nothing, in their march to Pelusium, through places that were barren, and wanted water; yet they wanted neither wine nor water, with which the souldier was most delighted. He also presented Caesar with 800 talents, yea, he gave them all such satisfaction, that they confessed that he gave them such entertainment, that it was greater than the Kingdom could afford them. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 10.]

Cleopatra by the discourse of Thyrsus or Thyreas believed that Caesar was in love with her, both because she desired it should be so, and also because that by the same reason she had enslaved to her both his father and Antonius: and therefore she hoped for not only pardon and the Kingdome of Egypt for her self, but also the empire of the Romans, [Dio. pag. 449.] but Antonius took this Thyreus that was extreamly honoured by her, and whipped him soundly, and then sent him back unto Caesar,

writing that he did this being provoked by his insulting pride, who was at that easily provoked by reason of his miseries, and said, If you mislike this, you have Hipparchus my freed man, hang him up, and whip him, that we may cry quittance, from thenceforth that she might wipe off all jealousies and suspicions from him, Cleopatra wonderfully ho∣noured him: for whereas she solemnised her birth day but meanly, fit for her present misfortune, she solemnised his birth day, with the greatest splendour and magnificence that could be, so that many that were invited to the feast, and came poor, went away rich. [Plutarch.]

Caesar took Pelusium, as it was reported, by force, but indeed by the treachery of Cleopatra. [Dio. pag. 449.] There was a common report, that this Town was deli∣vered up to Caesar by Seleucus, certainly with her consent: but to clear her self, she delivered up Seleucus wife and children to Antonius, to be revenged of them at his pleasure, [Plutarch.] when he being beaten by Cornelius Gallus at Paraetonium, and immediately after at Pharos, (as it is in Orosius. lib. 6. cap. 19.) and was returned to Alexandria.

Cleopatra had store-houses, and monuments built both for sumptuousnesse and heigth admirable, which she had joyned to Isis her temple, thither had she brought the most precious things of all her royall treasures, as gold, silver, emeralds, pearles, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and last of all great store of lamps and flax: whereupon Caesar being afraid he should loose snch riches, and that through despair that she de∣stroy and burn them, daily gave her fair hopes, whilst he marched with his army to∣wards the City, [Plutarch.] but she privately forbad the Citizens of Alexandria, that they should sally out against Caesar, whenas openly she seemed to hearten them on to go meet the enemy. [Dio. pag. 449.]

Caesar sate down with his army in the place where they exercise their horses, and Antonius made a sally out and fought valiantly, and routed Caesars horse, and drove them even to the Camp, and being heighthened with this victory he entred the pallace and kissed Cleopatra as he was in his armour, recommending unto her a man that had fought most valiantly, Cleopatra to reward him gave him an armour and headpiece all of gold, which he having received that night fled to Caesar. [Plutarch.]

Antonius, casting tickets into Caesars camp, promised each souldier 1500 Drachmes or pence, these tickets Caesar of his own accord read unto the souldiers, by this meanes rendring Antonius more hatefull, and also recalling them to an hatred of base trea∣chery, and to a declaration, of a cheerfulnesse to declare for him, whereupon growing exceeding angry that their fidelity was tempted, they so valiautly behaved themselves, that Antonius joyning in a battle only of foot men, wi••h them left the field being o∣vercome by them beyond all expectation. [Dio. pag. 449.] whither I referr also that place of Strabo [lib. 17. pag. 795.] as one goes thorough the horserace, standeth Nicopolis, which is built neer the sea, so that it may be thought not to be lesse than the City, and is distant from Alexandria 30 furlongs, this place Caesar Augustus adorned, because here he overcame them in fight, that made a sally out against him with Antonius.

Antonius after this by his Embassadours challenged Caesar to a single duell, who answered, that Antonius had many waies to die: wherefore considering that he could no way more honourably die then in battle, he determined to set up his rest, and to set upon Caesar both by sea and land: and being at supper (as it is reported) he com∣manded his servants that they should drink and feast themselves heartily, for it was uncertain whether they should doe so to morrow, or should serve other masters, he be∣ing dead and gone, where because of this he saw his friends weeping, he told them he would not so lead them out to fight, when he thought not rather to return with victory and honour, then to die a glorious death. [Plutarch. in Anton.]

About the middest of that night, when the whole City was in silence, and sorrow, for fear and expectation of the event, it is reported that on a sudden, there was heard swee•• musick afall kinds of instruments, and a noyse of a multitude of people, as at the feasts of Bacchus and Satyr-like friskings and dancings, as if indeed it had been the festivity of Bacchus himself, (whom Dionysius used to feign his father) the noise was so great, and that this company sate down together (being indeed a very great one) almost in the very middle of the City, towards that gate, which led unto the enemy without; and that they passed at length through this gate, and so vanished. [Id. ibid.]

Dio reports, that besides this many other prodigies fore-ran the bondage of Egypt, for it rained (as he saith) in those places, in which before there never any drop had fallen, and that not only with water but with blood also, neither did water alone drop from the cloudes, but there appeared armies there also: A Dragon of a huge vast∣nesse was suddenly seen among the Egyptians, which hissed horribly, there appeared also Commets, and the images of the dead; the statues seemed to be sorrowfull, and Apis made a mournfull lowing, and shed teares. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445.]

On the Kalends of August, as soon as it was day, Antonius went down unto the Ha∣ven to order his Fleet, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] but Cleopatra caused the Fleet to revolt from him, [Dio. pag, 449.] For Antonius his Fleet as soon as they had rowed neer the other Fleet, saluted Caesars souldiers, and being resaluted, they revolted unto them, and having of all the ships made one Fleet, came in hostile manner against the City; which whilst Antonius beheld, he was immediately forsaken by his Horsemen, who also revolted: his Foot also being overthrown, he retired into the City, crying he was betrayed by Cleopatra to them, against whom for her sake, he had taken up armes, [Plutarch.]

Cleopatra, fearing the anger and despair of Antonius, but pretending it was for fear of Caesar, and that she would put her self to death that she did this; fled unto her Monument with one Eunuch and two maides; and sent unto Antonius a message that she was dead. This he believed, and therefore desired his faithful servant Erotes (who had long agone promised that he would do it when necessity required) that he would kill him. Eros drew out his naked sword, as if he would strike him, but his face being from him, he killed himself: who falling at his feet, Antonius said, Noble Eros, who teachest me what must be done by my self, but couldst not endure to do it for me: and run himself into the belly, and fell upon a bed. The thrust was not such as would much hasten his death, for the blood stinted after he was laid, and when he was a little refreshed, he desired them that stood about, that they would thrust him thorough, but they all fled out of the chamber, leaving him crying and tormenting himself. Where∣upon there was a great tumult made, which when Cleopatra perceived, she looked out from the top of the Monument; for the gate was so made, that if it were once shut, it could not be opened, onely the upper parts of it were not yet finished. She sent also Diomedes her Secretary, to bring Antonius into the Monument unto her; whom as soon as Antonius knew that she was alive, he arose, because he thought he might live; but being in despair of life thorough his much bleeding, he was carried by the help of his servants, as he commanded, to the gate of the Monument, [Id. Dio. pag. 449, 450. Livy, lib. 133. Flor. lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 793. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

VVhile this was a doing, Dercetaeus one of his Guard, took away Antonius his sword and hid it, and stole away, and running unto Caesar, was the first that told him of Antonius his death, and shewed him the sword all bloody. Caesar hearing this news, withdrew himself into the innermost room of the Tent, where he much bewailed An∣tonius his Kinsman and Colleague, and that had been his companion in many battles, and in the government of the Empire. Then taking his letters, he called his friends together, and read them unto them, and shewed them how proudly and importunely Antonius had answered to all his mild and just demands. He then sent Proculeius, commanding, that by all means, if it were possible, to get Cleopatra alive into his hands: for he was afraid to lose the treasures, and also thought that she would be a magnificent ornament to his Triumph, if he could bring her alive, [Plutarch.]

In the interim, Antonius was drawn up into the Monument, by ropes that were hung ••or pulling the stones up on high, [Dio. pag. 450.] They say there was nothing more lamentable than this sight; for Antonius being all besmeared with blood, and giving up the ghost, was tied to the ropes and drawn up by the great paines of Cleo∣patra and the two servants that were with her, they that were below raising him up, and Antonius stretching forth his hands to Cleopatra, lifted himself up as well as he could: as soon as Cleopatra had taken him in, she laid him on a bed, then she tare off her head-tire, and strook her breast, and taring her breast and face with her own hands, she was all of a gore blood, and calling him Lord, Husband, and Emperour: and al∣most forgot her own miseries in compassion of him. After Antonius had a little ap∣peased her grief, he called for some wine, either because he was a thirst, or because he thought thereby to hasten his death: after he had drank, he advised her, to look to her own affaires, and to save her life if she could without dishonour, and that among all Caesars friends she should most trust Proculeius: and that she should not lament the mi∣serable change of his fortune, but rejoyce for the great good fortune he had had, be∣cause he had been the most famous and powerfulest Prince of all men, and that now he being a Roman was not cowardly overcome by a Roman: and now he gave up the ghost, just as Proculeius came from Caesar, [Plutarch.]

Caesar sent with C. Proculeius a Knight, one Epaphroditus his freed man: telling them both what they should say and do; but Cleopatra fearing that they would use her hardly, tarried in the Monument; that if by no other means she could procure her safety yet she might redeem her pardon and the kingdom of Egypt from Caesar, by the fear of loosing her money; but Caesar although he desired to get her money, and to take Cleopatra alive, that he might carry her in Triumph, notwithstanding, if he had promised any thing upon his honour, that he might not seem to deceive her, he

laboured, that he might have power to do with her as he would himself, as with a captive, and one reduced to his obedience against her will. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450.]

Cleopatra would by no means put her self into Proculeius hand, but yet had conference with him from the building, he standing without at the door, that was on the plain ground, which although it was so barred, yet the voice might be heard. In this con∣ference she demanded the Kingdom for her children, Proculeius bad her be of good chear, and refer all things to Caesar. When he had sufficiently ruined the place, he told all things unto Caesar, who sent Gallus again to demand her answer, who when he came to the door, held her in talk on purpose: and in the mean time Proculeius set up ladders, and got in at the window, where the women took in Antonius, and draw∣ing up with him two servants, he immediately went down to the gate, where Cleo∣patra sat talking with Gallus; who seeing Proculeius, went about to kill her self with a Dagger she had about her: but Proculeius came running, and holding her with both his hands, took the Dagger from her, and shook her cloaths, for fear she had some poyson hidden about her. Thus Plutarch tells the story, and Dio after this manner,

C. Proculeius and Epaphroditus talking with Cleopatra, propounded very tolerable conditions to her, and of a sudden, before she assented unto them, laid hands on her; but taking away all things, by which she might dispatch her self, yet granting her some daies, that she might stay there till she might embalm Antonius his body: then they brought her into the Palace, diminishing nothing, either of her wonted train and honour, that thereby she might be in hope, that she should obtain what she desired, and also that she might do no mischief to her self. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450, 451.] As soon as Cleopatra was taken, an Eunuch of hers, willingly set Asps unto himself, and being bitten by them, fell into a grave, that he had before prepared for himself. [Id. ibid. pag. 453.]

Caesar at the first approach conquered Alexandria, a most rich and great City. [Livy. lib. 133. Strabo. 17. pag. 775. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] As he entred Alexandria, he talked with Arius Alexandrinus, a Philosopher, taking him by the right hand, to the end his Country men should honour him the more, when they saw him so honoured, [Plutarch in Anton.] for Caesar had been his Scholler in Philosophy, and was very well acquainted with him and his two sons, Dionysius and Nicanor. [Seneca, in lib. de Clement. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 89. Plutarch in Polit. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. & lib. 52. pag. 490. Julian. Caesar. in Octav.]

Then he went into the shew place of exercises, he ascended a Tribunal which was set up on purpose, and commanded the Cityzens, who for fear were fallen on their knees before him, to rise; and in a great Oration, that he might be understood of all, he told them, he freely pardoned all the people, for their great god Serapis his sake, for the greatnesse of the City, and for his friend Arius his sake: he likewise par∣doned all the Egyptians, being unwilling, that so many men should be put to death, that in many thing had done good service for the Romans. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. Julian. epist. 51. ad Alexand.]

At the intreaty of Arius, he pardoned many, amongst other Philostratus, who was he readiest Sophister of his time; howbeit, he falsly named himself an Academick, therefore Caesar hated his manners, and rejected his request, he therefore let his beard grow long, and followed Arius in mourning, alwayes repeating this verse,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Sapiens salus sapienti erit, modo is sapit. The wise, whilst wise, a savoury safety hath.

which when Caesar hard of, that he might rather free Arius from envy, than Philo∣stratus from fear, he pardoned him. [Plutarch in Anton.]

Young Autonins, or Antyllas, the elder of the two sons Antonius had by Fulvia, Caesar, although he was betroathed to his daughter Julia, and was fled into a Chappel that Cleopatra had made for his honour, after many and vain prayers, he took from the image of Julius, and killed him. [Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446, 454. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] As the souldiers beheaded him, Theodorus his School-master, who betrayed him, took from his neck a most gracious Jewel, and sewed it in his girdle, which he denyed, but it being found about him, he was trussed up and hanged. [Plutarch ibid.] But to Julius the other son of Antonius by Fulvia, Caesar commanded his freed men that they should presently deliver over all things to him, that dying men are commanded by the laws to leave to their heirs. [Dio. pag. 454.]

The children that Antonius had by Cleopatra, they were very honourably kept with their Governours and train that waited on them, for them Caesar saved and nou∣rished and cherished no lesse, than if they had been linked in alliance with him. [Sueton & Plutarch. ut supra.]

Of those that favoured Antonius, some he put to death, others he pardoned either of his own good will, or at the intercession of friends, [Dio. pag. 454.] amongst those that were put to death was Canidius, a most bitter enemy alwaies unto Caesar, and unfaithfull unto Antonius, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] who died more cowardly, than besee∣med one of that profession, which he alwaies followed, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87.] Q. Orinius also was put to death by Caesars own command, because that he being a Senatour of the people of Rome, was not ashamed most basely to be Governour to the Queens spinners and weavers. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

There being found with Antonius many children of Kings and Princes, some in the name of hostages others by false accusations, some of them he sent home, others he joyned in marriage together, and some he kept by him, he returned Josape to her fa∣ther the King of the Medes, who being conquered had fled to him, but yet he did not send back Artaxas his brothers at his intreaty, because he had killed the Romans that were left behind in Armenia. [Dio. ut supra.]

When he viewed the tomb (which was of glasse as Strabo teacheth lib. 17. pag. 795.) and the body of Alexander the great, which was taken out of the vault, Caesar put a Crown upon it, and strewed flowers over it and worshipped it, and touching the body, it was said he brake off a piece of his nose: and being demanded whether he would see the bodies of the Ptolomees, although the Alexandrians had a great mind he should, yet would he not behold them, saying, he would see a King not the dead, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 18. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. 455.] and for that very reason would not go to see Ap••s: saying, he was wont to worship gods not oxen. [Dio. ibid.]

Many great Kings and Captaines desired to bury Antonius, but Caesar would not take it from Cleopatra, by whose hands he was splendidly and magnificently buried, and Caesar suffered her to take as much as she would for his funerals. [Plutarch.]

Cleopatra through her much sorrow and grief, (for her breast was troubled with inflammations, and vlcers, through the blowes she had given her self,) fell into a fever, which she gladly took for a cover, that she might forbear food, and so die without any more trouble, she had a Phisician whose name was Olympus, to whom she decla∣red the truth of the matter, and used him as a councellour and furtherer to bring her into a consumption, as Olympus himself left in writing, who set out an history concer∣ning these matters, when Caesar smelt out the businesse, he threatned both her and her children, by which she as by so many engines was overcome and afterwards suffered her self to be cured and dieted as they would themselves. [Id.]

Shortly after Caesar himself came to visit her and comfort her, [id.] who falling down at his feet, laid baites for his eies but in vain; for her beauty was beneath the Princes chastity, although he perceived that she intended to stir up affections in him, yet he dissembled it, and fixing his eies on the ground, said only this, Woman be of good cheer, you shall have no harm done you: nor was life her suit, which was offered her, but her care was for love and a part of the Kingdome. [Florus. lib. 4. cap. 11. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 451.]

Last of all she delivered to Caesar a breviary of all the treasure she had; and when Seleucus one of her treasurers accused her, that she had suppressed some things and had not told all, she leapt up, and taking him by the hair buffeted him soundly; at which Caesar smiling reproved her, to whom she answered, Is it not a great matter O Caesar, seeing thou vouchsafest to come and visit me in this condition that I am in, and to talk with me, that I should be accused by my own servants, if I have reserved some Iewels, not for my self in∣deed poor wretch, but that I might present Octavia and thy Lyria, that by their intercession to thee, I might find more mercy and favour from thee. Caesar was glad at this, hoping that now she had a mind to live, declaring unto her that he would both doe this for her, and also things beyond her expectation, he departed supposing that he had deceived her, whereas he was of the two the more deceived, [Plutarch.]

There was a young Gentleman Cornelius Dolabella, a familiar friend of Caesars, this man was in love with Cleopatra, and at her desire did by a messenger send her word privately that Caesar was to take his journey by land thorough Syria, and that he was determined to send her and her children into Italy within three daies, when she knew this she desired of Caesar that he would permit her last obsequies to Antonius, when having ended her lamentations, she put garlands upon the tomb and kissed it, she then commanded a bath to be provided for her, and having bathed, she feasted sumptuously. [Plutarch.]

After dinner she gave Epaphroditus (to whose charge she was committed) to carry

to carry to Caesar, in which she begged to him that he would suffer her to be buried with Antonius: this letter was sealed up, that he supposing it might contain some other businesse, might by the occasion of giving the letter to Caesar, be out of the way. [Id. Dio. 452.]

He being gone, she shut the doors, only keeping with her two waiting women, Iras or Nairas, and Charmion, who were wont to dresse her; one of them could excel∣lently dresse her head, and the other paire her nailes: then adorning her self with her best apparel she could possible; and in her robes, she set an Aspick to her left arme, (which she had caused to be brought to her, covered with figs, grapes, and flowers, the better to deceive her keepers) by the biting of which, she died as it were in a slum∣ber, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Plutarch in Anton. Galen. in lib. de Theriaca. ad Pisonem. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 452. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

But those that will highly set out in words, the wit of the woman to deceive, and the suddennesse of the Aspick to kill, tell us, That Cleopatra made in her arme a great and deep wound with her teeth, (or some other thing) and put poyson into the wound, which she had formerly prepared from an Aspick, which was brought her in a bone; and that after the poyson had seized upon the body, she gently ended her life, her keepers not so much as knowing of it. [Galen. ut sup. Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 795. Plutarch. Dio. pag. 452, 453.] There were only two little pricks found in her arme: and Caesar, which saw her dead body, carryed her image with an Aspick fixed to her arme in Triumph. [Plutarch and Dio.] Horace speaks of her, lib. 1. Ode 37.

Ausa & jacentem visere regiam Vultu sereno fortis, & asperas Tractare serpenets, ut atrum Corpore combiberet venenum. Deliberata morte ferocior: Savis Liburnis scilicet invidens, Privata deduci superbo Non humilis mulier triumpho.

—So stout she could With cheerful countenance behold, Her ruin'd Palace, Asps receive, And of their poison them bereave: By delay in death more keen; Envies the Liburnians they Should her, so great a Queen, In Triumph lead a private prey.

When Caesar had opened Cleopatras letters, he found straight what was done, and thought at first to go thither himself, and sent thither some in all haste to see what was done. They ran thether in all haste, and found the guard standing and mistrusting nothing; when they had opened the gate, they found Cleopatra dead, lying upon a golden bed, in all her royal robes: of her waiting women, Iras, or Nairas, was fallen dead at her feet, Charmium (or Charmione) half dead, and heavy headed, was trimming of the Diademe that she wore: and when one in anger asked her, Is this well done, O Charmium? she answered, Very well, and becoming one that had sprung from so many Kings, and spake not a word more, but fell down there by the bed side. [Plutarch. Dio. pag. 453.] But Caesar, having seen Cleopatra's body, tried all means, to see if it were possible to recover her, [Dio. ibid.] yea, he brought the Psylli but in vain, to suck out the venime and poyson. [Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

When Cleopatra's life could by no means be recovered, Caesar admired her, and pitied her, very much grieved, supposing he was bereft of the chiefest glory of his Triumph; but yet he commanded her body to be sumptuously and royally buried, and to be laid in the same Tomb with Antonius. [Plutarch. Dio. pag. 453.] This ho∣nour he did unto them both, namely, to bury them in one Sepulchre, and to finish the Tomb that they had begun. [Sueton. in Octav. cap. 17.] Her waiting women also by his command were honourably buried. [Plut.]

Plutarch writes that Cleopatra lived 39 years, and reigned 22. and so many years indeed these do allow for her reign, after the death of her father Ptolemeus Auletes, Ptolemeus in the Catalogue of the Kings, Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 1. Stromat. Porphyrius in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri, pag. 226. Eusebius in Chronic. and others, which years are only 21, and two or three moneths. Plutarch writes, that she raigned

above 14 years with Antonius. Tertullian in his third book against the Jews, that she raigned 13 under Augustus, reckoning the government of Antonius from the death of Julius Caesar, and of Augustus from his first Consulship, from the death of Alexan∣der the Great, who first founded the Macedonian Empire, to the death of Antonius and Cleopatra, with whom it fell, both in Ptolemeus (as well in the Catalogue of the Kings, as in the third book of his Great Work, as in Cleme••s Alexandrinus, (in lib. 1. Stromat.) are reckoned 294 years, which with us are 293. and a quarter.

And at this time Caesar put an end to the civil wars, as besides Florus, [lib. 4. cap. 12.] and Velleius Patercuius. [lib. 2. c. 87.] Dionysius Halicarnassensis also confirmeth, wri∣ting in the Proeme of his Roman Histories, that he came into Italy, as soon as Augustus Caesar had put an end to the civil wars, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the middle of the CLXXXVII. Olymp. to wit, the third year of it then beginning, for in the moneth of August, Egypt, was reduced under the power of the Romans, and an end put to their civil wars; the words of the decree of the Senate shew, in Macrobius [Saturnal. lib. 1. cap. 12.] and Censorinus teacheth, that the Egyptians reckoned from that time, in which they came under the power and government of the people of Rome, the years of the Augusti, (not of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Scaliger thought, but of the Caesares Augusti, who had the dominion over them) [cap. 21. lib. de natali die.] which book he saith was written by him in the Philippick year of the Au∣gusti CCLXVIII. (for thus the best Copies have, it not CCLXVII) from the death of Alexander the Great DLXII and of Nabonassar DCCCCLXXXVI. (the begin∣nings of these years being taken from the first of the vage or moveable moneth Thoth of the Egyptians) being certainly of the same opinion with Ptolomae••s, who in the third book of his great Syntaxis, saith, that there passed from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, to the death of Alexander. 424 Egyptian years, and then to the Em∣pire of Augustus, 294.

Wherefore that Egyptian Epoch began on the first day of the moveable moneth Thoth of the year of the Philippick account, beginning from the death of Alexander the Great 293, of Nabonassar 719. and indeed on the first day of the week, as is found in a writing of a certain Jew, set forth at Norimberge, with Messahala, namely, of the moneth August, in the year of the Julian Period, 4684. on the 31 day; which according to the false account of Leap-year, that that was then used at Rome, was called the 29. day of August. And this was that Epoch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the years of Augustus, which was accommodated by Ptolomaeus, in lib. 3. cap. 8. of his great Syntaxis, to the moveable year of the Egyptians, by Vetrius Valens, an Antiochian, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lib. 1, to the fixed year of the Alexandrians, and by Theon, an Alexandrian; in the Explication, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the form of both those years, and seeing that Augustus ruled Egypt 43 years (as Philo shews in his Embassy to Caesar) we find also so many allowed to his Empire, or Monarchy, in Ptolomaeus his Catalogue of the Kings, and Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 1. Stromat.

Cleopatra had sent her son Caesarion, which, as was said, she had by Caesar the Dictator, with a great sum of mony through Aethiopia into India. Him his Governour Rhodon perswaded to returne, as if Caesar had recalled him to his mothers Kingdom: but as Caesar was determining with himself what he should do with him, they say Ar∣rius the Philosopher said unto him,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉— Caesaris in multis nomen non expedit esse.

'Tis not fit Caesars name should common be.

Therefore Caesar put him to death, after the death of his mother. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446. 4••4.]

The images of Antonius were thrown down, but Cleopatra's were not stirred; for her friend Archibilius had obtained of Caesar for the summe of one thousand talents, that they should not be thrown down when Antonius his were. [Plutarch.]

In the Pallace there was great store of mony found, which was there laid up by Cleopatra, being the spoiles of almost all Temples: she exacted also much from them that were guilty of any crime; and two parts of their goods were damanded of the rest also that could not be accused of any crime: then all the Souldiers arrears were paid; Caesar also gave to those Souldiers that were with him, 250 pence a man, that they should not plunder the City. Caesar also paid all his debts that he owed any man, and gave many gifts to the Senatours and Knights, that had accompanied him in the war. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455, 456.]

For this part of the year Caesar chose M. Tullius Cicero for his colleague in the Consulship, the son of the Cicero the Oratour, who was put to death by Antonius, who rehearsed unto the people, the letters that Caesar sent to Rome, concerning the over∣throw of Antonius in the Alexandrian war, (not the Actian, as Appian erroniously wrote,) he read the copie of them in the rostra, where his fathers head had been for∣merly openly set up, [Plutarch. in fin. Ciceron. Appian. lib. 4. bell. civil. pag. 619. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. 457.]

This year upon the Ides of September, we learn out of the Marble Table at Capua, that M. Tullius was chosen into the Consulship in the room of M. Licinius, [in Annal. tom. 3. pag. 495.] and upon the same Ides of September, that Augustus being Consul with the son of M. Cicero was presented with an obsidional Crown by the Senate, as we read in Pliny, [lib. 22. cap. 6.] for there were many Crowns and Processions decreed for Caesar at that time in Rome. He had also another Triumph granted him over the Egyptians; the day also on which Alexandria was taken, was thought good to be a Festival, and that the computations of the rest of the wars, should take beginning from that. That Caesar should have the power of Tribune all his life time; and that he might relieve any that implored his aid, either within the walls, or without for the space of half a mile, which was not lawful for any Tribune of the people, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457.]

Herod, wavering between love and hatred towards his wife Marrimme, was con∣tinually incensed against her by the false accusations of his sister Salome, and his mo∣ther Cyros, kindling in him hatred and jealousie against her: and perhaps he had dealt more hardly with her, had not the news come very conveniently, that Antonius and Cleopatra were both dead, and that Caesar had won Egypt, whom in all haste he went to meet, and left his family as it was. At his departure he commended Sohe∣mus to Mariamme, professing that he owed him much respect for the care he had had of her, and gave him also the government of a part of Judea, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Caesar built a City in the same place, in which he overcame Antonius, and called it Nicopolis, and allowed the same Playes that he had done for the former at Actium, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 795.]

When he had reduced Egypt into the form of a Province, to the end that it might be more fruitful, and fit to yeild corn for the City of Rome; he skowred by the help of his souldiers, all those ditches whereinto Nilus overfloweth, and by long time had been choaked up with mud, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 18.] and made also some new ditches, [Dio. pag. 456.]

Herod meeting with Caesar in Egypt, [Year of the World 3975] in confidence of his friendship, spake freely with him, and was highly honoured by him; for he bestowed upon him the 400 Ga∣latians that were formerly of Cleopatra's guard, to be his guard, and restored him part of his Country which Cleopatra had seized upon, and laid to his kingdom Gadara, Hippon, and Samaria; and by the sea side, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppe, and the Tower of Straton: which was no small accession to the splendour of his kingdom, [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

The multitude of men in Egypt both in City and Country, and the inconstancy of that Nation, and the carrying of cornin••o the City, and the store of money were the cause, that Caesar durst not commit the Province to any of Senatours degree; but also took from the Senatours the liberty of going into Egypt; for he so suspected the Egyp∣tians of innovations, that he suffered none of them to be Senatours of Rome; he al∣lowed other cities to govern the Common-wealth after their own laws, but he com∣manded the Alexandrians that they should govern the Common-weath without Sena∣tours, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455.]

Arius the Philosopher, as is reported refused the government of Egypt though offer∣ed him, [Julian. ad Themistium.] therefore Caesar made Cornelius Gallus, one raised from a very mean fortune, Governour of Egypt, being now made tributary: who was the first Roman Judge that ever Egypt had, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 819. Sueton. in Octa∣vio. cap. 66. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sex. Rufus, in brev••ario.] This was that Gallus of Forum Julium that was the post: whom Virgil in the last Eclogue of his Bucolicks speakes of in that pleasant verse, [Ammianus, Marcellinus, lib. 17. Hierony. in Chronic. 1.] to whom also there are Erotica (love verses) extant which were dedi∣cated by Parthenius of Nice; whose Poesie also Virgil imitated in his Latin verses, [Aulus Gellius, lib. 13. cap. 25. Macrob. Saturnal. cap. 17.] and Tiberius also in his Greek Poems, [Sueton. in Tiberio. cap. 70.]

Caesar having setled all things in Egypt as he thought fit, came into Syria with his land forces, [Dio. ut supr, 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] whither also Herod conducted him as far as Antioch, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Seeing Tiridates being overcome fled into Syria, and Phraates being Conquerour

sent Embassadours unto Caesar; Caesar gave them both a friendly answer, and did not indeed promise any succours to Tiridates, yet gave him leave to tarry in Syria: and kindly accepted of Phraates his son, and bringing him to Rome, kept him as an Ho∣stage, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 4••6.] namely, the youngest son of Phraates, who thorough the negligence of them that kept him, was stolen away: as Justin hath it, [lib. 42. cap. 5.] but yet referring it to later times.

Caesar departing out of Syria, left there Messala (Corvinus) by whom the Cyzice∣nian Gladiatours, to whom a dwelling in Daphne the Suburbs of Antioch was grant∣ed, being deceived, they were sent into divers places, as it were to be taken into the Legions, and as occasion offered were killed, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]

Caesar made Governour over the Tarsenses in Cilicia, a Citizen of them, namely, his Schoole-master Athenodorus the son of Sandon, a Stoick Philosopher; who re∣stored the state of the Common-wealth corrupted by Boethius and his souldiers, who domineered there even unto the death of Antonius, [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 674.]

Caesar went into the Province of Asia, and there kept his winter quarters, and set∣led all the affairs of his subjects, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

On the Kalends of January, Caesar entred upon his fifth Consulship in the Island of Samos, [Sueton, in Octavio. cap. 26.] and on the same Kalends all his ordinances were confirmed by oath: and when the letters came concerning the Parthian affairs, it was decreed, That in their hymnes he should be reckoned among their gods; That a Tribe should be called Julia from him; That the companions of his Victory should be carried in Triumph with him, and be clad with garments woven with Purple: and that the day on which he entred the City, should be solemnized with publick Sacri∣fices, and be alwayes accounted festival, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457.]

Caesar permitted a Temple to be built at Ephesus and Nicea, (for those were ac∣counted the most famous Cities of Asia and Bythinia) to the City of Rome, and to his father Julius, and that they should be inhabited by natural Romans: and to for∣raigners, whom he called Grecians, he gave leave, that to himself (Octavianus) they might build Temples: to wit, the Asians at Pergamus, and the Bythinians at Nico∣media: and permitted to the Pergamenians, that they might solemnize those Playes in honour of his Temple, which they called Sacred, [Id. ibid. pag. 458.] whither is to be referred that of Tiber••us in Tacitus, [lib. 4. Annal. cap. 51.] Augustus of most fa∣mous memory forbad not a Temple to be built in Pergamus, in honour of himself and the City of Rome.

The next Summer, Caesar crossed over into Greece, [Dio. ut supr.] going to his Actian Triumph: whither, he then being at Corinth, there was one of the fishers sent Embassadours to him from the Island Giaros, to beg a lessening of their tribute: for they were compelled to pay an 150 drachmes, when they were scarce able to pay an 100. such was the poverty of that Island, [Strabo. lib. 10. pag. 485.]

Upon Cesars entrance into Rome, others offered Sacrifice (as it was decreed) and the Consul Valerius Potitius (who was put in the roome of Sextus Apuleius) sacrifi∣ced publickly for the Senate and people of Rome, by reason of his coming: which was never done for any before that time, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458.] Cesar kept three Triumphs riding in his Chariot, the Dalmatian, Actian, and Alexandrian, for three dayes one after the other, [Livy, lib. 133. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 22.] of which Vir∣gil in 8 Aeneid.

At Caesar triplici invectus Romana triumpho Moenia, dis Italis votum immortale sacrabat. Maxima, tercentum totam delubra per urbem Laetitiâ, ludisque viae, plausúque fremebant.

But when thrice Rome with Caesars Triumphs now Had rung, to th' Latian gods he made a vow: Three hundred Temples all the City round With joy, with playes, and with applauses sound.

And Propertius, lib. 2. elegie, 1.

Aut canerum Aegyptum, & Nilum, quum tractus in urbem Septem captivis debilis ibat aquis: Aut regum auratis circundata colla catenis, Actiáque in Sacra currere rostra via.

Whether of Egypt or of Nilus, whose Stream into seven channels parted goes; Or of the golden chains Kings necks surround, Or how the Actian beakes sail on the ground.

That Caesar brought these three Triumphs into the city on the moneth of August, the words of the decree of the Senate shew, in Macrobius, [lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.] Not on the eight of the Ides of January, (on which it is manifest he was in Asia) as O••osius would have it [lib. 6. cap. 20.] on the first day he Triumphed for the Pannonians, Dalmatians, Japydae and their borderers, and of some people of Gallia, and Germany: on the second for his victory at sea at Actium, on the third for the conquest of Egypt, which was the most sumptuous, and set out with greater preparati∣on than the rest, in it was carried in a bed the image of Cleopatra, (with an aspick bi∣ting of her arme) pourtraied in imitation of her death, the children also of her and Antonius, were led among the captives, namely Alexander and Cleopatra; who were named the sun and moon. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459.]

Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, the King of the Arabians, being taken in the Actian war, was led in triumph and after put to death, [id. ibid. pag. 443.] that Cleo∣patra that was called the moon, and led in triumph, was given in marriage to Juba, (who himself was led in triumph by Julius Caesar,) Caesar gave this Juba who was brought up in Italy, and had followed his wars, both this Cleopatia, and his fathers Kingdome of Mauritania; and gave unto them also the two sons of Antonius and Cleopatra, namely Alexander and Ptolomaeus, but Juba begat of his wife Cleopatra another Ptolomaeus, who also succeeded him in his Kingdome. [id. ibid. pag. 454. Strabo. lib. 17. 828. Plutarch. in Jul. Caesar. Anton.]

On the fifth of the Kalends of September, there was an Altar dedicated to Victory in the courthouse, as is found noted in the old marble Kalendar, [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXIII.] by which being placed in the Julian Courthouse, and adorned with the spoiles of Egypt, Caesar shewed, that he got the empire by victory, the temple also of his father Julius he trimmed up with the dedicated things being there hung up, which were also of the Egyptian spoiles; he consecrated also many things to Jupiter Capitoli∣nus, Juno, and Minerva, whenas by a decree of the Senate all the ornaments that were hung up there before, were taken away as profane, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459.] he repaired the Temple either decaied through age, or consumed by fire: and adorned both them and others with very rich gifts, as who brought into the Cell of Jupiter Capito∣linus by one donation 16000 pound weight of gold, besides pearles and precious stones valued at fifty millions of sesterces, [Sueton. in Octavio.] so that Rome was so much en∣riched with the riches of Alexandria, that the price of possessions and other vendible things was raised double, and interest fell from ten to four in the hundred. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458. 459. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

In this fifth Consulship Caesar accepted of the name of Emperour, not such as was wont to be given after the old custome for some victory, (for that he had often recei∣ved both before and after) but by which all the whole government was shewen, which was formerly decreed to his father Julius and his sons and nephews, [Dio. lib. 52. pag. 493. 494.] whither also belongeth that inscription, placed this year in honour of Cae∣sar, Senatus Populusque Romanus Imp. Caesari Divi Julii F. Cos. Quinct. Design. Sex. Imper. Sept. Republica conservata. The Senate and people to the Emperour Caesar, the son of Julius of blessed memory, Consul the fifth time, elected the sixth time Imperator the seventh for having saved the commonwealth. [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXVI.]

Among the Captives was Diocles Phaenix the son of Artimidorus, the scholler of Tyrannio Amisenus taken by Lucullus, (from whom he also was called Tyrannio) who being bought by Dimantis a freed man of Caesars, was given to Terentia the wife of Cicero, (who as appeares from Pliny lib. 7. cap. 46. and Valerius Maximus lib. 8. cap. 13. lived above an CIII years,) he was manumitted by her, and taught at Rome, and wrote 68 books. [Suidas in Voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.)

Caesar summoned before him Antiochus the Commagenian, because he had trea∣cherously killed an Embassadour of his brothers, that was sent to Rome, with whom he had a suit in law, this Antiochus he brought before the Senate, and being then con∣demned, he put to death. [Dio. lib. 52. pag. 495.]

By the space of an whole year after the return of Herod from Cesar, suspicions dai∣ly increasing between him and his wife Mariamme, seeing she neglected her husbands caresses, and moreover alwaies upbraided him with the death either of her grandfather (Hyrcanus) or her brother (Aristobulus) so that Herod could scarce contein him∣self from striking her, whom when by the noise his sister Salome perceived to be very much moved, sent in the butler, who long before that time was suborned by her, who should tell the King that he was sollicited by Mariamme, to deliver unto him a love potion, which whatsoever it was he had by him, hereupon Herod examined the most faithfull servant of Mariamme by torture, being assured that she would attempt nothing without him, who not enduring the torments, confessed nothing, but that she was offended for some things that Sohemus had declared unto her, which when the King heard, he cried out, that Sohemus who had ever been most faithfull both to him and

the Kingdome, would never have spoken of these things, had there not been some more secret familiarity between them, and thereupon commanded Sohemus to be ap∣prehended and put to death, and having called a councell of his friends, he accused his wife, for practising to poison him, and that with such sharpnesse of words, that they that were present, easily perceived, that the King had a mind she should be con∣demned, which is done by the general consent of them all: and when as they thought that the execution should not be over speedy, but that she should be secured in some of the Kings Castles, Salome urged on the King exceedingly, that she should be forthwith put to death, for fear there might be some commotion among the people, she being alive and in prison, and thus was Mariamme brought to her death. [Joseph, lib. 15. cap. 11.]

When her mother Alexandra saw this, and considered that she must look for the same measure at Herods hands, she, that she might not seem to be guilty of the same crime, began in the audience of all to upbraid her daughter, calling her most wicked and ingratefull towards her husband, and that she deserved such a death, who durst do such an heinous act. Whilst she counterfeited these things, and would seem as though she would pull her daughter by the hair, they that were there much condemned her hypocrisie; but she that was led to her death, vouchsafed her no an∣swer, but refelled the false accusation with a resolute countenance and mind, and under∣went her death without fear. [Id. ibid.]

She being put to death, Herod began to be more inflamed with love to her, he often called upon her name, and often lamented her beyond all decency; and although he thought to find out delights, as much as possibly, in feastings and drinking, yet it availed nothing. Wherefore he cast off the care of his kingdom, and did so much yield to his grief, that he would bid his servants call Mariamme, as though she were alive. [Ibid.]

As Herod was thus affected, [The Julian Period. 4686] there came a plague, [Year before Christ 28] which swept away a great part both of the people and nobility, all men interpreting that this plague was sent for the unjust death of the Queen. Thus the Kings discontents being increased, he at last hid himself in a solitary wildernesse, under pretence of hunting; where afflicting himself, he fell into great sicknesse, which was an inflammation and pain of the neck, so that he began to rave; neither did any remedies relieve him, but rather made the disease more painful, so that they began to dispaire of him: for which cause the Physicians, partly through the stubbornnesse of the disease, and partly because that in so great danger, there was not any free election of diet, they gave him leave to eat whatsoever he would. [Ibid.]

Herod lying thus sick in Samaria, Alexandra now living at Jerusalem, endeavour∣ed to reduce the two Castles of the City into her hands, one that joyned to the Tem∣ple, and the other that was situate within the City; she therefore laboured with the Governours of them, that they would deliver them unto her, and to the children that were between her and Mariamme, least that he being dead, they should be seized upon by others: but they who had formerly been faithful, were now more diligent in their office, both because they hated Alexandra, and thought it a great offence to dispair of the health of their Prince, for these were the Kings old friends, and one of them Archialus the Kings Nephew. Whereupon they presently sent messengers to him, to certifie him of Alexandra, and he presently commanded her to be slain. At length he overcame his disease, and was restored to his strength, both of body and mind, but grown so cruel, that for the least cause he was ready to put any one to death. [Ibid.]

Of the three numbrings of the people, which Suetonius notes were done by Caesar Octavianus, [cap. 27.] That the first were made in the lustran, that is, in the year that they reckoned for the beginning of the space of five years, in which he and M. Agrippa were Consuls is manifest out of the Marble Capuan table. [tom. 3. Annal. Pighii. pag. 495.] In my fixth Consulship, with my Colleague M. Agrippa, I numbred the people, I made another muster, after one and fourty years, (to wit, from the Censor∣ship of Cn. Lentulus, and L. Geliius after which the musters were laid aside) in which muster there were numbred of the Citizens of Rome, four hundred thousand, and sixty three thousand, namely, the number of 4063000, for which Eusebius in his Chro∣nicle hath 4164000.

Caesar also exhibited the Playes that were decreed for the victory at Actium, with Agrippa, and in them he set forth a fight on Horseback of Patricians, both men and boyes, and those every fifth year, in which space of time they were finished, were committed to the four Collegies of Priests in order, namely, the chief Priests, Augurs, Septemviri and Quindecemviri. [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 496.]

In the CLXXVIII. Olympiade, Thebes in Egypt is rased eaven to the ground, as is read in the Eusebian Chronicle, to wit, by Cornelius Gallus, whom Georgius Syncellus

in his Chronicle out of Julius Africanus, relates, that he overthrew the cities of the rebellious Egyptians, [pag. 308.] for after he having but a few with him recovered Heropolis which had revolted, he very suddenly appeased a sedition that was raised about taxes, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 819.] he exhausted the city by intercepting of ma∣ny of them, [Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 17.] He erected Statues for himself, almost all over Egypt, and wrote his own acts upon the Pyramides, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 512.]

Caesar being the seventh time Consul, declared by an Oration in writing and spo∣ken in the Senate, that he would resign his government, and deliver it up to the Senate and people. When he had ended his Oration, all of them in many words desired him, that he alone would take the whole administration of the government upon him: and by all the arguments that they brought to perswade him, he was at last brought to take the government wholy upon him, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 497. & 503.] which that he did it on the VII of the Ides of January, is manifest, from the Marble Narbon table, [in Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXIX.]

VVhen as Caesar had got the Empire confirmed on him by this means, both from the Senate and the people, and yet would seem to be popular, he took upon him indeed, that he would be very careful of the publick affaires, because they required the care of one that would be diligent; but he positively said, he would not govern all the Pro∣vinces, or, that he would govern them for ever, which he had now taken upon to go∣vern: wherefore he restored to the Senate, the weaker Provinces, to wit, because they were the more peaceable: but the stronger Provinces, or where was more dan∣ger to be seen, or that had enemies neer them, or that were likely to have any new commotions, he kept to himself. He did this under this colour, that the Senate might safely enjoy the best parts of the Empire, and he might seem to put himself upon all the labours and dangers; but under this pretence, to make them disarmed and unfit for war; and thus he got both the armes and the souldiers to his party. For this cause Africa, Numidia, Asia, and Greece, with Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicilia, Creta, Lybia, Cireniaca, Bythinia, with Pontus adjoyning, Sardinia, and Hispania Baetica, were appointed to the Senate: but to Caesar the rest of Spain, all France, and Ger∣many, also Coelosyria, Cilicia, Cyprus, Egypt: but Caesar took this government over the Provinces for ten years time, within which time, he promised himself he should easily reduce them; adding this also in a bragging way, like a young man, that if he could reduce them in shorter time, by so much the sooner he would leave off the Em∣pire. He then made Patricians Governours over the Provinces of both conditions. Over Egypt he set a man but of the degree of a Knight, for the reasons above specified. He gave Africa and Asia, particularly to the Senatours, and all the rest of the Pro∣vinces to them that had been Praetours: but forbad indifferently either of them, that they should receive by lot the Provinces till the fifth year after they had born office in the city, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 503, 504, 505.]

Upon the Ides of January this distribution of the Provinces was made, as Ovid notes; thus speaking in the first book of Fastorum to Caesar German••cus.

Idibus in magni castus Jovis aede sacerdos Semimaris flammis viscera libat ovis. Redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro: Et tuus Augusto nomine dictus avus.

On th' Ides the half-man priest in Joves great fane Offers the intrals of a sheep ith' flame, Then all the Province came to us, and then Thy Grandfire was Augustus nam'd 'mongst men.

For on the same day, the name of Augustus was given to Caesar Octavianus: which Censorinus in his book de die Natali, shews was done the fourth day after, in these words. On the sixteenth day before the Kalends of February, the Emperour Caesar, the son of him of blessed memory, by the opinion of L. Munacius Plancus, was saluted Augustus by the Senate and the rest of the Citizens; himself being the seventh time, and M. Vipsanius Agrippa the III time Consuls.

Caesar having setled all things, and reduced the Provinces into a certain form, was sirnamed Augustus, [Livy, lib. 134.] That that name was given him both in his se∣venth Consulship, Dio [lib. 53.] and by the opinion of Plancus with the consent of the whole Senate and people of Rome, Velleius, [lib. 2. cap. 91.] confirmeth: of whom Suetonius, [in Octavio, cap. 7.] The opinion of Munatius Plancus prevailed, that he should be rather called Augustus, (though some were of opinion that he should be called Romulus, as if he also had been a founder of the City) not onely because it was a new, but also a more honourable name, because also Religious places, and wherein any thing is consecrated by the flying of birds

are called Augusta, of growing, or from the gesture or feeding of birds, as also Ennius teacheth writing on this manner,

Augusto Augurio post quam inclyta condita Roma est.

After that noble Rome was built by sacred flight of birds.

And Florus in the fourth book, it was also debated in the Senate, whether he should be called Romulus, because he had founded the empire: but the name Augustus seemed to be the more holy and venerable, that so, while he now lived on earth, he might be as it were deified by the name it self and title.

Dio hath the like things, who notes that he was called Augustus by the Romans, and by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the splendour of his dignity, and sanctity of the honour greater than humane, [lib. 53. pag. 507. 509. compared with Acts XXV. 21. 25. with the XVII. 23. & 11. Thessal. 11. 4.] to which let that of Ovid be added. lib. 1. Fastorum.

Sed tamen humanis celebrantur honoribus omnes: Hic socium summo cum Jove nomen habet. Sancta vocant augusta patres: augusta vocantur Templa, sacerdotum ritè dicata manu. Hujus & Augurium dependet origine verbi: Et quodcunque suâ Jupiter auget ope. Augeat imperium nostri ducis, augeat annos: Protegat & nostras querna corona fores.

All common persons have their common fame, But he with Jove enjoyes an equall name, Of old most sacred things, Augusta were: Temples that name and hallow'd things do bear: Yea Augury depends upon this word, And whatsoever more Jove doth afford: Let it enlarge his rule and life let all, Our coast, be guarded by a fenced wall.

By this meanes the whole power of the people and Senate, was translated upon Au∣gustus, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 507.] which name formerly held sacred, and till now such as that not any Governour durst take upon him, so huge a title did he lay to the usurped Empire of the world•• and from that day the whole commonwealth and the govern∣ment thereof began to be and to remain in the possession of one man: which the Greeks call monarchy, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 20.] that the Romans began their Epoch of their Au∣gust, from the Kalends of January, Censorinus teacheth in his book, de natali die, where he compares the 265 year of this account, with the 283 of the Julian account; as also in the following Chapter, he casts the Consulship of Marcius Censorinus, and Alinius Gallu: upon the twentieth of the Augustan year, falling upon the 38 of the Julian account.

Tralles a City in Asia being overthrown with an earthquake, the place of exercise fell also, which was afterwards rebuilt by Caesar. [Euseb. Chronic. Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 57.]

A difference arising between Cossabarus the Idumaean, [Year of the World 3978] and his wife Salome the sister of Herod, [The Julian Period. 4658] she contrary to the custome of the Jews, [Year before Christ 26] sent him a bill of divorce, and going to her brother told him, that she preferred her brothers love, before her tie to her husband, for she said that Costabarus had practised some innovations with Lysi∣machus, Antipater, and Dositheus building the credit of her assertion from this, be∣cause he had privily kept and preserved in security within his Country, Bebas his chil∣dren, now twelve yeares from the taking of Jerusalem by Herod, and all this without the privity and good will of the King, which as soon as Herod knew, he sent some to their hiding places, and killed them, and as many as were in the same crime with them, to the end that there should none remain of the kindred of Hyrcanus; but taking out of the way who excelled in any dignity, that he might doe whatsoever he would him∣self, there being none now left to resist him, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Hereupon Herod becomming more secure, departed more and more from his Country customes, violating them with strange inventions; and first of all he institu∣ted wrestlings every fifth year in honour of Caesar, for the exhibiting of which he be∣gan to build a theatre in Jerusalem, and an amphitheatre in the plain, both of them very sumptuous for the workmanship, but clean contrary to the Jewish customes, among

whom there is no use of these things, nor any setting forth of such shews, yet he woul•• have this solemnity to be enrolled, and to be proclaimed to the Countries about him and also to forreign nations, and by propounding of great rewards, he invited not only those that were skilled in wrestling, but excellent Musicians also, and them that plai∣ed on instruments: but nothing so troubled the Jews as the trophees, which being covered with armour, they thought to be images, forbidden them by their law, which that Herod might convince them of, he commanded the ornaments to be taken off from them, and shewed them that they were meer stocks of wood, which being done all their anger was turned into laughter. [id. ibid.]

THE FIFTH CALIPPICK PERIOD BEGINS.

Cornelius Gallus spake many things with much vanity against Augustus. [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 512.] of whom Ovid in lib. 2. Tristium written to Augustus himself.

Non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida Gallo; Sed linguam nimio non tenuisse mero.

To court Lycoris was not Gallus shame; But he when lisp't by drink defil'd his name.

By reason of his ungratefull and malevolent mind, Augustus noted him with infamy, and forbad him his house, or to live within any of his provinces, he was also accused of thefts, and pillaging the provinces, and of many other crimes, first by Valerius Lar∣gus a most wicked man, who was his companion, and fellow commoner with him, and then by many others, who hitherto had flattered Gallus, but had turned all their services to Largus when they saw him begin to rise; and it was decreed by the whole Senate, that Gallus being condemned in judgment should be banished, that his goods should be confiscate to Augustus, and that for this cause the Senate should offer sacri∣fice, but he not able to beare his grief, and fearing the nobility highly incensed against him, to whom the care of this businesse was committed, fell upon his own sword, and so by a voluntary death prevented the condemnation: Gallus being thus forced to death by the depositions of his accusers, and by the decree of the Senate, Augustus in∣deed praised their love towards him in being so displeased for his sake, but withall he wept, and bewailed his own misfortune, that he alone could not be angry with his friends as much as he would himself. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 66. Dio. lib, 53. pag. 512. 513. Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 17. Icrosm. in Chronico.]

Petronius was made successour to Gallus in the government of Egypt, who susteined the charge of a multitude of the Alexandrians, invading with casting of stones, he be∣ing only strengthened with his own souldiers, and having slain some of them, he re∣pressed the rest. [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 819.]

Polemo the King of Pontus is taken in among the allies and confederates of the peo∣ple of Rome, and the first seates in theatres, throughout his whole Kingdome, were given to the Senatours. [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 513.] it seems that from him Pontus took the name of Polemoniacus, in Justinian. [Novella. 8.]

Ten Citizens of Jerusalem, [Year of the World 3979] made a conspiracy against Herod, [The Julian Period. 4689] hiding their swords under their garments, [Year before Christ 25] amongst which one was blind, not for any thing that he could do, but to shew that he was ready to suffer any thing that should happen to the defenders of their country rights, but one of them whom Herod had appointed for the searching out such things, having fished out the businesse, declared it to Herod, who being apprehen∣ded with an undaunted countenance, they drew out their weapons, protesting that not for any private profit, but in behalf of the publick discipline, they had undertaken this conspiracy, whereupon they were led away, by the Kings ministers, and put to death by all manner of tortures, and not long after their accuser being hated of all men, was slain by some, and being cut in pieces, was throwen to the dogs, in the presence of many men. Yet did none discover this act, untill that after long and wearisome inqui∣sitions made by Herod, it was wrung out by tortures from some silly women, who were privy to the fact, but then were the authors of that murther punished with their whole families. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Herod that he might be more secure from the seditions of the tumultuous people, in the 13 year of his raign, (to be reckoned from the death of Antigonus) began to fortifie Samaria, which was distant from Jerusalem a daies journey, and called it Se∣baste (or Augusta) the circuit of it was twenty furlongs, in which he placed a temple of a furlong and half space in the very middest of it, wonderfully adorned, and he brought it to passe, that many of the souldiers that had alwaies helped him, and also of the neighbour nations, came and dwelt there, (id. ibid. and the beginning of the next chapter) Africanus calls it, in the Chronicle of Georgius Syncellus, The city of the Gabinians, [pag. 308.] for when Samaria was destroyed by John Hyrcanus, and

rebuilt by A. Gabinius and peopled with inhabitants, (as is formerly noted out of Josephus, at the year of the Julian period 4657.) by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 can be understood none other than the colony that Gabinius brought hither, which very thing I am not a little glad that it was observed in like manner by that man of learning and curtesie James Goarus (to whose great industry, the late famous edition of the Georgian Chronicle is beholding.)

Herod also built another fort as a bridle to the whole nation, namely the tower of Straton, also in the great plain, as they call it, he built a Castle, and chose his horsemen by lot to keep it, and in Galilee Gabalus, and Esthmonitis in Peraea, which Castles being so conveniently disposed through the whole Country, he took from the common people all matter of rebellion. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.

Augustus began his ninth Consulship in Tarracon (a City of the hither Spain,) [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 26.] in the third year of the CLXXXVIII. Olympiade, in which the Indians demanded amity with Augustus, as we read in the Eusebian Chro∣nicle: and those Embassadours were sent from King Pandion, as in the Chronicle of Georgius Syncellus [pag. 311.] we have found noted out of some Roman tables.

P. Orosius confirmeth that there came to Augustus to Tarracon, Embassadours of the Indians, from the farthest part of the East, and of the Scythians from the North with presents from both their nations, lib. 6. cap. 21. concerning whom Horace in his secular verse.

Jam Scythae responsa petunt superbi Nuper & Indi.

The lofty Scythian and the Indians, late, Came for the answer of their future fate.

and lib. 4. Carminum 4. Ode. to Augustus.

Te cantaber, non antè domabilis, Medusque, & Indus, te profugus Scythes Miratur, o tutela praesens Italiae dominae que Romae.

The yet untamed Cantaber in thee, Mede, Indian, Scythian do mirrours see: Thou that preservest Italy from dread, And Rome, her glory and exalted head.

And Florus thus lib. 4. last Chapter. The Scythians sent their Embassadours, as also the Sarmatians desiring friendship, the Scres also, and the Indians inhabiting right under the sun, came with precious stones, and pearles, and dragging also Elephants among their presents: no∣thing so much spake for them as the length of the journey, which had taken up four yeares, and yet the colour of the men seemed as if they had come from another heaven, [Suetonius. in Octa∣vio. cap. 21.] He induced: he Scythians and Indians, (nations known only by report) to make sute of their own accord, by Embassadours, for amity of him and the people of Rome. [Eutropius. lib. 7.] The Scythians and Indians, to whom the Roman name was unknown, sent presents and Embassadours to him; to be short Aurelius Victor, increaseth the number of the nations: Indians, Scythians, Garamantis, and Bactrians, sent Embassadours to him to desire a league.

Amyntus being dead, Augustus did not deliver over the kingdom to his sons, but made it a Province of the people of Rome: and from thence Galatia and Lycaonia began to have a Roman Governour, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 514.] M. Lollius as Pro∣praetour governing that Province, [Euseb. Chronic. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sex. Rufus in Bre∣viar.] but the Towns of Pamphilia, which were formerly given to Amyntus were re∣stored to their own particular jurisdiction, [Dio. ut supr.]

In the 13 year of Herods raign, very grievous calamities befel the Country of the Jews. First there was a continual drought, upon which a famine followed: after thorough this famine by changing their diet, there became sicknesses and the plague. And seeing H••rod had not means enough to supply the publick necessity; whatsoever therefore was in the Palace either of gold or silver, he melted all, not sparing any thing for the goodnesse of the workmanship; nay not his own vessels that were for his daily use; having made money of these things, he sent it into Egypt, where at that time under Caesar, Petronius held the government: Who although he was pestered with a

a multitude of them that fled to him for the like necessity; yet because he was private∣ly Herods friend, and desired the preservation of his subjects, he therefore especially gave them leave to export corn, helping them both in the buying, and in the carriages: So that the greatest meanes of the preservation of the Nation was attributed to him, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12.]

Herod as soon as the corn was come; first of all very carefully divided it to such who could not provide corn for themselves, and then because there were many that through old age or some other debility could not dresse it themselves, he appointed them cer∣tain Bakers, that they might have alwayes their food ready. And thus he not onely by his diligence made the people change their mindes that were averse from him, but also got the praise of a bountiful and provident Prince, [Id. ibid.]

From the 29 of August (to wit, the third day before the beginning of the Syrian moneth Elul, or of our September) on the 6 day of the week, begins that Egyptian Epoch, which Albatenius in the 32 Chapter of Astronomical work calls Al••kept (that is, of the Coptitiae or Aegyptians) by which he saith, the account and order of the motions of the Stars are cast up from Theons calculations, and to which, from the account Dilkarnaim (or of the Seleucidae, which he begins with the Syrians, from the beginning of Elul or September) he saith there have passed 287 years, for so it is to be read in the Maunscript, not as yet set forth, 387. for in this year, the first day of the moneth Thoth, both in the moveable year of the Egyptians, as in the fixed year of the Grecians and Alexandrians (as Theon speaketh) was found to fall upon the same day (of August in the Julian account 29.) which cannot happen but after the full Period of 1460. of the Alexandrian years, and of the Egyptian 1641. which exhibits the renewing or Constitution of either year 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: This renewing happened to be made after 1460 years, from a certain beginning of time, namely, the fifth year of the reign of Augustus, saith Theon, in the explication of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to wit, being ended, or five years after the be∣ginning of the Empire of Augustus, which as Theon and Ptolomeus both agree, be∣gins 294 years, after the death of Alexander, or the Philippick account, and from this Philippick account, even to this Constitution, are 299 years. as in the Astronomical Epitome of Theodorus Metochita is truely observed: neither did Panodorus, the Alexandrian Monk intend any thing else, who discoursing of this Period and Consti∣tution of 1460 years, falling upon the 29 day of the moneth August, from the Epoch, of which he wrote that the account, the motions of the stars, and the ecclipses are to be cast up in the Astronomical Calculations: howsoever Georgius Syncellus, a man very unskilful in these matters in his Chronicle. [pag. 312, 313.] in relating his opinion, clear perverted, because he did not understand, it.

Herod provided for his Subjects against the sharpnesse of the Winter, [Year of the World 3980] that none should be in danger to want clothing, their cattle being dead, and both wool, and other things falling: and when he had provided for this, he took care also of the neighbour Cities of the Syrians, he afforded them also seed for sowing; and the Castles and Cities, and those of the common people, who had great families, coming to him for succour, he found a remedy for them also: so that to reckon up all the corn that he gave unto those, who were not his Subjects, it was found that there were 10000 cores given, and within the realm 8000 cores: now a core conteined ten Athenian bushels. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12.]

Now seeing that Augustus could not celebrate at Rome the marriage of his daugh∣ter, and Marcellus, the son of his sister Octavia, by reason of his sicknesse, he solem∣nized it by the help of M. Agrippa, he himself being absent. [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 515.]

On the Kalends of January, [The Julian Period. 4690] on which Augustus entred upon his tenth Consulship, [Year before Christ 24] the Senate confirmed by oath that they approved all his acts; and when as he ap∣proaced neer the City, (from which he had been a long time absent, by reason of sicknesse) and had promised an hundred pence a man to the people; yet he said, that before he would give it, the Senate should give their assent. The Senate then freed him from all tye of laws, and that he should be of absolute power, and Emperour of him∣self, as well as the laws, and that he might do all things, or not do according to his own pleasure. [Id. ib. pag. 519, 515, 516.]

As soon as the corn was ripe for the harvest, Herod dismissed fifty thousand men, whom he had fed in time of the famine, into their own Countries and his neighbours the Syrians: and by this means, he with his deligence, restored the almost ruined estate of his own Subjects, and did not a little relieve his neighbours, who were afflicted with the same calamities. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12.]

At the same time Herod sent aide to Caesar, namely, five hundred chosen men of his guard, whom Aelius Gallus led into the wars into Arabia, where they did most excellent service. [Id. ibid.]

This Aelius Gallus (falsly called Aelius Largus in the later editions of Dio.) was of the order of Knighthood, as saith Pliny. [lib. 6. cap. 28.) and the third governour of Egypt, under Augustus, of whom Strabo makes mention, as of his friend and compa∣nion, [lib. 2. pag. 118.] and writes that, together with him, he saw the Statute of Memnon. [lib. 17. pag. 816.] This man Augustus sent with part of the Roman Ga∣rison which was in Egypt, into Arabia, [Id. ibid. lib. 2. ut supra. & lib. 17. pag. 819.] that he might make an attempt upon those Nations and places: and moreover the bounds of the Ethiopians, and Troglodytica, which borders upon Egypt, and neer to them the Arabian Gulf, which being very narrow, divides the Arabians from the Troglodytae: but yet to take this advice with him, to agree with them if they would themselves, or if they withstood him, he should subdue them. [Id. lib. 16. pag. 780.]

For this Expedition into Arabia, Aelius built 80 ships, of two and three banks of oars on a side, and some light Gallions, at Cleopatris, which was neer to the old ditch of Nilus, when as there was no thought of any fight by sea with the Arabians. When he understood his errour, he built a hundred and thirty ships of burden, in which he sailed, carrying with him, of the Roman Foot, and of the Allies, ten thousand, with whom were five hundred Jews, and a thousand Nabathaeans with Syllaeus. [Id. ibid.]

At that time Obodes was King of the Nabathaeans, a slouthful and idle man, and especially concerning Martial Affairs, (which is a common vice of all the Arabian Kings) not at all careful; for he had committed the government of his affairs to Syllae∣us, who was a young man, and crafty. [Id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 11.] This Syllaeus had promised Aelius, that he would both be his guide, and that he would help him with provisions, and any thing he should stand in need of, but yet did all things treache∣rously, for neither was the march by land safe, nor the voyage by sea without let, but through by-wayes and long windings, and places that were barren, and shelves unfit for harbour, being dangerous, either through hidden Rocks, or miry bogges; the sea never ebbing or flowing in those places. [Strabo. ut supra. pag. 780.]

After many miseries, Aelius Gallus came on the fifteenth day to the territory of Album, the greatest place of trading of all Nabathaea, having lost many of his ships, and some with the men in them, perished not by any war, but by the difficulties of sayling. This was caused by the villany of Syllaeus, who denied that ever an army could be brought into the territory of Album by land; when as both thither and far∣ther, Merchants passe that Country, with huge store of Camells and men, in a way that is both safe and well furnished with provision, from one part of Arabia Petraea to the other, so that they seem to be an army. [Id. ibid. pag. 780. 788.] Which Troups of Marchants at this day they call Carvans.

The army of Aelius being come hither, they were seized upon by Stomacaccis and Scelotyrbe, which are diseases incident to that Country, whereof one is as it were a palsie of the mouth, and the other about the hams, arising from the badnesse of the water and herbs that they drank and eat, wherefore Aelius was forced to stay there a whole Summer and Winter, to refresh his sick men. [Strabo. pag. 981.]

There was one Zenodorus, who having hired the house of Lysanias, or Territory of Trachonitis, Batanaea, Autanitis, and not content with the profits that arose from thence, maintained the inhabitants of Trachonis, who living in Caves, like wild-beasts, were wont to rob and plunder the Damascens, and was also partaker of their booty: so that the people that inhabited those Countries, were fain to have recourse to Varus, their Governour of Syria, and complained unto him, desiring him, that by his letters he would signifie Zenodorus his injuries that he did them, unto Caesar: and Caesar wrot back, that he should take especial care, utterly to root out those thieves. Varro therefore with his Souldiers setting upon the places suspected, clean purged the land from the thieves, and took away the Country from Zenodorus. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 15. and lib, 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.]

Herod built himself a Palace in Sion, building in it two very large and stately houses, with which the Temple it self could in no wise compare, and called one of them by the name of Caesar, and the other by the name of Agryppa. [Joseph. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 1. bell. cap. 16.]

The XXIX. Jubilee. [Year of the World 3981]

Herod having removed from the Priesthood Jesus the son of Phabes, [The Julian Period. 4691] makes Simon a Priest of Jerusalem, [Year before Christ 23] the son of Boethus of Alexandra, Priest in his room, and took also his daughter Mariamme to wife; that was the most beautiful of that age. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 12. & lib. 18. cap. 7.]

The marriage being over, he began to build a new Palace, adjoyning also a fair Town to it, which he called Herodion, after his own name, in a placed distant from Je∣rusalem 60 furlongs towards Arabia, where he had overcome the Jews, when he was thrust out by the armes of Antigonus, [Id. lib. 14. cap. 25. & lib. 15. cap. 12. lib. 1. bell. cap. 11. & 16.] Pliny makes mention of Herodion, and of a famous Town of the same name, [lib. 5. cap. 14.]

Gallus departing with his army from Album, a Village of the Nabataeans, went thorough such places, that he was compelled to carry his water upon Camels, which happened to him thorough the malice of the conductours; wherefore after many days he came into the land of Aretus, who was joyned in affinity with Obodus the King of the Nabathaeans: but the treachery of Syllaeus rendered this Country hard to be passed; but he passed it in 30 dayes thorough unbeaten paths, where his food was spelt and dates, and those but a few, and butter instead of oil. The Country that he came into at last belonged to the Nomades, and truly a great part of it was desert; it was called Ararena, and the King of it was Sabus, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 781.]

Sabus was King of Arabia Felix; in which although none came out to face Aelius, yet this journey cost him much labour: for the desertnesse of the Country and the Sun, and the Waters that are naturally infected, did much afflict them, so that the greater part of the army perished. That disease was like none of ours; the head was disaffe∣cted, and that being dried, killed many, and those that escaped death, the disease went thorough their whole body into their legs, and there did so afflict them, that no re∣medy would do any good, unlesse one drank oil mingled with wine, and anointed him∣self therewith, which very few could do; for neither of those grow in these places, neither had they brought any plenty with them. Amongst these mischances, the Barbarians also, who at first in every battle always had the worst, and lost some Towns also, now taking occasion by the help of this disease, they set upon the Romans and re∣cover their own, and drive the rest of the Romans out of the Country, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 516, 517.]

Yet these both first and onely of the Romans, carried the war so far in Arabia Felix, even to the famous City Athlula (or Athrula) [Id. ibid pag. 517.] In that Expedi∣tion Gallus overthrew these Towns so named by former Writers. Egra, Annestus Esca, Magusum, Tammacum, Labecia, Mariaba, (that was six miles in compasse) and Caripeta, which was the farthest he went, [Plin. lib. 6. cap. 28.] and had not Syllaeus betrayed him, he had conquered all Arabia Felix, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 118. fin.] whose progresse and regresse in this journey we here set down out of Strabo.

Fifty dayes being spent in travelling over Ararena thorough impassable wayes, he came to the City of the Agrans (or rather Egrans) a peaceable and fruitful Country. Then King Sabus fled, and the City was taken at the first assault. From hence on the sixth day he came to the River; there the Barbarians met him in battle array, of whom there fell 10000. and but two onely of the Romans, for they were very cowardly, and used their weapons unskilfully, as the Bow, and Launce, and Sword, and Sling, but for the most part, were Bills with two edges. Then he took the City Asca, that was for∣saken by the King: from thence he came to Athrula, which he easily took, and put a Garison there; and having provided corn and dates for his journey, came to Mar∣syabae, a City of the Rhamanites, who were under Ilasarus. This he set upon, and besieged six dayes, afterwards being compelled for want of water, he left off his design. He understood by the Captives that he was onely six dayes journey from that part where the Spices grow; but he spent six moneths in this journey thorough the fault of his guides.

At last, having found out the treachery, being returned another way, he came in nine dayes to Anagrana, where there was a skirmish; then on the eleventh day to the seven Wells, so named from the thing it self: thence thorough places that were tilled, to the village of Chaalla; afterwards to a Bulwark called Malotha, seated by the Ri∣ver side: after that thorough Desarts where there was not much water, into the vil∣lage of Negra (or Hygra) which is under Obodas, and lieth by the Sea. In his re∣turn he spent but 60 dayes in all, whereas before he had spent 6 moneths, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 781, 782.]

Whilst Aelius Gallus waged war with part of the Egyptian army in Arabia, the E∣thiopians which dwelt beyond Egypt, being sent by their Queen Candace (a manly wo∣man and blind of one eye) upon a sudden invasion surprised the Garrisons of three Cohorts, which were Syena, Elephantina, & Phillis, and carried them away captives, and overthrew Caesars Statues. Against these Petronius the Governour of Egypt marched, not with full 10000 Foot, and 800 Horse, against 30000 men, and at first forced them to flee into Pselcha a City of Ethiopia. Then he sent to them to demand the things that they had taken away, and also to know the reason why they had begun this war;

and they saying, that they had been injured by the governours, he answered them that they were not lords of the Country, but that Caesar was: then they demanding three daies time to deliberate, and in the meantime doing nothing to satisfie him, he marcheth towards them, and forceth them to fight, and presently routeth them; for they were but ill ordered, and as bad armed, for they had great sheilds made of raw ox hides, and the weapons with which they fought were, hatchets, speares, and some had swords. Then some being forced into the City, some fled into the desarts, others into the next Island, who also took the river, among whom were Queen Candaces cap∣tains, these he also took, having passed the river by boates and ships, and sent them to Alexandria, and so went to Pselcha and took it, then numbring the multitude of them that were taken Captives, and of those that were killed, it was found that very few es∣caped in safety, [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 820. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 524.]

From Pselcha Petronius came to Premnis, a City strong by nature, and having passed over those hills of Sande, by which Cambyses army was overwhelmed by rea∣son of wind that fell, he took it at the first assault, then he goes forward to Napata (cal∣led Tanape by Dio.) where Candaces pallace was, and there her sonne stayed him; she being in a Castle that was nigh, sent Embassadours to treat of a peace, and resto∣red the statues, and the Captives that were taken from Syena: but Petronius stormed Napata and took it, and overthrew it, her son being put to flight; but whereas he nei∣ther could go forward because of the sand and the heat, or conveniently stay there with the whole army, haveing fortified Premnis with walls, and a garrison and victuall for 400 men for two yeares, he returned to Alexandria, of the Captives haveing sold the rest, he sent 1000 to Caesar, as he was returned from the Cantabrian war, of whom some died of diseases. [id. ibid.]

With these is to be joyned that place of Pliny, in the 6 book chap. 29. In the time of Augustus, the Romans entred the country of the Aethiopians, P. Petronius being generall, who was of the order of Knighthood, and governour of Aegypt; he overcame their Townes, which he only found, in the same order that we shall speak of; Pselchis, Primnis, Aboccis, Phihuris, Cambusis, Attena, Stadisis, where the inhabitants loose their hearing by the noyse of the fall of the river of Nile, he sacked also Napata. The farthest that he went from Syena was 870 miles, neither yet did the Romans make an utter desolation.

Phraates the III was restored into his Kingdome by the great aid of the Scythians, of whose coming Tiridates hearing, he flies to Caesar, with a great number of his friends desiring that he might be restored into that Kingdome, promising that Parthia should be subject to Rome, if he would give him that Kingdome, when Phraates knew this he presently sent Embassadours to Caesar, desiring that he would send him back his servant Tiridates, and his own son, whom he had delivered as hostage to Caesar. [Just. lib. 42. cap. 5.]

When Tiridates and Phraates Embassadours were come to Rome, Augustus brought them both into the Senate, and then taking the knowledg of the difference from the Senate to himself, he heard the demands of either party, but then told them that he neither would yeild up Tiridates to the Parthians, neither would aid Tiridates against the Parthians, but least they at last, should seem to obtein nothing of their requests, he commanded a very large allowance to be given to Phraates, as long as he would tarry at Rome, and sent back Phraates his son, that in leine of him he might recover the Captives, and ensignes that were lost in the overthrowes of Crassus and An∣tonius. [id. ibid. Dio. lib. 53. pag. 519.]

Whenas there were mutuall grudges began to shew themselves between M. Agrip∣pa and M. Marcellus the nephew and son in law of Augustus, because one thought the other to be more respected by Augustus than the other, he, fearing that contentions would grow higher between them if they continued both in one place, immediately sent away Agrippa into Asia, to govern those provinces beyond the sea in his stead. Agrippa left the City, but sending his Lieutenant into Syria, he himself tarried at Mity∣lenae in the isle of Lesbos [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 518. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 93. Jos. lib. 15. cap. 13. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 66.]

When Augustus resigned the eleventh Consulship, and made Lucius Sestius the great favourite of Brutus Consul in his room, the Senate decreed these honours to him, That he should be perpetuall Tribune of the common people, that he might call the Senate as often as he would, although he were not Consul, that he might make ordi∣nances concerning whatsoever things he pleased, that he should have alwaies procon∣sulary power, and that he should not lay it down when he came within the walls, or have need to renew it, and that he should alwaies have greater power in the provinces, than the very governours. [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 518. 519.]

Aelius Gallus returning from the expedition of Arabia, [Year of the World 3982] left the village Negra in the Kingdome of the Nabataeans, and in eleven daies space wafted his army into the haven of Muris: hence passing Coptum, he came to Alexandria with those forces that were

able to bear arms, for he had lost the rest, not in war, (wherein only seven were lost) but by famine, labour, diseases, and the badnesse of the way. [Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 782.] Some of his medicinal compositions are related by Galen, [in lib. 2. de Antidotis,] among which there is triacle that he gave to Caesar, with which he had preserved many of his Souldiers.

Marcus Marcellus, the Son of Octavia, the sister of Augustus, and the husband of Julia, the daughter of Augustus died. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 93. Dio. lib. 53. pag. 517. & 519.]

Augustus restored to the people Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis, [The Julian Period. 4692] because they need∣ed not any forces, and for them received Dalmatia. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 523. with lib. 53. pag. 504.]

The dancing of Anticks, and Stage-playes, was first brought up in Rome, by Pylades Cilices, and Bathyllus; Pylades was the first that ever had a Quire to play unto him. [Euseb. Chronic. cum Scaligeri Collectan. Graec. pag. 390. & Animadversion. pag. 155, 156.]

Herod having now built Sebaste, began to build most magnificently, another City, in a place by the sea side, where the Town of Straton stood, which he called Caesaria, with the addition of an Haven of admirable work, equal in greatnesse to the Haven Piraetus, all which he finished in twelve years space, sparing neither labour, nor cost. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 16. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. 13.] Whereupon Eutropius speak∣ing of Caesar, saith lib. 7. The name of Caesar was so beloved by the Barbarians, that Kings that were friends of the people of Rome, built Cities in honour of him, and called them Cesarea; as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mauritania by King Juba, and in Palestine which is a most famous City.

Herod sent his sons Alexander and Aristobulus (which he had by Mariamme the Asmonaean) to Rome to Caesar, to be there brought up: for whom their lodging was prepared at Pollios his house the great friend of Herod. Caesar entertained the young men very curteously, and gave Herod power to make which of his sons he would heir of his Kingdom, and gave him also Trachonitis Batunaea and Auranitis, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]

After Herod had received Trachon, [Year of the World 3983] he took guides and went to the Dens of the theeves, restrained their villanies, and gave peace to the inhabitants: but Zenodorus being moved, partly thorough envy, and partly with the losse of his possessions, went to Rome to accuse Herod, but could effect nothing, [Id. ibid.]

Herod having saluted his chiefest friend Agrippa at Mitylene, returned into Judea, [Ibid.]

Some Citizens of Gadara go to Agrippa to accuse Herod, whom not vouchsafing so much as to hear, he sent them bound to Herod; but Herod spared them, who al∣though he was inexorable towards his own people, yet he willingly contemned and for∣gave injuries received from strangers, [Id. ibid.]

Augustus went into Sicily, that he might settle that, as also all other Provinces even to Syria, [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 524.]

Augustus sent for Agrippa (who he wished had had more patience, [The Julian Period. 4693] because for a light suspition of harshnesse under colour of the chief office had gone, [Year before Christ 21] leaving all things, to Mitylene) to come to him out of Asia into Sicilia, and commanded him to leave his wife, although the daughter of Octavia, Augustus his own sister; and to marry his daughter Julia the widow of Marcellus, and sent him presently to solemnize the Mar∣riage, and to undertake the government of the City, [Id. ibid. pag. 525. Velleius Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 93. Sueton, in Octavio, cap. 63, 66.]

Zenodorus, counting his estate desperate, had farmed out Auranitis a part of his Country to the Arabians for fifty talents yearly rent. This part although it was con∣tained in the grant that Caesar gave Herod, yet the Arabians hateing Herod would in no wise suffer it to be taken from them; Sometimes laying claime to it by intodes and force, and sometimes contending for the right of possession before the Judges. They drew also unto them certain needy souldiers, who according to the custom of wretched men, hope for better fortunes by innovations: which although Herod knew well enough, yet he had rather prevent it by good reasons, than by armes, least he should give occasions of new commotions. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]

Augustus having ordered things in Sicilia passed over into Greece, when he took from the Athenians, Aegina and Eretria, because as some report, they had favoured Anthony. [Dio. ut supra. pag. 525.]

Petronius going with succour prevented Candace the Queen of the Ethiopians, who with many thousands set upon the garrison of Premnis, and having entred the Castle, strenghthened it with much provision; and compelled the Queen to accept conditions of peace, [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 821. cum Dion. lib. 54. pag. 524.]

Petronius commanded the Embassadours that were sent unto him, that if they would demand any thing they should go unto Caesar, and they denying that they knew

whether there were a Caesar, or where they should meet with him, he commanded some that they should conduct him. [Strabo. ibid.]

Augustus having perfected his affairs in Greece, sailed into Samos, and there win∣tered. [Dio, lib. 54. pag. 525.]

When as the people of Armenia accused Artabazes or Artaxis, or Artaxias, (the son of Artavasdes, that was taken by the treachery of Anthony, and desired that his brother Tigranes, who was then at Rome, might be their King. Augustus sent to Tiberius, to drive out Artabazes, and to make Tigranes King in his stead. [Id. ib. pag. 526. cum Tacit. Annal. lib, 2. cap. 3.]

The Embassadours of Candace coming into Samos, found Caesar ready to go into Syria, and sending Tiberius into Armenia; they easily obtained of him what they desired, and he remitted their tribute also. [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 821.]

In the Spring Augustus went into Asia, M. Apuleius, and P. Silius being Consuls, and there, and in Bythinia also, he ordered all things, not therefore making lesse ac∣count of them, because that, as well these as those Provinces, that he had formerly passed through, were accounted to belong to the people, but he took so much care for all things, as if they had been his own, for he mended all things, where it was convenient; and to some he gave mony, and on others he imposed new sums, besides their ordinary tribute. But from the Cyzicenians, he took away their freedom, because that in a certain sedition they had put to death some Romans, after they had scourged them. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525.]

Then he went into Syria, in the tenth year after he had been in that Province. [Joseph, lib. 1. bell. cap. 15.] But in the 17. year of the reign of Herod (from the death of Antigonus) [Id. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.] where he dispoiled the Tyrians and Sidonians of their liberty, because of their factions. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525.]

Zenodorus had solemnly sworn to the Gadarens, that he would never leave off to do what possibly he could that they might be freed from the jurisdiction of Herod, and be annexed to Caesars Province. Hereupon many of them began to exclaim against Herod, calling him cruel and Tyrant, complaining unto Caesar of his violence and rapines, and for violating and rasing their Temples: with which Herod being nothing terrified, was ready to answer for himself: but Caesar used him courteously, and not at all alienated from him for all this tumultuous multitude. The Gadarens therefore perceiving the inclinations of Caesar and his friends, and fearing by certain conjectures, that they should be delivered into Herods hands. The next night after the meeting, some of them cut their own throats, others for fear of torments, brake their own necks, some also drowned themselves in the river: and thus whereas they seemed to fore judge themselves, Caesar immediately absolved Herod. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]

Zenodorus also having his bowels burst through much bloud that came from him, ended his life at Antioch in Syria. [Id. ib.]

Augustus gave the Tetrarchy of Zenodorus to Herod. [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526.] Certainly no contemptible part, which being seated between Galilee and Tra∣chona, conteined Ulatha Paneada, and the neighbour Countries, he made him also one of the Governours of Syria, and commanded the Governours of that Province to do nothing without his advice. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.]

Herod begged a Tetrarchy of Caesar, for his brother Pheroras, on whom he also bestowed 100 talents, out of the revenues of his own Kingdom, to the intent, that if he should happen to die, Pheroras estate might be assured, and not subject to Herods children, [Id. ibid.]

Claudius Tiberius Nero was sent by Augustus, his father in law, with an army to visit and order the Provinces that were in the East; where having shewed all experi∣ments of the chiefest virtues, he entred Armenia with the Legions; and having redu∣ced it under the power of the people of Rome, he delivered the Kingdom to Artavasdes. Whereupon the King of the Parthians being terrified, with the fame of his great name, sent his sons Hostages to Caesar, this Velleius Paterculus, the great flatterer of Tiberius. [lib. 2. cap. 94.]

All Authours else mention, that Tigranes, the son of Artavasdes, was at this time made King of the Armenians: for Artavasdes, being led captive into Egypt by Cleo∣patra, and Antony, his eldest son Artaxius (whom Dio here calls Artabazes, by his Fathers name) enjoyed the Kingdom of Armenia: to whom Archelaus and Nero, having expelled him by force out of the Kingdom, now made his younger brother successour; (called by Velleius, after his fathers name, Artavasdes, but by all others

Tigranes) Thus Josephus [lib. 15. cap. 5.] relates the story; meaning by the name of Archelaus, the King of Cappadocia, and by the name of Nero, Claudius Tiberius, al∣though he were not yet adopted by Caesar, to whom part of that Narration in Horace belongeth. [lib. 1. epist. 12.]

Ne tamen ignores, qus sit Romana loco res: Cantaber Agrippae, Claudi virtute Neronis Armenius cecidit; jus imperiumque Phraates Caesaris accepit genibus minor.

Know further too what places do partake Roman affairs: Cant'ber t' Agrippa falls, Claudius Armenia did by Nero take: The younger brother Phraates hath all. Caesars both right and rule imperiall.

With which agrees that of Ovid, in 3. Tristium.

Nunc petit Armenius pacem; nunc porrigit arcus Parthus eques, timida captaque signa manu.

Th' Armenians sue for peace, the Parthian bow, Horse, Arms, and Ensignes are resigned now.

Yet Dio affirms that Tiberius, or this Claudius Nero, Artabazes, or Arsazius, being put to death by the Armenians, before his coming, did nothing that was answerable to his preparation: [lib. 54. pag. 526.] Although concerning this businesse, he boasted that he had done every thing by his own virtue, and especially, because there then were decreed sacrifices, for it: which also that place of Tacitus seems to favour. [lib. 2. Annal. cap. 3.] Artaxias being slain by the treachery of his nearest friends, Tigranes is made King of the Armenians, and brought by Tiberius Nero into the Kingdom. Who leading his army into the East, restored the Kingdom of Armenia to Tigranes, and put the Crown on his head in the Tribunal, as Sueton hath it in Octavia. [cap. 9.]

Suetonius adds in the same place, that Tiberius recovered the Ensignes that the Parthians had taken from M. Crassus, when also the Parthians, at Augustus demand, restored the military Ensignes, they had taken away from Marcus Crassus, and M. Antonius; and moreover, offered hostages, as it is in the same Suetonius in Octavio. [cap. 21.] For when Augustus came into Syria, for the composing of the state of af∣fairs in the East; Phraates, who had performed nothing as was agreed, fearing least Augustus should make war upon Parthia, sent back to him the Roman Ensignes, both which Orodes had taken, at the overthrow of Crassus, and which his son had taken, when Antonius was put to flight, he delivered also all the Captives that were in all Parthia, that were gathered up of the army of Crassus, and Antonius, except a few, who had killed themselves for shame, and some that tarried privately in Parthia. These things Augustus ••••ceived, as if he had conquered the Parthian in war. [Livy, lib. 139. Florus, lib. 4. cap. ult. Strabo. lib. 2. pag. 288. & lib. 16. 748. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 91. Justin. lib. 42. cap. ult. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 21. & Cassiodorus in Chronico.]

Eutropius writes that the Persians, or Parthians, gave hostages to Caesar, which they never did before to any, and by delivering the Kings children for hostages, that they merited a firm league, with a solemn procession, writes Orosius. [ut supra.] And Strabo confirms, that Phraates, in the end of lib. 6. committed his sons, and his sons sons to Augustus Caesar, and desired with all reverence to deserve his friendship, by de∣livering hostages to him. And Justin confirms in the end of his 42 book, that his sons and Grand-children were hostages to Augustus: butyet Tacitus warns us in the begin∣ning of the second of the Annals, that he shewed all duty and reverence to Augustus, and sent part of his children, for the strengthening of their friendship, not so much for fear of him, as for distrusting the disloyalty of his own Subject, for this was the businesse.

Thermusa, an Italian woman, whom of a Concubine he made his wife, thinking to get the Kingdom of the Parthians, for Phraates her son, whom she had born to the King, when she was yet his Concubine, perswaded the King her husband, with whom she could do any thing, to send his lawful begotten children in hostage to Rome. [Joseph. lib: 15. cap. 3.] Phraates, calling Titius to a conference, who was then gover∣nour of Syria, delivered his four lawful begotten sons for hostages; Saraspades, Ceros∣pades, Phraates and Vonones, two of their wives, and four sons: for fearing a sedition, and least some treachery should be laid for him by his enemies, he sent his sons out of

the way: perswading himself, that none should be able to do any thing against him, if he should have none of the race of the Arsacidae to be set up in his room, to whom the Parthians were so affectionate, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 748. 749.] in an old Roman inscription there joyned with Saraspadanes (for so he is there named) another son of Phraates, not mentioned by Strabo, Rhodaspes a Parthian the son of Phraates Arsa∣ces the King of Kings. [inscript. Gruter. pag. CCLXXXVIII.]

Augustus in the East ordered his subjects according to the form of the Roman lawes, but suffered those that were in league with him to live after the lawes of their ance∣stours, neither determined he to take any thing from them, but to be content with what they had gotten, and so he wrote to the Senate, he therefore at this time made no war, but gave to Jamblichus the son of Jamblichus his fathers principality in Ara∣bia, he gave also to Tarcondimotus the son of Tarcondimotus; his fathers principality in Cilicia. Except some sea Towns which he gave to Archelaus with the Kingdome of Armenia the lesse, King Medus who had that Kingdome before being dead, and to one whose name was Mithridates being as yet a child he gave Commagena, because the King had killed the father of this Mithridates. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526.]

Herod having conducted Caesar to the sea side, returned into his Kingdome, and and there built a goodly temple, in honour of him of white marble, neer Panion, at the foot of which mountain are the fountaines heads of Jordan, then he also remitted to his subjects some part of their tribute, under colour, that they should have some ease after the dearth, but in very deed that he might appease the minds of his subjects, that were offended with such vast works of the King, which seemed to tend to nothing but the destruction of religion, and good manners, as it was commonly talked. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 13.]

Herod to prevent these things, [Year of the World 3985] forbad all private meeting in the City, and too often feastings, he had also spies that should mingle themselves in companies, and marke what the people talked of, yea he himself would goe in the night in the habit of a pri∣vate man, and mingle himself in the company of the people, to learn what the people thought of him, and as many as obstinately disallowed his doings, he punished them without mercy, the rest of the multitude he bound to him by oath, exacting an oath of them that they should depart from their fidelity and duty. [id. ibid.]

Herod required this oath of many followers of the Pharisees, as Pollo and Sameas, which although he could not get them to take, yet he punished not as he did the others, in respect of the reverence he bare to Pollio, neither did he impose this necessity upon the Esseans, whom he much esteemed for one Manahems sake who was a Pro∣phet: who when he was but a private boy, saluted him King of the Jews, and had fore∣told that he should reign King above 30 years. [id. ibid.]

Caius is born to Agrippa by his wife Julia, there is a yearly sacrifice decreed on his birth day with some other things. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526.]

Augustus returned into Samos and there wintered again, and for a reward of their hospitality, he grants the Samians liberty, thither came to him frequent Embassies, the Indians then by a firm league confirmed the peace which they formerly had desi∣red by their Embassadours, (of whom it is spoken before in the year of the Julian pe∣riod 4689.) amongst the presents that were sent by the Indian there were tygers, which creatures were never before seen either by the Romans or Grecians, and a cer∣tain young man who wanted his armes, (such as they use to feign Mercuries to be) who performed all things by the office of his feet, instead of hands, that he was said to bend a bow, and shoot an arrow, and sound a trumpet. [Id. ibid. pag. 527.]

Nicholas Damascene reports that he saw these Indian Embassadours at Antioch by Daphnis. The letter they brought makes mention of more, but he saith only three were alive whom he saw, the rest being the greater part died through the length of the journey, that the letter was in Greek written in parchment, in which was signified, that it was Porus that wrote it, who although he commanded 600 Kings, yet he did much esteem Caesars friendship, that he was ready to give him a meeting in what place soever, and that he would aid in any thing that was right. He saith these things were conteined in the letter, moreover that the presents were brought by eight servants that were naked, only having breeches on, and besmeared with persumes, those were Herman, he (of whom we have spoken) who had his armes cut of from his shoulder being a child, huge vipers, a serpent of ten cubits long, a river tortoyse of three cubits, and a partridg bigger than a vulture, [Strabo. lib. 15. pag. 719.]

Among these was Zomarus or Zomanochegas, one of the wisemen of the Indians, who for vain glories sake, or for old age according to the lawes of his Country, or that he might shew himself to Augustus and the Athenians, (for he had come into Athens) and was made a Priest of the Grecian gods, although (as they report) in an unlawfull time, yet in favour of Augustus; thinking that he must die, and least some adversity

should happen to him if he tarried longer, then smiling and naked and annointed, he gave himself into the funeral-fire: and this inscription was written on his Sepulchre. Here lieth Zarmanecheg as an Indian, of Barbosu, who according to the custom of his Country, led himself out of life, [Id. ibid. pag. 719. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 527.]

Augustus being returned to Rome, entred the City on horseback in a kind of Tri∣umph, and was honoured with a Triumphal Arch that carried his Trophies, [Dio. ibid. pag. 526.]

Augustus did account it a matter of high praise to him, that he had recovered those things that were formerly lost in war, without any fight at all: and therefore he com∣manded that it should be decreed that there should be sacrifices for that cause, and a Temple of Mars the revenger (in imitation of Jupiter Feretrius) in the Capitol, where the Ensignes should be hung up: and did also perform it, [Id. ibid.]

This Temple he had formerly vowed to Mars before the Victory at Philippi, but now proclaiming that he had received another like benefit from him, he performed his vow at the twentieth years end; imitating Romulus, who having killed Acro the King of the Ceninenses, hung up his armes in the Temple that he dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius: he built a Temple to Mars the twice revenger, and then laid up the Military Ensigns that he had recovered from the Parthians, and also instituted Circensian playes to be solemnized every year in memory of these things. Of which Ovid in 5 Fastorum.

Nec satis est meruisse semel cognomina Marti: Persequitur Parthi signa retenta manu. Gens fuit & campis & equis & tuta sagittis; Et circumfusis invia fluminibus. Addiderant animos Crassorum funera genti; Cum perit miles, signaque, duxque simul. Signa decus belli Parthus Romana tenebat; Roman aeque aquilae signifer hostis erat. Isque pudor mansisset adhuc, nisi fortibus armis Caesaris Ausoniae protegerentur opes. Ille not as veteres & longi dedecus aevi Sustulit: agnorunt figna recepta suos. Quid tibi nunc solitae mitti post terga sagittae, Quid loca, quid rapidi profuit usus equi? Parthe refers aquilas, victos quoque porrigis arcus: Pignora jam nostri nulla pudoris habes. Rite Deo templumque datum, nomenque Bis-ultor: Emeritus voti debita solvit honor. Solemnes ludos circi celebrate Quirites: Non visae est fortem scena decere Deum.

It doth not Mars suffice once name t'have gain'd He prosecutes the Parthian Ensigns yet retain'd. A Country fenc'd with store of horse, bows, plains, For Rivers inaccessible remains. Oth' Crassi yet much sp'rited by the fall, At once of Army, Standard, General. The Roman Ensigns did the Parthian bear, And, whilst an enemy, their Eagle wear. This blemish still had stuck; But Caesar's might, Better defended Latium's ancient right: He took the Ensigns, cancel'd that disgrace, And made the Eagle know her proper place. What profits shooting back, thy inviou•• Land, Thy swifter steed, O Parthian? thy hand Delivers back thy Ensigns, and thy bow: Thou canst no Trophies of the Roman show. A Temple duly vote Bis-ultor thy Honour receiveth most deservedly. More Honourable Romans celebrate His Playes: no Scene supplies Bellona's State.

To which may be added that of Horace, lib. 4. Ode ult.

—tua Caesar aetas Fruges & agris rettulit uberes, Et signa nostro restituit Jot: Direpta Parthorum superbis Postibus.

—(Caesar) thy age Affordeth plenteous fruits unto the fields, And to Joves Capitol our Ensignes yeelds From Parthian pillars snatcht—

and many pieces of his coine having the inscription, SIGNIS RECEPTIS, for the Ensignes recovered.

Herod in the 18 year of his raign (being reckoned from the death of Antigonus) propounded his intent to the Jews, of building the Temple at Jerusalem: whom he saw that they were troubled, lest if he demolished the old, he could not finish the new. He certified them that the old Temple should remain whole as it was, and not be pulled down, until that all materials that were necessary for the new fabrick should be pre∣pared, Neither did he deceive them; he provided a thousand waggons to carry stones, and he picked out of all the multitude of Artificers 10000 that were most expert, and also a thousand Priests that were cloathed with Priests garments at his own cost, that were not altogether ignorant of the Masons and Carpenters art: and that they should fall to work, seeing the materials were ready, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 14.]

When Augustus his first ten years was almost at an end, [Year of the World 3987] he prolonged the Princi∣pality to himself for five years longer, [The Julian Period. 4696] and gave to M. Agrippa for the same five years, [Year before Christ 18] as well some things almost the same with himself, as also the Tribunical power; for he said that so many years was then sufficient, although that not long after he accepted of more years of the Imperial Power, as that his Principality might be made decennal, [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 529.]

And because now the bookes of the Sybills thorough age were worn out of date, Augustus gave charge to the Priests, that with their own hands they should write them out; that none other should read them, [Id. ibid. pag. 532.]

Augustus restored Pilades the Cilician Player, that thorough factions was cast out of Rome, because he reconciled the favour of the people to him, and because Augu∣stus reproved him, for that he was alwayes quarrelling with Bathyllus one of his own profession, and also a friend of Mecenas, he is reported to have answered thus to Caesar, It is convenient for thee, O Caesar, that the people should spend their time being intent upon us, [Ibid. pag. 533.]

All necessary materialls for the setting upon the work being provided in two years space, [The Julian Period. 4697] Herod began to build the Temple of Jerusalem, [Year before Christ 17] 46 years before the first Passe∣over of the Ministery of Christ: as it appears out of those words of the Jews, John 11. 20. spoken at that time. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This Temple hath been built fourty and six years hitherto: as that Aorist is rightly expounded by our Coun∣try-man Lydiat.

And indeed the building of this Temple under Zorobabel, began in the first year of the Monarchy of Cyrus, and for some time interrupted, was after twenty years time finished, in the sixth year of Darius the son of Hystaspes; and the magnificent building of the same begun by Herod at this time, was finished in the space of nine years and an half: but in accounting the time spent in building this most magnificent Structure, we must take into consideration not onely the labour of these two, but of their Successours also: whenas in the perfection of it many ages and all the holy treasures, that were sent to God from all the parts of the World thither were spent: as Josephus notes in the sixth book of the wars of the Jews, and sixth chapter; for neither the riches of Herod alone, (be∣ing wasted especially with such profuse gifts, such buildings of so many Palaces, Tem∣ples, and Cities, one whereof was the City and Port of Cesarea, and which was most costly of all, did then lie upon him, when he laboured in building the Temple) a Temple of immense riches; (as Tacitus calls it in the 5 of his Histories, chap. 9.) were sufficient for the finishing of it; and that this great building of the Temple begun by Herod, was continued even to the beginning of the war of the Jews under Gessius Florus, by great gifts that were consecrated to God, that place of Josephus shews in the 20 book of his Antiquities, chap. 8. Now was finished the building of the Temple; and the people when they perceived that more than 18000 workmen would be idle, who were wont to get their living by their work in the Temple, and being loath that the holy treasure should be laid up, for fear it should become a prey to the Romans, and withal willing to provide for the workmen; because if one had wrought but one hour, he was presently paid his wages: they perswaded the

King (Agrippa the younger) that he would build the easterne Porch, which inclosed the out∣wardmost parts of the Temple.

Agrippa had Lucius by his wife Julia, whom, together with his brother Caius, Au∣gustus, that he might be the freer from treachery, immediately adopted, and made heirs of his Empire. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 533.]

In Cyprus, many parts of Cities are thrown down by Earthquakes. [Euseb. in Chronic.]

Marcus Agrippa, [Year of the World 3988] after he had exhibited Quinquennall playes (which were the fourth from the battle of Actium) is again by Augustus sent into Syria. [The Julian Period. 4698] [Dio. lib. 4. pag. 534.] [Year before Christ 16]

Herod set saile for Italy, to salute Caesar, and to see his children at Rome, [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 1.] and passing by Greece, was not only present, but also judge at the Olympick exercises, in the CXCI. Olympiade, in which Diodorus Tyaneus got the prize) who observing that those exercises did not answer the resort that was to them, through the poverty of the Elidenses, he bestowed towards them annual revenues, whereby their sacrifices might be made the more splendid, and other things that might belong to the gracing of so great a meeting; for which bounty he is declared perpetual judge of those exercises. [Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 16. lib. 16. Antiquit. cap. 9.]

Caesar having courteously entertained Herod at Rome, delivereth to him his sons, sufficiently instructed in the liberal sciences, [Id. lib. 16. cap. 1.] goes himself into Gal∣lia. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 533.]

Aemilius Macer, a Poet of Veronn, dieth in Asia. [Hieronym▪ in Chronico] of whom Tibullus.

Castra Macer sequitur; tenero quid fiet Amori? What shall poor Amor now do all alone, Since sweet song'd Macer to the Camp is gone?

At Jerusalem, by the endeavour of the Priest, the building of the Temple, properly so called, because it conteined the Holy, and the Holy of Holies, was finished in a year and an half space; in all which time, it is reported, that it never rained in the day time, but only in the nights; then in the eight following years, the Porches, the Ran∣ges, and the rest of the buildings about the Temple were all finished. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. ult.]

There is extant a twofold description of this Temple, one by Josephus, (who him∣self did the duties of a Priest in it) in the 15 Antiquit. cap. 14. and lib. 6. bell. cap. 6.) Another by R. Judas, (almost 120 years after the destruction of it) in a tractate of his Mischna, which is intituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Map of the former we have from Ludovicus Ca∣pellus, at the end of his short History of the Jews; and of the later from Constantine Lempereur, prefixed in his Commentary upon the book of M••ddoth, in the Preface of which he sheweth that the constant opinion of the Jews was, that the Temple of Zorobabel, and this of Herod, were rightly accounted for both the same: as likewise he shews out of the fifth book of Tacitus his Histories, that it was thought to be the same Temple that was wonne by Pompey, that was then besieged by Titus.

When Alexander and Aristobulus were returned into Judea, [Year of the World 3989] and had gained all mens loves. [The Julian Period. 4699] Salome, [Year before Christ 15] the sister of Herod, and her followers, fearing that they would some time or other revenge their mothers death, cast out words among the people, that they hated their father, because he had caused their mother to be slain: but Herod as yet suspecting no ill, used them with all honour, as they deserved; and because they were now grown to mens estate, he provided them wives, for Alexander Ber∣nice, the daughter of Salome, and for Aristobulus Glaphira, the daughter of Arche∣laus, the King of the Cappadocians. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 1, 2.]

Augustus restored liberty to the Cycizenians, he gave also mony to the•• Paphians (in Cyprus) that had been afflicted with an Earthquake, and permitted by a decree of the Senate, that their City should be called Augusta. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 539.]

Herod hearing that M. Agrippa was again come into Asia, he goeth to him, he begged of him that he would vouchsafe to come into his Kingdom, as to his friend and guest. [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 2.]

Herod entertained Agrippa in all the Cities that he had newly built, [Year of the World 3990] and shewing him the buildings, presented both to himself and friends, all kind of delights and mag∣nificence, at Sebaste, and the Port of Caesarea, and in the Castles that he had built, as at Alexandrion, Herodion, and Hyrcania. He brought him also into the City of Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their best and festival attire, and with joy∣full

acclamations. Agrippa also having sacrificed an Hecatombe to God, feasted the people: and although he would willingly have stayed longer there, yet for fear of storm, the Winter now drawing on, he made haste to saile into Ionia, both he and his friends being honoured with great presents. [Id. ib.]

Asander, being made King of Cimmerian Bosphorus, by Augustus, dying, left the Kingdom to his wife Dynamis, the daughter of Pharnaces, and wife of Mithri∣dates, her own son Scribonius feigning himself to be the Nephew of Mithridates, mar∣ried, and seized upon the Kingdom. Agrippa hearing this, sent Polemon, the King of that Pontus, which is scituate by Cappadocia, to make war upon him. [Dio. lib. 14. pag. 538.]

The Bosphorans, as soon as they knew this deceit, killed Scribonius, and re∣sisted Polemon that came against them, fearing that he should be made their King, whom he conquered in battle, but yet did not subdue them. [Id. ibid.]

As soon as it was Spring, [The Julian Period. 4700] Herod hearing that Agrippa was going with an army to Bosphorus, [Year before Christ 14] made haste to go to him; and taking his course by Rhodes and Chios, he came to Lesbos; thinking he should there find him; but being driven back by the contrary North winds, he tarried at Chios: where many coming privately to sa∣lute him, he bestowed upon them many princely gifts; and when he perceived the gate of the City, that was thrown down in the war against Mithridates, as yet lying ru••nate, and that it could not be repaired to the former beauty and greatnesse, by rea∣son of their poverty, he bestowed upon them so much mony as was abundantly sufficient to finish it, and exhorted them to adorn the City as soon as they could, to the former beauty and greatnesse. [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]

As soon as the wind changed, Herod sailed first to Mitylene, and then to Byzan∣tium; and there understanding that Agryppa, was already past the Cyanean Rocks, he followed him with all speed, and overtook him at Sinope, a City in Pontus: who contrary to Agryppa's expectation, arrived there with his Navy. His coming was very grateful to him, and they embraced each other with singular affection, because it was an evident argument of his fidelity and friendship, that the King leaving his own occasions, would come to him in so convenient a time. Wherefore Herod still abode by him in the army, and was his companions in his labours, and partaker of his coun∣sels. He was also present with him when he meant to be merry, and was the only man that was used in difficult matters, for the love he bare him, and in mirth for honours sake. [Id. ibid.]

Agrippa overcame the Bosphorans, and having recovered in war those Roman En∣signes, which they long since had taken under Mithridates, by conquest compelled them to yield. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 81.]

When Julia, the daughter of Augustus, and wife of Agrippa, went to Ilium by night, it happened that Julia and her servants that waited on the Coach, were in great danger in passing the river of Scamander, which was much swelled by sudden flouds, the people of Ilium being altogether ignorant of her coming: but Agrippa being angry that they had not helped her, fined them an 100000 Drachmes of Sil∣ver. [Nicol. Damascen. lib. de vita sua. in Excerptis ab Henrico. Vales. edit. pag. 418.]

The Embassadors of the Ilienses, not daring to gainsay any thing to Agrippa, they entreated Nicholas Damascen, (who by chance was there) that he would get King Herod to speak for them, and to help them; which he for the ancient renowne of the City undertook, and told the King the whole story, how that Agrippa was angry with the Ilienses without a cause, seeing he had given them no notice of his Wifes com∣ing, and that they could not perceive any thing of her coming, because it was in the night: and Herod undertaking the cause of the Ilienses, got their fine taken off. [Id. ibid.] and reconciled Agrippa, being angry with them. [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]

The Bosphorans at length laying down their arms, are delivered to Polemon, who also marries Dynamis, with the approbation of Augustus: for this there was a proces∣sion, in Agrippa's name; but neither did he triumph, although it was decreed, neither wrote he to the Senate any thing at all concerning his affairs; whose example after age•• imitating, they also did not certifie by letters concerning their doings, neither did they accept of a tryumph, though offered, but were content only with the triumphal ornament [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 538.]

The trouble of Pontus being ended, Agryppa and Herod came by land to Ephesus, through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and the greater Phrygia, and there again taking ship, they came to Samos. [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]

The Iliense•• being now returned into their Country, because they had lost all hope of obteining pardon, and Herod being about to go into Paphlagonia to Agrippa,

gave a letter to Nicholas Damascene concerning the remission of their fine, who went to Chios and Rhodes, where his sons tarried; Nicholas therefore loosing from Ami∣sus, came to the Port of Byzantium; thence failing to Troas, he came to Ilium, where when he had delivered his letters of the remission of their fine, both he, but espe∣cially Herod, received great honours from the Ilienses, [Nichol. Damascene, ut supra.]

Agrippa in his whole journey thorough many Cities, gratified Herod in many things, at his intreaty relieving the necessities of many; if any one had need of an in∣tercessour to Agrippa, he could obtain his suite by none more easily than by him. Herod also paid the money for the Chians that they were indebted to Caesars receivers, and got the man immunity. He also assisted others in whatsoever they had need of, [Io∣seph. lib. 16. cap. 3.]

After they were come into Ionia, there was a great multitude of Jews, that inhabit∣ed that Country; who having got an opportunity, complained of the injuries they re∣ceived of those Country-men, that they would not permit them to live after their own laws, and that upon their Festival dayes, they haled them before the Tribunals, and forbad them to send holy money to Jerusalem; and that they compelled them to do publick businesses, and interverted the holy money for those affairs, contrary to the privledges granted them by the Romans. Herod took all care that Agrippa should hear their complaints, and allowed them Nicholas Damascene, one of his friends (now returned from Troas) to plead their cause: which when he had largely performed before Agrippa, (many of the most honourable Romans, and some Kings and Princes sitting with him) the Grecians denied not the thing, but onely excused themselves, that the Jews that dwelt among them were troublesome unto them; but they proved that they were free-born Citizens, and that they lived in their own laws without injury to any. Therefore Agrippa answered, That both for his friend Herods sake he was ready to gratifie them, and also because they seemed to demand what was just; He therefore ordered that the priviledges that were formerly granted them, should remain inviolable, and that none should molest them for living after their Country laws. Then Herod rose up and gave him thanks in the name of them all; and then after mutual embraces, they took their leaves each of other, and departed from Lesbos, [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 4. & 5.]

Herod in few dayes after, having a prosperous gale, arrived at Caesarea: and from thence went to Jerusalem; where calling all the people together, he gave them an ac∣count of his journey, and how he had gotten an immunity for the Jews that lived in Asia, and then to gratifie them the more and to make them the more friendly to him, he professed that he would remit to them the fourth part of their tribute: with which bounty they being exceedingly taken, wished all happinesse to the King, and departed with great joy, [Ibid. cap. 5.]

Augustus now at length took upon him the High Priesthood, [Year of the World 3991] Lepidus who was in times past of the Triumviri and Priest, [The Julian Period. 4701] being now dead, [Year before Christ 13] but would never take it from him during his lifetime, [Sueton, in Octavio, cap. 31. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 540. fin.] the day before the Nones of March, as Ovid shews in lib. 3. Fastorum.

He being made High Priest, whatsoever books either of Greek or Latine, that went about under no Authors name, or not a substantial, he got together and burnt above two thousand: and kept onely the books of the Sybills, and of those he picked out some, and laid them up in two golden lattches under the foot of the pillar where the Image of Apollo stood in the Palatine hill, [Sueton, ut supra.]

There was a Colony sent to Berythus [Euseb. Chronic.] that was very much ho∣noured by the favour of Augustus, [Vlpian. c. Sciendum est D. de Censibus.] in which were two Legions placed by Agrippa, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 756.]

Herod being incensed by the false accusations and artifices of his sister Salome and his brother Pheroras, against his two sons that he had by Mariamme, Alexander and Aristobulus, to bring down their haughty spirits, he began to entertain more neerly, and publickly to put in hopes of the kingdom, his eldest son Antipater (but whom he begat when he was a private man, and his mother also was of mean parentage) whom he had banished the City, in favour of his two other sons, (onely giving him liberty to come thither on Festival dayes) and writing often to Caesar for him, privately gave him very great commendations: and being overcome by the intreaties of Antipater, he brought also his mother Doris, who being a woman of Jerusalem, whom he had put away when he married Mariamme, [Ioseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 17. & lib. 16. Anti∣quit. cap. 6.]

Agrippa after his ten years government in Asia (to be reckoned from the time, [Year of the World 3992] in which being sent by Caesar into Asia and Syria, he tarried at Lesbos) being now to de∣part; Herod failed to salute him, taking with him of all his sons onely Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa with many gifts, to be brought to Rome,

and to be received into Caesars favour. [Id. lib. 16. cap. 6. fin.]

Agrippa being returned from Syria, [The Julian Period. 4702] was sent by Augustus to make war in Panno∣nia, [Year before Christ 12] having the Tribunitial power granted him for five years longer; at whose arrival the Pannonians being terrified, left off their rebellion, and Agrippa in his returne died in Campania, and his body being brought in the market-place at Rome, Augustus commended him in a Funeral Oration. [Livy, lib. 139. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 541.]

Antipater was much honoured at Rome, being commended to all his friends by his fathers letters; and although he was absent, yet did he not desist to whet his father by letters against the sons of Mariamme, as seeming very careful of his fathers safety: but indeed by his bad practises, making himself away, to the hopes of the succession of the Kingdom. [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 7.]

Augustus took against his will his son in law Tiberius to be his partner in the go∣vernment in the room of Agrippa; when his grandchildren C. Caius and Lucius, were but yet children, therefore he betroathes his daughter Julia (the widow of A∣grippa) to Tiberius forcing first him to leave his wife Agrippina, (the daughter of Agrippa the daughter of Pomponius Atticus) not without great vexation of his mind, which did then nurse her child Drusus, and also was with child again. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 63. & Tiberio. cap. 7. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 543.]

Herod now being become an enemy to his sonnes Alexander and Aristobulus, sailed to Rome with them to accuse them before Caesar, [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 3.] and carrying with him Nicholas Damascene in the same ship, with whom he studied Philosophy. [Nicoll. Damascen. in sua vita in excerptis Henric. Vales. pag. 421.]

Herod not finding Augustus at Rome, [Year of the World 3993] followed him as far as Aquileia, [The Julian Period. 4703] before whom he accused them of treachery against him, [Year before Christ 11] and whenas the young men satis∣fied all that were present by their clearing of themselves, and praiers and teares, they are at length reconciled to their father. Then after thanks given to Caesar they de∣parted together, and Antipater also, feigning that he was glad that they were recei∣ved again into favour. [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 7. & 8.]

A few daies after Herod gave Caesar 300 Talents, who was now setting forth shews and giving gifts to the people, and again Caesar gave him half of the revenues of the mettall mines of Cyprus, and the other half he committed to his oversight, and having honoured him with other gifts of hospitality, he gave him leave to choose which of his sons he would for to be his successour, or if he had rather of dividing his King∣dome amongst them, which when he was ready to do, Caesar denied that ever he would suffer, but that he should have the Kingdome during his life, in his own power aswell as his sons. [id. ibid. cap. 8.]

In the absence of Herod there being a rumour spread that he was dead, the Tra∣con••tes revolting from him fell to their old theiving; but by the means of the Captaines that he had left in the Kingdome they are subdued and made to be at his command; but forty of the chief of these theives, being terrified by the example of those that were taken, leaving their Country fled into Arabia Nabataea, where they were enter∣tained by Syllaeus (that was an enemie to Herod, because he denied him his sister Sa∣lome to wife,) who granted them a certain place well fortified. [Id. ibid. cap, 13.]

Herod and his sons sayling home, when they came to Eleusa a City of Cilicia, which the name being changed was called Sebaste, they met there with Archelaus King of Cappadocia. He having very curteously entertained Herod, rejoyced much because his sons were reconciled to him, and that Alexander had fairly answered the crimes that were objected against him, and giving royall gifts each to other they parted. [Id. ibid. cap. 8.]

Herod being returned into Judea, called the people together and told them what he had done in his voyage, and declared unto them that his sons should reign after him first Antipater, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, that he had by Mariamme. [ibid.]

Agrippa the first King of the Jews, [Year of the World 3994] of that nickname is born, [The Julian Period. 4704] he died when he was 54 yeares old being strucken by an Angell, [Year before Christ 10] [Acts. XII. 23. Joseph. lib. 19. cap. vlt.] about which time that lame man was born, who being above fourty years old was healed by Peter, at the beautifull gate of the temple. [Acts. IV. 22.]

Augustus married his daughter Julia to Tiberius, to whom before times he had betroathed her. [Dio. lib. 54. pag. 546.]

Cesarea Stratonis was finished, in the 28 year of Herods reign, (beginning from the death of Antigonus,) in the CXCII Olympiade, (to wit in the 3. year of the Olympiade) for the dedication of which there was great solemnity, and most sum∣ptuous preparations, for Musicians were brought thither to strive who could do best,

and wrestlers who wrestled naked; and a great number of sword-players, and wild beasts, and whatsoever was in account of this kind either at Rome, or in other nations, these sports were consecrated to Caesar, and were to be renewed every fifth year, all this preparation the King provided to be brought hither at his own cost and charges, to shew the greatnesse of his magnificence. Julia the wife of Caesar (for so alwaies Josephus calls Livia) gave many things towards the sports, so that all being cast up together they amounted to 500 talents, a great multitude being gathered together to see these sports, he entertained all Embassadours that were sent unto him from divers nations to thank him for the favours they had received, he lodged, feasted, and spor∣ted them, all the day he spent in seeing the sports, and the night in banquets. [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 9.]

After the solemnity and feasts, Herod began to build another Town, in a field cal∣led Capharsala, [Year of the World 3995] (or Capharsuluma, I Maccab. I. VII. 31,) which he called Antipa∣tris, after his fathers name; and a Castle also which he called Cyprus, after his mo∣thers name: in honour also of his dead brother, he built in the City of Jerusalem, a fair Town, not inferiour to the Pharo••, and called it Phasaelus, and afterwards a Town of the same name, in the Valley of Jericho, from whence the Country thereabouts is called Phasaelus. [Id. ib.]

The Jews of Asia and Cyrene complain by their Embassadours to Augustus, [The Julian Period. 4705] that the Greeks would not suffer them to use their Country•• rites, [Year before Christ 9] and immunities that were granted them by the Romans, and obtein of him letters pattents for the conservation of their priviledges. [Id. ib. cap. 10.]

Herod having wasted his wealth by his great prodigality, and now wanting mony, after the example of John Hyrcanus, by night, without the knowledge of the people, opened Davids Sepulchre; in which indeed he found no mony, but great store of precious attire, and ornaments of gold, which he took away: for the expiation of which fact, he built a most sumptuous Monument at the entrance of the Sepulchre, of white Marble. Nicholas Damascene mentions this Monument, but not the Kings de∣scent into the Sepulchre, who wrote the Acts of this King Herod in his life time. [Id. ib. cap. 11.]

Antipater involving his bretbren, Alexander and Aristobulus, by other mens false accusations, often seems to take upon him their defence; that making a shew of good will unto them, he might more easily oppresse them; and by these subtilties he so wrought upon his father, that he thought him to be his only preserver: wherefore the King commanded his Steward Ptolomeus unto Antipater, and communicated all his counsels with his Mother Doris, so that all things were done at their pleasure, and made the King displeased with those, whom it was their profit that he should be angry with. [Ibid.]

Pheroras fell so madly in love with his own servant, that he refused the marriage with Cypros, Herods daughter, that was offered him by his brother; although, be∣ing perswaded by Ptolomy, the Kings Steward, he had promised to put away his ser∣vant, and to marry Cypros within thirty dayes: he also accused Herod to his son Alex∣ander, that he had heard of Salome his sister, (which yet she denied) that Herod was greatly in love with his wife Glaphyra; for both which he was highly in the Kings displeasure. [Ibid.]

He began to be diseased, [Year of the World 3996] who lying at the Pool of Bethesda, [The Julian Period. 4706] was after 38 years resto∣red to health by Christ. [Year before Christ 8] [John. V. 5.]

Alexander by the subtilties of his adversaries, being even driven to desperation, was reconciled to his father by Archelaus, the King of the Cappadocians, that came to Je∣rusalem. [Ibid. cap. 12.]

Archelaus being accounted one of Herods chief friends, and having received great gifts, departed into Cappadocia, whom Herod accompanies as far as Antioch; where having reconciled him to Titus, the president of Syria, he returns into Judea. [Ibid. cap. 12.]

Herod went the third time to Rome to Caesar. [Ibid.]

Herod being absent out of his Kingdom, those thieves of Trachonis, that had fled to Syllaeus, the Arabian, infested not only Judea with their inroades, but also all Coelosyria; Syllaeus affording them both impunity and security for their thievery. [Ibid. cap. 13.]

Augustus being High Priest, restored to the ancient account, the year as it was or∣dained by Julius Caesar, but afterwards, through negligence, much disturbed and con∣fused. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 31.] For in 36 years there were intercalated 12 dayes, where there ought to have been but nine intercalated. Augustus therefore commanded that twelve years should passe without any Leap-year at all; that those three dayes, that had increased by ••he overhastinesse of the Priests in thirty six years, should in the following twelve years be swallowed up without any Leap-year. [Pliny, lib. 18.

cap. 25. Solin. cap, Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 14.]

In the ordering of the year Augustus called the month Sextilis after his own name August, rather than September though he was born in that month, because in that month he had been first Consul, and also had gotten many great victories, [Sueton. ut supra. Dion. lib. 54. pag. 552.] concerning which the very words of the decree of the Senate, are to be seen in Macrobius lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12. where also he men∣tions the decree of the people concerning the same matter, Pacurius the Tribune of the people proposing the law, but this was done C. Marcius Censorinus, and C. Asini∣us Gallus being Consuls, as Censorinus [in lib. de die. natali, and Dion. lib. 55.] doe confirm.

In their Consulship there was a second muster of the Citizens made at Rome, in which were numbred 4233000 Roman Citizens, as is gathered out of the fragments of the Ancyran marble, [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXX.] in Suidas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the number is far lesse of those that were mustered, 4101017. which yet very ridiculously obtrudeth upon us not for the muster of the City only but of the world.

Herod being returned from Rome, celebrated the dedication of the temple reedifi∣ed by him within nine yeares and an half, on the very birth day of his Kingdome (first received from the Senate,) which he was wont to solemnize with great joy, when the King sacrificed to God 300 oxen, and others also an innumerable company of sacrifices according to their abilities. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. vlt.]

When Herod had found that in his absence, [Year of the World 3997] his people had received much dam∣mage by those theives of Trachona, and seeing he could not subdue them because they were under the protection of the Arabians, neither could he digest this injury, where∣fore entring Trachona, he destroyed their families, whereby they were the more in∣censed. (especially because they have a law by which they are commanded, not to suffer the slaughter of their families to go unrevenged) Wherefore contemning all dangers, they molested all Herods Country with continuall excursions and driving and carrying away their goods. [id. lib. 16. cap, 13.]

Whenas Augustus would seem to lay down his principality, another ten yeares coming towards an end, he took it up again as though against his will: and making war upon the Germans, he sent Tiberius against them, but he himself staied at home. [Dion. lib. 55. pag. 551.] he gave money to the souldiers also, because they would have had Caius along with them, being then first trained up in military exercises. [Ibid. pag. 552.]

Dionysius Halicarnasseus began to write the bookes of Roman Antiquities in the CXCIII. [Year of the World 4077] Olympiade Claudius Tiberius Nero and Cn. Calphurnius Piso being Con∣suls, [Year before Christ 7] as he shews in the preface to those books, who as he is accounted by Clemens Alexandrinus in lib. 3. cap. 1. amongst the Chronographers, so hy Quintilian in lib. 3. cap. 1. he is reckoned amongst the Rhetoricians.

Herod sending to the presidents of Syria that were appointed by Caesar, Saturninus and Volumnius (the agent) demanded that he might have the punishing of those theives of Trachona, who by their incursions out of the confines of Arabia and Naba∣thaea, had often wasted his Country, they when they heard of this, being increa∣sed to the number of a 1000 began to make sudden invasion and to wast both field and villages, and cut the throat of all that fell into their hands, wherefore Herod deman∣ded those theives to be delivered over to him, and required the sixty talents that he had lent Obodas under Syllaeus security, but Syllaeus who had thrust Obodas from the government and now ruled all himself, denied that those theives were in Arabia, and he deferred also to pay the mony concerning which it was debated before Saturninus and Volumnius; at length it was determined by them that within thirty daies space both the mony should be repayed, and the runawaies of both Countries should be restored each to other, [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. 13.] Syllaeus also swo••e by the fortune of Caesar, be∣fore those presidents of Syria that he would pay the money within thirty daies, and also restore the fugitives to Herod. [Ibid. cap. 16.]

After the time appointed was come, Syllaeus unwilling to stand to the agreements, went to Rome: but Herod by the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius, who gave him leave to prosecute those obstinate people, entred Arabia with an army, and went in three dayes as far as they use to do in seven. And when he came to the Castle. where the theeves kept, he took it at the first assault: and demolished a fortresse called Raeep∣tu, without any more harme to the inhabitants of the Country. And when as a Cap∣tain of the Arabians came to their aid, they joyned battle; in which few of the Hero∣dians, but there were killed 25 of the Arabians, with their Captain, and the rest were put to flight. Being thus revenged of the theeves, he brought three thousand Idumaeans into Trachona to restrain the theiveries committed there: and sent letters to the Ro∣man Captains then being in Phoenicia, in which he certified them, that he had onely used the power they had granted them against those obstinate Arabians, and nothing

else; which also, they making inquiry, found to be true, [Ibid. cap. 14.]

But there were letters sent to Syllaeus post to Rome, that related the matter cleane otherwise, aggravating every thing after their manner; by which lyes Caesar is so in∣censed against Herod, that he wrote to him menacing letters, because he had marched with an army out of his own kingdom, and would not so much as admit at first his Embassadours that were sent to plead his cause, and they again petitioning to be heard he dismissed them, without any thing done, [Ibid. cap. 15.]

The Trachonites together with the Arabians taking hold of this occasion, did molest the Garrison of the Idumaeans that Herod had set over them, which thing Herod being terrified by the anger of Caesar, was compelled to beare. [Ibid.]

Obodas the King of the Arabians (of Nabathaea) being dead, Aeneas succeeded him in the kingdom, who having changed his name, was called Aretas. Syllaeus then being at Rome, endeavoured thorough false accusations to have him thrust from the kingdom, and to get the kingdom to himself, bestowing much money upon the Courtiers, and promising many great things to Caesar, whom he knew to be offended with Aretas, because he durst venture upon the kingdom without his consent [Ibid.]

Caius and Lucius, [The Julian Period. 4708] the sons of Augustus by adoption, [Year before Christ 6] being brought up in the Prin∣cipality, even out of that tender life were made more bold; insomuch as Lucius the younger of the two, without any command entring the Theatre, where being received with a general applause, and increasing by this his boldnesse, durst ask, That the Con∣sulship might be given to his brother Caius, he being not yet come to mans estate: which when Augustus heard he wished, that there might never such a necessity of the times happen to him as he had found; that the Consulship should be given to one that was not 20 years old: but when his son did earnestly desire this of him, he then said, That this Magistracy was to be undertaken of one, that could both take heed that he did not himself offend, and that could resist the desires of the people: at the length he gave the Priesthood to Caius, and leave that he might go into the Senate, and to sit with the Senatours, both at the Playes and at Feasts, [Dio. lib. 55. pag. 554.] and also that both of them, not being yet seventeen years old, should be called Princes of youth, and designed Consuls, he most earnestly desired, but seeming to refuse, [Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3.]

But that by some means he might make them more modest, and as it were private∣men, he granted to Tiberius the Tribunitian power for five years; and gives him also Armenia, which had revolted after the death of Tigranes (that was made King by Tiberius) This being done to no purpose by Augustus, offended them both; them because they thought themselves contemned, and Tiberius because fearing their anger he went not to Armenia, but went to Rhodes, [Xiphil. & Zonaras, ex Dion.] under colour that he might study the Arts, but indeed that he might with draw himself from both the sight and their actions, [Dio. ibid. & in Excerptis, ab Henric. Vales. edit. pag. 662.] lest his glory might dim the beginnings of the two rising young men, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99.] for thus some thought: that Augustus his children being now grown to mans estate, he now quitted both the place, and as it were the possession of the second degree so long possessed by him, after the example of Marcus Agrippa, who went to Mitylene, Marcus Marcellus being now admitted to publick offices, that being present he might not seem either to withstand, or to detract from them, which account he gave, but a long time after. [Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 10.]

But there want not some who think, he did this because of his wife Julia, whom he durst neither accuse, nor put away, and yet could endure her no farther. [Sueton, ibid. Dio. in Excerptis, pag. 662.] Others that he took it ill that he was not adopted Caesar; others that he was sent thither by Augustus, because he had used some treachery to∣wards his sons, [Dio. ibid.]

Then also dissembling the cause of his intent, asked leave of Augustus who was fa∣ther in law to him, both in respect of himself and his wife, [Vellei, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99. Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 10.] Neither did he yeild to his mother that humbly be∣sought him, or his father in law complaining that he also was forsaken by the Senate; but yet they resolutely detaining him, he eat nothing in four dayes: at lenght having got leave to go, he went down presently to Ostia, not speaking a word to them that went with him, and kissing very few at the departing, [Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 10.] but yet at his departure, he brake open his will, and read it before his mother and Augustus, [Dio. in Excerptis, Valesii, pag. 665.]

From Ostia he sailed along the coast of Campania, where hearing of the weaknesse of Augustus, he stayed a little; but the rumour increasing, as if he tarried for an occa∣sion of greater hope, he sailed to Rhodes almost in foule weather, [Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 11.] going his journey even like a private man, except that he compelled the

Pharians, to sell him a statue of Vesta, which he dedicated in the Temple of Concord. [Dio. in Excerptis, pag. 662.]

But being come to Rhodes, he contented himself with no great house there, and not much larger in the Country, he lived a most retired life: he walked sometimes in∣to their places of exercise, without either Serjeant or pursuivant, and both giving and receiving courtesies from the Greeks, almost upon an equal account. [Sueton. ut supra.] Neverthelesse, all Proconsuls and Lieutenants going into forreign Provinces, coming thither to visit him, alwayes submitted their boundles of rods to him, although in this privacy, and professed that this retirement of his was more honourable than his living in the principality: [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 99.] and in that retirement he was a dili∣gent Auditour of Theodorus the Gadarean, a Rhetorician, who desired to be called the Rhodian. [Quintil. lib. 3. cap. 1.]

There was a great conjunction of the Planets, and such an one as is wont to happen but once in 800. years.

Aeneas, who is called Aretas, the new King of the Arabians of Nabathea, sent let∣ters and gifts to Caesar, and in them a Crown worth many talents: in his letters he accused Sylaeus, as well for other crimes, as also that being a most wicked servant, he had poisoned Obodas, whose principality he had invaded, even whilst he was alive: but Caesar vouchsafed not so much as to hear his Embassadours, and also contem∣ned his presents, and dismissed them without any thing done. [Joseph. lib, 16. cap. 15.]

Herod compelled by the mischiefs and insolencies of the Arabians, sent Nicholas Damascene to Rome, to see if he could get any justice from Caesar, by the mediation of his friends. [Id. ibid.]

The discord of Herod with his sons that he had by Mariamme, is greatly height∣ened by the Artifices of Eurichus, a Lacedemonian, the same (except I be deceived) that followed 25. years before Anthony, as he fled from the battle of Actium, and now being entertained by Herod, and lodged at Antipators house, he had insinuated himself into the favour of Alexander: for the betraying of whom, when he had recei∣ved 50 talents of Herod, he goes to Archelaus, the King of Cappadocia, and brags how he had reconciled Alexander into his fathers favour again, for which having re∣ceived mony of him also, he returned into his own Country again, where, when he had used the like tricks, he was banished from Lacedaemon. [Id. ibid. cap. 16.]

Herod making inquiry into his sons, put to death, by the vehemency of tortures, many both of his own, and of his sons friends: neither yet found he any ill, but onely some too free complaints of improvident young men, concerning their fathers immo∣derate cruelty, and of the dishonest easinesse of his giving ear to base pick-thanks, of the impiety and wicked deceits of their brother Antipater, and of the faction that was combined against them; and that they might free themselves from the mischief they were said to have thought of flying to Archelaus, which thing they did not deny: nevertheless Herod, cast into prison, as being convicted of treason against their father, & said that he would punish them accordingly as his affairs went at Rome: and concern∣ing this businesse he sent letters to Caesar by Volumnius, (the General of his army) as Josephus calls him, [lib. bell. 1. cap. 17.] and Olympius (his friend) whom he also commanded, that as they sailed, they should touch at Elewsa, a Town of Cilicia, and should expostulate with him, because he was a partner of their designs. [Ibid.]

At Rome Nicholas Damascene joyned himself to the Arabians that came to accuse Syllaeus, professing that he was his accusar before Augustus, and not Herods defender, least he should have been repulsed, as were others before him; and when he had laid open many of his crimes, he also added, that Caesar was circumvented by his lies in the cause of Herod: which when he had so openly disclosed, and had confirmed by cer∣tain and authentick records, Caesar having condemned Syllaeus, remanded him into the Province, that he, when he had satisfied the debt, might be punished. [Ibid.]

From this time Augustus is ceconciled to Aretas and Herod, and then received his presents so often rejected, and confirmed by his authority the Kingdom of the Arabi∣ans upon him. He advised Herod also by letters, that he should call a Council at Be∣rytus, and joyning the presidents of Syria, with Archelaus the King of the Cappado∣cians, and other of his friends and noble men should determine concerning the whole businesse. [Ibid.]

In the Isle of Coos, many things are over turned by an Earthquake. [Euseb. Chronic.]

The Angel Gabriel (who had in time past foretold to Daniel the coming of the Messi∣as, by a definite number of Weeks) appeared at the right side of the Altar of incense to

Zachary the Priest of the course of Abia as he was offering incense in the Temple of the Lord, according to the custom of the Priests office, [Exod. XXX. 7, 8.] telling him that there should be born to him being now old, and to his wife Elizabeth, who was striken in years, and barren, a son called John, a Nazarite, and the forerunner of the Lord, in the spirit and power of Elias: which promise Zacharias not believing, is made dumb, [Luke, 1. 5, 22.]

The dayes of his ministery being finished, [Year of the World 3999] Zacharias returned home, and his wife Elizabeth conceived by him, and hid her self five moneths, saying; Thus hath the Lord dealt with me in the dayes wherein he looked on me, to take away my reproach among men, [Ibid. 23, 24, 25.]

Herod having received Augustus his letters rejoyced exceedingly, both because he was returned into his favour, and for the true power granted him to do what he would with his sons, he convened by messengers all those that Caesar had appointed to Berythus, except only Archelaus, he kept his sons not far from the City, in Plaran a City of the Sidonians: there first of all Saturninus one that had been Consul, and had run through all honours, spake his opinion, but moderated with circumstances, that indeed the sons of Herod were to be condemned, but not to be put to death. After him his three sons who were their fathers Lieutenants were of the same opinion. On the other side Volumnius pronounced that they were to be punished with death, who were so impious toward their father, whose opinion the major part followed. Then the King took them with him presently to Tyrus, whither also Nicolaus arrived as he came from Rome, with whom he conferred concerning the cause of his sons, and com∣manded him to sail with him to Caesarea, [Joseph. lib. 16. cap. ult.]

Here whenas a certain old souldier named Tiro smartly reprehended him for the wickednesse determined towards his sons, and told him that he and 300 Captaines. were of the same opinion, Herod commanded him to be cast into prison. Trypho the Kings Barber taking this occasion accused him and said, that he had been often solli∣cited by Tiro that he should cut the Kings throat with his razour, as he was trimming him, and immediately both the Barber and Tiro and his son were tortured: who seeing his father so cruelly handled, that he might free him from the tortures, being unadvi∣sedly merciful, accused him of intending to murder the King. Then Herod bringing those 300 Captains together with Tiro and his son and the Barber, accused them be∣fore the people, against whom the people throwing any thing that came next to hand, slew them every one, [Id. ibid.]

Alexander and Aristobulus were led to Sebaste, and there strangled by the fathers command: and their bodies buried in the Castle Alexandrion, where Alexander their Grandfather by their mothers side, and many of their Progenitors were buried, [Id. ibid. & lib. 1. bell. cap. 17. fin.]

Augustus having taken upon him the twelfth Consulship, [The Julian Period. 4709] brought Caius into the Court, [Year before Christ 5] being come to mans estate, and designed him Prince of Youth, and made him Praefect of a Tribe. [Sueton, in Octavio, cap. 26. & Zonar. ex. Dion.] But that this Title of Prince was given him by all the Roman Knights, that gave him Silver Spears, Au∣gustus shews in the breviary of his acts; where he mentions also the Consulship that was then decreed both to Caius and Lucius. In respect of doing me honour, the Senate and people of Rome designed them Consuls, they being yet but fifteen years old, that they might enter upon that office after five years time, to be reckoned from that day that they were brought into the Court. Thus the Ancyran Marble in Gruter. Inscript. [pag. CCXXXI.] Whereas in another Roman Stone it is said, That the people created Caius Consul, being but fourteen years old, (where for created is meant designed; for at this time his four∣teenth year was ended, and he was entred on his fifteenth.)

Antipater, his brethren being dead, intended also to remove his father, and whereas he knew he was hated by many in the kingdom, he endeavoureth by bribes to get the good will of his friends, both at Rome and in Judea; but especially Saturnius the Pre∣sident of Syria, and Pheroras and Salome the brother and sister of Herod, [Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 1.]

Herod sent home Glaphira the widow of his son Alexander, to Archelaus her fa∣ther the King of Cappadocia; giving her also a Dowry out of the Kings Treasury, for fear there should some controversie arise concerning it: and he took great care of the young children of Alexander and Aristobulus: which when Antipater took hea∣vily, fearing that when they were come to age they would hinder his power, he plotted their destruction; and he so overcame Herod by his intreaties, that he would suffer himself to marry the daughter of Aristobulus, and his son the daughter of his Uncle Pheroras, [ibid.]

Herod invited Zamaris a Babylonian Jew, and gave him a Country in Trachonis to inhabite, that he might be a guard to that Country against theeveries. He com∣ing with 500 Horse, and an hundred of his kinsmen, erected divers Castles in divers

places about Trachonis, as also Bathyra, by which he gave security and safe conduct, to the Jews that came from Babylon to the feasts at Jerusalem, against the theive∣ries of the Trachonites and others. [ibid. cap. 2.]

Antipater working treason against his father, joyned his unckle Pheroras with him, and some of the Kings women that were most addicted to the sect of the Pha∣risees, except Salome, who constantly adhered to her brother Herod, the Pharisees were a crafty kind of people, arrogant, and enemies to Kings, whereupon whenas the whole nation were to swear fealty to the King and Caesar, they only would not swear; and they were above 6000. Who being fined by the King for this cause, the wife of Pheroras paid their fine for them, to whom in requitall, because they were belei∣ved to foretell things to come from their communications with God, they foretold, that it was decreed that the Kingdome should be taken from Herod and his children, and should be transferred upon her and her husband, and their children, these things Salome made known to Herod, and that they had solicited and corrupted many of his courtiers with bribes, in which fault having taken some of the Pharisees he put them to death, as principall authours of this advice, and with them the Eunuch Da∣goas, and his darling Carus that was commended to him for his handsomenesse, and besides these whosoever he had found of his family that had conspired with the Phari••ees. [ibid. cap, 3]

Herod having convicted the Pharisees and punished them, called a councell of his freinds, and before them begins an accusation against Pheroras his wife, and whenas Pheroras would not forsake her in favour of his brother, he forbad Antipater Pheroras his company. [ibid.]

Antipater that he might remove all suspicion of his father from him, he by his friends that lived at Rome, provided that he should by his father be sent immediately to Augustus. Which being done Herod sent him with great presents, and his will, in which he declared that Antipater should be King, but if he died then Herod his son by Mariamme the daughter of Simon the High-Priest. [ibid. cap. 4.]

In the sixth month after John was conceived, the Angell Gabriell is sent by God to Nazareth in Galilee, to the most blessed Virgin Mary, that was betroathed to Joseph, of the same tribe with her namely of Davids stock, who having saluted her, declared unto her that she should bring forth the son of God, and should call his name Jesus, and she being more fully taught by the Angell of the admirable manner of her concep∣tion, to be performed by the power of the Holy Ghost, overshadowing her, with great faith said, be it to the handmaid of the Lord, according to thy word. [Luke. I. 26. 38.]

Christ being thus conceived, the mother of the Lord went into the hill Country with hast into a City of Juda, (viz. Hebron a City of the Priests scituate in the moun∣taines of Judea, [Josh. XXI. 10. 11.] where when she entred into the house of Zacha∣rias the Priest and had saluted her cousin Elizabeth, she perceiving the child to spring in her womb, was filled with the Holy Ghost, and declared that Mary was blessed, which beleived, and confirmed that those things should be performed that were told her of the Lord: to whom for an answer the blessed Virgin, (imitating that song of Hannah. [I. Samuel, II. 1.] rehearsed that divine hymn, My soul doth magnifie the Lord. &c. and Mary tarried with her about three months. [Luke. I. 39. 56.]

Syllaeus the Arabian going to Rome, but performing none of those things that were commanded him by Caesar, Antipater accused him before Caesar of the same crimes, whereof Nicolaus Damascene had before accused him; there was also present another accuser of him even Aretas (the King of the Nabathaeans) objecting against him the murder of many honourable men committed by him against his will, but especially that of Sohemus, a man most famous in all vertue, and there was objected against him the murder of Fabalus also Caesars agent. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 18. & lib. 17. Antiq. cap. 4.]

Herod banished his brother Pheroras into his Tetrarchy, because he so obstinately persisted in the love of his wife, which he willingly did, swearing that he would never return till he heard of Herods death, so that a little after Herod falling sick and often sending for him, to receive some private instructions from him as he lay on his death bed, refused to come for his oaths sake. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 19. & lib. 17. cap. 5.]

When the time of Elizabeth was come that she should be delivered, she brought forth a son, who when he was to be circumcised the eight day the standers by would have had him called Zachary, after his fathers name, but his parents signified that they would have him named John, and Zachary, the use of speech being restored, was filled with the Holy Ghost, and prophesied saying, Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, &c. [Luke I. 57. 68.] Joseph finding his betroathed wife Mary with child, was

willing to put her away privily, but being warned of God in a dream, that she had con∣ceived by the Holy Ghost, and should bring forth her Son Jesus, which should save his people from their sins, he taketh his wife. [Matth. l. 18, 24.]

Pheroras falling sick, Herod his brother, beyond hope being recovered, came and visited him, and very kindly sought help for him, but he died within a few dayes after; whose body was brought to Jerusalem, and there buried by Herod, who honoured him with publick mourning. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 19. & lib. 17. cap. 5.]

Two of Pharora's freed-men and most dear unto him, (who were Taphenites) decla∣red unto Herod, how he had been killed with poison by Doris, the mother of Antipater; which villany when Herod inquired into, by fortune, he by little and little found out greater villanies, and manifest treasons of his son Antipater; how that Antipater going to Rome, had delivered a deadly poison to Pheroras, that was sent by Antiphilus, one of Antipators friends, out of Egypt, from Theudon, the brother of Dor••s, for to make away his father; that the suspicion of the Par∣ricide should not lye upon the Sonne, being absent. [Id. Ibid. 17. Antiquit. cap. 6.]

Hereupon Herod puts Doris, the mother of Antipater from the Pallace, and takes from her her Jewels, that were worth many talents: he also put from him his wife, another Mariamme, the daught••r of the High Priest, as a partner of all these secrets, and blotted her son out of his Will, where he was appointed successour: he also deprived his father in law of the High Priesthood, and substituted in his room Matthias, the Sonne of Theophilus, that was borne at Jerusalem. [Id. Ibid.]

On the day of expiation, on which there is a solemn Fast of the Jews solemnised, the new High Priest Matthias could not performe Divine Service, because he had suffered nocturnal pollution; wherefore Joseph, the Sonne of Ellemus was ap∣pointed to be his assistent and substitute, by reason of his alliance, and the same day he entred into the Holy of Holies. [Id. lib. 17. cap. 8.]

Bathyllus, the free man of Antipater coming from Rome, being tortured, confessed that he had brought poyson, which he gave to his patrones Mother, and to Pheroras, that if the first were too weak, they should be sure to dispatch him with this. There came also letters from his friends, that lived at Rome, to the King, written by the per∣swasion of Antipater, in which Archelaus and Philip, Herods ••ons, were accused, that they often rubbed up the ••ore of the murder of Alexander and Aristobulus, and pittied the misfortune of the••r innocent brethren: for the young men were at that time at Rome to study, and now their father had commanded their returne: whereupon he corrupted those friends with great gifts, that they might make them, who might be some hinderances to his hopes, suspected to his father, whereas he himself, when he wrote to his father concerning them, as it were excusing them, would impute their speeches to their age. [Idem. lib. 17. cap. 6. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 20.]

There came forth a command from Augustus, that all the Roman World should be taxed, which taxing was first made, when Cyrenius was Governour of Syria. [Luke II. 1.] Out of which a li••••le book was made by Augustus, in which all the publick riche•• were conteined, a how many Citizens, and All••es in Armes; what Navies, how many Kingdoms and Provinces, what Tribute and Customs there was, what necessary charges, and what Pensions. [Tacit. lib. 1. Annal. cap. 11.]

This here called by the Gereks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is P. Su••picius Qui••inius. who had been Consul at Rome seven years before, of whom St. ab•••• in l••b. 1••. pag. 569.] speaking of the Modonenses, a people of C••licia, Those Qu••rinius overcame by famine, and took 4000. men, and distributed them into the neighbour Cities. And Tacitus, [lib. 3. Annal. cap. 48.] He was a valiant Warr••our, and forward in all his charges, and had the Consulship under Augustus; of famous memory: then having wonne the Castles of the Homonadensians by assault, he obtained the Ensignes of Tryumph. For it was ordained by Augustus himself, that Mag••strates should not be sent into Provinces, as soon as they had laid down their ••onour. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 36.] But in the fifth year compleatly ended from their being Magistrates. [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 505.]

Hereupon Quirinius obtaining the Proconsulate of Cilicia, might be sent into Syria that was neer; either as Censour with an extraordinary power, or as Caesars Gover∣nour with ordinary, and so he is as yet holding the P••o••onsulship of Cilicia, and Sextius Saturninus of Syria: for we have often heard Volumnius and Suturninus by Josephus in like manner called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Presidents of Syria, when as Vo••um∣nius, was only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (as we see him called in lib. 1. ••ell. cap. 17.) as a little after

Quintilius Varus is made successour to Saturnius in the Proconsular dignity. So nothing hinders but that Quirinius may be said to have succeeded, or rather to have been added to the office of administration of Caesars affairs, as King Herod was, whom Josephus notes to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Governour of all Syria, [lib. 1. bell. cap. 15.] and was so constituted by Augustus, that he was so adjoyned to the Governours, that all things should be done by his appointment, [lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13.] and so both will stand together, both that which Tertullian hath, [lib. 4. contra. Marcion. cap. 9.] that there was a tax raised under Augustus in Judea, by Sentius Saturninus, and that that the words of the Evangelist do relate, that the same taxing was made, when Cyrenius, or Quirinus, was governour of Syria, of whom he had rather make mention, than of the government of Saturninus, because he would compare together this taxing, with another that was made by the same Quirinius, made ten years after, Archelaus being sent into banishment, declaring that of the two taxings, that was the first that was joyned with the Nativity of Christ.

And when this first taxing was acted, Joseph went up from Galilee, from the City of Nazareth into Judea, into the City of David, which is called Bethlehem, because he was of the house and linage of David, that he might be taxed with Mary his wife, being great with child. [Luke II. 4, 5.]

The Seventh Age of the World.

JESUS CHRIST the Son of GOD, in the fulnesse of time was born of the most blessed Virgin Mary, at Bethlehem, [Matt. 1. 25. & II. 1, 5. Gal. IV. 4.] whom she rolled in swadling-cloaths, and laid in a manger, because there was no room in the Inne, [Luke, II. 7.]

The Nativity of our Saviour is revealed by an Angel of the Lord to Shepherds keeping their flock by night in the neighbour-fields, which word a multitude of the Heavenly Host receiving, prayed for glory to God, peace to the Earth, and good will to Men. The Shepherds making haste to Bethlehem, found Mary and Joseph, and the Child lying in the manger, and they published that that was told them concerning the Child, and they returned praising and glorifying God, [Luke, II. 8, 20.]

The Child is circumcised the eighth day after his Nativity; and his name is called Jesus, which was so declared by the Angel, before he was conceived in the womb, [Luke, II. 21.]

The Wisemen from the East, [The Julian Period. 4710] the Star being their guide, [Year before Christ 4] coming to Herod to Je∣rusalem, and there being taught that the Birth-place of Christ was Bethlehem of Ju∣dea, they went thither, and entring into the house which was shewed them by the Star that stood over it, they found the little Child and Mary his Mother, and falling down worshipped him, and having opened their Treasures, they offered unto him, Gold, Franckincense, and Myrrhe; then being warned of God in a dream, that they should not return to Herod, they departed into their own Country another way, [Mat. II. 1, 12.]

The fortieth day after her delivery, Mary goeth to Jerusalem to the Temple, both that she might present him to the Lord, according to the Law of the First-borne, and also that she might offer for her self a pair of Turtle Doves, or two young Pigeons, (she being in that condition of poverty that she could not offer a Lamb) according to the Law of them that had laine in, [Luke, II. 22, 23, 24, 27. with Leviticus, XII. 2, 3, 4, 6, 8,]

When his Parents brought the Child Jesus into the Temple, to do for him after the custom of the Law, there came into the Temple Simeon of Jerusalem, to whom it was revealed by God, that he should not die before he had seen the anointed of the Lord: whom he took in his arms and praised the Lord, speaking prophesies both of Christ himself, and his Mother. In the same moment also, came Anna a Prophetesse the daughter of Phanuel, she also openly acknowledged the Lord, and spake of him to all that looked for redemption in Jerusalem, [Luke, II. 25, 38.]

When Joseph and Mary had performed all things, according to the Law of the

Lord, they returned into Galilee, unto their own City Nazareth, [Luke, II. 39.]

The Angel of the Lord appearing to Joseph in a dream, warneth him of his flight into Egypt, that he might provide for the life of the Child, and escape the devices of Herod. Who being awakened, took the young Child and his Mother by night, and de∣parted into Egypt, where he remained until the death of Herod, [Matth. II. 13, 14, 15.]

Herod thinking the young Child had been still at Bethlehem, that he might destroy him amongst the rest, killed all the children which were in Bethlehem, and in all the coasts thereof, from two years old and under, according to the time (of the Star first seen in the East) that he had enquired of the Wisemen, [Matt. II. 16.]

Herod having received letters from Antipater from Rome, in which he signified to him, that having despatched all his businesse according to his own mind, he would in short time return into his own Country again: writes to him back again dissembling his anger, that he should make haste, lest something might happen to him thorough his absence that he should not like of, and also modestly complaining of his mother, promised that he would remit all difference after his return, [Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 7.]

Antipater heard no news all this while either of the death of Pheroras, or of those things that were brought on foot against him, although there was seven months space between, the wickednesse proved against him, and his return. [Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 20. & lib. 17. cap. 6. fin.] For in his journey at Tarentum, he received a letter of Pharoras death, and in Cilicia those letters of his father, that recalled him back so hastily: and coming to Celenderis, a Town of Cilicia, he began to doubt of his returne, being ex∣tream sorrowful, for the disgrace of his mother; but sailing forwards, he came to Sebaste, a Port of Cesarea; where being saluted by none, from thence he came to Je∣rusalem. [Id. lib. 17. cap. 7.]

It happened that Quintilius Varus, was the same time at Jerusalem, being sent suc∣cessour to Satur••inus into Syria, and then called thither by Herod, to assist him with his councel in his weighty affairs. As they were sitting both together, Antipater comes in, not knowing any thing, and in his purple garment that he was wont to wear, en∣tred the Pallace: he being entred in, the guards at the gates suffered none of his fol∣lowers to come in with him: as he was coming neer, his father thrust him from him, reproaching him with the murder of his brethren, and intended poisoning of his father, telling him that the next day Va••us should both hear and determine all things between them. [Id. ib.]

The next day Varus and the King sitting in judgement, his father himself first began the accusation, and left the prosecution and confirmation thereof to Nicholas Damas∣cene his dear and familiar friend, and one that knew all the businesse, where when Antipater could not clear himself from the crimes objected against him. Varus com∣manded the po••son that he had prepared for his father to be brought forth, which being given to a condemned man, killed him immediatly. Which being done, Varus rose from the Council, and the next day went to Antiochia, because there was the chief Palace of the Syrians: but Herod presently cast his son into prison, and signified so much by letters to Caesar; sending also messengers, which by word of mouth, might certifie him of the cursed treason of Antipater. [Ibid.]

At the same time there were letters intercepted from Antiphilus to Antipater out of Egypt, together also with others from Rome to Antipater and Herod the King, written from Acme, she was a Jew born, and Chamber-maid to Livia, Caesars wife; who being corrupted with good store of mony by Antipater, sent a feigned letter to Herod, as if it had been written from Salome to her Lady against him; in which she desired that she might have licence to marry with Syllaeus, (to wit, that Nabathaean, Herods sworn enemy) who a little after, for betraying of Aelius Gallus, in the Ara∣bian Expedition, and other crimes, had his head cut off at Rome, as Strabo writes in lib. 16. p. 782. Herod sent by his Embassadors to Caesar, a copy of these letters, together with those of his own, against his son. [Ibid.]

As the Embassadours hasten to Rome, Herod being taken with sicknesse, made his Will, leaving the succession of his Kingdom to his youngest son, Herod Antipas be∣ing exasperated against Archelaus and Philip, by false accusations of Antipater. [Id. ib. lib. 17. cap. 8.]

Judas, the son of Sariphaeus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most learned of the Jews, and best Interpreters of the Law, after they knew that the Kings sicknesse was incurable, perswaded some young men that were their Scholers, that they should throw down the golden Eagle, that was set up by Herod, over the great gate of the Temple: for going up at noon day, they pulled and hewed down with their axes the Eagle, a great multitude being in the Temple and beholding it: which as soon as it was told the Captain, he comes with a strong band of Souldiers, and layes

hold upon some fourty of the young men together with their masters and brings them to Herod, these constantly defending what they had done, Herod commands them to be bound, and sent them to Jericho: then calling for the rulers of the Jews, he being brought into the assembly in a litter by reason of his weaknesse, he complaines not so much of the injury done to himself as to God (as he said) who denying that it was done according to their order, he being something more mild to the rest, takes away the High-Priesthood from Matthias the High-Priest, as not altogether a stranger from this businesse, and made successour to him Jazar the brother of his wife, (Mariamme the daughter of Simon the High-Priest) but he burned alive the other Matthias that was partner of this sedition, and his companions, and that night the moon was eclipsed; [id. ibid.] which eclipse to have been on the 3 day of March three houres after midnight, the Astronomicall table doth shew.

Then Herods disease began to grow worse, for he was inflamed with a slow fire, which was not perceived so much by the outward touch, as that it burnt up his very bowells, he had also the disease called the Bulimia, with a continuall desire of eating, for the satisfying of which he was alwaies eating. He was also continually tortured with ulcers in his bowells, and paines of the collick, his feet swelled with a moist phlegm, and also his thighes, his members rotted and were full of worms, and also a filthy and no lesse troublesome Priapisme, and also a most greivous stinke, and over and above he was troubled with convulsions, and difficulty of breathing. [ibid.]

And although he was so grievously tormented, that he seemed to every one that he could not be able to endure it, yet he hoped he should escape, being very carefull to send for Phisicians, and seeking ••edecines from every place he went also beyond Jordan, and went into the hot baths at Callirrhoe, which running into the Asphaltite lake, and besides the medicinall vertue are pleasant to drinke, then by the advice of his Phisicians being set in a bathing tub filled with oyl, he seemed to them to give up the Ghost, whereupon at the sudden crying out and bewailing him of his friends, he came to himself, and now seeing no more hope of recovery, he commanded 50 drachmes to be given to every souldier, and having used much liberality to his Cap∣tains and friends he returned again to Jericho. [ibid.]

When Augustus had heard that among the children that Herod the King of the Jews had commanded to be killed within two years old, that there was a son also of his own killed also Said. It was better to be Herods hog than his son. thus Macrobius re∣lates. [lib. 2. Saturnal. cap. 4.]

Herod by an edict calls together from every place to Jericho, [Year of the World 4001] the most noble of the Jews, and shuts them up in a place called the Hippodram, giving command to his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, that as soon as he was dead they should cause the souldiers to kill all those that were shut up, seeking only this, that the people should have cause of sorrow, otherwise they would rejoyce at the death of their King they hated so much. [Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 8.]

Letters came from Rome, from the Embassadours that were sent to Caesar, in which was signified, that Acme was put to death by Caesar in a displeasure, because she had been of Antipaters conspiracy, and that Antipater himself was left to his fathers plea∣sure, either to banish him or to put him to death. Herod having heard these things is a little cheered, but presently being afresh tormented, and greedy of meat, he called for an apple and a knife to pare it, and when he thought to have stabbed himself, Achialus his nephew prevented him, and calling for help, held his right; hand and a great sorrow with fear and tumult struck the whole pallace, as if Herod had been dead. [Id. lib. 17. cap. 9.]

When Antipater perceived that noise, thinking certainly that his father had been dead, he began to temper with his keeper about letting of him out, promising him many things both in present and for the future when it lay in his power: which practise the Keeper told the King, who for very anger cryed out, and although he was so neer death yet ra••ised himself up in his bed, and commanded one of his guard, to go presently and to put Antipater to death, and that he should be buried in the Castle of Hyrcanion without any honour. [id. ibid.]

Then changing his mind he made a new testament, for Antipas who before he had made his successour of the Kingdome, he made him Tetrarch of Galilee and Petrea, but gave the Kingdome to Archelaus, and assigned to his son Philip the regions of Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, Batanaea and Pancada in the name of a Tetrarchy, to Salome his sister he gave Jamnia, Azotus and Phasaelis with 500000 drachmes to the rest of his kindred he gave money and yearly pensions. To Caesar he gave 10000000 of drachmes of silver, and all his plate aswell gold as silver, and a great quantity of pre∣cious moveables. To Liria Caesars wife and to some certain friends 5000000 of drach∣mes. [id. ib. cap. 10.]

Herod having ordered these things five daies after he had put to death Antipater,

he died himself, having enjoyed the kingdom 34 years after he had killed Antigonus▪ but from the time that he was declared King by the Romans 37 years, [Id. ibid. & belli. 1. cap. ult.] about the 25 of our November: viz. the 7 of the moneth Cis••e••; which is therefore accounted a Joyful and Festival•• day, because in that day Herod died who hated all wise men: as Edward Liveley a most learned man, noted in his Chrono∣logy, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the Volume of the Fast.

Salome and Alexas, before the Kings death was known, sent all those home that were shut up in the Hypodrome, saying That he had so commanded, that they should go into the Country and follow their businesses. [Joseph. l••b. 17. cap. 10.]

Then was the Kings death declared, and all the souldiery called into the Theater of Jericho, and there they first read the Kings letters to the souldiers, in which giving them thanks for their fidelity and love to him, he desires them that they would do the like for his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed to be his Successour in the king∣dom. Then Ptolemy the keeper of the Kings Seale, read his Testament, which he would not have to be ratified without Caesars consent. Then was there a shout for joy that Archelaus was King, and the souldiers came flocking in with their Captains a∣bout him, and promised that they would keep the same faith and affection to him as they had done to his father, praying God to prosper him in his Raign. Then was the Kings Funerals most royally prepared by Archelaus, [Ibid.]

Herod being dead who sought the life of the young Child Jesus, [The Julian Period. 4711] the Angel of the Lord appearing to Joseph in a dream in Egypt, [Year before Christ 3] commanded that he should return with the young Child and his Mother into the land of Israel: who being awakened per∣forms what was injoyned him, [Matt. II. 19, 20, 21.]

Joseph coming into the land of Israel, when he heard that Archelaus raigned in Judea in the roome of his father Herod, he feared to go thither, and being warned of God in a dream, he departed into the parts of Galilee (the Tetrarchy of which his fa∣ther Herod had given to Antipas by his will) and there dwelt in the City Nazareth: from whence Jesus took the name of Nazarene, [Mat. II. 22, 23.] and the Christians of Nazarenes, [Acts, XXIV. 5.]

Herods body is carried in a Funeral pompe 200 furlongs from Jericho, to the Castle Herodion, where he himself had appointed to be buried, [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. ult. fin.] they going each day but eight fu••longs (or an Italian mile) as may be gathered out of the 17 book of Antiquit. cap. 10.) He was carried in a golden Licter, set with precious Stones, bearing cloth of Purple: his body also was cloathed with Purple; then was a Diadem put on his head, and also over him a Crown of Gold, and a Scepter in his right hand: his son, and kinsfolke marched about the Licter: then followed the souldiers, marshalled according to their Nations, then 500 servants bearing persumes, [Id. lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. 10.]

The ceremony of the Funerals being ended, Archelaus coming to Jeresalem, solem∣nized the mourning for his father seven dayes, after the custom of the Jews; and at the end of the ••ourning, made a Funeral Banq••et to the multitude. Then going up into the Temple, wheresoever he went he was entertained with gratulatory acclama∣tions; then ascending into an higher place, and sitting on a golden Throne, he graci∣ously speakes unto the people, promising them very fairly; but withal said, That he would not take the name of King upon him, until Caesar had confirmed his fathers testament: and after the sacrifices were ended, he banqueted with his friends, [Id. ibid.]

Then there was a sedition raised by their friends, whom Herod had put to death for throwing down the golden Eagle; who then cast reproaches upon the dead King, demanding some of his friends also to be punished; and moreover desired that Joazar the High Priest might be turned out of the Priesthood: whom when Archelaus sought to appease, but in vain, the matter came to that passe, that about the Feast of the Passe∣over, Archelaus sent the whole army against them, where 3000 men were killed by the Horsemen about the Temple, the rest saving themselves in the adjoyning moun∣tains, [Id. lib. 17. cap. 11.]

Then Archelaus goes down to the Sea with his mother (Malthace a Samaritane) to sail unto Caesar, taking along with him Nicholas Damascene, and Ptolomy (Herods Agent) and many other of his friends: committing his family and kingdom to the trust of his brother Philip. Salome also the sister of Herod went with him, who took with her all her children. Others also of his kindred followed him, as if it were to la∣bour to get the regal dignity for Archelaus, but indeed to withstand him, and to accuse him for that fact that was committed in the Temple [Ibid.]

As Archelaus was going with this company, he was met by Sabinus Caesars Agent in Syria that was posting into Judea to take charge of Herods money, whom Varus the Governour of Syria opportunely meeting him, retained, for Archelaus had sent for him by Ptolemy. So that he in favour of the Governour, neither seized upon the For∣tresses

Judea, nor sealed up the Kings Treasures, leaving all things in Archelaus his possession, till Caesar should determine something concerning them, and having pro∣mised these things, he tarried at Caesarea: but after Archelaus set sail for Rome, and Varus was gone to Antioch, he then went to Jerusalem and seized upon the Palace: and then calling before him the Captains of the Castles, and the Kings Agents, de∣manded the accounts from them, and that the Castles should be delivered over to him; but the Governours receded not from Archelaus his commands, but kept all things as they were until the Kings return, pretending they kept them for Caesar, [Ibid.]

At the same time Antipas the son of Herod sailed to Rome, with a hope to get the kingdom for himself, to which he was excited by Salome, as if he were to be preferred before Archelaus, because he was appointed the Successour of the kingdom, by He∣rods first testament, which ought to be of more validity than the second. He carried with him also his mother (Cleopatra that was borne at Jerusalem) and Ptolemy the brother of Nicholas Damascene one of Herods chief friends, and one that favoured his title: but especially Irenaeus an Orator, and eloquent man, and one that was con∣versant in the Kings businesses, put him most forward to affect the kingdom. After Antipas was come to Rome, all the kinsmen fell to him, for the hatred they bore to Archelaus; Sabinus also in the letters he wrote to Caesar, accused Archelaus, [Ibid.]

Archelaus by Ptolemy exhibited a petition to Caesar containing his own right, and the accounts of Herods money that was sealed up. Caesar when he had read the pe∣tition, and also Varus and Sabinus his letters, called his friends to council, giving the first place in the Council, to Caius the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julia, whom he had now adopted; there then Antipater the son of Salome, a very eloquent man speakes against Archelaus, to whom Nicholas Damascene answered in his defence, who having finished his discourse, Archelaus fell down at Caesars feet, whom he cur∣teously raised up, and pronounced that he was worthy of the kingdom, pretending that he would do nothing unlesse it were prescribed in his fathers testament, or that should be profitable for Archelaus; and seeing the young man confirmed in some hope by his promise, he determined nothing more at that time, [Ibid.]

Varus coming from Antioch to represse the tumults that were raised in Judea after Archelaus his departure, punished the authours of the sedition; and the sedition being for the most part appeased, he returning le••t one Legion in Jerusalem, that he might take away all occasion of innovation from the Jews: but as soon as ever he was gone, Sabinus Caesars Agent there, having the command of those Forces that were left there, and now thinking himself equal to the people, he endeavoureth to seize upon the Castles, and forceably to make search after the Kings coine, for his private lucre and covetousnesse sake. [Ibid.]

To the Feast of Pentecost came many thousands, not so much for Religion sake, as to be revenged of Sabinu••, not onely from Judea which was more greviously offended, but from Galilee, and also from Idumaea; and from Jericho, and from Towns that were beyond Jordan: and fiercely assaulted Sabinus, dividing their Camp into three Brigades. Against whom the Roman souldiers valiantly opposing themselves, and killing many of them, entred the Treasure-house of the holy Treasure, a good part of which the souldiers stole, but there was openly brought 400 talents of that prey to Sa∣binus: him a company of the most warlike Jews besiged in the Palace; but Rufus and Gratus who had under their command 3000 men of the most warlike and stout of Herods souldiers joyn themselves with the Romans. For all this the Jews never the more slowly followed the assault, and undermining the walls, and exhorting their ad∣versaries to depart, promising them quarter; whose liberal offer Sabinus suspecting, would not withdraw his souldiers, still expecting succour from Varus, [Ibid.]

In this state of things, there were divers other tumults raised in Judea in divers other places; because the Nation had not a King of their own that might continue the mul∣titude in their duty by wholesome laws. For 2000 men, who had served under Herod, but then dismissed to live at home, assembled themselves together, set upon those of the Kings faction, against whom Archiabus Herods Nephew, and General for the King, made head; and not daring to meet them in a place of equal advantage, as being old and expert souldiers, he defended himself and his party (as well as he could) in fast∣nesse and places of difficult accesse. [Ibid.]

Judas (the son of Ezechias that arch-thief, who in former time was with so much labour overthrown by Herod) having gathered a Band of desperate fellows at Sepho∣ris, a City of Galilee, made incursions into the Kings Dominion; and having taken the Kings Armory, he armed all his souldiers, and seized also upon the Kings Treasure in those places: whereupon he began to be a terrour to the Inhabitants: he spoiled all that fell into his clutches. He aspired also to the kingdom, not by lawful means, of

which he was wholly ignorant, but by a liberty to do injury. [Ibid.] For whereas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Hebrews, is the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Syrians, from whence comes Judas and Thaddeus. [Luke. VI. 16. with Mark III. 18.] And much rather Theudas, the same name plainly comes: This Judas seems to be no other than Theu∣das, of whom [Acts V. 36.] Gamaliel speaks: Before these times rose up Theudas, boasting himself to be some body, to whom a number of men, about 400, joyned themselves, who were slain, and all as many as obeyed him, were scattered and brought to nought.

Simon also, a Servant of King Herods, a man otherwise esteemed among all men, for his comlinesse, stature, and strength, durst venture upon the Crown; and being attended by a mighty company, and proclamed King by them, who were an unbridled multitude, perswaded himself that he was fit to be a King, rather than any other. He began his Kingdom by plundering and burning the Kings Palace at Jericho; and then burning other Palaces, and giving the plunder to them of his own ••action: he had also done more licentious prancks, if he had not been spedily prevented: for Gratus, the Captain of the Kings Souldiers, who then followed the Roman party, ma••ched with his forces against Simon, where, after a fierce conflict, they on the other side of Jordan fighting in disorder, and rather with courage than skill, were overcome. Gratus also took Simon, as he was flying through a narrow passage, and cuts off his head. So Josephus, [ut supra.] For Tacitus refers this rather to Varus, in the 5 lib. of his History, [cap. 5.] writing thus of this Simon. After the death of Herod, one Simon makes himself King, without so much as looking for Caesars consent, but he is punished by Varus, the Govnrnour of Syria.

At Amatha, also by Jordan, a royal Palace of the Kings, was burnt by such a rabble of men as Simon had. Athronges also, an obscure Shepherd formerly, and onely famous for his huge stature and strength; he also took upon him the regal dignity. He had four brothers that were of of like stature and strength, upon whom, as his Lieutenants, he gave charge of the multitude that came flocking to him, when there was any wars. He himself wearing a Crown, did consult what was to be done, but he kept the sole command in his own hands. The power of this man endured long, (for he was not a King for nought) until he was brought under the power of Archelaus, be∣ing returned from Rome. Joseph. lib. 1. 7. cap. 12.]

Athronges his cruelty reached most especially against the Romans, and the kings party, for he hated them alike. His forces surprised a Cohort about Emmaus, as it was carrying Victual and Ammunition to the army, and killed with their Darts Arius, a a Centurio••, with 40 of his stoutest Foot; the rest looking to be served no better, Gratus coming with the kings souldiers, rescued, but there left the dead bodies. [Ibid.]

Quintilius Varus knowing the danger that Sabinus was in by his letters, fearing the utter overthrow of the third Legion, he takes with him the two others, (for at the uttermost there were but three in all Syria) and four Troups of Horse, and the aides of the Kings and Tetrarchs, and hasteth into Judea, to succour the besieged, having commanded those that were sent before, to meet him at P••olemais, and passing by the City of the Berythians, he receiveth 1500 Auxiliaries from them. Antu•• also the Pe∣trean, being a friend to the Romans, even for the hatred he bare to Herod, sent him good store both of Horse and Foot. [Ibid.]

After all the army was come together to Ptolomais, Varus delivered part of it to his son, and to one of his friends, to march against the Galileans, that bordered upon Pto∣lemais; who entring the Country, put all to flight that durst make head against him, and took the City Sephoris; and having sold all the inhabitants at an outcry, he set the City on fire. [Ibid.]

Varus himself went towards Samaria with the army, but did no harm to the City, because he knew it had not been wrapt in the sedition: but he pitched his Camp in a certain Village, that was called Aras, which was the possession of Ptolemy: this the Arabians burnt, hating his friends, for the hatred they bare to Herod. Then march∣ing on, they came to Sampho, which the Arabians first spoiled, and then burnt, al∣though it was wel fortified: in all that march they put all to fire and sword, but Emmaus was burnt by the command of Varus, in revenge of his Souldiers that were there slain, but the inhabitants had first forsaken it. [Ibid.]

Then when they came nigh to Jerus••lem, the Jews which besieged the Romans on that side, as soon as ever they saw the army approaching, being affrighted, fled, and gave over the assault they had begun: but those of Jerusalem being grievously repro∣ved by Varus, excused themselves, that the people indeed were gathered together in regard of the feast, but that the war arose not with their consent, but by the boldnesse of the strangers that came thither; and already there had gone out to meet Varus, Josephus, a Nephew of King Herods, Gratus and R••••••s with their Souldiers, and the Romans that had susteined the siege: but Sabinus would not come in sight, but steal∣ing

privately out of the City, hasted unto the seaward. [Ibid.]

Then Varus sending part of his army throughout all the Country, sought out the authours of this sedition, whom having found he punisheth, some as guilty, and some were let go free: but there were about 2000 crucified for this cause. After this he dismissed his army, of which he had no more use; and those also, who contrary to his m••nd, had committed many outrages for meer lucres sake. And hearing that there were 1000 Jews gathered together, he hastens to apprehend them: but they not da∣ring to stand the brunt, yielded themselves by Achiabus his advice. Varus then pardon∣ed the common people for their sedition, but sent the ring-leaders to Caesar, and so all things being reduced to peaee, he left the same Legion in Jerusalem in Garison, and so returned to Antioch. [Ibid.]

Malthace, the mother of Archelaus, dyed of a sicknesse at Rome. [Ibid.]

Caesar having received Varus his letter, concerning the revolt of the Jews, he pardoned the rest of the Captains of the seditions, and onely punished some of King Herods kinsmen, because that neither for kind••ed sake, nor yet for justice sake they had abstained from rebellion. [Ibid.]

There came at the same time, by Varus his permission, an Embassie of the Jews, desiring that they might live after their own laws: the Embassadours were about 50, to whom there joyned themselves about 8000 Jews that dwelt at Rome. When therefore Caesar had called a Council of his friends and chief Citizens into the Temple of Apollo, which he had built to his mighty charge: thither came the Embassadours, a multitude of the Jews following them, and Archelaus came also with his comp••ny. Philip also was there, who came by Varus his advice out of Syria, both that he might be an advocate for his brother, to whom Varus wished well, and also that in the division of Herods Kingdom, he might get some share. The Embassadours therefore having leave so speak, they began their discourse from the accusation of Herod and Arche∣laus, and then desired that they might have no more Kings, but that the form of the Common-wealth might be changed, and be annexed to Syria, and that they might obey the Governours sent them from Rome: to which objections, when Nicholas Damascen had answered both for Herod that was dead, and for Archelaus that was present, Caesar brake up the councel. [Ibid.]

A few daies after, Caesar declared Archelaus not King indeed, but made him Lord of half part of that dominion that was left him by his father Herod, but promised him a Kingdom, if he behaved himself as might deserve a Kingdom: to him belonged Judea and Idumea, and besides these Samaria, to which, by the command of Caesar, a fourth part of their tribute was remitted, because that they kept themselves in peace, when the rest were in sedition, in his government these Cities were comprehended, the Tower of Straton, Sebaste, Joppe, Jerusalem; for Gaza, Gadara, and Hippon were Cities which followed the lawes of Greece, for which cause Caesar had dismem∣bred them and annexed them to Syria. Yet there accrewed to Archelaus 600 talents out of his own dominion. [id. ibid. cap. 13.]

Caesar divided the other half of Herods dominion to two other, two of Herods sons, to Herod Antipas befell Gal••lee, with the little Country of Petraea, (but a most fertile one and lieth beyond Jordan, between the two lakes of Tiberias and Asphaltites,) the yearly revenue of which were 200 talents, to Philips lot befell Ba••anaea, Trachonitis and Auranitis, with a certain part of the palace of Zenodorus, (as they call it) which paid yearly a 100 talents, to Salome also beside the Cities that were left her by her brother Jamnia Azotus and Phasaelis, and half a million of silver; Caesar gave her a palace in Ascalon, she also received from the places that were subject to her sixty ta∣lents, and dwelt in the dominion of Archelaus: the rest of Herods kindred received what was bequeathed by his testament; also two of Herods daughters that were virgins besides what their father left them, received from the bounty of Caesar a quarter of a million of silver, and were married to the sons of Pheroras, yea and all the Kings le∣gacy amounting to the sum of 1500 talents he gave to his sons, keeping for him∣self but a few moveables, not so much for the value, as for the memory of his friend. [id. ibid.]

Thus the children of Herod governed the Nation being thus restrained in a three∣fold division, saith Tacitus [lib. 5. cap. 9.] to whom Strabo is to be added, wri∣ing thus of his children, Some of them he put to death himself, as being assailed by their treachery, others at his death he left his successours, assigning to every one his portion. Caesar also highly honoured Herods children, and his Sister Salome, and Berenice the daughter of Salome.

A certain young man, a Jew of mean parentage, brought up in Sidon, with a Ro∣man libertiae, that resembled Alexander the son of Herod in the face, feignes him∣self to be he, who was delivered from death with his brother Aristobulus by the means

of a certain friend of his keeper, being induced to feign this by a certain cunning im∣postour, that was very well acquainted in Herods palace, being instructed by this fellows cunning and deceits, when he had sailed into Crete, he perswaded all the Jews that came in conference with him this thing was so, and having got store of money from them, he sailed into the Island Melus, where he got huge store of money under pretext that he was of the Kings stock, and now hoping that he should recover his fathers Kingdome, he hasted to Rome, his friends accompanying him, and when he had sailed to Puteoli, he was there likewise received with he same favour by the decei∣ved Jews, and as he was coming to Rome, all the multitude of the Jews that lived there came out to meet him, when this news was brought to Caesar, he sent thither Ce∣ladus one of his freemen that was very well in former time acquainted with the young men, commanding him that he should bring Alexander into his presence, which thing he did, but was no wiser than the rest in knowing him, but, yet he did not deceive Caesar, who sent this false Alexander when he had confessed his imposture to the gal••ies because he was of a strong body, and caused the other that induced him to this fraud to be put to death. [Joseph. lib. 17. cap. 19.]

Archelaus being returned into his government in Judea, [Year of the World 4002] takes away the Priesthood from Ioazar, the son of Boethus (or his grandchild by his son Simon) accusing him that he had favoured the seditions, and placed that dignity upon his brother Elcazar. [Id. ib. cap. 15.]

Augustus brought his son Lucius (in his 13. Consulship) into the Court. [The Julian Period. 4712] [Sueton. in cap. 26.] [Year before Christ 2] conferring the same honours upon him that he had conferred three years be∣fore upon his brother Caius, which the coines do testifie, in which were the Effigies of Caius and Lucius, with Bucklers and Spears, with this inscription. C. L. CAESA∣RES. AUGUSTI. F. COS. DES. PRINCIPES. JUVENT. (i.e.) Caius and Lucius Caesars, the Sons of Augustus, designed Consuls, Princes of youth.

In the same XIII Consulship, he shews in a Monument of Ancyra, that he gave 60 pence to the common people that received corn of the publick, adding withall, that they were not little above 200000, which very thing is also found in Xyphiline, in his collections out of Dio, unlesse that for 60 pence, which the Greeks call drachmes, the Latine in∣terpreter put 240 pence, I know not by what incogitancy.

Augustus himself and Gallus Caninius being Consuls, satisfied the minds and eies of the people of Rome, with shews of combatants with their swords and seafights, [Vellei▪ Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 100.] with Hyeronym. in Chronico. these shews being exhibited he brought water into the Cirque, in which there were thirty crocodiles killed. [Xiph. ex Dione.]

He exhibited also a naval fight, hollowing the ground about Tiber, in that place where afterward was Caesars Grove. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap, 43.] The length of which place so hollowed, was 1800 foot, and the breadth 200, in which 30 beaked ships, and many Gallies, and lesser hoyes combated, as in the Breviary of his doings, graven in the Marble of Anoyra, Augustus himself shews of this sea fight, as but newly set forth, Ovid makes mention of this in the first book of his Art.

Quid modo, cum belli navalis imagine Caesar Persidas induxit Cecropidasque rates? [The Julian Period. 4706] Nempe ab utroque mari juvenes, [Year before Christ 8] ab utroque puellae Venere; atque ingens orbis in urbe fuit.

What, Caesar when, like a sea-fight by land, Made th'Persian and Cecropian beaks the sand To ride? He brought both men and maids from th'main, And made the City all the World retain.

There was occasion of businesse to Augustus in the East from the Armenians, he intending his plaies at Rome, Pompeius had only accustomed them to this only kind of servitude, that they should receive their Governours from Rome, but now they had expulsed Artarasdes (or Artabazes) whom Augustus had set over them upon this title, and had substituted Tigranes in his place, and for the defending of this revolt, they called the Parthians to their aid, and so Armenia withdrawing it self to them, and the Parthians leaving the alliance of the Romans, laies hold on Armenia. [Florus lib. 4. cap. 12. Velleius. Paterculus. lib. 2. cap. 100. Tacitus. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 3. Dio. in Zonara, & excerptis a Fulv. Vrsino Edit. legat. 39. Sextus. Rufus in. breviario.]

Augustus brings Caius and Lucius as yet very young into some charge in the com∣monwealth, and sent them about the provinces and armies, they being designed

Consuls, [Sueton, in Octavio, cap. 64.] Whence we read in Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap, 101.] That Caius went about the Provinces (ad sidendum) to settle them, where Beatus Rhenanus thinks it should be read (ad sedandum) to quiet them; and Justus Lipsius thinks (ad visendum) to visit them. And that this is the best reading, that place of Dion shews, in the collections set forth by Henricus Valesius, [pag. 665.]

Caius Caesar going about as they were wont to do in peace, viewed the Legions that were incamped by the River Ister; for he had never any command in the wars: not that there was not any war at that time, but because he had learned the arts in peace and security, while the dangers of the war were committed to others manag∣ment.

At Rome in the very year that Augustus set forth the Shews of the Combatants both at land and sea, there brake out a filthy and horrible disaster in his own house; for his daughter Julia altogether unmindful either of the greatness of her father or husband, left nothing undone in luxury and lust that it was possible for a woman to do or suffer; for she measured the greatness of her fortune by her liberty in sinning, accounting every thing lawful that pleased her, [Velle••. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 100.] Yea she came to that height of laciviousnesse, that she kept her mighty feastings in the very Courts of Ju∣stice, abusing those Courts with lascivious acts in which her father had made the law a∣gainst adulteries. Whereupon her father was so inraged that he could not contain his anger within his own house, but published these things, yea, and communicated them with the Lords of the Senate, [Seneca, de Beneficiis, lib. 6. cap. 32. Dio. in Xiphil. epitome, & Excerptis, Valesi••, pag. 665.] onely he was not present, but in a note that was read by the Questour, made the thing known to the Senate. He kept himself also from any company a long time for very shame; he was thinking also of putting his daughter to death. [Sueton, in Octavio.] At last she was banished into Pandataria an Island of Campania: her mother Scribonia of her own accord accompanying her in her banishment, [Vellei. Patercul. & Dio. ut supra.] who being divorced from Caesar that very day in which she was delivered of her, L. Martius, and C. Sabinus, being Consuls, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 377.] to wit, the year of the Julian account, 4675. So that Julia was 38 years old at that time, and that she was not yonnger than that age, we understand out of Macrobius, [lib. 2. Saturnal. cap. 5.]

Tiberius being in Rhodes, and hearing that his wife Julia was condemned for her lusts and adulteries, and that a divorce was sent her in his name by the command of Augustus, although he was glad at heart, yet he thought it his duty, as much as in him lay, by frequent letters to beg him that he would forgive his daughter, and that he would grant her, although she had deserved very ill, yet whatsoever he had given her. [Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 11.]

When Augustus heard that the Armenians were revolted, and that they were aided by the Parthians, he was grieved at it, and doubted what to do; for he could not ma∣nage the war himself because of his old age; and Tiberius had withdrawn himself, neither durst he trust any of the more powerful Citizens: Caius and Lucins were young and unfit for such matters; but yet necessity compelling him, he chose Caius, making him Proconsul, and marrying him, that by this means he might seem to have more honour, and more friends to give him counsel, [Zonarus, ex Dione.] His wives name was Lollia Paulina, [Sueton, in Claudio, cap. 26.] either the daughter or neice of Mar∣cus Lollius, [Plin. lib. 9. cap. 35. Solin. cap. 53.] Whom he would have to be either Governour or Moderatour of Caius his youth, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 102. Sueton in Tiberio, cap. 12.]

When he was providing for this Expedition, Ovid wrote 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in his first book; adding this to the mention of the Sea-fight that was but newly ended.

Ecce parat Caesar domito quod defuit orbi Addere: nunc Oriens ultime noster eris. Parthe dabis poenas: Crassi gaudete sepulti, Signaque barbaricas non bene passa manus. Ultor adest, primisque ducem profitetur in annit; Bellaque non puero tractat agenda puer.

Caesar prepares with courage to subdue Of the whole World th' onely unconquer'd crew; Now must the Parthian by him overcome, Receive chastisments, and observe his doom. Rejoyce you buried Crassians, what you lost, Revengfully is taken to their cost: By one, though Captain young, yet shews the World, Such high atcheivements cannot be control'd.

Adding a little after:

Auspiciis annisque patris puer arma movebis; Et vinces annis auspiciisque patris. Tale rudimentum tanto sub nomine debes; Nunc juvenum princeps, deinde future senum.

With fathers fate and gravity renown'd, Thou fighting shalt with victory be crown'd: Such expectation doth thy name obtain, Though now of young, a Prince of old thoul't raign.

He that was so ill a Prophet in conjecturing what should come to passe, was not much out of the way in setting down the just year of Caius his age. For his father Augustus was nineteen years old when he gathered his army: as it hath been shewed before out of the Ancyran Marble: and Caius was now entered into the nineteenth year of his age, when he provides for the Armenian and Parthian war, so that he was Comman∣der to war just at the same age that his father had been.

The Emperour Augustus sent before Dionysius a most excellent Geoprapher into the East, to make a Commentary of all things, for his elder son that was to go into Armenia, about the affairs of Parthia and Arabia: as we read in Pliny, [lib. 6. cap. 27.] Whether it was that famous Dionysius whose Periegesis is extant in Greek Verse, or Dionysius the son of Diogenes of whom Marcianus Heracleota in his first book of Periplus, saith, that he set forth the dimension of the Earth.

That Caius Caesar had Armenia for his Province, saith Tacitus, [lib. 2. Annal. cap. 3. lib. 3. cap. 48.] That he was sent into Syria, saith Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 101.] That he was made Governour of the East, saith Suetonius, [in Tiberio, cap. 12.] That he was sent by Augustus to order the Provinces of Egypt and Syria O••osius, [lib. 7. cap. 3.] Pliny in the end of the 27 chapter of the sixth book, citeth Volumes of King Juba written to the same Caius concerning the Expedition into Arabia, and in the following chapter adding, that Caius had onely an eye upon Arabia, but never made any Expedition thither.

As soon as Phraates the King of the Parthians heard of the warlike provision that Caius made against the Barbarians, with an Apology for those things that were done and desiring peace: to whom Caesar answering by letters, commanded him to leave Armenia; but Tigranes at that time sent no Embassie to him. [Dio. legat. 39. in Ex∣cerptis, ab Vrsin. edit.]

Tiberius, [The Julian Period. 4713] the time of his Tribuneship being over, [Year before Christ 1] at length confessed that he by his retirement went onely to shun all suspicion of envy between himself and Caius an•• Lucius. He requested, that seeing there was no danger concerning that businesse, they being grown men, and next in authority to the Emperour, that he would give him leave to see again his alliances, whom he had a great desire to see: but this would no be granted, and he was moreover warned, that he should lay aside all care of them, woom he had left so desireously, [Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 11.]

He tarried therefore at Rhodes against his will, scarce obtaining so much at hi•• mothers intreaties, that to cover the ignominy he might be there as a Li••utenant to Augustus. Neither lived he onely a private life, but in danger and fear, lying hid 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the middest of the Island, to shun the services of them that sailed by, [Id. ibid. 12.]

Caius going to the Armenian war, Tiberius crossed over to Chius to present his service to him, purging himself of all suspitions, and was very humble not onely to Caius, but also to his followers, [Xiphil. & Zonar. ex Dion.] although Velleius flatter∣ing Tiberius as he doth alwayes, writes that Caius gave all honour to Tiberius as his superiour, [lib. 2. cap. 101.] Suetonius writes that Tiberius went not to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but Samos, for to see his son in law Caius, and that he found him much alienated from him thorough the false accusations of Marcus Lollius, [ut supra. cap. 12.]

He came also into suspition thorough some Centurions of his allowance, who going from the meeting to the Camp again, seemed to have given doubtful commands to many, and which might tempt the minds of many to innovations; of which suspition being certified by Augustus, he continually desired of him that he would send one to him, of what rank soever to be an Overseer of his words and deeds. He left off also his usual riding, and his other martial excercises, and went in his coat, and shooes, lay∣ing aside his Country habit: and in that fashion lived he at Rhodes two years, every day more contemned and more hated, [Sueton in Tiberio, cap. 12.]

Caius passing by Judea, scorned to worship at Jerusalem, which Augustus, as soon as he knew of from himself much commended. Suetonius relates this, [in Octa. cap. 93.] and out of him Orosius, [lib. 7. cap. 3.] adding that Caius coming out of Egypt, passed by the borders of Palestine.

Zonaras relates out of Dion. That Caius coming from thence into Syria, did no∣thing worthy fame. Velleius Paterculus saith, That he behaved himself so variously, that there wanted not matter for any that would either praise him or dispraise him. [lib. 2. cap. 110.] But that through the greatness and majesty of the Roman name, he quieted all things, saith Sextus Rusus in his Breviary.

Quirinus being returned to Rome, married that generous woman Lepida, intended sometime for wife for Lucius, and to be daughter in law to Augustus, whom yet after twenty years (C. Marcus Valerius Messala, and Marcus Aurelius Cotta being Consuls) in the year of the Per. Julian. 4733. he divorced, accusing her that she had prepa∣red poison for him. [Sueton. in Tiberio. cap. 49. with Tacit. lib. 3. Annal. cap. 22, 23.]

When Augustus in those forementioned letters had plainly called him Phraates, not calling him King, he was not a whit terrified, but prou••ly wr••••••ing back again, and calling himself King, called Augustus nothing but Caesar. [Dio. in Xephilin. & Legat. ••9. Vrsin. edit.] But when he knew that Caius was come into Syria, and suspected that for the hatred his subjects bare him, things would not be quiet at home, he made a peace with Caius, upon this condition, That he should leave off prete••sions to Arme∣nia. [X••philin. ex Dion.] From whence it is read in the seventh book of Eutropius, That Augustus received Armenia from the Parthians. And in the Chronicle of Eusebius, it is said that Caius Caesar made peace with the Parthians.

When Artabazes, or Artavasdes, was dead of a disease, Tigranes sent presents to Augustus, for joy that his enemy was taken away, and not writing himself King, begged the Kingdom of him. Augustus moved with these things, and fearing the Parthian war, both accepts of his presents, and commands him with some hope to go into Syria to C••••us. So Dion in Excerptis legat. a Fulvio. Ursin. Edit. Sextus Rusus in Breviar. saith. That the Armenians that were then stronger than the Parthians, yielded themselves to Caius: and if you will hear forwards. The Armen••ans being joyned with the Parthians, are easily overcome by Caius Augustus his help. The Armenians thinking it more profitable to be reconciled to the friendship of the Romans, and to live in their own Country, than to joyn with the Parthians, loose their Country, and have the enmity of the Romans.

THe first year of the Vulgar Christian account, [Year of the World 4004] of which we now reckon this 1653. [The Julian Period. 4714] begins here, [Year after Christ 1] in which Caius Caesar being twenty years old, five years after he was brought into the market-place, was Consul in the East, as Pighius in his Annals shews, out of a Marble Table of Naples and Anagna.

This year also Tiberius lived at Rhodes a banished man, under coulour of leading a solitous life, for thus Tacitus rightly censures of it. [Annal. lib. 1. cap. 4.] Whereupon one in a familiar banquet, mention being made of him, promised Caius, that if he would b••d him, he would saile presently to Rhodes, and bring him the head of that banished man, through which, not so much fear, as danger, he was compelled to desire his returne by his own and his mothers (of Livia) most earnest prayers. But Augustus was determined to do nothing concerning this businesse, but according to the pleasure of Caius. [Sueton in Tiberio. cap. 13.]

When Augustus, his Climacterical year being past, solemnised his birth day of 64 years, on the ninth Kalends of October, he wrote this Epistle to Caius. All haile my Caius, my chiefest delight, whom in good faith I alwayes desire, when thou art from me, but especially on such dayes as this is; my eyes alwaies long for Caius, whom wheresoever thou were't, I hope that being merry and in health, thou didst solemnly keep my sixty fourth birth∣day: for thou seest that we have past the sixty third year, the common Climactery of all old men: and I pray the gods, that for the rest of my life that remaineth, I may lead it in an happy estate, for the Common-wealth, you being in health, and quitting your selves like men, and succeeding my place. Out of a book of the Epistles of Augustus to Caius, Aulius Gellius hath preserved this in Noctibus Atticis, lib. 15. cap. 7.

Caius went to a conference with the King of the Parthians, in an Island that the river Euphrates makes; each having the like number with them, the Roman and the Parthian army standing one on this side the other on that side, first the Parthian was feasted by Caius on the Roman shoar, and then Caius by the Parthian on the Parthian shoar, which sight Velleius Paterculus writes that he happened to see when he first began to pay, being Tribune of the souldiers. [lib. 2. cap. 101.]

At that time the anger of Caius Caesar divulged the perfidious, subtile and cunning councells of Marcus Lollius, which were declared unto him by the Parthian, [id. ibid.

cap. 102.] for being defamed for taking bribes of the Kings, and for robbing all the Countries of the East, he forbad him his friendship: although his own wife the daughter or neice of this Lollius is said to have gained a gown beset with pearl, va∣lued at 400 Seste••tium's, [Plin. lib. 9. cap. 35. Solin. cap. 55.] but by how much Caius was the more offended with Lollius, by so much the more he shewed himself gentle and exo••able to his father in law Tiberius. [Sueton. in Tib. cap. 13.]

The death of Lollius which was within few dayes after, Velleius Paterculus, who in those places professeth he knoweth not whether it were bychance, orvoluntary, although Pliny and Solinus affirm that he died by poison taken; Velleius saith that all men did as heartily rejoyce at this mans death, as the City mourned, that Censorinus died a lit∣tle after in those Provinces, a man born to deserve all mens friendship. [lib. 2. cap. 102.] It seems that C. Martius was this Censorinus, that offered the request of the Jews of Cyrene and of Asia to Augustus, in Josephus. [Antiquit. lib. 16. cap. 10.]

Quirinius is made Governour to Caius Caesar, [Year of the World 4005] in the room of Lollius, [The Julian Period. 4715] who served Tiberius, [Year after Christ 2] living at Rhodes; which Tiberius himself did acknowledge after his death in the Senate, commending the services of Quirinius towards him, and accusing Lollius, as authour of the ill will, and difference between him and Caius Caesar. [Tacit Annal. lib. 3. cap. 48.]

At Caius his permission, Tiberius is recalled, but with condition, that he should bear no office in the Common-wealth. [Sueton in Tiber. cap. 13.]

Tiberius was himself very skillful of that divination that is taken from the stars, he had also Thrasyllus, a Mathematitian in his company, who seeing a ship sailing towards them, a great way off, which brought the news from Livia and Augustus of his return, affirmed that it brought some joy to him, when as truly, because things happened a little hardly to him, and against Thrasillus his predictions, he had intended at that very time as they walked together, to throw him headlong into the sea, as one that was false to him, and knew his secrets. [Id. ibid. cap. 14. X••philin. ex Dione.]

Tiberius therefore having staied seven years at Rhodes, in the eighth year after his departure, returned into his Country, Publius Vineius being Consul, Lucius and Caius being yet alive. [Sueton. ut supra. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 99. & 103.] And being returned to Rome, his son Drusus being brought into the market-place, he presently went from Pompey's house, in the street Carinae, to Mecaenas his gardens in Esquiliae: he wholly gave himself to ease, doing some private courtesies, but not medling with any publick offices. [Sueton. ut supra. cap. 15.]

Then Lucius, as he was about to go to the armies in Spain, died at Marsellis of a sudden death, being a woman of no fame, twenty two moneths before his brother Caius his death. [Florus, lib. 4. cap. ult. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 102. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap: 3. Sueton in Octavio. cap. 65. Zonar. ex Dio.]

After Lucius his death, Augustus would have adopted Tiberius; but he vehe∣mently refused it, fearing the envy of Caius. [Velle. Paterculi, lib. 2. cap. 103.]

Caius entring into Armenia, [Year of the World 4006] at his first entry behaved himself prosperously, [The Julian Period. 4716] a little after Addo, [Year after Christ 3] or Adduus, (he is called also Ador by Strabo) the Governour of Artagera, perswaded that Castle to revolt, who inticing Caius to the wall, as though he would tell him some private businesse, wounded him: but Caesars Captains took it by continual assaulting and dismantled it. [Id. ibid. cap. 102. Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 529. Zonar. ex Dione.]

In Florus [lib. 4. cap. ult.] this story is thus related. Domitius, whom the King had made Governour of Artaxatis feigning a revolt, assailes him as he was perusing a Scrolle, which he had given him as conteining an account of the treasures, he was wounded indeed, but in short time recovered of his wound: but the Barbarians being set upon on every side by the army with sword and fire, into which he threw himself, being wounded, satisfied Caesar that outlived him. Sextus Rufus also followed Florus in his Breviary: but as if the businesse here had been concerning the Parthians, and not concerning the Armenians, he without reason addes, That the Parthians for satisfaction of such a bold attempt, did then first give hostages to Octavianus Caesar, and restored the En∣signes that were taken away under Crassus. Relating all those things to this History of Caius (falsly called Claudius, both here and by Jornandes, and in that writing of the Latines, that Georgius Syncellus transferred into his Greek Chronicle) which Suetonius in Octavia. cap. 21. had written of the Parthians, comprehending both under one, without any account of the times. The Parthians easily yielded up Armenia to (Octavius) claiming it; and restored the military Ensignes to him demanding them, which were taken from M. Crassus and M. Antonius, and moreover offered hostages.

Caius set Ariobarzanes, by birth a Mede, in regard of his rare beauty, both of body and mind, over the Armenians at their desire. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 1.]

Caius by reason of his wound began to be in his body lesse able, and in his mind lesse profitable to the commonwealth, neither wanted he the company of men that by their ••••atte••y fomented his vices, by which he was brought to that passe, that he had rather spend all his time in any corner of the world, than to return to Rome, [Vellei. P••tercul. lib. cap. 102.] for being become more dull through sicklinesse, and a li••her disposition, ••e desired that he might live a private life, at which Augustus be∣ing grieved, advised him that he would return into Italy, and he should do as he would [Zonar. ex Dione.] after much reluctancy and much against his will, he was brought by shipping into Lycia, and died by sicknesse in the City Limyra, [id. & Vellei. Paterc. ut supra.] Tacitus notes that he died as he came from Armenia, being sick of his wound. [Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3.] Sextus Rufus affirmes he died of his wound being re∣turned into Syria, but Suetonins confirmes that he died in Lycia, as doth also Dio and Vellei••s (who being a T••ibune of souldiers, served then under Caius. [in Octavio. cap. 65.]

Augustus was much greived at the death of Caius, for in his letters he complained of Asi••iu•• Pollio, that being his dear friend he had a great supper, when his grief was so fresh and great, to whom Pollio wrote back; I supped after the same fashion, when I lost my son Aterius, would any exact more greif from a friend, than from a father? Marcus Seneca relates this in the proeme of the 4. book of his controver∣sies.

The bodies of Caius and Lucius were brought to Rome by the Captaines, armies, and commanders of every City, and the golden (or silver rather) tergets and spears, that they received from the Knight, when they came to be men, were hung up in the Senate house, [Xiphilin. ex Dion.] although Bellonius relates in the second book of his observations, that the Epitaph of C. Caesar may be seen at Hama or Emesa in Syria: but that his bones were buried at Rome, this Epitaph shews, which is seen before the temple of the Apostles behind the temple of Minerva. OSSA C. CAESARIS AVGVSTI F. PRINCIPIS JUVENTUTIS. i. e. the bones of C. Caesar the son of Augustus prince of youth, [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXXV. 4.] there was a suspicion that both these brothers were taken out of the way by the deceit of their stepmother Livia, (to make away for her son Tiberius to the Empire. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. Zonar. ex Dion.]

Augustu•• is called Lord by the people, which name he did not only not approve, but forbad it by an edict. [Xiphilin. & Zonar. ex Dion. cum Suetonio. in Octavio. cap. 53.]

Three ten years of his principality being now ended, [Year of the World 4007] he took upon him the Empire for ten years more, as it were upon compulsion, who being now become more mild and loather to exasperate the Senatours, would not offend any, any more. [Xiphilin. ex Dione.]

Augustus made Tiberius Nero his partner in the Tribuneship, which he eagerly refused both at home and in the Senate, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 103.] Suetonius saith the Tribuneship was given him for five years, [in Tiberio. cap. 16.] for ten yeares saith Dio. [lib. 55. pag. 556. fin.]

The Jul••an Kalender is set right, [The Julian Period. 4717] the third intercalary day being superfluous, [Year after Christ 4] which had increased by the default of the Roman Priests, was this year in the month of Fe∣bruary omitted, but afterwards Augustus being, High-Priest, commanded that one day in the beginning of every fifth year should be intercalated according to the institu∣tion of Caesar, and for the perpetuall keeping up this order, he commanded that it should be engraved in a brazen table, [Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 14. fin.] from which institution the accounts of all times hereafter took their rise, [Solin. cap. 3.] and no marvell for it was constantly observed even after, till the change of the Kalender made by Pope Gregory XIII in the year 1579. But yet least the faires that were kept by the Romans at the beginning of every ninth day, should fall upon the Kalends of January, one day was added often in the end of the precedent year, beside the custome and taken away again in the following year, that the time might agree with the in∣stitution of Julius Caesar, concerning which businesse Dio is to be consulted. [lib. 48. pag. 377. & lib. 60. pag. 681.]

After five years Augustus brought his daughter Julia from the Island into the con∣tinent, giving her some more gentle conditions: but could never be brought to recall her altogether, and when the Roman people intreated him for her, and were very urgent with him, he used this imprecation openly to them, that they might have such daughters and such wives. [Sueton. Octavio. cap. 65.]

Aeliu•• Ca••••s and Sentius (Sa••urninus) being Consuls on the V. Kalends of July Augustus adopted Tiberi•• Nero, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 102.] swearing before the people that he adopted him for the commonwealths sake, [id. ibid. cap. 104. cum Sueton. in Tiberis. cap. 21.] Marcus Agrippa the brother of Caius and L••cius was

adopted the same day; whom Julia bare after the death of Agrippa. [Vellei. Patercul▪ ibid. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 15.] But Augustus, fea••ing least Tiberius should grow proud, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make some innovation: before he adopted him, he made Tiberius adopt Germanicus, the son of his brother Drusus, although Tiberius had a son of his own. [D••o. lib. 55. pag. 556, 557. cum Sueton. in Tiberio. cap. 15. & Tacit. lib. 1. Annal. cap. 3.]

Immediately after his adoption, Tiberius is sent into Germany, with whom Pater∣culus went and served as a Colonel of Horse, and was a Spectatour of all that he did for nine years together. [Vellei. Patercul. cap. 104, 105. init.]

Ti••erius being sent into Germany, the Embassadours of the Parthians, after they had delivered their Embassie at Rome, are commanded to go into the Province to him, [Sueton. in Tiberio, cap. 16.] for many contending for the kingdom, there came Embassadours from the Noblemen of Parthia, desiring to have a King of one of the three sons of Phraates, that remained Hostages at Rome: and Vonones is preferred before his other brethren, and being aided by Caesar, is joyfully accepted by the Par∣thians for some time. [Id. in Octavio, cap. 21. Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3. Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 2.]

Augustus that he might raise a tax in Italy, accepts of the Proconsulary power, [Dio. lib. 55. pag. 557.]

The Sun was in part ecclipsed, [Year of the World 4008] [Id. ibid. pag. 563.] [The Julian Period. 4718] on the 28 day of March about five of the clock after noon, [Year after Christ 5] as the Astronomical table shews.

Toga Virilis which was the gown that the Romans ware at 18 years old, was given to Marcus Agrippa (Posthumus) who had never injoyed those honours that his brothers (Caius and Lucius) had, [D••o. ibid.]

The Rulers of the Jews as well as of the Samaritanes, [Year of the World 4009] not bro••king the tyranny of Archelaus, [The Julian Period. 4719] accused him to Caesar, [Year after Christ 6] knowing that he had done contrary to his com∣mand, by whom he was commanded to govern his subjects with justice and equ••••. Caesar having heard this was moved with anger, and sent for his Agent that was Re∣sident at Rome, and not vouchsafing to write any thing to Archelaus, commanded him to repair into Judea, and immediately to bring his Master to him, [Joseph. lib. 2. belli. cap. 6. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. ult.]

Archelaus is reported to have had a dream foretelling this misfortune, of nine ears of corn which he saw to be eaten up by oxen. Those ears Simon an Essean interpre∣ted to be nine years of his kingdom, and said that now the end of his government was at hand. The fifth day after the Agent of Archelaus is said to have come into Judea, who finding him banqueting with his friends, told him Caesars pleasure was that he must come and answer the accusation, [Ibid.]

About our November, [Year of the World 4010] on the seventh day of the Jewish moneth Cis••eu, began the tenth year of the raign of Archelaus, (for that which Augustus called ethnarchy, the Jews called a kingdom) ••n which was born to Joseph the Priest, a son named Mat∣thias, (in the tenth year of the raign of Archelaus) as it is in the publick Registers, as F••avious Josephus the Historian the son of this Matthias, relates in the beginning of the book of his life: who for this very cause, thought fit to charge what he had written formerly in his books of the wars of the Jews of the nine years of Archelaus, in his books of Antiquities; substituting in them ten years in his kingdom, and ten ears in his dream: of which amendment there was no ne••d, when as he raigned not many days of his tenth ethnarchy, or kingdom; for he was sent into banishment at the end of that year in which M. Aemiliu•• Lepidus, and L. Aruntius were Consuls; for under their Consul∣ship, Herod of Palestine (which indeed was no other than this Archelaus) being ac∣cused by his brethren, was banished beyond the Alpes, and part of his government confiscated, [as Dio saith in lib. 55. pag. 561.]

Caesar having heard both the accusation and defence of Archelaus, sent him into banishment into Vienna of France, and adjudged both his Country and his treasure to be confiscated. [Joseph. lib. 2. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. ult.] And this is that son of Herod, whom Strabo noted to have lived in exile among the Allobroges of France. [lib. 16. pag. 765.]

Augustus proscribed his only Nephew Marcus Agrippa Posthumus, [The Julian Period. 4720] unlearned in∣deed, [Year after Christ 7] but foolishly fierce out of a pride of his strength, but yet found guilty of no crime, and confiscating all his goods to the military treasury, banished him into Planasia, an Island neer to Corsica. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. D••o. lib. 55. pag. 569, 570.]

The government of Archelaus, that is, Judea, (containing the tribe of Judah and Benjamine) Samaria and Idumea, being reduced into the form of a Province, and annexed to Syria, Quirinius is by Caesar sent as Governour of Syria, that he might tax both it and all Syria, and set a valuation on the Jews estates, sell Archelaus his house, and bring the mony thereof into his own possession. [Joseph. in fin. lib. 17. & initio 18.]

The Jews, although at the first they thought but hardly of the very mention of de∣scription, yet at the perswasion of Joazar the son of Boethus the High-Priest, (who ei∣ther was restored by Archelaus, or else took the Priesthood again in his absence) with∣out much contradiction, they suffered themselves to be taxed. [Id. lib. 28. cap. 1:]

In the time of this tax••ng Judas Galileus arose, and drew away much people after him, he also perished, and all that obeyed him were dispersed, as saith Gamaliel, Acts V. 37. which Judas Josephus in 18. Antiquit. calls the Gaulonite, and saith he was born in the town of Gamala, but in another place with Gamaliel he calls him a Galilean, and writes that he sollicited the people to revolt from the Romans when Quirinius taxed Judea. [lib. 18. cap. 2. & lib. 20, cap. 3.]

This man, Sadoc a Pharisee being his confederate, laboured to stir up the people to rebellion, saying that this taxing was nothing else but a manifest profession of their servitude, exhorting all the nation to stand for their liberty, putting them in hope thereby that they should enjoy their estates, and being confirmed in the possession of them, they should be accounted valiant, neither was help from God to be hoped for, if they did not provide for themselves, these speeches were entertained by the people with great pleasure, and they were encouraged to do something, for it cannot be spoken how those men troubled the nation, for they filled all things with murthers and robberies, for they plundered without any respect of friend or foe, and murthered many noble personages; and all under pretext of defending the publick liberty, but indeed for their privat•• profits sake. Judas and Sadoc were the authours of all these calamities, all that were desirous of noveleies flocking to them, which for the present only distur∣bed not the commonwealth, but was the seed plot of all the future calamities. [Joseph. Antiquit. lib. 18. cap. 1.]

To the three ancient sects of the Jews, (viz. of Pharisees Sadduces and Essenes) this Judas Galilaeus brought in the fourth, whose followers in other things agreeing with the Pharisees, they affirm that God only is to be accounted Lord and Master of all, and would more easily endure most exquisite torments, together with their friends and children, than call any mortall man Lord, [id. ibid. cap. 2.]

Q••irinius having sold and confiscated Archelaus his goods, and gone through with the tax, which happened in the year 37 after the victory at Actium, beginning at Sep∣tember of the former year) there being a sedition of the common people raised a∣gainst Joazar the High-Priest, he deprived him of his dignity and substituted Ananus (or Annas) the son of Seth in his room. [id. ibid. cap. 3.]

Together with Quirinius came Coponius, who was of the order of Knighthood, being sent by Augustus and was the first governour of Judea, after it was reduced into a province, [id. ibid. cap. 7. 11. cum lib. bell. cap. 7. which command of the Governours by him sent thither seems alwaies to have been ended in the space of three yeares.

Coponius being governour of Judea, in the Passeover of this or the following year, when the Priests (as it was the custome alwaies at this feast) had ope∣ned the gates of the temple about midnight, that certain Samaritanes secretly entring Jerusalem, scattered mens bones amidst the porch, and over all the temple, whereby it came to passe, that the Priests kept more diligent watch than they were wont to do before. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]

At the Passeover of this year, Christ in the twelfth year of his age be∣ing brought to Jerusalem by Joseph and Mary, and the seven daies of unleavened bread being ended, his parents returning home, he staied be∣hind; they not knowing where he was, sought him three daies and found him in the temple, sitting in the middest of the Doctours, hearing them and asking them questions: and all that heard him were astonished at his understanding and an∣swers. [Luke. II. 41. 47.]

Jesus went down with his parents to Nazareth, and was obedient unto them, [Luke. II. 51.] followed his fathers trade of a Carpenter, eating his bread in the sweat of his browes, which thing the saying of his fel∣low Citizens of Nazareth doth sufficiently prove? Is not this the Carpen∣ter, the son of Mary. [Marke VI. 3.]

Ovid was banished to Tomos in Pontus, [Year of the World 4012] partly for seeing some disho∣nest act of Augustus, [The Julian Period. 4722] which he would not have been seen; [Year after Christ 9] of which mis∣fortune we read him complaining of in (secundo. libro Tristium ad Au∣gustum.)

Cur aliquid vidi? cur noxia lumina feci? Cur imprudenti cognita culpa mihi est?

Why saw I ought? Why did I guilty make My eyes? This sin why did I, wretch, partake?

Partly for his love books, which he set forth, as it is delivered by Sidonius Apollinaris and others, and which is not obscurely hinted at by himself. [ibid.] But whereas we have shewen before, That he was born in the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, he must at this time be fifty one years old: but the current being neglected, the Poet himself thus sets down the full number of compleat years, in his fourth book Tristum, the last Elegie.

Postque meos ortus Pisaea vinctus oliva Abstulerat decies praemia victor eques; Cum maris Euxini positos ad laeva Tomitas Quaerere me laesi Principis ira jubet.

When twice five times with olive girt the Knight. Had bore away the Prize (his virtues right) When by my Princes rage I had command Of th' Euxine Tomitae to seek the land.

That is, as it is more clearly expressed by him, in his book in Iben, (which at his first going to Tomos, he wrote against his accuser••)

Tempus ad hoc lustris mihi jam bis quinque peractis.

When to this time five lustrals I had seen.

For he, by no mean mistake, is wont to co••found the Olympiades, which were every four years, with the Lustra of the Romans, which were every five years.

Ovid signifies this in his third book Tristium and 12 Elegie, [The Julian Period. 4723] that he had passed the first winter in Pontus, [Year after Christ 10] and with that, the first year of his banishment, (for he had passed the former winter in his journy. [Year of the World 4013]

Frigora jam zephyri minuunt; annoque peracto, Longior antiquis visa Maeotis hyems: Impositamque sibi qui non bene pertulit Hellen, Tempora nocturnis aequa diurna facit.

Now Zephyr tames the cold; the year's run round, A longer Winter the Maeotae found. The signe in Aries, the night did make Her equal howers with the day partake.

Then in the fourth Elegie of the sixth book, he designes the second year of his banishment.

Vt patria careo, bis frugibus area trita est; Dissiluit ••udo pressa bis uva pede.

Since I my Country left the Barns twice fild, And Presses, Corn and wine did to them yield.

Marcus Ambivius was sent by Augustus, the second Governour into Judea, in whose time Salome, the sister of Herod, departed this life, she bequeathed to Julia (Livia Augusta) Jamnia, with the government thereof, and Phasealis scituate in the Plain, and Archelais very well planted with Date trees, which is a most excellent fruit. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]

Ovid thus relates in the fifth book Tristium, [The Julian Period. 4725] 10 Elegie, [Year after Christ 12] in the beginning of his third winter passed in Pontus.

Vt sumus in Ponto, [Year of the World 4015] ter frigore constitit Ister; Facta est Euxini dura ter unda maris.

Since I to Pontus came thrice Ister stood With frost, and thrice lay glaz'd the Euxine flood.

The Senate and people of Rome, at Augustus his request, made a decree that Tibe∣rius might have the same power in all the Provinces and armies as he himself had.

[Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 121.] Suetonius relates that this law was propounded by the Consuls, [in Tiberio. cap. 21.] that Tiberius should govern the Provinces in common with Augustus: but Germanicus was Consul all that year, whom Augustus being now very old, by writing, commended to the Senate, as the Senate it self did also commend him to Tiberius, as Dio tells in his History of this year: [lib. 56. pag. 587.] for it was no wonder that the Senate should be commended by Augustus, to his son his Colleague of the Empire, and partner in the Tribuneship, as Tacitus speaks, [lib. 1. Annal. cap. 3.] and being made also Censor, he committed the care of the City to Lucius Piso, be∣cause he had continued two dayes and two nights in drinking with him, being now Prince, as Pliny speaks in the last Chapter of his fourteenth book: which Piso Tacitus confirms to be Perfect of the City for twenty years together, with great approbation, and dyed Domitius Aenobarbus, and Aulus Vitellius being Consuls, that is, in the 32. year after the Christian account, and was honoured with publick funerals. [Annal. lib. 6. cap. 11.] From whence it is gathered that Tiberius was now Prince in the twelfth year of Christ, two whole years before Augustus his death: and therefore there must be a distinction observed between the beginning of Tiberius his first being Prince, and he afterward being Monarch.

Ovid mentioneth the fourth winter that he lived in exile, [Year of the World 4016] in the first book of Pontus, [The Julian Period. 4726] and second Elegie to Maximus in these words. [Year after Christ 13]

Hic me pugnantem cum frigore, cumque sagittis, Cumque meo fato, quarta fagi at hyems.

Here the fourth winter wearied me doth hold, Resisting adverse fate, weapons, sharp cold.

Annius Rusus is the third Governour sent into Judea by Augustus. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]

Lucius Munacius, [Year of the World 4017] and Caius Silius being Consuls, the fourth ten years space of his Empire, now coming to an end, accepts of, though against his will, for ten years lon∣ger, the Government of the Common-wealth, and continues Tiberius in the Tribune∣ship. [Dio. lib. 56. pag. 588.]

Sextus Pompeius, [The Julian Period. 4727] and Sextus Apuleius being Consuls, [Year after Christ 14] Augustus signifies in a Breviary of his Acts, cut in Marble of Ancira, that he with his Colleage Tiberius, had a third time numbred the people of Rome, in which muster were numbred of Roman Citi∣zens 413700. [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXX.] Where Eusebius in his Chro∣nicle mistakes, saying, That there were numbred 9370000. which errour Jornandes following in his book of the succession of Kingdoms and Times, gives up a greater than this, adding that Augustus had commanded all the World to be numbred, being then in peace at the Nativity of Jesus Christ: when as both he in that place, and Euse∣bius conjecture, That the Nativity of the Lord, fell in the forty second year of his Empire.

When Augustus made this great muster in Mars field, a multitude of people being there, an Eagle often fluttered about him, and then went and sat upon a Temple that was nigh, upon the first letter of Agrippa his name; which being observed, he com∣manded his Colleague Tiberius to make those vows that were wont to be made for the next year ensuing, for although that all things were ready for the solemnities of those vows, yet he refused to make those vows that he should not live to perform. [Sueton. in Octavia, cap. 97.]

About the same time the first letter of his name, that was upon the inscription of his Statue that was set in the Capitol, fell down, being strucken with a flash of lightning: and it is answered by the Southsayers, that he should live only an hundred dayes after; which was denoted by the letter C. and that he should be canonized a god, because that AESAR, which was the other part of his name, in the Hetruscan tongue, signified a god. [Id. ibid. cap. 97. Dio. lib. 56. pag. 589.]

In the mean while he wrote a Catalogue of his doings, which he would have in∣graved in Tables of Brasse, and that they should be set over his Tomb. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. ult. Dion. lib. 56. pag. 591.] An example of which, that is, that was carried in the Marble of Ancyra, so often commended by us, in which that former muster that he took so lately is described.

And so Augustus ended his dayes at Nola in Campania, those two Sexti being Consuls, (and named upon his Tomb, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 123. Sueton. in Octav. cap. 100. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 5. & 7. Dio. lib. 56. pag. 589.] in the same house and chamber, where his father Octavius ended his life, [Sueton, ibid. Tacit. ut suprr. cap. 9.] the nineteenth day of August, on which he was first made Consul. [Sueton. ibid. Dio. ut supra. pag. 590.]

Tiberius published not the death of Augustus before he had put to death Agrippa Posthumus; yet to the Captain that killed him, and bringing back word that he had done as he had commanded him; he answered, That neither he had commanded it, and that he should give an account thereof to the Senate, willing at the present to shun the envy thereof, [Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 22. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 6. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 604.] And having provided all things according to the time, the same news came together that Augustus was dead, and that Tiberius Nero was Emperour, [Tacit. ibid. cap. 5.]

Although he doubted not immediately to seize upon and take the Principality, yet he along while most imprudently refused it, holding the Senate in suspence, that both prayed him, and falling on their knees to him, with doubtful and delaying answers, so that some upbraided him with it to his face; saying that others did slowly perform that that they did promise, but he did slowly promise that that he would fain have, [Sueton. in Tiberio, cap. 24. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 7. Dion. lib. 57. pag. 602, 603.]

Between this new Principality, as Tacitus calls it, [lib. 1. Annal. cap. 6, 7.] and the former, that he had 2 years before Augustus his death, this was the difference, that that extended onely to armies and provinces of the Roman Empire, but this to the head City it self, in which Tiberius onely had the authority of Censorship and Tribuneship; but the Augustal Principality, that is, of governing after his own will, and being freed from all bond of laws, he obtained afterwards. For Tiberius had not equal power with Augustus, as Lucius Varus had with Antoninus the Philosopher, which two go∣verned the Common-wealth with equal authority: as Spartianus relates, [in Hadri∣ano, Aelio Vero, & M. Aurelio.] but such as Antonius Pius had with Hadrian, who being adopted by him, was made Colleague with his father in the Proconsulary power (in respect of the other Provinces) and in the Tribuneship (at home) as Julius Capi∣tolinus declares. Whereupon Tiberius gave not out the Edict by which he called the Senatours into the Senate-house, by the authority of his new Principality, but by the prescription of the Tribuneship which he had under Augustus: but yet he gave the watch-word to the Pretorian Cohorts as Emperour, [Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 7.]

The Legions of Pannonia being in a mutiny, [Year of the World 4018] are afrighted at a sudden eclipse of the Moon, and so submit themselves to Tiberius, [Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 28. Dio. lib. 57. pag, 604.] This total eclipse was seen on the 27 of September, five hours after mid∣night, so that the Moon set even in the very eclipse.

In Ovid in the 4 book of Pontus after the fifth Elegy to Sextus Pompeius who was Consul this year, follows the sixth to Brutus, in which he mentions the death both of Augustus and Fabius Maximus (who it is manifest out of the first book of Tacitus's Annals, cap. 5. that he died this year under Tiberius) in which time he sheweth in these Verses that he had past the fifth year of his banishment, and that then was the sixth, (of the beginning of which we are certain.)

In Scythia nobis quinquennis Olympias acta est, Jam tempus lustri transit in alterius.

Now one quinquennial Olympiad's run, In Scythia I, and th' second Lustral' gun.

which sixth year he also remembers in the beginning of the tenth Elegie to Albinovanus.

Haec mihi Cimmerio bis tertia ducitur aestas Littore, pellitos inter agenda Getas.

This is th' sixth Summer on th' Cymmerian shores That I must spend amongst these Getic boores.

He makes mention also in the 13 Elegie to Caras of the sixth Winter, [The Julian Period. 4728] (from which he accounts the beginning of the seventh year of his banishment)

—sed me jam, [Year after Christ 15] Care, nivali Sexta relegatum bruma sub axe videt.

This the sixth Winter (my dear friend) Must I in this cold Climate spend.

Where also he tells of a Poeme at this time written by him in the language of the Gates of the canonization of Augustus.

Ah pudet, & Getico scripsi sermone libellum, Structaque sunt nostris barbara verba modi••. Et placu••, gratare mihi, coepique poetae Inter inhumanos nomen habere Getas.

Ah shame, in Getick language then did I Compile a book, phancy my Poesie; Yea glory'd in it, and eftsoon began Amongst these Barbars t' be the onely man.

An Hebrew woman that had been bowed by Satan eighteen years, is by Christ re∣stored to health, [Luke, XIII. 1, 16.]

Valerius Gratus is by Tiberius sent Governour into Judea in the room of Annius Rusus: in the government of which Province he continued eleven years, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]

The Governour of Crete being dead, for the rest of the time the Island is committed to the charge of the Treasurer and his assistant, [Dio. lib. 57. pag. 611.]

When the Armenians had received Vonones into their kingdom that was turned out of his own, [Year of the World 4019] at the threatning of Artabanus the King of the Parthians and Medes, [The Julian Period. 4729] Vonones in vain desires aid of Tiberius by his Embassadours that he sent to Rome: [Year after Christ 16] and whereas the most powerful of the Armenians followed the faction of Attabanus, Vonones being destitute of all hopes of a kingdom, retires with an huge masse of trea∣sure to Antiochia, and yeilds himself to Creticus Silanus Governour of Syria. He in respect of the education that he had had at Rome, kept him with him in Syria, and set a guard over him, yet suffering him to maintain the pomp and name of a King: but Artabanus set Orodes one of his sons to be King over the Armenians, [Jospeh. lib. 18. cap. 3. Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. caep. 4. Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 49.]

Ovid the Poet died in banishment, [Year of the World 4020] and was buried near the City Tomos. [The Julian Period. 4730] [Hiero∣nym. [Year after Christ 17] in Chronico.]

Tiberius caused Archelaus the King of Cappadocia whom he hated because he had not offered him any service all the while he lived at Rhodes, to be inveigled to come to Rome, by the letters of his mother Livia. She not dissembling her sons displeasure, offered him mercy, if he would come and beg it. Archelaus not knowing of the trea∣chery, or misdoubting violence if he seemed to perceive it, maketh haste to the City. He is churlishly entertained, and not long after accused of feigned crimes in the Senate, [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 42.] Being therefore accused as though he went about some innovation, the man worn out not onely with extream old age, but also with the gout, and believed also to doat, answered some things for himself in his letter in the Senate, and feigning that he was not at that time well in his minde, escaped at that time the danger, [Dio. lib. 57. pag. 614.] notwithstanding not long after being tired what with grief, and what with old age, he ended his life: and then Cappadocia being re∣duced into a Province, is committed to the government of a Knight, [Id. ibid. Tacit ut supra. Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 37.]

Tiberius professing that by the profits of that kingdom the tribute of one in the hun∣dred might be cesed, appointed the tribute of one in two hundred to be raised, [Tacit. ibid.] and commanded that his chief City called Mazaca, a most noble City, should be called Cesarea, [Hieronym. in Chronico.]

At the same time Antiochus the King of the Commagenes being dead, there arose a contention between the Nobility and the Commons, the Nobility desiring that the kingdom might be made a Province, and the Commons on the other side, desiring to live under a King as they formerly had done, [Tacit. ut supra. Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.] In like manner also the Nation of the Cilicians is in troubles, their King Philopator being dead, many desiring the Roman, and many a Kingly goverment. The Pro∣vinces of Syria and Judea, oppressed with taxes, made a petition that their tribute might be lessened, [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 42.]

Tiberius discoursing of these things to the Senatours, perswaded them that these commotions in the East, cannot be composed but by the wisdom of Germanicus, and thereupon by the decree of the Senate, Germanicus had the charge given him of all the Provinces, divided by sea, and a greater command also being given unto him, than any that received government, either by lot, or the Princes sending, [Id. ibid. cap. 43.] For by this colour of stirs in the East, Tiberius had a mind to withdraw him from the Legions that he was wont to command: and giving him charge over new Provinces the more exposed him to treachery and hazard, [Ibid. cap. 5.]

And because the governour of Syria Creticus Silanus was joyned in affinity with Germanicus, Tiberius appointed C••. Piso his successour, a man head-strong, and that knew not how to obey, neither was he ignorant that he was made governour of Syria to bridle Germanicus his hopes, and some beleived that he had private commands given him by Tiberius so to do, and without doubt his wife Plancina was advised by Augusta through womanish emulation to quarrell with Agrippina (the daughter of M. Agrippa) and Julia, the wife of Germanicus [id. ibid. cap. 43.]

In the same year twelve famous Cities of Asia were destroyed in one night by an earthquake; Ephesus, Magnesia, Sar••es, Mosthene, Aegae, Hiero-Caesarea, Phila∣delphia, Tem••us, Cyme, Myrina, Apollonia, Hyrcania, they relate also that huge mountaines were laid flat, and plaines raised up into hills, and fire flashed out of those run••s, the disaster was most grievous among the Sardians, which drew much compa∣ssion towards them, for Tiberius promised them 1000000 Sesterces, and to release them for five yeares space to all that they were to pay to the common treasury, the Mag∣netes neer to the mountain Sypilus, were next to them in dammage and relief, it was thought meet for the same space, to discharge of all tributes, the Temnians, Philadel∣phians, Aegetians, Apollonienses, and such as are called Mosthenians, or Macedonians of Hyreania, and those that inhabit Hiero-caesarea, Myrina, Cyme, and to send some of the Senatours unto them which should view and releive their present estate. This charge was committed to M. Aletus once Praetour, least if one that had been Consul over Asia had been deputed, there might some emulation have risen between equals, and thereupon the businesse have been hindred. [id. ibid. cap. 47. cum Strabone lib. 12. pag. 579. & lib. 13. pag. 627. Pliny. lib. 2. cap. 84. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 614. Euseb. in Chronico. Orosio. lib. 7. cap. 4]

For this magnificent bounty to the publick, there was a great statue erected for Tiberius in the market place at Rome by the temple of Venus, and statues also set up to him in every one of the Cities that were resored, as Phlegon Trellianus in his book of wonders relates out of Appollonius the Grammarian. Scaliger also addes that there were silver medalls co••ed for the illustration of these things, in the superficies of which coine there was the face of Tiberius, and on the other side the picture of Asia in a womans habit sitting with these words CIVITATIBUS ASIAE RESTITUTIS for the Cities of Asia restored.

Germani••us being thrust out (as Suetonius speakes in C. Caligula cap. 1.) for to com∣pose the affaires of the East, [Year of the World 4021] sailed into the Isle Lesbos, [The Julian Period. 4731] where his wife Agrippina at her last delivery had Julia. [Year after Christ 18] Then with a desire to resist places of antiquity and fame, he went to the confines of Asia and Perinthus, and Byzantium Cities of Thrace, then he entred the straights or Propontis, and the mouth of the Pontick sea: likewise he relei∣ved the Provinces that were oppressed with civill discord, or oppressions of magistrates: sailing to Colophon he consulted the Oracle of Clarius Apollo, which is said to have told him by darke speeches (as the manner of Oracles is) that his death was nigh at hand. [Tacit. Annal. lib, 2. cap. 54.]

But Cn. Piso sailing with all celerity by the Cyclades, and using the shortest cuts by sea overtook Germanicus at Rhodes, by whom Piso being releived from danger of shipwrack, but yet not mollified, he left Germanicus, and goes before him into Syria, whither when he was come to the Legions what with gifts, and bribes, and luxury, he endeavours to reconcile them to himself: yea he came to such an height of corruption, that among the common sort he was called the father of the legions, yea and his wife Plancina as well by her self, as by some of the souldiers, ready enough at her base com∣mands, used reproachfull speeches against Agrippina and Germanicus, and so much the easier because it was secretly whispered, that this was not done with the Emperours dislike. [id. ibid. cap. 55.]

Although Germanicus knew those things, yet the affaires of Armenia drew him first to them, for at that time the Armenians having expulsed Vonones, had no King (i•• we beleive Tacitus, for Suetonius in C. Caligula cap. 1. relates that the King of Arme∣nia was conquered by Germanicus; to wit: Orodes the son of Artabanus King of the Parthians, as it is already declared out of Josephus,) but the good will of the nation inclined more towards Zeno, the son of Polemon the King of Po••tns, be∣cause that from his infancy he had imitated, the customes and attire of the Arme∣nians, in hunting and feasting, and other excercises greatly esteemed by the Bar∣barians, he had won to him the good will both of the nobles and commons: upon this man therefore Germanicus set the Crown in the City of Artaxatis, the noble men approving it, and the multitude flocking about him, the rest reverencing him as their King, saluted him by the name of Ar∣••axias, which name they gave him from the name of the City. [id. ibid. cap. 56.]

Then the Cappadocians being reduced into the form of a Province, Q. Veranius is made Governour thereof, [Id.] and to give them hopes that the Roman government would be mild, some of the tributes that they used to pay to their Kings are abated: and over the Commagenians Q. Servaeus is made Governour then first reduced under the Regiment of a Praetor. [Tacit. ut supra.]

Albeit all the affairs of the Allies were prosperously composed, [Year of the World 4022] yet did they not ease, Germanicus his minde being vexed at Piso his pride, who being commanded that either he himself, or by his son, should conduct part of the Legions into Armenia, neg∣lected both. At length they both met at Cyrrhum, a City of Syria, where the tenth Legion wintered; where in the presence of a few families, Caesar began some such speech as anger and dissimulation doth suggest; and Piso answered with a proud sub∣mission, and so they departed in private grudges, one against the other. After that Piso was seldome at Caesars Tribunal, and if at any time he assisted, he shewed himself froward, and manifestly dissented from him. This speech also of his is reported at a Banquet made by the King of the Nabateans, where greats Crowns of gold were gi∣ven to Germanicus and Agrippina, and light ones to Piso and the rest. That this Feast was made for the son of a Roman Prince, and not for the son of the Parthian King, and withal threw away his Crown, uttering also many things against the super∣fluity, which although Germanicus could hardly digest, yet endured all patiently, [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 57.]

Embassadours came from Artabanus King of the Parthians, to Germanicus, for to renew the friendship and league between them: the King said that he would yield so much to the honour of Germanicus, that he would come to the banks of Euphrates; desiring in the mean white, that Vonones might not remain in Syria, least by private messengers he might draw the Noble men of the Country thereabouts to civil dissen∣sions: touching the alliance between the Romans and the Parthians. Germanicus answered magnificently; but concerning the Kings coming, and the honour done to himself, he answered civilly, and with modesty. Vonones was removed to Pompeipolis, a sea Town of Cilicia, not so much at Artabanus his request, as to spite Piso, to whom Vonones was most acceptable, for many services and gifts which he had bestowed upon Plancina. [Ibid. cap. 58.]

M. Silanus, and L. Norbanus being Consuls, Germanicus went into Egypt, for to learn Antiquities, but pretended a care of the Province, and opening the granaryes, brought down the price of corn, and did other things to win the favour of the people; as going without Souldiers, wearing open shoos, and apparrelling himself like the Grecians. Tiberius having lightly blamed him for his behaviour and apparrel, sharply rebuked him, That contrary to Augustus's order, he had entred Alexandria, without the leave of the Prince: but Germanicus not yet knowing that his voyage was misliked, went up the Nilus, beginning at the town Canopus, afterwards he visited the great ruines of Thebes, where yet were to be seen the Egyptians letters in old buildings, which con∣tained their ancient wealth: but he set his mind to see other miracles, of which the chief∣est were the Image of Memnon, made of stone; which when it is strook with the beams of the Sun, yields a sound like a mans voice: and the pyramides as high as Mountains, built at use by the former Kings, to shew their riches, on the not passeable sands, and the ditches wrought by hand to receive the overflowing of Nilus: so narrow in some pla∣ces, and so deep in other, that the bottom cannot be found by any search. Then he came to Elephantine and Syene, and so that Summer was spent by Germanicus in seeing divers Provinces. [Ibid. à cap. 59. ad. 61.]

At the same time Vonones having corrupted his Keepers, endeavoured by all means to escape to the Armenians, and from thence to the Albanians, and Heniochians, and to his kinsman the King of Scythia, under colour of going a hunting, he left the sea∣coasts, and took by-wayes, then through the swiftnesse of his Horse he came to the river Pvrimus, whose bridges the inhabitants had broken down, having heard of the Kings flight, neither could it be passed at any forde: wherefore on the bank of the river, he is taken by Vibius Fronto, Captain of the Horse and bound: and then as it were through anger he is run through by Remmius Evocatus, to whose charge he was first committed. [Ibid. cap. 68.]

Jairus, the Ruler of the Synagogue, had only one daughter, who being dead, when she was twelve years old, Christ restored to life. And the woman that was sick of the flux of blood twelve years also, by the touching of his garment is healed. [Luke VIII. 42, 43. Mark. 25. 42.]

There being many vain oracles that went about as though they had been the Sybels concerning the destruction of Rome, which should happen in the year 900, from the foundation of it. Tiberius reproving them, looked on all books, that contained any P••ophesies; and of those he rejected some, as of no moment: others he received into the number of those that were to be approved. [Dio. 57. pag. 615.]

It was debated in the Senate, touching the rooting out of the Egyptian and Jewish ceremonies, and an act made that those that used them should depart Italy, if within a certain day they did not leave off those customes, [Tacit. Annal. lib. cap. 85.] And they were compelled to burn all their religious garments, with all things belonging to them. [Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 36.] Whither also may be referred that of Seneca in his 108. Epistle. I was a young man in the principality of Tiberius, then were the forraign rites of the Nations removed, and it was counted superstition to abstain from some kinds of meate.

An horrible villany committed against Paulina, a noble woman by the Egyptian Priest, gave occasion of the removing of the Egyptian superstition; which being made manifest, Tiberius commanded the Temple of Isis to be thrown down, and her Statue to be drowned in Tiber. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 4.] And for the expulsion of the Jews, a certain Impostour gave occasion, who for fear of being punished, according to their laws, fled his Country. He then living at Rome, made himself as though he were an Interpreter of Moses's Law. He had also three Associates like unto himself. And when as one Fulv••a, a Noble woman, embracing the Jewish religion, became their Scholar; they perswaded her that she should send purple and gold to the Temple of Jerusalem: which having recei∣ved, they turned to their own use. Which when Tiberius knew, being informed thereof by his friend Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, complaining of the injury done to his wife, he commanded all the Jews out of the City. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 5.]

The Consuls enrolled of the youth of the Jews, that were the sons of free men, 4000 Souldiers, and sent them into Sardinia, for the suppressing of robberies: suppo∣sing it no great losse if they should perish through the intemperance of the aire. Many that refused to be enrolled through the religion of their Country, are grievously punish∣ed, the rest of that Nation, or any that followed their customs, are turned out of the City, under the penalty of perpetual slavery, if they did not obey. [Id. ibid. cum Tacit. & Sueton. ut supra.]

R••ascupolis, or Rhascoporis, the King of Thracia, the killer of Cotys his brothers son, [Year of the World 4023] who also was partner of the Kingdom, is betrayed by Pomponius Flaccus, (of whom Ovid makes mention [lib. Ponti. 3. Eleg. 9.] as governour of Mesia) and brought to Rom, and there condemned, then carried to Alexandria, and there put to death, as though he had made an attempt to fly from thence. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 67. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 126. Sueton. in Tiberio. cap. 37.]

Germanicus returning from Egypt, perceived that all that he had commanded, either in the Legions or Cities, was left undone, or changed clean contrary. Whereup∣on, were reproachful speeches raised against Piso, neither were they lesse grievous that were by him attempted against Caesar. Whereupon Piso determined to leave Syria, but was then deteined by reason of Germanicus his sicknesse: when he heard of his amendment, and that the vows were accomplished for his health, he by his Serjeants, drove away the beasts brought to the Altar, and disturbed the preparation for the sacrifices, and the solemn meeting of the people of Antioch, among whom Germanicus then was. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 69.] Who also, when Germanicus was sick, used him most harshly, both in words and deeds, without any moderation. [Sueton. in Cal••gula. cap. 2.]

Piso then went to Seleucia, expecting the event of Germanicus his sicknesse, which he fell into again. [Tacit. ut supra.] and there were found in the same house that Ger∣manicus dwelt in, pieces of humane bodies dug out, verses and charms, and his name ingraven in leaden sheets, ashes half burned, and mingled with corrupt blood, and other so••ceries, by which it is beleeved that souls are dedicated to the infernal powers. [Tacit. ibid Dio. lib. 57. pag. 615.]

Germanicus moved with anger, renounceth by letters Piso his friendship, according to the ancient custome: and some adde, he commanded him to leave the Province, neither did Piso stay, but weighed anchor, yet sailed slowly, that he might returne the sooner, if the news of Germanicus his death should open him a way to Syria. [Tacit. Annal. 2. cap. 70. Sueton. in C. Caligula. cap. 3.]

Germanicus being much weakened by his sicknesse, and finding his end approaching, accuseth Piso and his wife Plancina, and desiring his friends to revenge it, gives up the ghost, to the great regret of the Province, and the neighbour people. [Tacit. ibid. cap. 71, 72.] He died at Antioch, of a disease that had no intermissions, he being 34 years old; not without suspicion of po••son, ministred unto him by the treachery of Tiberius and Piso's means. [Sueton. in C. Caligula. cap. 1. & 2.]

The day that Germanicus died, the Temples were battered with a tempest of stones, Altars overturned, the houshold gods by some thrown into the streets, children laid out to perish: they report also that the Barbarians did consent to a truce, with

whom there was civil war, or war against the Romans, as in a domestick or common mourning, and that some Governours amongst them cut off their Beards, and shaved their Wives heads, in signe of their greatest mourn∣ing; and that the King of Kings forbore his hunting and feasting of the Nobles, which is a kinde of vacation among the Parthians. [Sueton. ut supra. cap. 5.]

His Funeral without any images or pomp, was solemnized with the praises and memory of his virtues: his body before it was burnt, was laid naked in the market∣place of Antiochia, which place was intended for his burial, it is uncertain, whether he shewed any signes of poison or no: for divers did diversely interpret it, either as they were inclined to pity Germanieus, or out of a presumptious suspicion, or favoured Piso. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 73.] Yet besides the markes that were over all his body, and the froth that came out at his mouth, the heart was found not burned among the bones; concerning which it is thought the nature of it to be such, that it will not be consumed with fire, if it be touched with poison. [Sueton. in C. Caligula. cap. 1.] The oration also Vitellius afterwards set forth, in which he striveth to prove Piso guilty of this villany, and useth this argument, and openly testifies, That the heart of Ger∣manicus could not be burned, by reason of the poison. On the contrary, Piso is defended by that kind of disease called Cardiaca Passio, of which those that dye, their hearts also will not be burned. [Plin. lib. 11. cap. 37.]

Cneus Sentius being chosen Governour of Syria, by the Lieutenants and Senatours that were there, sent Martina to Rome, a woman infamous in that Province for poisoning, but very much beloved of Plancina: at the intreaty of Vitellius and Veranius and others, who framed crimes and accusations, as against them already found guilty. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 74.] But Agrippina, although tyred out with grief and sicknesse, yet impatient of all things that might hinder her re∣venge, took shipping with Germanicus his ashes, and her Children. [Ibid. cap. 75.]

Piso having received the news of Germanicus his death, at the Isle of Cous, expressed his joy most intemperately; but Plancina was more insolent, who then first of all left off her mourning, which she ware for the death of her sister. [Ibid.] The Centurions came flocking about him, telling him that the Legions were already at his command, that he should returne into the Province taken from him wrongfully, and now voide of a Governour. [Ibid. cap. 76.] He sending letters to Tiberius, accused▪ Germanicus of riot and pride, and that himself was driven out, that a way might be opened to innovation, that he had again taken the charge of the army, with the same fidelity he had governed it before; and withall he commanded Domitius Celer with a Gally to saile into Syria, avoiding the coasting of the shoares, and letting passe the Islands, to take the open sea. Then marshalling and arming runnagates, and rascall com∣panions, and sailing over into the Continent, intercepts an Ensigne of raw Souldiers going into Syria, and writeth to the Lords of Cilicia to send him aide. [Ibid. cvp. 78.]

Piso and his Companions passing by the coast of Lycia and Pamphilia, met with the ships which conveyed Agrippina, each hating one the other, made ready for a fight: but being both afraid each of other, they proceeded no far∣ther than to hard words. And Marsus Vibius told Piso that he should come to Rome and answer for himself, he scoffingly answered again, That he would then come, when the Pretout that should inquire of poysonings, should appoint a day both for the plaintiffe and defendant. [Ibid. cap. 79.]

In the mean time Domitius going to Laodicea, a City of Syria, came to the Winter Quarters of the sixth Legion, as most fit for new enterprises, he was prevented by the Lieutenant Pucureius. Sentius openeth this by letters to Piso, warning him that he should not go about to corrupt the army, nor raise any war in the Province, and withall, marcheth with a strong power, and ready for the fight. [Ibid.]

Piso seizeth upon the strong Castle of Celenderis in Cilicia, for by ming∣ling the Runnagates and the Raw Souldiers that he had intercepted, with his own and Plancina her slaves, and the aides that he Lords of the Ci∣licians sent him, he had marshalled them into the forme of a Legion, then he draws our his companies before the Castel walls on a steep and craggy hill; the rest being invironed with the sea. But when the Roman Cohorts came, the Cilicians fled, and shut themselves within the Castle. [Ibid. 80.]

In the mean space Piso went about but in vain, to assaile the Navy that waited for them not far off; then returned to the Castle again, now tormenting himself upon the walls, now calling every souldier by name, offering rewards, assayed to raise a mutiny, and did so much prevaile, that the Standard-bearer of the sixth Legion went with his En••ign unto him. Then Sentius commanded the Cornets and Trumpets to sound, and give an assault to the Rampire, raised the ladders, and commanded the ablest men to follow, and others to shoot out of Engins, darts, stones, and firebrands. In the end Piso, his obstinacy being overcome, entreated that having delivered up his armes, he might remain still in the Castle, until Caesar were consulted, who should be Gover∣nour of Syria. These conditions were not accepted, nor any things granted, but onely shipping, and safe conduct to the City. [Ibid. cap. 81.]

But when Germanicus his sicknesse was noised abroad, all things as coming from far, being encreased to the worse, grief, anger, and complaint, burst our, [Ibid. cap. 82.] and his death as it pleased Tiberius and Livia, so it was a great grief to all others, [Dio. lib. 57. pag. 615.] neither by any consolations, nor by any edicts could the publick mourning be restrained; yea it lasted also all the festival dayes of the moneth December. [Sueton in C. Caligula, cap. 6.]

Honours were decreed as every mans love to Germanicus or wit could invent: there were Arches erected at Rome, and on the bank of Rhene, and in Amanns a mountain of Syria, with an inscription of what he had done, and that he died for the Common-wealth. A Sepulchre at Antioch where he was buried, and a Tribunal at Epidaphne where he ended his life. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 83.]

Agrippina although it were winter, yet still continuing her voyage by sea, arrived at the Island Corcyre over against the coast of Calabria, where she rested a few dayes to settle her mind, and then sailed to Brundusium; where after she was come to land with her two children, holding the Funeral Urne in her hand, there was a general mour∣ning amongst them all. [Id. Annal. lib. 3. cap. 1.]

Drusius the son of Tiberius went as far as Terracina to meet her with his brother Claudius, [The Julian Period. 4733] and the children of Germanicus, [Year after Christ 20] who had remained in the City: the new Consuls M. V••lerius, and M. Aurelius, the Senate, and a great part of the people, filled up the way. [Ibid. cap. 2.]

The day that the reliques of Germanicus were put in Augustus his Tombe in Cam∣pus Marti••s, was sometime desolate thorough silence, and sometime unquiet thorough their weeping: every one honouring him that was dead, and greatly affectionating the widow Agrippina, and railing upon Tiberius. [Ibid. cap. 4, & 5.]

Piso coming to Rome, landed at Caesars Tomb, on a day when the shoar was full of people, himself with a great company of followers after him, and Plancina with a great company of women after her, both of them looking very cheerfully, and solemnizing their happy return in an house that looked into the Market-place, which was trim∣med up for Feast and Banquets, [Ibid. cap. 9.] The next day Fulcinius Tiro accused Piso before the Consuls. Tiberius referred the whole cause to the Senate, [cap. 10.] The day the Senate met Drusius Caesar made a premeditate Oration, tempered and accomodated for the mitigation of the defendants offence. [cap. 12.] Then had the accusers two dayes given them to bring in their accusations, and after six dayes space, the defendant had three dayes to answer for himself. [cap. 13.]

As the cause was a pleading, the outcry of the people was heard before the Court, that they would teare him in pieces, if he escaped by sentence of the Senate: and they had dragged his images into the Gemonies, and broken them in pieces if they had not been secured and put in their places again by the Princes command. [cap. 14.] Then was the same hatred against Plancina, but the favour of Tiberius (ill gotten as it is believed) protected her; Piso then perceived he was undone, when his wife sepe∣rated her defence from her husbands, whereupon he slew himself with his own sword, [cap. 15.]

Suetonius writes that he was almost torn in pieces by the people, being condemned to death by the Senate, [in C. Caligula. cap. 2.] Dio relates, thus for the death of Ger∣manicus, that he was brought into the Senate by Tiberius himself, desiring that he might have time to defend himself, and that he laid violent hands upon himself, [lib. 57. pag. 615.] Cornelius Tacitus saith that he had often heard from ancient men, [Annal. 3. cap. 16.] that there was often seen a little book in his hand which he published not, but as his friends said, it contained Tiberius letters and commission a∣gainst Germanicus: and that he had purposed to disclose it to the Senatours, and to accuse the prince, had he not been deluded by Sejanus his vain promises, and that he did not kill himself, but that one was sent to murder him, but (saith he) I will not assure either of these things, although I ought not to conceal it to have been uttered by those, who lived untill I came to mans estate. [Look Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 52.] [Year of the World 4025]

The licence and impunty of ordaining sanctuaries, [The Julian Period. 4735] increased throughout the [Year after Christ 22]

Cities of Greece, into which were received debtours against their creditours, and those that were suspected of capitall crimes, so that the wickednesse of men was pro∣tected by the ceremonies of the Gods. Tiberius ordered that the Cities should send their charters and Embassadours to the Senate to Rome, and the Ephesians were first heard concerning this business, then the Magnetians, Aphrodisia••s, Stratonicenes, Hiero-Caesarians, Cypriots, Pergamenians, Smyrnians, Tenians, Sardians, Milesians, Cretians, and others their acts made, in which a mean was prescribed, but yet with much honour. And they were commanded to erect altars in the very Temples for a sacred memory; yet so that under colour of Religion, they should not fall into ambition. [Tacit. Annal. a cap. 60. ad 63.]

Caius Silvanus was accused of bribery by his companions, and banished into the Isle Cythera, [Ibid. a 66. ad 69.] Caesius Cordus was also accused of bribery by the Cy∣renenses, at the suite of Ancharius Priscus, and is condemned. [Ibid. cap. 70.]

Aesius Sejanus killed Drusius (the son of Tiberius, [Year of the World 4026] and his partner in the Tribune∣ship, [The Julian Period. 4736] having committed adultery with his wife Livia) by poison given him by Lygdus an Eunuch, [Year after Christ 23] [Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 8. 10.] who also accused the Jews that lived at Rome to Tiberius of feigned crimes, that he might wholly destroy that Nation, which he knew either onely or chiefely to withstand his wicked practices, and conspiracy a∣gainst the life of the Emperour. [Philo, in lib. de legat. ad Caium, & lib. in Flaccum initio.]

Drusius's Funerals being ended, Tiberius returnes to his accustomed businesse, for∣bidding any longer vacation: and to the Embassadours of the Ilienses that came too late to comfort him, he jeered them, as though the memory of grief had been blotted our: He answered them, That he also was sorry that they had lost so gallant a Ci∣tizen as Hector was. [Sueton, in Tiber. cap. 52.]

There are decrees of the Senate made, by the perswasion of Tiberius, that the City Ci∣bara in Asia, and Aeginum in Achaia, that were much damnified by an Earthquake, should be relieved by remitting them three years tribute. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 13.]

The Samians and the Coans, by their Embassadors sent to Rome, desired that the ancient right of Sanctuaries might be confirmed, the one for Juno, and the other for Aesculapius. [Ibid. cap. 14.]

Lucilius Longus died, the onely partaker of the fortunes of Tiberius, both adverse and prosperous, and who onely of all the Senatours was his companion when he withdrew himself to Rhodes, [Ibid. cap. 15.]

Lucilius Capito the Governour of Asia, is condemned at the accusation of the Pro∣vince; for which revenge, and because in the former year they had been revenged of C. Silanus, the Cities of Asia decreed a Temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the Se∣nate; and leave is given them to erect one. [Ibid.]

Valerius Gratus the Governour of Judea, taking away the High Priesthood from Ananus (or Annas) made Ismael the son of Fabus High Priest, whom also he cast out shortly after, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]

Ismael being removed, [Year of the World 4027] E••eazar the son of Annus (or Annas formerly removed) by the same Valerius is made High Priest. [The Julian Period. 4737] [Id. [Year after Christ 24] ibid.]

Cassius Severus the Oratour, who 17 years before was banished into Creet for his ill tongue by the decree of the Senate, and whereas he used the same thing there, he had all his estate taken from him, being forbid both water and fire, he is banished into the stony Island of Seriphus; where eight years after he ended his life in extream poverty. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 21. Hieronym. in Chronico.]

P. Dolabella the Proconsul of Africa, calling to his aid with his Country men Pro∣lomaeus the son of Juba, King of Mauritania, slew Tacfarinas, and so put an end to the Numidian war. The King of the Garamantes, who had helped Tacfarinas with light-horsemen that he sent from a far off, he being slain, sent Embassadours to give satisfaction to the people of Rome. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. a cap. 23. ad 26.]

Vibius Serenus a banished man, being falsely accused by his son of treason, is con∣demned for an old grudge that Tiberius owed him: and whereas Gallus Asinius was of opinion that he should be confined, either to Gyarum or Donusa, and that he might dissemble the grudge, he misliked that sentence; saying, That both those Islands wanted water, and that to whom life was granted, things necessary for life were also to be granted; whereupon Serenus is banished to Amorgus, (one of the Sporades) [Id. cap. 28, 29, 30.]

Ten years of Tiberius's Empire being ended, he made no account of resuming it by any decree for ten years longer, neither did he intend to have it divided by ten years as Augustus had done, yet there were Decennal Playes made. [Dio. lib. 57. pag. 619.]

Eleazar after one year, [Year of the World 4028] being removed, [The Julian Period. 4738] Valerius Gratus gives the High Priesthood to Simon the Son of Camithus. [Year after Christ 25] [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.]

The Citizens of Cyzicum because they had cast some Roman Citizens into prison, and had not perfected the Temple that they had begun to Augustus, as to a god, had their liberty again taken from them that they had merited by being besieged in the war of Mi••hridates. [Tacit. Annal. 4. cap. 36. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 619.]

Fonteius Capito who had governed Asia as Proconsul, is absolved, it being found that he was falsely accused by Vibius Serenus. [Tacit. Annal. 4. cap. 36.]

Eleven Cities of Asia strove with great ambition, [Year of the World 4029] in which of them the Temple that was appointed for Tiberius and the Senate should be built: and Tiberius heard their Embassadours disputing concerning this businesse in the Senate many dayes together. The Hypopenians and Trallians, as also the Laodiceans and Magesians, are dissmissed as not having strength enough; nor the Ilians when they related how Troy was the mother of Rome, had any good argument, but the glory of antiquity: there was some doubt, because the Halicarnassians affirmed that their City had not been shaken with an Earthquake for 1200 years, and that the foundation of their Temple was upon a natural rock. The Pergamenians grounding their reasons because they had Augustus his Temple among them, were thought to have enough because they had that. The Ephesians and Milesians were thought that their Cities were already taken up by the ceremonies, those of Apollo, these of Diana, then the dispute came between the Sar∣dians and Smyrnaeaeans, both whose reasons being heard, the Senate preferred the Smyrnaeans, and Volius Marius was of opinion, that M. Lepidus to whom that province befell, should have one chosen over and above to take a care of the temple, and be∣cause Lepidus through modesty refused to chuse, one Valerius Naso one that had been Praetour, was chosen by lot. [ibid. cap. 55. 56.]

When Simon had continued one year in the Priest-hood, [The Julian Period. 4739] Valerius Gratus made Joseph his subcessour in that dignity, [Year after Christ 26] Surnamed Caiphas, the son in law of Annas or Ananus, that was formerly put out of the Priest-hood, [John. XVIII. 13.] which an∣nuall changes of High-Priests being thus made, Josephus intimates, that Gratus after he had been eleven years in Judea returned to Rome, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 3.] by which reason also we are rather induced, to refer these changes to theend of his govern∣ment than to the beginning.

Pontius Pilate came successour to Valerius Gratus [Joseph. ibid.] who how he be∣haved himself in his government appeareth out of Philo, [in lib. de legat ad Caium.] where he writes that he was afraid, least the Embassy that was sent by the Jews, the taking away of the bucklers that were dedicated by him within the holy City, should also de••ect••b••s other crimes as his sale of judgments, rap••nes, slaughters, rackings, often putting to death of men uncondemned, savage cruelty.

The XXX Jubilee and the last falling in the XXX year of our Lord Jesus Christ, [Year of the World 4030] and beginning of his Gospell: or proclaiming now by the voice of one crying in the wildernesse; Prepare ye the way of the Lord make his paths straight, [Marke. 1. 12.] and opening the acceptable year of the Lord, or the time of his divine pleas••re, in which the good God vouchsafed to manifest the great one unto the world. [Esay. LXI. 2. Luke. IV. 19.]

For in the 15 year of the principality of Tiberius Caesar, (which was the 13 of his monarchy, begun from the death of Augustus) Pontius Pilate being governour of Judea, Herod (Antipas) Tetrarch of Ga••••lee, his brother Philip Tetrarch or Puraea and the region of Trachonitis, and Lysanias Tetrarch of Abylene, under the Priest∣hoods of Annas and Caiphas, came the word of the Lord unto John the son of Za∣charias in the desert, [Luke. III. 12.] according to whose command this Nazarite both priest and Prophet of the Lord did baptize in the desert of Judea, (in which that there were Cities is mentioned in [Joshua. XV. 16.] preaching the baptisme of repentance for the remission of sins, [Math. III. 1. Marke. l. 4. Luke. III. 3.] doing his endeavour, that Christ that came after him should be made known to Israel, [John. l. 7. 8. 13.] which that he might more certainly know, this signe is given to him of God; that upon whom he should see the Holy Ghost descending and remaining, that he should know that it was he that should baptize others with the Holy Ghost. [ibid. v. 33.]

It is most probable that this his ministery began, on that most convenient day, the tenth day of the seventh month, (about the 19. day of our October, which was both penitentiall, joyned with a solemn fast, in which whosoever did not afflict his soul, was to be cut off from his people, and also expiatory, in which the High-Priest went into the holy of holies, to expiate the sins of the people with blood that was offered; and that same day in which by a trumpet sounding the Jubilee was commanded to be declared over all the land. [Leviticus. XXV. 9.]

So John Baptist the preacher of repentance and remission of sins to be attained by

the blood of Christ that was to come, coming into every region round about Jordan, lifting up his voice like a trumper proclaiming. Repent ye for the Kingdome of heaven is at hand, and then went out unto him Jerusalem and all Judea, and all the region round about Jordan, (especially of that huge multitude, which returned from Jerusalem, the feast of Tabernacles being ended, about the beginning of November) and were baptized of him in Jordan confessing their sins. [Matth. III. 2. 3. 5. 6. Marke. I. 5.]

And John had his garment of Camells hair, and a girdle of skins about his loins, (like Elias II. Kings. I. 8.) and his food was locusts (a clean kind of meat Le∣viticus. XI. 22. but cheap) and wild honey. [Matthew. III. 4. Marke. V. 6.]

John sharply reproveth the Pharisees that came to his baptisme, [Luke. III. 10. 13.] whilst the people expected, and thought within their hearts of John, whether he were the Christ, he answereth. I indeed baptize you with water, but there cometh one who is stron∣ger than I, whose shooe latchet I am not worthy to unloose, he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire, whose fan is in his hand, and he will througly purge his floor, and gather his wheat into his barne, and will burn up the chaffe with unquenchable fire. [ibid. 15. 17. with Matth. III. 11. 12. & Marke. I. 7. 8.]

When all the people were baptized Jesus cometh from Nazareth of Galilee to Jor∣dan, to be baptized of John, [Luke. III. 22. Matth. III. 13. Mark I. 9.] which office he denying as he that had need to be baptized of him, and the Lord urging, that it behoveth that all righteousnesse be fulfilled, he baptized him, [Matth. III. 14. 15.] Jesus then beginning to be about thirty yeares old. [Luke. III. 23.]

Then there was made a most i••••ustrious manifestation of the Trinity, for the son of God in the humane nature, that he assumed ascending out of the water, and praying, the heavens being opened, the spirite o•• God was seen in a bodily shape like a dove, descending upon him, and the voice of the father was heard from heaven saying, This is my beloved so•• in whom ••am well pleased. [Matth. III. 16. 17. Marke. I. 10. 11 Luke. III. 21. 22.]

And Jesu•• being full of the Holy Ghost returned from Jordan, and was driven by the spirit into the desert; where for forty daies and nights, being tempted of the De∣vill he remained among wild beasts, not eating any thing, and when they were ended he was an hungred. [Luke. IV. 1. 2. Matth. IV. 1. 2. Marke. I. 12. 13.]

Then Satan setts upon the Lord with a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 temptation, all which temptation being ended he departed from him for a time, [Matth. IV. 3. 11. Luke. IV. 3. 13.] and the Angells came and minist••ed ••nto him, [Matth. 4. 11. Marke. I. 13.] and Jesus returned in the power of the Spirit into Galilee. [Luke. 4. 14.]

Herod Agrippa the son of Aristobulus had by Cyprus the daughter of Phasaelus Agrippa the younger, the last King or the Jews, of whom in Acts XXV. & XXVI. is mention made, for he was 17 yeares old when his father died. [Josephus. lib. 18. cap. 7 lib. 19. cap. vlt.]

Berenice his sister of whom likewise mention is made in the Acts, [Year of the World 4031] is born afterwards married to Herod King of Chalcis, [The Julian Period. 4741] being sixteen years old when her father died. [Year after Christ 28] [Josep. ut supra.]

The fourth year of John Baptist•• ministery begins, [Year of the World 4033] in which his preparatory mini∣stery (which was the chief part of his function) took end, [The Julian Period. 4742] the Lord himself, [Year after Christ 29] whose way he had hitherto prepared being come, and executing his propheticall office, and sealing it with famous miracles, for John did no miracle, for which magnificent pre∣paration, so celebrated by Esay and Malachy so many ages before, none will wonder that so long space of time is assigned by us, who shall consider that a little time for so great a work would be too little, especially without the help of miracles, for the per∣fecting of so much as the Angell Gabriell confirmed to his father Zachary should be performed by him. [Luke. I. 16. 17.] Many of the children of Israell shall he turn to the Lord their God, and he shall goe before him in the spirit and power of Elias, that he may turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the disobedient to the wisedome of the just, and to prepare a people ready for the Lord, and those words of Paul argue that not a little space of time, but a full course of preaching was to be finished by John, before the coming of the Lord. [Acts. 13. 24. 25.] When Iohn had first preached before his coming the baptisme of repentance to all the people of Israell, and as John fulfilled his course, he said, whom thinke ye that I am? I am not he, but behold there cometh one after me whose shoes of his feet I am not worthy to loose.

For John the next day after the coming of Christ, when the Jews from Jerusalem sent some Priests and Levites of the sect of the Pharisee••, to him as he was baptizing at Bethabara by Jordan, to aske who he was, he professed clearly, that he was not the Christ: and when he had denied that he was Elias, or that Prophet (fore-spoken of

by Moses, [Deut. XVIII. 15.] the same indeed with Christ, [Acts III. 22. VII. 37.] but by the Jews thought to be another) and had said that he was The voice of one crying in the wildernesse, make straight the way of the Lord: and then added that testimony of Christ, so praised of Paul; I baptize with water, but there standeth one amongst you, whom ye know not, he it is, who cometh after me, who is preferred before me, whose shooe latchet I am not worthy to unloose. [John. I. 19, 28. with V. 33.]

The next day John seeing Jesus coming unto him, saith, Behold the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sins of the World. This is he of whom I spake, there cometh one after me, that is preferred before me, for he was before me, &c. and I saw him, and testifie that this is the Son of God. [John. I. 29, 34.]

The next day John stood and two of his Disciples with him; and he behold∣ing Jesus walking, said, Behold the Lamb of God: which the two disciples hearing, followed Jesus, and tarried with him that day, for it was about the tenth hower. Andrew being one of these, brought his brother Simon to Jesus, who seeing him, said, Thou art Simon, Sonne of Jonah, thou shalt be called Cephas. [Ibid. 35, 42.]

The next day Jesus, going into Galilee, commanded Philip (which was of Bethsaida, the City of Andrew and Simon Peter) to follow him. He finding Nathaneel under a fig-tree, brings him to Jesu, who pronounceth him truely to be an Israelite, in whom there was no guile; and that he was that Ladder of Heaven, (fore∣shewn Jacob•• dream, Gen. XXVIII. 12.) upon which the Angels of God were seen ascending and descending. [Ibid. 42, 51.]

On the third day there was a marriage in Cana of Galilee, to which Jesus was invi∣ted, together with his Mother and his Disciples, where he made water, being turned in∣to wine, the beginning of his miracles: and his glory••being in this wise made mani∣fest, his disciples believed on him. [John. II. 1. 11.]

After that He goeth down to Capernaum, He, his Mother and Brethren, (or kins∣men) and his Disciples, and tarried there many dayes. [John II. 12.]

Now we are come to the publick Ministery of Christ, whose Acts we do, here set forth according to four distinct Passeovers, out of the Harmony of the foure Gospels, contrived by that learned man, and much exercised in the studies of the Holy Scrip∣tures, John Richardson, Dr. of Divinity, and worthy Bishop of Ardah, in our Province of Armagh; in which this is singular, that Matthew is found only to have neglected the order of time, which is constantly observed by the other three, (if you will except the parenthesis of Johns being cast into prison by Herod) [Luke III. 19, 20.]

THE FIRST PASSEOVER OF THE MINISTERY of CHRIST. [John II. 13.] From which the first year of the seventieth and last week of Daniell begins; in which the Covenant is confirmed with Many, (Dan. 9. 27. compared with Matth. 26. 28.)

JEsus goeth to Jerusalem to the Passeover. Going into the Temple, he scourgeth out them that bought and sold there; and for a signe of his authority, he declares unto them,* 4.1 how that the Temple of his body should be dissol∣ved by the Jews, and be raised again by himself.

He worketh miracles,* 4.2 and many believe on him, but he did not commit himself unto them, because he knew what is in man.

He instructs Nicodemus the Disciple,* 4.3 that came to him by night,* 4.4 in the mysterie of regeneration in faith in his death, and in the condemnation of the unbelievers.

Leaving Jerusalem, [Year of the World 4034] he goeth into the land of Judea with his Disciples.* 4.5

He tarries there and baptizeth.* 4.6 (viz. by the hand of the Disciples, that had been before bap∣tized, either by Himself, or John) John then baptized in Aenon, for he was not yet cast into prison.

There ariseth a question between some of Johns Disciples and the Jews about purifying.* 4.7

John instructs his Disciples,* 4.8 telling him of Jesus in emulation, concerning himself and his office, and of the excellence of Jesus Christ the son of God: giving this notable and last testimony of him before his imprisonment.

Herod the Tetrarch cast John into prison,* 4.9 for reprehending his incest with his brother Philips* 4.10 wife,* 4.11 and other evills done by him.* 4.12

Jesus hearing that John was cast into prison,* 4.13 and that the Pharisees had heard that there were many made Disciples by him,* 4.14 and baptized, viz. by the hand of his Disciples, he left Judea (when de had stayed about eight moneths) and went into Galilee.

But he must needs go through Samaria,* 4.15 where he brings the Samaritan woman, neer the City

Sychar, and the Citizens of Sychar to the acknow∣ledgement of him, four moneths before harvest, (or the Passeover about the middle of the ninth moneth, called Ab.)

After he had stayed two dayes in Sychar,* 4.16 he goes on∣ward in his journey into Galilee. (Which is his se∣cond return from Judea into Galilee, after his bap∣tisme.

Being received of the Galileans,* 4.17 who had seen what things he had done at Jerusalem;* 4.18 he preach∣eth with great fame in their Synagogues.* 4.19

In Cana he heales the son of a Nobleman,* 4.20 that lay sick. This was the second miracle that Jesus did in Galilee.

He works miracles in Capernaum,* 4.21 and after∣wards comes to Nazareth where he was brought up. [The Julian Period. 4744] And entering into the Synagogue, [Year after Christ 31] as his custom was, he expounded the Prophesie of Esay, of him∣self: the Citizens first wondering, but afterwards being filled with wrath, they thrust him out of the City, endeavouring to cast him down headlong from a hill; but he passing thorough the middle of them, went his way.

Then leaving Nazareth he dwells at Capernaum,* 4.22 and there teacheth them on the Sabbath dayes:* 4.23 and they are astonished at his doctrine.* 4.24

In the Synagogue of Capernaum he cast out an unclean spirit,* 4.25 commanding him that he should not tell who he was.* 4.26

And he arose out of the Synagogue,* 4.27 and went into the house of Simon and Andrew,* 4.28 and heales Simons wives mother that lay sick of a fever.* 4.29

About Sun-set he heales all sick folke that are brought unto him,* 4.30 and casts out Devils,* 4.31 command∣ing them to hold their peace.* 4.32

In the morning he goeth into a desert place to pray:* 4.33 and when Simon and others sought and would have stayed him;* 4.34 he answereth them, That he must preach to other Cities also.

He goes thorough all Galilee,* 4.35 and teacheth in their Synagogues,* 4.36 and casts out devils.

As he stood by the lake of Gennasereth,* 4.37 a great multitude pressed upon him,* 4.38 therefore he entred into Simons ship, and taught the multitude from thence.

And when he had left speaking,* 4.39 at his command there is a great draught of fishes taken;* 4.40 whereat Simon-Peter,* 4.41 and Andrew,* 4.42 James,* 4.43 and John, be∣ing astonished, he commands them to follow him, and he makes them fishers of men.

And Jesus went thorough all Galilee, teaching in their Synagogues,* 4.44 and healing every disease; and his fame went into all Syria, and a great multitude followed him.

In a certain City he heals a Leper,* 4.45 who although he were forbid,* 4.46 yet publisheth it:* 4.47 and they come to him from every place to hear him,* 4.48 and to be healed: insomuch that he could no more enter openly into the City, but was in desert places, and prayed.

And again he entred into Capernaum his own City,* 4.49 after some dayes,* 4.50 and taught them at home:* 4.51 and before the Scribes and Pharisees,* 4.52 and a great mul∣titude,* 4.53 forgives sins to one sick of the Palsie, that was let down thorough the roof of the house, and heals the disease to the astonishment of all.

And Jesus went forth again by the sea side,* 4.54 and all the multitude came unto him,* 4.55 and he taught them;* 4.56 and as he passed by he saw, and called Levi, or Ma∣thew sitting at the receipt of custom.

Jesus in the house of Levi,* 4.57 defends both himself and his Disciples,* 4.58 for that they eat with Publicans,* 4.59 and excuseth and vindicates them, against the Pharisees, for their not fasting.

And it came to passe on the second Sabbath after the first,* 4.60 (that is,* 4.61 the first Sabbath of the new year,* 4.62 in∣stituted after their coming out of Egypt,* 4.63 and be∣ginning from the moneth Nisan, or Abib.) Jesus going thorough the corn fields, clears his Disci∣ples from the reprehension of the Pharisees, because they plucked the ears of corn; and explaines the doctrine of the Sabbath.

The second PASSEOVER of the Ministery of CHRIST, John, V. 1. compared with IV. 3, 5. from which the second year of the LXX. week of Daniel begins.

AFter these things was the Feast of the Jews,* 4.64 and Jesus went up to Jerusalem,* 4.65 and heales on the Sabbath day a man that had had an in∣firmity thirty eight years, lying at the poole of Bethesda: and makes a most divine A∣pology to the Jews seeking to kill him, because he said that God was his Father.

And he went from thence,* 4.66 and entred again into a Synagogue,* 4.67 and taught,* 4.68 and heales one that had a withered hand:* 4.69 and the Pharisees went forth, and straightway with the Herodians took counsel how they might destroy him.

But Jesus when he knew this,* 4.70 withdrew himself to the sea,* 4.71 and healed the multitudes that followed him; straitly charging them that they should not make him known, and commanded his Disciples that a small ship should waite on him, because of the multitude that thronged him.

And it came to passe in those dayes,* 4.72 that he went into a mountain to pray,* 4.73 and continued in prayer all night: and when it was day, he chose twelve, whom he cal∣led Apostles, that are specified by name.

And he came down with them and stood in a plain,* 4.74 a great multitude coming unto him, and he healed them all.

And they went into a house,* 4.75 and the multitude com∣eth together again, so that they could not so much as eat bread: and when his kinsmen heard of it they went to lay hold on him, for they said, he is beside himself.

When he saw the multitude,* 4.76 he went up into a moun∣tain, * 4.77 and when he was set,* 4.78 his Disciples came unto him.* 4.79 Then he preaches that long and excellent Ser∣mon, first to the Apostles, and afterwards to all the people.

Now when he had ended all his sayings in the au∣dience of the people,* 4.80 he entred into Capernaum,* 4.81 and heales the Centurions servant that lay sick of the palsie ready to die.* 4.82* 4.83

The day following he goes into the City of Naim,* 4.84 and raises one that was dead and carried out, which was the only ••on of a widow, whereupon his fame spread abroad.

John being in prison,* 4.85 being moved with the relation of his disciples concerning the fame and deeds of Jesus,* 4.86 sends two of them to him,* 4.87 saying, Art thou he that was to come, or shall we look for another, who when they were returned with his answer, he gives a large testimony of John: he then upbraides some Cities for their ingratitude, and willingly rests in the sole good pleasure of his Father, hiding him from some and revealing him to other.

And Simon the Pharisee desired him that he would eate with him,* 4.88 and as they were at meat, he defends against Simon, and absolves the woman a sinner that washed his feet with her teares, and wiped them with the haires of her head, both ki∣ssiing and anointing them.

And it came to passe afterward that he went from City to City preaching,* 4.89 and his disciples were with him,* 4.90 and certain women ministred unto him.

They bring unto him one that had a divell,* 4.91 that was both blind and dumb,* 4.92 and he healed him, and ea∣gerly defends himself against the Pharisees and Scribes that came down from Jerusalem that blas∣phemed him saying, he casteth out devills through Beelzebub.

Then answered some of the Scribes and Pharisees,* 4.93 saying, Master. We would see a sign of thee, to whom when he had sharply rebuked them, he gives no o∣ther sign than that of Jonas.

And while he spake to the people,* 4.94 it was told him,* 4.95 that his mother and brethren,* 4.96 stood without de∣siring to see him and speake with him,* 4.97 but Jesus answering, shews them whom he accounts for his mother and brother and sister.

The same day Jesus went out of the house,* 4.98 and sate by the sea side,* 4.99 and great multitudes were gathered unto him,* 4.100 so that he went into a ship, and sate,* 4.101 and taught the multitudes many things,* 4.102 by the parable of the sower, and many other parables.

And the same day when it was evening,* 4.103 he said unto them,* 4.104 let us lanch forth unto the other side of the lake;* 4.105 when he had given an answer to some that would follow him,* 4.106 and sent away the multitude, they took him even as he was in the ship, and there arose a great tempest, but he rebukes the wind and calmes the sea,* 4.107 and saves his disciples.* 4.108

And they came unto the other side,* 4.109 into the Country of the Gadarens,* 4.110 or Gergesens, which is on the oppo∣site shoar to Galilee, and when he was come to land, there met him, two possessed with devills, very fierce, (Marke and Luke speak but of one) out of whom the devills that being cast, Jesus suffering them, enter into the swine,* 4.111 upon the Gadarens requesting him to quit their coasts;* 4.112 and the possessed persons importuning him,* 4.113 that he might abide with him, (who notwithstanding was denied, and sent back to publish about Decapolis what great things

Jesus had done for him) he passed over again by ship unto the other side: and from thence went unto his own city: [Capernaum.]

And it came to passe that when Jesus was returned,* 4.114 the people received him gladly,* 4.115 for they waited for him, and he was by the sea side.

Then come to him the disciples of John,* 4.116 saying, why do we and the Pharisees fast oft, but thy disciples fast not to whom he gives his answer.

While he yet spake,* 4.117 behold there cometh Jairus one of the rulers of the Synagogues,* 4.118 and besought him greatly for his only daughter of about twelve years old who say at point of death,* 4.119 as he was going, even at Jairus door, a woman that had an issue of bloud twelve years is suddenly healed by touch∣ing the them of Jesus his garment, and the daugh∣ter of Jairus now already dead is restored to life by his word only, and likewise straightly chargeth, that no man should know it.

When he departed thence,* 4.120 two blind men followed him, whose eies he openeth, straightly charging (but to no purpose) that no man should know it.* 4.121

As they went out, behold, they brought unto him a dumb man possessed with a devill, and when the devill was cast out the dumb spake, and the multitude mar∣velled, but the Pharisees blasphemed.* 4.122

And he went round about all their Cities and villa∣ges,* 4.123 teaching, and healing their diseases, then he comes into his own Countrey, and his disciples follow him, and teaching in their synagogue on the sab∣bath day, he is again contemned of them, and cal∣led the Carpenter, notwithstanding they were asto∣nished at his doctrine.

And he went round about their villages,* 4.124 teaching.* 4.125

And he was moved with compassion towards the multitude, when he saw the great harvest, and the few labourers, and saith to his disciples, that they should pray the Lord that he would send forth Labourers.* 4.126

Then he sends the twelve Apostles,* 4.127 by two and two,* 4.128 sufficiently instructed with commands and power,* 4.129 to preach and heal diseases.* 4.130

And it came to passe when Jesus had made an end of commanding his disciples, he departed thence to teach and to preach in their Cities.

And the twelve departed, and went through the Townes preaching the Gospell and healing every where.

The seventeenth of November, Seianus was killed, [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 25.] who being taken away, Tiberius straightway knew that all the crimes that he had accused the Jews of were feigned by himself. Wherefore Tiberius commanded the governours of all provinces, that in every Town they should spare this nation, except very few that were guilty persons, but that they should alter none of their customes, but should wake much account of the men as lovers of peace, and their customes as conducing to publick tranquillity. [Philo. de legat. ad Caium.]

Severus, [The Julian Period. 4745] the Governour of Egypt being dead, [Year after Christ 32] Tibe∣rius made Flaccus Avillius, one of his friends, his suc∣cessour for six years: who governed well that Province for the five first years: as long as Tiberius lived. [Phil. lib. in Flac.]

John Baptist is beheaded.* 4.131

When his Disciples heard this,* 4.132 they came and took up the body, and buried it, and came and told Jesus.

The opinions of Herod the Tetrarch,* 4.133 and others hearing of the fame of Jesus,* 4.134 which Herod desired to see him.

The Apostles being returned,* 4.135 tell Jesus what things they had done.* 4.136

When Jesus had heard of the death of John,* 4.137 and of the deeds of the Apostles,* 4.138 he said unto them,* 4.139 Come yee your selves apart into a desert place, and rest a while, for by reason of the multitude they had not leasure to eat, he therefore, taking the twelve with him, went by ship privately into a desert place of the City. called Bethesda. But when the multitude heard it, they followed him on foot out of all Cities, and outwent him, and he taught and healed them.

And Jesus went up into a mountain,* 4.140 and there sat with his Disciples,* 4.141 and the Passeover was nigh.* 4.142 And when it was evening,* 4.143 he feeds above five thousand men, besides women and children, with five barly loaves, and two little fishes, and there remaineth twelve baskets full of fragments. And when they would have made him a King, Jesus constrained his Disciples to go before him unto the other side, opposite to Bethesda, towards Capernaum. And he himself went into a mountain apart to pray: and when they had gone about 25 or 30 furlongs, in the fourth watch of the night, Jesus goes to them, walking upon the sea, and would have passed by them, and tells them, they being affrighted, who he is, and rebuking, saves Peter ready to sink, and they were amazed. And they drew to shore, and came to the land of Gene∣saret: and when he was come out of the ship, as soon as it was known, they brought their sick, that they might touch the hem of his garment, and they were made whole.

The next day,* 4.144 after Jesus was passed over, the people which stood on this side the sea, took shipping and came to Capernaum seeking Jesus: to whom he preacheth in the Synagogue of Capernaum of the bread of life, and affirms to the Jews that mur∣mured that he was the bread of life. From that time many of his Disciples went back, but the Apostles would not go away; notwithstanding, he calls one of them a devil.

The third PASSEOVER of the Ministery of CHRIST, [John VI 4] From which the third year of the LXX week of Daniel begins.

THe Scribes and Pharisees which came from Jerusalem,* 4.145 came to Jesus,* 4.146 and when they saw some of his Disciples eat with defiled, viz. unwashen hands, they found fault, That they did not walk after the tradition of the

Elders: to whom he answers concerning traditi∣ons, that they frustrated the command of God, that they might keep the traditions of men, and teacheth the people, which also he expounds to his Disciples at home, that nothing that entreth in∣to a man, but that that cometh from within, that defileth a man.

And he arose from thence,* 4.147 and went into the borders of Tire and Sidon,* 4.148 and he could not be hid. For a Canaanitish woman, a Gentile, a Syrophoenician by nation, came to him, earnestly beseeching him for her daughter, that was vexed with a divill: whom having praised for the greatnesse of her faith, he casts out the divil of her daughter.

And again departing from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon,* 4.149 he came unto the sea of Galilee, through the midst of the coast of Decapolis, and they bring unto him one that was deaf, and had an impediment in his speech, whom he heals, charging him that he should tell no man,* 4.150 but in vain.

When he went up into a mountain he sat there, and healeth many, and the multitude won∣dred.

In those dayes,* 4.151 when there was a very great multitude remaining with him three dayes in the desert,* 4.152 he feeds four thousand men, besides women and chil∣dren, with seven loaves, and a few little fishes, and there remaineth seven baskets full of frag∣ments.

And straightway entring into a ship with his disciples,* 4.153 he came into the parts of Dalmanutha,* 4.154 or the coasts of Magdala.* 4.155

And the Pharisees came,* 4.156 requiring of him a sign from Heaven, who after he had deeply sighed, de∣nies any sign but that of Jonas, to those hypocrites that knew how to descerne the face of the sky. And, leaving them, entred again into the ship, aud passed to the other side.

And when his Disciples were come unto the other side,* 4.157 they had forgotten to take bread,* 4.158 and they had but one loaf with them in the ship. Then Jesus saith unto them, take heed of the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadduces, and the leaven of Herod: they reason∣ing among themselves, because they had forgotten to take bread: Jesus rebuking them that they had forgotten the miraculous multiplication of the loaves, gives them to understand that he spake not of the leaven of bread,* 4.159 but of doctrine.

Then he cometh to Bethsaida, and they bring him a blind man, who being led out of the Town, and having his eyes anointed with spittle, recovered his sight, and is forbidden to tell of it.

And Jesus went and his Disciples into the Towns of Caesarea Philippi.* 4.160 And it came to passe as he was alone praying,* 4.161 and was now in the way,* 4.162 that he asked his Disciples, Whom do men say that I am? when they had answered, he saith unto them, But whom do yee say? And when Peter had answered, he pro∣nounceth him happy, annexing promises, and for∣bids his Disciples to tell any man, that he was the Christ. He foretels of his death and resurrection, and calls Peter, Satan, because he rebuked him for so saying. Then he preacheth to his Disciples and the multitude, of the Crosse that every one must bear that will follow him; and at length foretells his transfiguration.

And it came to passe about eight dayes after these sayings, [Year of the World 4028] (or six intermediate dayes) that he was tranfigured in an high mountain:* 4.163 and when they came down from the mountain,* 4.164 he charged them that they should tell no man what they had seen,* 4.165 till he was risen from the dead; and they kept it close, questioning one the other, what the rising from the dead should mean. And they asked him, Why do the Scribes say that Elias must first come? and they received an answer, by which they understand that Jesus spake of John Baptist, that Elias.

And it came to passe the next day,* 4.166 when they were came down from the hill,* 4.167 and that he was come to his Disciples,* 4.168 he saw a great multitude about them, and the Scribes questioning with them: and straightway all the multitude, when they saw him, were greatly amazed, and running to him, saluted him; and as he was asking about their questioning with them, the father of a lunatick child answered him, that it was about his child that had an unclean spirit, both deaf and dumb, and that his Disciples could not cast him out: then Jesus, having cast out the spirit, restores the child whole to his father, and being at home, shews his Disciples the reason why they could not cast out this devil.

And they departed thence,* 4.169 and passed through Gali∣lee, * 4.170 and he would not that any man should know it:* 4.171 and he taught his Disciples concerning his death and re∣surrection: but they understood not that saying; and being exceedingly sorry, were afraid to ask him.

When they were come to Capernaum,* 4.172 they ask Peter about Jesus his paying tribute mony. And when Jesus was come into the house, he prevents Peter, telling him that he should find a piece of mony in a fishes mouth, and bidding pay that for tribute, both for himself and Jesus.

At Capernaum,* 4.173 Jesus asks his Disciples,* 4.174 what it was that they disputed among themselves by the way,* 4.175 at which they were silent at the first, but then told him that it was about, Who should be greatest in the kingdom of Heaven: then taking a child, and setting him in the midst, teacheth them that they should have humility, even as a child. He warns the World of offences; and that we must take heed, that neither hand, foot, nor eye, make thee to offend. That little ones are not to be despi∣sed. How our brother sinning against us, is to be reproved, and also to be bound and loosed of the Church, and to be forgiven till seventy times seven times, as he shews in the parable of two debters to the King.

But John answered,* 4.176 saying,* 4.177 we saw one casting out devills through thy name, whom Jesus teacheth that he was not to be forbidden; and again warns them of not offending little ones, and to take heed again, that neither hand, foot, or eye, cause thee to offend.

Junius Gallio, (studying to please Tiberius, had given sentence that Tiherius his Souldiers, when their time of service was out, should sit in the same benches with the Knights, to behold the Playes) was banished, under this colour, That he would seem to perswade the Souldiers, rather to serve the Common-wealth than Tiberius. And

when it was wrote that he would easily endure his banish∣ment, in so noble and pleasant an Island as Lesbos was, he was brought back to Rome, and delivered to the custody of the Magistrates. [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 58. pag. 632.]

Cassius Severus, the Oratour in the 25 year of his banishment died, in the Island of Serphone, being redu∣ced to such poverty, that he had scarce a cloth to hide his privities. [Hieronym. in Chronic.]

At Rome it was propounded in the Senate by Quin∣tilian, Tribune of the people, concerning the Sybells book, which Caninius Gallus, one of the fifteen requested, might be received among other books of the same pro∣phetesse, and pressed for a Decree of the Senate, to ratifie it. Which being done by joynt vote, Tiberius sent letters, wherein he somewhat sparingly checked the Tri∣bune, as not being well versed in the old customs, by reason of his youth, but took up Gallus very smartly, who being a man of years, and well experienced in the ceremonies, had notwithstanding moved the businesse at such time when the house was but thin, many of the Senatonrs being absent: the authour of the Poem uncer∣tain, before the Colledge had delivered their opinion, or the Poem had been revised and adjudged by the masters (of the Priests) according to the usual custom. Where∣upon the book was referred to the cognizance of the Fif∣teen. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. cap. 3.]

After these things Jesus walked in Galilee,* 4.178 for he would not walk in Jewry, because the Jews sought to kill him. Now the Feast of Tabernacles was at hand. Jesus goeth not up to the Feast, as his brethren would have him, who as yet believed not on him, but goeth up after them, not openly, but as it were in secret.

And it came to passe, [Year of the World 4036] when the time was come,* 4.179 that he should be received up, he set his face to go to Jerusalem; and he sent messengers before his face, and they went into a Village of the Samaritans, to make ready for him, but they would not receive him, wherefore they went into another City, having rebuked his Disciples that would have commanded fire to come down from Heaven upon them.

And it came to passe as they went in the way,* 4.180 Jesus gave an answer particularly to some that would fol∣low him.

After these things Jesus sent LXX Disciples by two and two into every City and place,* 4.181 where he himself would come, giving them instructions, and arming them with power.

The multitude enquiring after him,* 4.182 and murmuring concerning him, Jesus in the middle of the feast teacheth in the Temple; and they wondring at his doctrine, he answereth, that his doctrine is not his own, but his that sent him. He answereth many things to them, reproaching and objecting against him, and Officers are sent to apprehend him. In the last and great day of the Feast, Jesus crying out concerning faith in him, there is a division con∣cerning him among the people: but the Officers that were sent, and Nicodemus, defend both his person and cause before the Pharisees that spake against him.

Jesus went unto the Mount of Olives,* 4.183 and early in the morning he sat and taught in the Temple, where not willing to condemn (as a Judge) the woman

taken in adultery, warnes her to sin no more. Teaching in the Treasury of the Temple, He affirmes that he is the Light of the World, and defends his bearing record of himself, teacheth many things concerning the Father himself: whither he goes, who he is; of their father Abraham: of the ser∣vitude of sin and the Devil: of himself that he had not a Devil, as they supposed: that whosoever kept his saying, should not taste of death; concluding with these words, Before Abraham was I am: where∣upon they take up stones to throw at him; but Jesus hid himself, and went out of the Temple, going thorough the midst of them, and so passed by.

And as Jesus passed by,* 4.184 he saw one begging that was blind from his youth, who being made to see, after many examinations, both of himself and parents, being cast out of the Synagogue, worships Jesus.

He preacheth moreover that he is the door of the sheep;* 4.185 and that good shepherd, and of theeves and hirelings: and there was a division again among the Jews for these sayings.

The LXX return with joy,* 4.186 whom he farther warns and instructs: and rejoycing in spirit, he tells them privately, that their eyes are happy.

Then behold a certain Lawyer askes him,* 4.187 what he must do to inherit eternal life. Jesus sends him to the Law, and he is taught by the Parable of the man that fell among theeves, who is his neighbour.

Now it came to passe as he went he came to a certain town,* 4.188 and is received into the house of Martha, she her self ministring unto them, whilst Mary heard the world of Jesus, for which she is preferred before Martha.

And it came to passe as he was praying in a certain place,* 4.189 when he ceased, [The Julian Period. 4746] one of his Disciples said unto him, [Year after Christ 33] Lord teach us to pray, as John taught his Disciples. Wherefore he the second time prescribes unto them the Lords prayer; using arguments also to stir them up to constancy in prayer, and for the confirmation of their faith in obtaining.

And he cast out a devil that was dumb,* 4.190 and the multitude marvelled: and he confirms against some blasphemers, that he casts not out devils through Beelzebub.

And it came to passe as he spake these things,* 4.191 that a certain woman of the company said unto him, Blessed is the womb that bare thee: to whom he replies.

And when the multitude were gathered thick toge∣ther,* 4.192 he began to say; This generation seeketh a sign, but there shall none be given but that of Jonas: ad∣ding, that the Queen of the South, and the Ni••i∣vites, shall condemn this generation, and that heed must be taken that the light that is in thee be not darknesse.

When he had spoken these things.* 4.193 a certain Pharisee besought him that he would dine with him. Wonder∣ing that Jesus had not first washed, he is severely reprehended with the rest of the Pharisees by Je∣sus for their outward holinesse, or simulation, in∣ward wickednesse, covetousnesse, and pride: and a woe pronounced likewise to the Lawyers.

In the mean time,* 4.194 when there were gathered together an innumerable company, Jesus saith to his Disciples, Take heed of the leaven of the Pharisees, which is hy∣pocrisie: And not to fear them which kill the body.

And one of the company said unto him,* 4.195 Speak to my brother that he divide the inheritance with me. To whom he saith, Who made me a Judge? and upon this occasion, preacheth against covetousnesse, in the Parable of the rich man that would build greater barnes: and against an anxious distrustful and unprofitable carking about the necessaries of this life, bidding, that they rather seek the kingdom of God, and to be like them that waite for the coming of their Lord, as it becometh a faithful and wise Steward: and saith, that he will send the fire of division on the earth; and upbraides them, that they cannot find out that this is the appoined time.

And there were present at that season,* 4.196 some that told him of the Galileans, whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices: from whence, he preacheth repentance, and propounds the Parable of the fig∣tree, not having fruit

And he taught in one of the Synagogues on the Sab∣bath day,* 4.197 and behold there was a woman which had a spirit of infirmity eighteen years, and was bowed to∣gether; whom he heales on the Sabbath, and de∣fends the deed against the Ruler of the Syna∣gogues indignation. Then he likens the King∣dom of Heaven to a grain of mustard-seed, and to leaven.

And he went thorough all the Cities and Villages teaching and journying towards Jerusalem:* 4.198 viz. to the Feast of Dedication.

Then said one unto him,* 4.199 Are there few that shall be saved? to whom he answereth, That they must strive to enter in at the straite gate.

On th•• same day,* 4.200 some of the Pharisees came to him, saying, Get thee out, and depart hence, for Herod will kill thee: to whom he gives a resolute answer.

And it came to passe as he went into the house of one of the ch••ef Pharisees to eat bread,* 4.201 there was present one who had the Dropsie, whom he heales, and defends the deed, though done on the Sabbath; and speakes a Parable to them that were bidden, and instructeth him that had invited him.

And when one of them that sat at meat with him,* 4.202 heard these things, he saith unto him, Blessed is he that shall eat bread in the kingdom of God: to whom he answereth, and propounds the Parable of the great Supper, and of each excuse that those that were invited made.

And there was a great multitude that went with him,* 4.203 and he turned, and preacheth unto them, that life it self is to be said down for Christ; propound∣ing unto them the Parables of the man that was a∣bout to build a Tower, and of the King going to war.

And there came to him all the Publicans and sinners for to hear him,* 4.204 and the Scribes and Pharisees murmu∣red. He speakes unto them the Parables of the lost sheep, of the groat, and of the prodigal son.

He tells his Disciples the Parable of the unjust Steward accused unto his Lord;* 4.205 together with the application of the same: and the Pharisees heard all these things, and they were covetous, and derided him. He then preacheth against them, and teacheth many other things, and declares the Parable of the rich man fareing deliciously, and of Lazarus the begar.

He saith to his Disciples;* 4.206 woe to them by whom offences come, and teacheth that thy brother sin∣ning against thee is to be forgiven.

Then said the Apostles,* 4.207 Lord increase our faith, to whom he answers concerning the power of faith, and by the Parable of the servant coming from plough, and straight way ministering, shewes that they are unprofitable servants, when they have done all, for they have done no more, than what was their duty.

And it came to passe as he went to Ierusalem,* 4.208 that he passed thorough the midst of Samaria and Galilee, and as he entred into a certain village, there met him ten Lepers, who as they were going (by the command of Jesus) to the Priests, were made clean: of whom one of them comes back to Jesus to give him thanks, and he was a Samaritane.

And being asked of the Pharisees,* 4.209 when the kingdom of God will come? he answered, That the kingdom of God will not come with observation: but that it is with∣in; and saith to his Disciples, That according to the dayes of Noe and Lot: So shall be the day in which the Son of Man shall be revealed: but he must first suffer many things.

And he spake unto them a Parable that they should alwayes pray,* 4.210 by the example of a widow interce∣ding towards the unjust Judge: whereas God is a just Revenger.

He spake also to some that perswaded themselves that they were just,* 4.211 and despised others, the Parable of the Pharisee and Publican praying in the Temple.

And it was at Ierusalem the Feast of the Dedication,* 4.212 and it was winter, and Iesus walked in the Temple in So∣lomons Porch: then came the Iews round about him, and said unto him, How long dost thou make us to doubt, if thou be the Christ, tell us plainly? which he avouch∣ing by his works, and saying, I and my Father are one, they again took up stones to stone him: and de∣fending himself to be God, by the Scriptures, and his works, thy sought again to take him, but he escap∣ed out of their hands.

And he went again beyond Jordan,* 4.213 into the place where John first baptized,* 4.214 and there he abode,* 4.215 and many resorted unto him; and as he was wont, he taught them and healed them, and many believed on him there.

There come to him the Pharisees,* 4.216 tempting him,* 4.217 and saying, Is it lawful for a man to put away his wife for every cause? Jesus denies it, and gives an answer, both to the Pharisees, objecting the bill of divorce which Moses commanded, and also to his Disci∣ples saying, That then it is better for a man not to marry.

They bring unto him little children that he should lay his hands upon them,* 4.218 and pray,* 4.219 and his Disciples for∣bad them (for which being rebuked) after he had laid his hands upon them and blessed them,* 4.220 he de∣parted thence.

Jesus going out from thence,* 4.221 as he was in the way,* 4.222 there meets him,* 4.223 a young man, one of the Rulers, very rich, saying unto him, Good Master, what must I do to inherit eternal life? Jesus having spoken concerning the title he gave him, sends him to the Command∣ments, who replying that he had observed them, Jesus loves him; but bidding him sell all that he

had, and give to the poor sends him away very sor∣rowfull.

He inveighes bitterly against covetous rich men; And upon Peters saying, Behold we have left all and followed thee; he makes notable promises to all that follow him, some whereof were peculiar to the twelve Apostles: Adding withall, that many which were first should be last, and those which were last should be first, which he declares by a parable of labourers into a vineyard: for many were called, but few chosen.

Lazarus of Bethanie was sick;* 4.224 his sisters therefore send to Jesus to tell him of his sicknesse, as soon as he heard that he was sick, he tarries two daies in the place where he was, but afterwards he saith to his disciples, let us go again into Judea, who say to him, the Jews of late sought to stone thee, and goest thou thither again. Jesus answering saith unto them, Lazarus sleepeth (speaking of his death, not of his sleep) Let us go to him, saith Thomas, that we may die with him.

Jesus comes nigh unto Bethanie,* 4.225 and finds that La∣zarus had been buried four daies in the grave: Martha comes to meet him, they discourse concerning the resurrection. Mary hearing of it comes quickly to him, without the town, where Martha met him, who seeing her weep, Jesus wept, and comes to the grave, bidding them remove the stone, and giving thanks to his father, calls Lazarus out of his grave, whereupon many beleive on him, and some going to the Pharisees, telling what things Jesus had done.

They called therefore a councell, where Caia∣phas prophesied concerning Jesus, and from that day consulted together that they might put him to death, commanding that if any one knew where he was they should give notice that they might take him. Jesus therefore walked no more openly among the Jews but went unto a City called Ephraim,* 4.226 and there continued with his disciples.* 4.227

As they were in the way going up to Hierusalem. and Jesus went before them,* 4.228 and they were afraid, and he taketh again the twelve, and began to tell them what thing should happen unto him,* 4.229 but they understood none of these things.* 4.230

Then come to him James and John the sons of Zebe∣dee and their mother, desiring that they might sit one on the right hand the other on the left of Jesus who being repulsed with his answer, and the rest being displeased, all are admonished that he that will be great, and first among them, must be the minister and servant of all.* 4.231

And it came to passe when he came nigh Jericho, a certain blindman sate begging, by the way side, asking who it was that passed by, and knowing that it was Jesus of Nazareth, he though rebuked, earnest∣ly imploreth his mercy, and being called unto him he receives his sight, and followes him glorifying God

And Jesus entred and passed through Jericho,* 4.232 and seeing Zacheus in a sycomore tree, he saith unto him, I must abide at thy house to day.

And as they went out from the city Jericho,* 4.233 a great company following him,* 4.234 he restores sight to two blind men (whereof one was Bartimeus,) and they fol∣lowed him.

When they heard these things,* 4.235 because they were nigh to Hiorusalem, and because they thought that the King∣dome of God should immediately appear, going on, he spake the pa••able of the noble man that went into a far Countrey, who gave his ten servants ten pounds to occupie till he returned, and when he returned, knowing which had gained most by trading, he rewards each of them according to the proportion of their gain.

And the Passeover was at hand,* 4.236 and many went out of the Countrey up to Hierusalem before the Passeover, that they might purifie themselves.

Jesus therefore six daies before the Passeover comes to Bethanie,* 4.237 and they made him a supper, and Lazarus sate with him, where Mary annoints his feet, and wipes them with the haires of her head, whom Jesus defends against Judas:* 4.238 and much people came thither,* 4.239 not onely for Jesus sake,* 4.240 but that they might see Lazarus: but the chief Priests consult how they might put Lazarus to death, because many of the Iews beleeved by reason of him.

And when he had thus spoken, he went before, as∣cending up to Jerusalem: and it came to passe when he was nigh Bethphage and Bethany, at the Mount called the Mount of Olives (the 29 day of March) he sent two of his Disciples for an Asse Colt that was tied. (Matthew makes mention of the shee Asse also.)

They brought therefore the Colt unto Jesus,* 4.241 and cast their garments upon the Colt,* 4.242 and set Jesus there∣on, * 4.243 & much people that came to the feast met him, many casting their garments in the way,* 4.244 others cut down branches of trees, & strowed them in the way. And when he was come to the descent of the Mount of O∣lives, the company that went before, & that follow∣ed cried Hofanna to the son of David: And some of the Pharisees saying unto him, Rebuke thy Dis∣ciples, he answereth them, The Pharisees there∣fore said among themselves, Perceive ye not that we prevaile nothing, behold the World is gone after him.

And when he came nigh,* 4.245 seeing the City,* 4.246 he wept over it,* 4.247 foretelling the utter destruction thereof.

And when he was entred into Jerusalem, all the City was moved, saying, Who is this?

And Jesus went into the Temple of God,* 4.248 and cast out those that bought and sold in it,* 4.249 and heals both blind & lame in it,* 4.250 and justifies the children crying Hosanna in the Temple,* 4.251 against the Priests and Scribes that were displeased at it, he teacheth daily in the Tem∣ple, them that heard him being very attentive, but the chief Priests and Elders of the people seeking to destroy him.

Some Greeks of those that came to worship at the Feast desire to see him,* 4.252 he answereth them that tell him, by preaching of his pession, and calling upon his Father, receives an answer from Heaven, which some think to be Thunder, others an Angel: and speaking again of the lifting up of the Son of Man from the earth: he answereth them that ask him, who is this Son of Man?* 4.253 And going from thence he hid himself from them: and when it was evening, he went with the twelve unto Bethany; and when he had done so many miracles among them, they did not belive in him, that the word of Esayas might be fullfilled. Yet neverthelesse many of the Rulers

believed on him, but did not confesse for fear of the Pharisees, he crying out therefore, preacheth con∣cerning faith in him.

And on the morrow,* 4.254 when he came from Bethany,* 4.255 he was hungry, and seeing a fig-tree, that had only leaves on it, he curseth it, and it straightway wi∣thered. They come to Jerusalem, and entring into the Temple, he again casts out those that bought and sold, and would not that any should carry a vessel through the Temple, and crying out, he teacheth concerning faith in himself, but the chief Priests sought how they might destroy him, for they feared him, because all the people were astonished at his doctrine, and when evening was come, Jesus went out of the City.

And in the morning,* 4.256 as they passed by the fig-tree,* 4.257 they saw that it was dried up from the roots, which Pe∣ter shewing, he preacheth unto them of the power and virtue of faith,* 4.258 but especially in prayers. And they come again to Jerusalem, and as he was walking in the Temple and teaching, the chief Priests, Elders, and Scribes come unto him, saying, by what authority dost thou do these things: Jesus answereth them, by asking them concerning Johns Baptism. And he spake unto them the parable of the two sons,* 4.259 asking them,* 4.260 which of the two did the will of the father, and applies it unto them: as also the parable of the Vineyard let out to Husband-men, and their killing of the Heir of the Vineyard, together with the application thereof, from that hour therefore they sought to take him, but they feared the people, for they took him for a Prophet. Again he propoundeth to them the parable,* 4.261 of the marriage of the Kings son, and the refusals and excus••s of some that were bidden, and the wickednesse and punishments of others, especially of him that had not on the wedding garment,* 4.262 then went the Pharisees and took councel how they might intangle him in his talk;* 4.263 wherefore they sent out unto him their Disciples with the Hero∣dians, saying, Is it lawful to give tribute unto Caesar or not? who being astonished at his answer, left him, and went their way.

The same day come to him the Sadduces, asking him of the woman, that had the seven brethren for her husbands, which of them should be her husband in the resurrection; and when the mul∣titude heard his answer to prove the resurrection, they were astonished at his doctrine. Then a Pharisee,* 4.264 a Lawyer, tempteth him, asking him which is the great commandement in the law? to whom he answers, and asks the Pharisee, whose Son Christ is? and no man was able to answer him a word, neither durst any man from that day forth, ask him any more question.

Then Jesus speaks to the multitude,* 4.265 and to his Disci∣ples;* 4.266 concerning the Scribes and Pharisees,* 4.267 de∣nouncing a woe eight times against them, and speaking to the City Jerusalem, accuseth her of cruelty and obstinacy, and foretells her desolation.

And as Jesus sat over against the Treasury,* 4.268 he pre∣fers a widow casting in two mites,* 4.269 before them that cast in more.

When he went out of the Temple,* 4.270 his Disciples shew∣ing him the buildings and stones,* 4.271 he foretells the ruine thereof.* 4.272

And as he sat on the Mount of Olive, over against the Temple, his Disciples asked him, when these things shall be, and what shall be the sign of thy coming, and the end of the World? to whom he at large answers concerning the signes of them both: and warnes them to watch and to be ready for they know not the hour when the Lord will come. And teacheth the same thing by the Parable of the ten Virgins,* 4.273 as also by the Parable of the ta∣lents delivered to the servants to trade withal, and describeth the judgement of this World (perhaps as a type of that) by setting the sheep on the right hand, and the goats on the left, and giving sen∣tence upon each of them.* 4.274 By day he taught in the Temple, but by night he went into the Mount of Olives, and all the people coming unto him early in the morning, he taught them in the Temple.

And it came to passe when Jesus had finished these sayings,* 4.275 he saith to his Disciples,* 4.276 Ye know that after two dayes is the Passeover, and the son of man shall be be∣trayed to be crucified. Then they consulted toge∣ther in the Palace of the High Priest, that they might kill Jesus; but they said, not in the Feast day, lest therebe an uprore among the people.

And as he was in the house of Simon the Leper,* 4.277 he defends a woman that poured an alabaster box of ointment on his head,* 4.278 as he sat at meat, a∣gainst his Disciples that murmured, fortelling his burial.

Then entred Satan into Judas,* 4.279 who offers himself,* 4.280 and covenants to betray him.* 4.281

The fourth PASSEOVER in which CHRIST, our Passeover, was sa∣crificed, 1 Cor. 5. 7 and so an end put to all the legal sacrifices prefiguring this onely one, the fourth, or middle year of the last week of Daniel, be∣ginning, Dan. 9. 27.

IN the first day of unleavened bread,* 4.282 when the Passe∣over was slain (April 2.) his Disciples asking him,* 4.283 where they should prepare it; He sends Peter and John into the City, telling them that, there should meet them a man carrying a pitcher of water, by following of whom, they should find a guest-chamber ready furnished by the good man of the house.

And in the evening he cometh with the twelve,* 4.284 and when they had sat down,* 4.285 and eaten,* 4.286 Jesus said, I have greatly desired to eat this Passeover with you, before I suffer; and he commanded them to divide the Cup among themselves, saying, I will not any more eat of the Passeover, or drink of the fruit of the Vine, until the kingdom of God shall come. And he saith,* 4.287 one of you shall betray me,* 4.288 and they began to be sorrowful, and to say unto him, one by

one, Is it I? He answereth, It is he that dippeth his hand with me in the dish, and to Judas asking, is it? he saith, thou hast said.

Whilst they were eating,* 4.289 he institutes the sacrament of his body in bread;* 4.290 and in wine,* 4.291 after he had sup∣ped that of his bloud, adding, I will not henceforth drinke of the fruit of the Vine, till I shall drinke it now with you in the Kingdome of my father. But behold saith he the hand of him that betraieth me i•• with me on the table, then they began to en∣quire among themselves,* 4.292 if any among them should do this.* 4.293

And there was also a strife among them, which of them should be accounted the greatest; and supper being ended, he riseth, and lsaieth aside his garments, and took a towell, and girded himself, and began to wash and to wipe his disciples feet, and also Peters, who at first denied, but afterwards desired it, which being done, he sits down again, saying, I have shewed you an example, that as I have done, you might likewise wash one anothers feet, he that is the greatest among you let him be the least; adding moreover, I do not speak of you all; I know whom I have chosen. When he had said these things, he is troubled in spirit, and testified, saying one of you shall betray me; his disciples therefore looking one on another uncertain of whom he spake, Peter beckoned to the beloved disciple, that he should aske who it was, Jesus answered, he it is to whom I shall give a sop after I have dipped it, and he gave it to Judas and said unto him, wha•• thou doest, do qu••ckly; he, having received the sop, went out immediately: and it was night.

When he was gone out, Jesus saith, Now is the son of man glorified, and God is glorified in him, and he admonisheth them of his sudden departure, and of their mutuall love one of another; he said also Simon, Simon, behold Satan hath desired ye that he might winnow you as wheat,* 4.294 but I have praied for thee, and do thou strengthen thy brethren; and to Peter too confidently saying, I will lay down my life for thee, he answers, The Cock shall not crow till thou hast denied me thrice: and he said to them, he that hath a purse let him take it, and he that hath not a sword, let him buy one; they saying, here are two swords, he saith, it is enough.

Against their sorrow conceived by them for his death,* 4.295 he comforts them, as he was wont, to the questions of Thomas, Philip, Judas, (who is also Lebbaeus, surnamed Thaddaeus, another of the sons of Alphaeus, and brother of James) he answers every one particularly, he promiseth to them, that the Holy Ghost shall be their teacher: and leaves his peace unto them, and again admonishing them of his approaching death,* 4.296 and of the joyfull fruit thereof,* 4.297 he saith, Arise let us go hence, and when they had sung an hymn they went out towards the mount of Olives.

As they were going,* 4.298 by the Parable of the Vine and the branches, he exhorts them to bring forth fruit, and to remain in the love of God towards them, and mutuall love one towards another, and to abide patiently the hatred of the world, which

hates Christ himself, and that they should not be offended through persecutions.* 4.299 And again com∣forts them against sorrow for his death, by the promise of sending them the Comforter, the Spirit of truth, whose office against the world, and to∣wards them he describeth. And admonishing them, that yet a little while and they should not see him, they not understanding when that mea∣neth, he explaines it unto them, and saith, that there foresaid sorrow of theirs should be turned into joy, by the example of a woman bringing forth a manchild, and also by his return unto them, by the love of the father towards them, and by his ready hearing of their petitions that they shall make in his name. And he saying, I came forth from the father, and am come into the world, again I leave the world, and go to the father, his disciples answered, Lo, now thou speakest plainly, we beleive thou camest from God: to whom Je∣sus answers, that the time was now come, that they should be scattered every own to his one, and Christ should be left alone. And at last conclude with a most divine praier to the father,* 4.300 for the mutuall illustration of his own, and the fathers glo∣ry, for the Apostles, and the whole company of believers.

When Jesus had spoken these things,* 4.301 he went with his disciples (as he was wont) over the brook Cedron to the mount of Olives.* 4.302 Then saith Jesus to them,* 4.303 all ye shall be offended because of me this night, but af∣ter I am risen again I will go before ye into Gali∣lee, and to Peter saying,* 4.304 though all should be offen∣ded, * 4.305 yet will not I, Jesus saith, to day, even this night before the Cock crow, thou shalt deny me thrice, but both he, and all the disciples reply, though we should die with thee, we will not deny thee.

Then they come into a place,* 4.306 called Gethsemane,* 4.307 where was a garden into which Jesus entred, and his disciples, unto whom he said pray ye that ye enter not into temptation, sit here till I goe and pray yonder:* 4.308 and he took Peter and the two sons of Zebedee with him, and began to be very sorrow∣full, and said unto them, tarry here and watch, and going a little further about a stones cast, kneeled down and praied that this cup might passe from him. And there appeared an Angell from heaven strengthning him; then he returnes, and finding his Disciples sleeping, he reprehends, and admo∣nisheth them; he goeth the second time, and prai∣eth more earnestly, and being in an agony, he sweates as it were drops of bloud, and coming again, finds them sleeping for sorrow, for their eies were heavy, and again being admonished they know not what to answer he then left them, and went away again and praied the same words, then cometh he to his disciples and saith unto them, sleep on now, and take your rest, behold the houre is come, and the son of man is betraied into the hand of sinners; rise, let us be going: behold he is at hand that doth betray me.

While he yet spake behold Judas,* 4.309 who knew the place,* 4.310 (because Jesus often resorted thither with his disciples) with the chief Priests,* 4.311 and Pharisees,* 4.312 Captains of the Temple, and elders of the people▪

and Officers, and a band sent from them, cometh thither with Lanterns and Torches, and a great multitude with swords and staves. And Judas had given a sign, saying, Whomsoever I shall kisse, the same is he, and he straightway kissed Jesus: to whom Jesus said, Wherefore art thou come? Be••rayest thou the Son of Man with a kisse?* 4.313 but Jesus knowing all things that should come unto ••••m, went out unto them, and said unto them, Whom seek ye? they say unto him, Jesus of Naza∣reth, Jesus saith unto them, I am he, and they went backwards and fell to the ground: he asketh them again, and answereth them as at the first; saying, moreover, If ye seek me, let these go their way; and they took him: and when they that were about him saw what would follow,* 4.314 they said unto him,* 4.315 Lord, shall we smite with the sword, and Peter strook off the right ear of Malchus, a servant of the High Priests, to whom Jesus said, Put up thy sword, cannot I pray, and have more than twelve Legions of Angels? Shall not I drink of the cup that my Father hath given me? Suff••r ye thus far, and he touched his ear and healed him.* 4.316 And Jesus said unto them,* 4.317 be ye come out as against a Thi•••• with swords and staves; but this is your houre and the power of darknesse, then all his Dis∣ciples left him, and fled; and a certain young man (of their company) being laid hold on, left his lin∣n••n cloth and fled from them.

And they bound Jesus,* 4.318 and brought him first to An∣••••s,* 4.319 the father in law of Caiphas,* 4.320 who sent him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Calphas the H••gh Priest,* 4.321 who formerly 〈…〉〈…〉, that it was expedient that one man should die for the people, there were all the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priests, and Elders, and Scribes of the people gathered together. Then Caiphas asked Jesus concerning his Disciples, and his Doctrine; Jesus answered him, I spake openly to the World, ask from that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 me: therefore one of the Officers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him wi••h a staff, to whom he answereth, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I have wel•• spoken, why smitest thou me? Then all the Council sought false witnesse against him, 〈…〉〈…〉: at last two false witnesses came, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their test••mony agreed not. Caiphas then said, Answerest thou not to what they witnesse a∣gainst thee? but Jesus held his peace: then he ad∣••••ted him that he should tell, whether he were the Christ. And he answereth, I am; and ye shall see the so 10. man sitting at the right hand of the pow∣er of God, and coming in the clouds of Heaven. Wherefore they judged him guilty of death for this blasphemy. Then they mocked him, and they spa•• on him, cruelly▪ beat him with buffets and stave; and covering his face, they said, Prophesie who smote thee: and many other things they re∣proachfully spake against him.

But Peter followed afar off, that he might see the end, and another Disciple that was known to the High Priest, and went with Jesus into the Palace: but Peter stood without at the door, whom that o∣ther Disciple (speaking to her that kept the door) brought in: and as Peter was warming himself at the fire kindled in the midst of the Palace, (for it was cold) the maid that kept the door, asked him, and affirmed that he was one of his Disciples; but

he denied it, or that he knew him, or knew what she said. And a little after, he went out into the Porch, and the cock crew: and as he was going out another maid saw him, and said unto them that were there, This also was with Jesus of Na∣zareth: also another said unto him, Thou art one of them; then he again denies it with an oath, and about an hour after, they which stood by came and said unto him, Thy speech bewrayeth thee, and the cousin of Malchus among the rest said, Did not I see thee in the Garden with him? and while he yet spake, the cock crew the second time, then the Lord turned about and looked upon Peter, and he remembring the words of Jesus, went out, and wept bitterly.

And as soon as it was day,* 4.322 the Elders of the people, and chief Priest, and the Scribes, came together, and led him in to their Council, saying, Art thou the Christ? to whom he answered, Ye will not be∣lieve, or answer, or let me go; that he was the Son of God: they said, What need we any further witnesse?

Then straightway in the morning the whole multi∣tude of them arose,* 4.323 and led him bound unto Pontus Pilate the Governour,* 4.324 from Caiphas to the Hall of judge∣ment, * 4.325 (April 3.) and they went not into the Judgement Hall,* 4.326 lest they should be defiled, but that they might eat the Passeover. And Jesus stood before the Governour; Pilate therefore came forth unto them, and said, What accusation bring you against this man? they answered him, If he had not been a malefactour, we would not have delivered him unto thee: and they began to ac∣cuse him, saying, we found this man perverting the Nation, and forbidding to pay tribute to Caesar, saying, That he himself is Christ a King: and when he was accused of the chief Priests and Elders, he answered nothing. Then said Pilate unto him, Hearest thou not how many things they witnesse against thee: but he answered him not a word, so that Pilate marvelled. Then said Pilate unto them, Take ye him, and judge him accor∣ding to your law: but they urged, it is not lawful for us to put any man to death. Pilate then entred into the judgement Hall again, and called Jesus, and said unto him; Art thou the King of the Jews; Jesus answered, Sayest thou this of thy self, or did others tell it thee of me? Pilate answered, Am I a Jew? thine own Nation, and the chief Priests have delivered thee unto me, What hast thou done? Jesus answered, My Kingdom is not of this world, Pilate therefore said unto him, Art thou a King then? Jesus answered, For this cause came I into the world, that I might bear witness unto the truth: Pilate said unto him, What is truth? And when he had said this, he went out again unto the Jews, and said unto them, I find in him no fault at all: and they were the more fierce, saying, He stirreth up the people, teaching thorough all Jewry, beginning at Galilee to this place. Pilate therefore hearing of Galilee,* 4.327 asked him if he were a Galilean, and when he knew that he belonged to Herods jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod who was at Je∣rusalem in those dayes. And when he saw Jesus he was exceeding glad: but being deceived in his hopes of

seeing a miracle, and not vouchsafed any answer, either to him, or the chief Priests and Scribes, ve∣hemently accusing him: after Herod had set Jesus at naught,* 4.328 and mocked him, sends him back to Pilate arayed in a gorgeous robe: and both the Govern∣ours were made friends that same day. And Pilate when he had called the chief Priests and the Ru∣lers and the people, said unto them, Neither I, nor Herod, find any fault in him, nor any thing wor∣thy of death:* 4.329 I will therefore chastise him, and release him: for the Governour was of necessity every Feast (as the custom was) to deliver to the people one prisoner whom they would: and the multitude crying out aloud began to desire, that he would do unto them as he had ever done. Pilate therefore calling them, said unto them, Ye have a custom that I should release one unto you at the Passeover, Will ye therefore that I release unto you the King of the Jews, which will ye, either this man or Barabbas? for he knew that the chief Priests had delivered him for envy; but they stir∣red up the people, that he should rather deliver Ba∣rabbas unto them: now he was a notable thief, who lay bound with them that made insurrection, and for insurrection and murder in the City, was cast into prison. And when he was set down in the judgement-seat, his wife sent unto him, saying, Have nothing to do with that just man, for I have suffered many things in my dream by reason of him this day. Pilate therefore spake unto them again, be∣ing willing to release Jesus, which of the twain will you that I release unto you? but they all cryed out, saying, not him, but Barabbas. Pilate there∣fore answered, and said unto them again, What will you, that I shall do unto him that ye call King of the Jews, and they all cryed out again, crucifie him. Pilate said unto them the third time, But what evil hath he done? I find no cause of death in him, I will therefore chastise him and let him go, but they cryed more earnestly, crucifie him, and were very instant with loud voices, desiring the same.* 4.330 Then Pilate took Jesus, and scourged him, and the Souldiers platted a Crown of Thorns, and put it on his head, and cloathed him with purple, say∣ing, Haile King of the Jews, and beat him with staves. Pilate therefore went forth again unto them, and said unto them, Behold I bring him forth unto you, that you may know I find no fault in him, then Jesus came forth, wearing the Crown of thorns, and the robe, and Pilate said unto them, Behold the man. When the chief Priests and Officers saw him, they cryed out, saying, Crucifie him, crucifie him. Pilate said unto them, take ye him and cru∣cifie him, for I find no fault in him. The Jews said, he ought to dye, because he made himself the Son of God. When Pilate therefore heard that saying, he was the more afraid, and went again into the judgement-hall, and saith to Jesus, Whence art thou? but Jesus gave him no answer; then said Pilate unto him, Speakest thou not unto me? Knowest thou not, that I have power to crucifie thee? Jesus answered, Thou couldest have no power, unlesse it were given thee from above: and from thenceforth Pilate sought to release him, but the Jews cryed out, Then thou art not Caesars

friend. When Pilate heard this, he brought forth Jesus, and sate in the judgement-seat, in the place called the Pavement, and it was the preparation of the Passeover, and about the sixth hour, then said he unto the Jews, Behold your King, but they cryed out, Away with him, Away with him, crucifie him: Pilate said unto them, Shall I cru∣cifie your King, then answered the chief Priests, we have no King but Caesar. When Pilate there∣fore saw that he prevailed nothing, but that rather a tumult was made, he took water and washed his hands before the multitude, saying, I am innocent of the bloud of this just person, see you to it: and all the people answered and said, His bloud be on us, and our children: then willing to content the mul∣titude, * 4.331 he released unto them Barabbas,* 4.332 And when he had scourged Jesus,* 4.333 he delivered him over to their will, that he might be crucified.

And the Souldiers of the Governour, when they had led Jesus into the hall called Praetorium, they called together the whole band; and when they had stripped him, they put upon him a scarlet robe, and platted a Crown of Thorns, and put it on his head, and a reed in his right hand, and bowing the knee, mocked him, saying, Hail King of the Jews: and when they had spat on him, they took that reed and smote him on the head: and when they had mocked him, they took off the purple from him, and put his own cloaths on him, and led him out to crucifie him.

Then Judas which had betrayed him, when he saw that he was condemned, repented himself, and brought the thirty pieces of silver to the chief Priests, confessing his sin unto them; and casting the silver pieces into the Temple, went and hang∣ed himself; and they bought with them the Potters field, that the prophesie might be fulfilled.

And Jesus came forth carrying his Crosse,* 4.334 but as they were leading him,* 4.335 they found one Symon of Cyrene, who came out of the Country, whom they took, and compelled to carry the Crosse after Jesus, and there were two Thieves that were led with him, that they might be crucified: and there followed a great multitude of people, and of women that lamented him, to whom he turned and foretold the lamentable destruction of Jerusalem. And when they were come into the place called Calvary, but in the Hebrew Golgotha, they gave unto him to drink wine, mingled with myrrhe, and vinegar mingled with gall, and when he had tasted it, he would not drink it; and they crucified him there, (and it was the third hour) and the two Thieves with him, one on the right hand, and the other on the left: and Jesus said, Father forgive them, for they know not what they do. And Pilate wrote a superscription in Hebrew, Greek, and Latine, and put it on the Crosse: which at the request of the chief Priests Pilate would not alter: and after they had cruci∣fied him, they parted his garments into four parts, to every Souldier that was imployed in the execu∣tion, a part, casting lots, and likewise upon his seamlesse coat, whose it should be, that the Scripture might be fulfilled: and they sitting down, watched him there, and the people stood beholding him, but they that passed by reviled him, wagging their

heads, and saying, O thou that destroyest the Temple, and buildest it in three dayes, save thy self, if thou be the Son of God, come down from the Crosse: likewise also the chief Priests and Ru∣lers, with the People, mocking and scoffing, with the Scribes and Elders, said among themselves, He saved others, himself he cannot save: If he be the King of Israel, if that Christ, the chosen of God, let him come down from the Crosse, and we will believe him, He trusted in God, let him deliver him, if he will have him, for he said, I am the Son of God: the Souldiers also mocked him, and com∣ing unto him, offered him vinegar, saying, If thou be the King of the Jews, save thy self. The Thieves also which were crucified with him, cast the same in his teeth: But one of them continuing in his railing against him, the other being convert∣ed, rebuked him, and said unto Jesus, Lord, re∣member me when thou comest into thy kingdom; to wbom Jesus answered, To day shalt thou be with me in Paradise: and there stood by his Crosse, the Mother of Jesus, and his Mothers Sister, Mary, the Wife of Cleophas, and Mary Magdalene: when Jesus therefore saw his Mother, and the Dis∣ciple whom he loved, standing he said unto his Mother, Behold thy Son, and to the Disciple, Behold thy Mother.* 4.336 And when the sixth hour was come, there was darknesse over all the land, or Countrey, untill the ninth hour: And about the ninth hour, Jesus cryed out with a loud voice, Eli Eli, o••, Eloi Eloi Lamma sabact••••••i? And some that stood by said, he calleth Elias. After this, when Jesus knew that all things were accomplished, that the Scripture might be fulfilled, said, I thirst. Now there was ••et there a vessel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of vinegar, and they fi••led a spunge with vinegar, and put it upon 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or a reed, and put it to his mouth, saying also with the rest, let be, let us see if Elias will c••me to save him, and take him down. But Jesus, when he had received the vinegar, said, It is finished:* 4.337 And when again he cryed with a loud voice, Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit, and bowing his head, he gave up the Ghost. And when the Centurion saw that he so cryed out, and gave up the ghost, he glorified God, saying, Truly this is a just man, Truely this is the Son of God.* 4.338

And behold the vaile of the Temple was rent in twain from the top to the bottom, and the earth did quake, and the rocks rent, and the graves were opened, and many bodies of the Saints, which slept, arose, and came out of the graves after his resurrection, and went into the Holy City, and appeared unto many: and the Centurion, and they that stood over against,* 4.339 and those that watch∣ed Jesus, when they saw the Earthquake, and the things that were done, feared greatly, saying, Truly this was the Son of God, and all the people that came together to that sight, beholding the things that were done, smote their breasts and re∣turned; and his acquaintance, and the women which followed him from Galilee, stood a far off, beholding these things, among whom were Mary Magdalene, and Mary the Mother of James the Lesse, and Mother of Joses and Salome; who also, when he was in Galilee, followed him,

and ministred unto him, and many other women that came up to Jerusalem with him.

The Jews therefore,* 4.340 that the bodies should not remain on the Crosse on the Sabbath, because it was the preparation, (for that Sabbath was an high day) besought Pilate, that their legs might be broken, and that they might be taken away. The Souldiers therefore came, and brake the legs of the two Thieves, but not of Jesus, because he was already dead; but one of the Souldiers with a Spear, pierced his side, and there came out straightway blood and water: and these things were done,* 4.341 that the Scripture might be fulfilled.* 4.342 And when even was now come, because it was the pre∣paration,* 4.343 that is,* 4.344 the day before the Sabbath, cometh Joseph of Arimathea, a rich man, and an honoura∣ble Councellour, who also looked for the Kingdom of God, a good man and a just, and had not con∣sented to the councel and deed of them, being a Disciple, but secretly, for fear of the Jews, came boldly unto Pilate, and begged the body of Jesus. Pilate marvelled if he were already dead, and calling a Centurion asked him, and when he knew it, he gave the body to Joseph. There cometh also Nicodemus (which at the first came to Jesus by night) and brought a mixture of Myrrhe and aloes, about an hundred pound weight: they took therefore the body of Jesus, and wound it in a linnen cloath, with the spices, as the manner of the Jews is to bury. And Joseph, when he had wrapped it in a clean linnen cloth, laid it in his own new Sepulchre, which he had hewen out of a Rock, wherein never man was laid, and which was in a garden, in the place where Jesus was cru∣cified; and Joseph rolled a great stone to the door of the Sepulcre: and Mary Magdalene, and Mary the Mother of Joses, which came with him from Galilee, beheld where they had laid him, and sat over against the Sepulchre; and they returned and prepared spices and ointments, and rested the Sabbath day according to the commandement.

The next day (the fourth of April) the Pharisees besought Pilate that he would command the Sepul∣chre to be made sure untill the third day, shewing him a reason: which when he had yielded unto, they went, and made the Sepulchre sure, sealing the stone, and setting a watch.

In the end of the Sabbath,* 4.345 or when the Sabbath was now past,* 4.346 (April the fifth) when it dawned towards the first day of the week,* 4.347 in the morning very early,* 4.348 whiles it was yet dark, came Mary Magdalene, and Mary the Mother of James, and Salome, bringing Spices which they had bought, that they might see the Sepulchre, and anoint Jesus; and they said a∣mong themselves, who shall roll away the stone from the door for us? and when the Sun was risen, coming to the Sepulchre, they saw the stone was rolled away; for behold there was a great Earth∣quake, for the Angel of the Lord came down from Heaven, and rolled away the stone, and sat upon it: and they went in and found not the body of the Lord Jesus. And it came to passe, as they were much perplexed thereat, that behold two men came to them, in shining raiment, their counte∣nances were as lightnings, and their garments

white as snow. Mathew and Mark speak but of one Angel, and the keepers for fear did shake, and became as dead men. And when the women were afraid, and bowed their faces to the Earth, the Angels said unto them, Fear not ye, I know ye seek Jesus which was crucified. Why seek ye the living among the dead? He is not here, he is risen, as he said, come and see the place where the Lord was laid, and remember what he said, when he was yet in Galilee with you; saying, The Son of man must be delivered into the hands of sinful men, and be crucified, and the third day rise a∣gain: but go ye quickly, and tell his Disciples, and Peter that he is risen again from the dead; and behold he goeth before you into Galilee, there shall ye see him; Behold I have told ye. Then the women remembred the words of Jesus:* 4.349 and they departed quickly out of the Sepulchre, with fear, and wonder, and great joy, and ran that they might tell his Disciples; but they said nothing to any man (as they went) for they were afraid. And when the women told these things to the eleven, and to all the rest: their words seemed unto them as idle tales. But Mary Magdalene telling Peter and the other Disciple whom Jesus loved, They have taken away the Lord, and we know not where they have laid him.* 4.350 Peter therefore and that other Disciple went out and came to the Se∣pulchre, but that other Disciple outran Peter, and came first to the Sepulchre; and when he stooped down, he saw the linnen cloaths lying, but went not in: then came Peter following him, and went into the Sepulchre, and seeth the linnen cloaths lie, and the napkin that was about his head, not lying with the linnen cloaths, but wrapped together in a place by it self. Then went in that other Disciple, and saw and believed, and Peter went unto his own home, wondering at what was done; for as yet they knew not the Scriptures, that he must rise a∣gain from the dead. And the Disciples went to their own home. But Mary Magdalene stood without at the Sepulchre weeping, and whilst she yet wept, she stooped down into the Sepulchre, and seeth two Angels in white sitting, the one at the head, and the other at the feet, where the body of Jesus had laid, which said unto her, Woman, why weepest thou? She saith unto them, They have taken away my Lord, and I know not where they have laid 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and when she had said thus, she turned her self back, and saw Jesus standing, but knew not that it was Jesus. And Jesus said unto her, Why weepest thou, whom seekest thou? She supposing him to be the Gardener, answered and said, If thou hast born him hence, tell me where thou hast laid him, and I will take him a∣way. Jesus saith unto her, Touch me not, for I am not yet ascended to my Father, but go and tell my brethren, and say unto them; I go, &c. And she came and told his Disciples, and those that had been with him, as they were weeping and mourn∣ing, that she had seen the Lord, and that he had said these things unto her. But they when they heard that he was alive, and had been seen of her, believed no:* 4.351 and as the women went from the Sepulchre (perhaps Mary Magdalene was

absent) that they might tell his Disciples, Behold Jesus meets them, and saith unto them; All haile, and they came and held him by the feet,* 4.352 and wor∣shipped him. Then said Jesus unto them, Be not afraid; Go ye, and tell my brethren that they go into Galilee, there shall they see me.

Now when they were going, behold some of the watch came into the City, and shewed unto the chief Priests all things that were done; and when they were assembled with the Elders, they took counsel, that they would give large money to the souldiers, that they should say, that his Dis∣ciples came by night, and stole him away whilst they slept: and if this come to the Governours ••ares, we (say they) will perswade him, and secure you. So they took their money, and did as they were taught. And this saying is commonly re∣ported among the Jews to this day.

And behold two of them went into the Country that same day to a village sixty furlongs from Jerusalem,* 4.353 called Emma••s:* 4.354 and as they journyed, Jesus went along with them, and they telling him what things were done in those dayes concerning Jesus of Nazareth, how he was crucified, and that he rose again: Jesus shews them out of the Scriptures that it behooved Christ to suffer, and to enter into his glory. And in the village, when he had taken bread and given thankes and brake it, and given it unto them, he was known unto them, their eyes being opened, although he appeared in another form; but he vanished out of their sight. And they rose up that same hour, and returned to Jeru∣salem to the eleven, and those that were with them, who said unto these two, The Lord is risen indeed, and hath appeared unto Simon. Then they told them what things were done in the way, and how he was known of them in the breaking of bread: but neither believed they them.* 4.355 But whilst they yet spake,* 4.356 whiles it was evening,* 4.357 in the first day of the week, the doors being shut, where the Disciples were gathered together for fear of the Jews, cometh Jesus himself, and stood in the middest of them, and saith unto them; Peace be unto you, but they were terrified and afrighted, supposing they had seen a spirit; but he ••pbraided them with their unbelief and hardnesse of heart, because they be∣lieved not them that had seen him since he was risen. And he said unto them, Why are ye troubled? See my hands and my feet, a spirit hath not flesh and bones; and he shewed them his hands, and his feet, and his side: and when they believed not for joy and wondered, he said unto them, Have ye here any meat? and he eat a piece of broiled fish, and an honey comb; and the Disci∣ples rejoyced that they had seen the Lord. And he said unto them, These are the words that I spake unto you, while I was yet with you: That all things must be fulfilled that were written in the Law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalmes of me. Then opened he their under∣standings, that they might understand the Scrip∣tures, and said unto them, Thus it is written, and thus it behooveth Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day, and that repentance, and remission of sins should be preached in his name

among all Nations, and ye are witnesses of these things. And behold I send the promise of my Fa∣ther among you: but tarry ye at Jerusalem till ye be endued with power from on high. He saith unto them again, Peace be unto you, as my Fa∣ther sent me, so send I you. Go ye into the Word, and preach the Gospel to every creature; he that believeth, and is baptized, shall be saved; but he that believeth not shall be damned: and these signs shall follow them that believe; In my Name they shall cast out devils, they shall speak with new tongues, they shall take up serpents, and if they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them, they shall lay their hands on the sick, and they shall re∣cover. And when he had said these things, he breathred on them, and said unto them, Receive the Holy Ghost: Whose sins ye remis, they are remitted unto them, and whose sins ye retain, they are retained. (And thus Jesus appeared five times in the very first day of his resurrection.)

But Thomas,* 4.358 who is called Dydimus one of the twelve,* 4.359 was not with them when Jesus came, and the rest of the Disciples telling him, we have seen the Lord: he very confidently professeth, he will not believe it: but eight dayes after, (April. 12.) Tho∣mas being then together with the rest, Jesus comes, the doors being shut, and stands in the middest, and saith unto them, Peace be unto you, and abundantly satisfies Thomas his un∣belief.

Then the Eleven Disciples go into Galilee unto the Mountain,* 4.360 that he had appointed them: and when they saw him, they worshipped him, but some doubted and when Jesus came unto them, he said, All power is given unto me both in Hea∣ven and in earth, go therefore, and teach all Na∣tions, baptizing them, &c. and I am with you to the end of the World. After that Jesus was seen of above five hundred brethen at once, after that to James, [1 Cor. 15. 6, 7.]

Afterwards Jesus shewed himself to his Disciples again at the sea at Tiberias,* 4.361 or at least to seven of them, as they were fishing. After they had fished all night and caught nothing, in the morning Jesus unknown to them, stands upon the shoar, and bids them cast their net on the right side of the ship, where they took an hun∣dred fifty three great fishes: and Jesus saith unto them, Come and dine, and none of them durst ask him, Who art thou? knowing it was the Lord. When they had dined, he warnes Peter thrice of his Pastoral charge, as he loved Jesus, and foretells him of what kind of death he should die: and to Peters question concerning John, he gives an answer not rightly understood of the bre∣thren.

Last of all,* 4.362 he appeared to his Disciples in Jeru∣salem,* 4.363 and led them out as far as Bethany, and he lift up his hands and blessed them; and it came to passe as he blessed them, he was parted from them and carried up into Hea∣ven.

Hitherto reacheth the History of the four Evangelists, declaring the acts of Christ, and his forerunner John Baptist, a short bill of honourable mention is made, in the 18. Antiq 〈◊〉〈◊〉. by F••. Joseph•• the Jewish Historian: concerning the Baptist cap. 7. he saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Herod the Tetrarch kille•• Iohn, surnamed the Baptist, a most excellent man, who stirred up the Jewes to the study of vertues, especially of piety and justice, and also to the washing of baptisme, which he said would be then acceptable to God, if not abstaining from some one or two sins, but having ••her minds first purged through righteousnesse, they also added cleannesse of holy, and whereas there was great resort unto him, the common people being greedy of 〈…〉〈…〉. Herod feasing least the great authority of the man should raise some rebellion, because they seemed as though they would decline nothing to which he advised them, thought it safer to take him out of the way, before there was any alteration in the state, tha•• to repent too late, when the state was once imbroyled, wherefore he commanded him to be sent prisoner to Machaeras and then to be put to death. Concerning Christ our Lord in the 45. cap. these words. In the same time there was a wise man Jesus, if we may call him a man. He was a worker of miracles, and a teacher of them that willingly receive the truth, he had many both Jews and Gentiles that were his followers, and was bel••eved to be the Christ. and when Pilate had crucified him, through the envy of our rulers, neverthelesse those that first loved him, continued constant in their affections, for he appeared to them alive the third day. The Prophets in their prophesies foretelling both these and many other wonderfull things concerning him and the Christians (from him so called) continue unto this very 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Thus St. Hieronym. in his book of Ecclesiasticall writers hath translated this place, which reading of his, He was believed to be the Christ, is preferred before that or Eusebius▪ [lib. Histor. Eccles. cap. 11.] or Rufinus, or as it is in our bookes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: This was the Christ, seeing it is clear, that Josephus came no nearer to our religion, then King Agrippa to whom he was most devoted, whose profession to Paul is exta••••, Acts. XXVI. 28. almost thou perswadest me to be a Christian.

Also Cornelius Tacitus relates, that Christ was put to death by Pontius Pilate Governour of Judea in the reign of Tiberius. [Annal. lib. 15. cap. 4.] and to testifie the darkenesse that then was, Luci•••• the master in Rufinus appeales to the Annals of the heathen themselues. [Euseb. Histor. Eccles. lib. 9. cap. 6.] search your Annals and you shall find in Pilates time when Christ suffered that the sun was suddenly withdrawn, and a darkenesse did ensue. An•• before him Tertu••l an in his Apologetick to the Gentiles. [cap. 21.] at the same moment the day was withdrawn even when the sun was at the height, those that never knew that this also was spoken concerning Christ, judged it to be nothing but an eclipse, and yet ye find that chance that befell the world recorded even in your own monuments. Yea, Thalius in the third of his Histories called this an eclipse, and Phlegon Trallianus in his 13. book of Chronicles, the former is quoted by Julius Africanus in the third Chronogra∣phy, this latter by his temporary Origin. in lib. against Celsus [pag. 83. and 99. edit. Graec.] and in his 35. tractat••. Phlegons words at the XIX. year of Tiberius (as Eu∣stathius 〈…〉〈…〉 notes in Hexamero••) and the fourth year of the CCII. Olym∣piade, 〈…〉〈…〉 year in which we now 〈◊〉〈◊〉,) a••e these.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Thus translated by Hieronym. in Eusebius Chronicle. Magna et excellens inter omnes, quae ante eam acciderant, defectio solis facta: dies hora sexta ita in tenebrosam noctem versus ut stellae in coelo visae; terraeque motus in B••thyniae Ni••eae urbis multas aedes subverterit. There was a great and most famous eclipse, of any that ever happened. The day was so tur∣ned into night at the sixth houre, that the stars were seen; and an earthquake also in Bi••hynia overturned many houses in the City of Nice.

From the History of the Gospell, comprehending the sayings and doings of Christ, Luke makes this transition to the Acts of the Apostles. The former treatise I have made O Theoph••lus, of all that Jesus began to do and teach, untill the day (of our May 14.) in which he was taken up, after that he had given commandments to his Apostles, whom he had chosen by the Holy Ghost, to whom also he shewed himself alive after his passion, by many in∣fallible proofes, being seen of them fourty daies, and speaking of things pertaining to the King∣dome of God. Acts. I. 1, 2, 3.

And being assembled together with them, the Lord commanded them that they should not depart from Jerusalem, but should wait for the promise of the father, which, saith he, ye have heard of me, for John truly baptized with water, but ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost, not many daies hence. [Acts. I. 4, 5, XI. 16.]

To the Apostles asking the Lord, if he would at this time restore the Kingdome to Israel, he answereth, that it was not for them to know the times that the father hath put in his own power: but that they should receive the Holy Ghost, and should bear witnesse of him, not only in Jerusalem, and Judea, and Samaria, but unto the uttermost parts of the earth, and when he had spoken these things, while they beheld he was taken up, and a cloud received him out of their sight, who were also instructed

by two Angels appearing on the sudden in white raiment, that he should come again (to judgement) in the very same manner as they now beheld him going up into Heaven. [Acts I. 6, 11.]

And they, when they had worshipped him, returned to Jerusalem with great joy, [Luc. XXIV. 52.] from the Mount of Olives, which is from thence, a Sabbath dayes journey, [Acts I. 12.] for which the Syrian Paraphrast puts seven furlongs; as also Theophylact reckons out of Josephus: in whom neverthelesse we read in our books, that the Mount of Olives was distant, either five furlongs, [as in lib. 20. Anti∣quit. cap. 6] or six [as in the 5 book Belli. Judeor. cap. 8.] as the Greek, or [lib. 6. cap. 3.] as the Latines distinguish the books.

The eleven Apostles aboade in an upper room in Jerusalem, and continued with one accord in prayer with the women, and Mary his mother, and his brethren. [Acts I. 13, 14.]

In those daies Peter stood up in the midst of the Disciples, (the number of the names together, were about 120) and spake to them concerning one to be chosen into the room of the traytor Judas, who in desperation threw himself down headlong, and burst in the midst: and when they had prayed, they cast lots upon Joseph, called Barsabas, and Matthias, and when the lot fell upon Matthias, he is chosen into the number of Apostles. [Acts I. 15. 26.]

On the day of Pentecost (which fell on the 24 of May) when all (120) were with one accord in the same place, suddenly there came a sound from Heaven, as of a rush∣ing mighty wind, and it filled all the house where they sat; and there appeared unto them cloven tougues as of fire, and it sat upon each of them, and they were all filled with the holy Ghost, and began to speak with other tongues, as the spirit gave them utterance: and there were dwelling at Jerusalem, Jews, devout men, out of every nation under Heaven: who hearing them speaking in their own tongues, the wonderful things of God, were all amazed: but others profanely deriding the miracle, Peter, in a most grave Sermon, ref••tes the calumny of drunknesse, seeing it was but the third hour of the day; and then discoursing of Christ, out of the Law and the Prophets, proves that he is risen, and converts by the power of the spirit he had received to the know∣ledge of the truth 3000 of his hearers, and commands them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ, for remission of sins. [Acts II. 1, 14,]

And they continued stedfastly in the Apostles doctrine, and fellowship, and breaking of bread, and prayer, and fear came upon every soul, and many signes and wonders were done by the Apostles, and all that believed were together, and had all things common, and sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every one had need, and they continuing daily with one accord in the Temple, and breaking bread from house to house, did eat their meat with gladnesse, and singlenesse of heart, praising God, and having favour with all the people, and the Lord added daily to the Church, such as should be saved. [Ibid. 42, 47.]

Peter and John going up together into the Temple about the hour of prayer, being the ninth hour, at a gate of the Temple, called beautiful, they heale in the Name of Christ, a man that had been lame from his birth, about 40 years old; by reason of which, the people came running unto Solomons Porch, to whom Peter expounds the mysterie of salvation through Christ, and upbraiding their ingratitude, exhorts them to repentance; and many that heard him believed, and the number of men were about 5000. But the Priests and Rulers of the Temple, and Sadduces, came upon them, and took Peter and John, and put them in prison until the next day, because it was then evening. The next day the Council being gathered together (in which were Annas the High Priest, the President of the Council, and Caiphas and John, and Alexander, and as many as were of the High Priests kindred) the Apostles are called in questi∣on about the miracles they had done, who boldly defended the cause of Christ, and being forbidden to speak hereafter in the name of Christ, they answer, That it is more right to obey God than men; and being threatned and let go, they returned to their own home, where, together with the whole Church, they powred out servent prayer to God, for the propagation of the Gospel, which he shews, he grants by causing an Earthquake, and sending his holy spirit into their hearts. [Acts III. & IV.]

And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart, and one soul, and they had all things common? neither was any among them that lacked, for as many as had possessions of lands or houses sold them, and brought the prices, and laid them down at the Apostles feet, to be distributed for the use of the poor: in which businesse Josephus Joses, a Levite, by nation a Cypriot surnamed by the Apostles Barnabas, that is the son of consolation, shewed the first example. [Acts IV. 32, 37.]

Ananias and Sapphira his wife, fraudulently keeping by joynt consent, part of the piece, for which they had sold the land, are struck dead, by the word and rebuke only of Peter, who discoursed the cheat, and avenged by the power of the holy Ghost, to

whom they had lyed; and great fear fell on all the Church, and on as many as heard of these things. [Acts V. 1, 11.]

By the hands of the Apostles were many miracles done among the people, and they were all together with one accord in Solomons Porch, and of the rest durst no man joyn themselves unto them: but the people magnified them, and the believers were more added to the Lord: and they brought the sick into the streets, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by, might overshadow them. There came also a multitude out of the Cities about Jerusalem, bringing the sick, and such as were vexed with unclean spirits and they were all healed. [Ibid.]

The High Priest and the Sadduces that were with him moved with envy, cast the Apostles into prison: from whence the night following being freed by an Angel, are commanded to teach the people boldly and without fear, from whence being brought to the Council, by the advice of Gamaliel a Pharisee, a Doctor of the Law in much esteem among the people, being delivered from death, after they had been scourged, are let go; and they went from the Council rejoycing that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Jesus. And they taught daily in the Temple. [Ibid. 17. 42.]

The number of Believers increasing at Jerusalem, [Year of the World 4037] and wealth also flowing in apace, and consequently employments of the Church, there arose (as it commonly happens amongst a multitude) a murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews, because their widows were neglected in the daily distribution of the Church monies: and whereas the Apostles could not be at leasure to distribute the almes of the richer sort un∣to the poor, or for to govern that bulk of money which rose out of the sale of the rich mens possessions; by the Apostles advice, and by the common suffrages of the Church, there were seven chosen to ••e Stewards of the Churches goods, and should intend that service; Stephen, Philip, Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon, Parmenas, and Nichoias, a Proselyte of Antioch, (it is evident because they have all Greek names, that in this election, there was chiefest account had of the Grecians) and the word of the Lord increased, and the number of the Disciples was multipled at Jerusalem, and many of the Priests were obedient to the Faith. [Acts VI. 1, 7.]

Stephen did many wonders and miracles among the people, and stoutly defended the Cause of Christ against the Jews of the Synagogue of the Libertines (made free by their Masters) and Cyrenians, and Alexandrians, and of them of Cilicia, and of Asia, disputing with him: who when in disputation they could not resist the wisdom and spirit by which he spake, they turn to false accusing him, and caught him and brought him before the Council, and set up false witnesses, who should avow that they heard him speak blasphemous words against the Temple and the Law, [ibid. 8, 15.]

Stephen in a long Oration before the high Priest (Annas) and Council, shews, That the true worship of God was observed by Abraham and his posterity, before the Temple was built by Solomon, yea before Moses was born, and that Moses gives testi∣mony of Christ, and that the outward ceremonies that were given to their fathers were to endure but for a time. Then he sharply reprehends the Jews, because they al∣wayes resisted the Holy Ghost, and had wickedly put Christ to death, whom the Prophets had foretold should come into the World. VVhereupon being mad with fury, they cast that holy man out of the City, and stone him, he in the mean time praying for them, [Acts VII.]

The witnesses (according to the Law, Deut. XVII. 7.) about to throw the first stones, laid their garments at a young mans feet called Saul, who kept them, and was consenting to the death of the Martyr [Acts, VII. 58. Acts, VIII. 1. XXII. 20.] This man an Hebrew of the Hebrews, of the Tribe of Benjamin, born at Tarsus in Cilicia, (which City Strabo affirmes was then famous for the study of Philosophy, and the li∣beral Sciences, lib. 14. pag. 673.) by Sect a Pharisee, and the son of a Pharisee, and studied Divinity at that time in Jerusalem, in the Synagogue of the Cilicians, and did frequent the School of Gamaliel, the famous Doctor among the Pharisees, a most strict observer of the Law of Moses, and of the traditions delivered to the Fathers, [Acts XXI. 39. XXII. 3. XXIII. 6, 34. XXVI. 4, 5. 2 Cor. XI. 22. Gal. I. 14. Phil. III. 5, 6.]

Devout men carried Stephen to his burial, and made great lamentation over him, [Acts VIII. 2.]

Aelius Lamia died at Rome, sometimes titular governour of Syria, for he never came thither. As for Flaccus Pomponius the true Governour of Syria, he died in the Province, [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 27. with Sueton, in Tiberio, cap. 42.]

Herod Agrippa had his daughter Mariamme by Cyprus, [The Julian Period 4747] ten years before his death, [Year after Christ 34] [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7. and lib. 19. cap. ult.]

There arose a great persecution after the death of Stephen against the whole Church which was at Jerusalem, [Acts VIII. 1. XI. 19.] in which Saul exceedingly

raging, made havock of the Church; for having received authority from the chief Priests, he not onely when the Saints were put to death, gave his voice against them, but also he himself, entering into every house, and taking from thence both men and women, bound them, and put them in prison, and often beat them in every Syna∣gogue: and so compelled some by denying Christ to blaspheme, others that were con∣stant in the Faith, he persecuted to death, [Acts VIII. 1. IX. 13, 21. XXII. 4, 5, 19. XXVI. 9, 10, 11. Gal. ••. 13, 23. Phil. III. 6. 1 Tim. I. 13.]

This persecution dispersed the Church into divers Countries, but with great advan∣tage to the Church: for the Apostles being left alone at Jerusalem, of the rest of which there were some thousands, [Acts II. 41. & IV. 4.] some that were dispersed into the Regions of Judea and Samaria, who preached the Gospel wheresoever they came, [Acts VIII. 1, 4.] Others went to Damascus, [Acts IX. 29, 25.] amongst whom was Ananias a devout man according to the Law, and one who had a good report a∣mong all the Jews that dwelt there, [Acts XXII. 12.] Others, it is very likely, went even to Rome it self, and amongst them Junias and Andronicus, who were of note a∣mong the Apostles, the kinsmen of this persecutor Paul, and had embraced the faith before him, [Rom. XVI. 7.] Others travelled as far as Phenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch, preaching the word of God to the Jews onely, [Acts XI. 19.] viz. to those that were dispersed among the Gentiles. [James, I. 1. 1 Pet. l. 1.]

Amongst them that went to Samaria was Philip, the second in order after Stephen the Protomartyr among the seven that were chosen, [Acts VIII. 5. with XXI. 8.] He coming into the City of Samaria did preach Christ there: the people with one accord giving heed to those things that he spake, seeing the miracles that he did; for uncle ••n spirits crying with a loud voice, came out of many: and many that were ta∣ken with Palsies, and that were lame, were healed: and there was great joy in that City, and many believing were baptized both men and women. Simon also who a long time had so bewitched the people of Samaria with his soceries, that giving heed to him, from the least to the greatest, they said he was the great power of God: seeing the great signes and wonders that were done by Philip, believed and was baptized. [Acts VIII. 5, 13.]

When the Apostles which were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of the Lord, they sent unto them Peter and John, upon whose praying for them, and laying their hands on them, they received the Holy Ghost: which Simon Magus seeing, offered them money, that he also might receive the gift of conferring the Holy Ghost; whose mad impiety Peter sharply rebuking, warnes him to repent of this his wickednesse, and to ask pardon of God: who desireth the Apostles that they would pray for him to the Lord. Having compleated their ministery in those parts, they returned to Jerusalem, preaching the Gospel in the villages of Samaria, as they went, [Acts VIII. 14, 25.]

After many Ages were past, a Bird called Phoenix came into Egypt, and ministered matter to the most learned of the Country, and also Greek of discoursing many things concerning that miracle. [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 28.] But Dion reports that this Bird appeared in Egypt two years after. [lib. 54. pag. 638.]

Philip the Tetrarch alwayes reputed a modest man, and a lover of ease and quietness, died in the twentieth year of Tiberius, when he had governed Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, and Batanaea, thirty seven years, died at Julias, he was brought to a Monument that he before had built for himself, wherein he was magnificently and sumptuously in∣tersed: and because he died without children, Tiberius annexed that Principality to the Province of Syria: Yet so, that the tributes which were collected in this Tetrarchy, should be kept within the limits of that Country. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 6.]

At Rome in this twentieth year of Tiberius his raign, the Consuls, Lucius Vitellius, and Fabius Priscus set forth ten years Games, that they might as it were prolong the government to him, as it was used to be done to Augustus. [Dion lib. 58. pag 636.]

In this year, (as Dion will have) or three years before, (as Tacitus hints about the end of the fifth book of his Annals, relating this Story) a certain young fellow gave our, that he was Drusius Germanicus his son. He was seen first in the Islands Cycla∣des, and soon after in the Continent of Grecia and Ionia. He was attended by some of Caesars free-men: the ignorant were allured by the same of his name, and by the minds of the Grecians ready to new and wonderful things; for they seigned and also believed that if he could get from them that kept him, he would go to his fathers armies, and would invade Egypt or Syria. Poppaeus Sabinus when he heard these things, who being insentive upon Macedonia, took care also for Achaia, entred Ni∣copolis, a Roman Colony; there he knew that the young man, being more cunningly examined, had said, that he was Marcus Silanus his son, and that many of his followers

being ship•• away, he took shipping, as though he would go to Italy, neither, saith Tacitus, have been found any more concerning the end of this businesse: but Dion adds, that this impostor being willingly received of the Cities, and strengthened with aide, had without doubt come into Syria, and possessed himself of the armies, unlesse some that knew had stayed him, and sent him to Tiberius. [Tacit. Annal. 5. cap. 10. D••o. lib. 58. pag. 637.]

Philip the Evangelist, being warned of an Angel, goes to Gaza, which is desart, of which are to be seen those things that are spoken, at the end of the year of the World, 3672.) and meets an Eunuch, who had the charge of the treasure of Candace, Queen of the Aethiopians, (in Meroe) and returning in his Chariot from Jerusalem, (where he had been to worship) read the Prophet Esaias, to whom Philip, by the command of the spirit, came; and having instructed him in the faith of Christ, bap∣baptized him, and straightway being caught away out of his sight by the spirit of the Lord, was found at Azorus, and passing through the Country, he preached the Gospel in all the Cities, untill he came to Caesarea. [Acts VIII. 26, 40.]

Saul yet breathing out threatnings and slaughter against the Disciples of the Lord, obtains of the High Priest (Annas, (as it is Acts IV. 6.) and the Council of which he was then President) letters to the Synagogues of Damascus, that if he found any that were Christians, he should bring them bound to Jerusalem, that they might be pu∣nished. And as he came nigh to Damascus at midday, a light from Heaven, above the brightnesse of the Sun, shined round about him, and them that journyed with him: and when they were all fallen to the earth, he heard a voice speaking to him in the Hebrew tongue, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? it is hard for thee to kick against the pricks: and when he had said, Who art thou Lord? it was answered him, I am Jesus of Nazareth whom thou persecutest, but rise and stand upon thy feet, I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, to make thee a Minister, and a witnesse, both of those things that thou hast seen, and of those things in the which I will appear unto thee, delivering thee from the people, and from the Gentiles, unto whom now I send thee, that thou maiest open their eyes, and turn them from darknesse to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive re∣mission of sins, and inheritance among them that are Sanctified by faith that is in me. And when as Saul trembling and full of fear, asked further, Lord, what wilt thou have me to do? the Lord said unto him, Arise, go to Damascus, and there it shall be told thee of all things that thou must do: but the men that journeyed with Saul, were so amazed, that they were speechlesse, seeing indeed a light, and hearing a sound of words, but neither see∣ing Christ which spake, nor understanding any thing that he spake. [Acts IX. 1, 7. XXII. 5, 14. XXVI. 12, 18.]

Saul arose from the earth, and being blinded with the glory of the light, being led by the hand, he comes to Damascus [Acts IX, 8. XXII. 11.] and he was three daies without sight, and neither did eat or drink. Now there was a certain Disciple named Ananias, to whom the Lord speak by a vision, Arise, and go into the street that is called straight, and inquire in the house of Judas, for Saul of Tarsus, for behold he prayeth: (and Saul then saw in a vision, Ananias entring, and laying his hand on him, that he might receive his sight) but Ananias answered, Lord, I have heard by many of this man, how much evil he hath done unto thy Saints at Jerusalem, yea, in this place he hath authority from the chief Priests, to bind all that call on thy name; and the Lord said unto him, Go thy way, for he is a chosen vessel unto me, to carry my Name before the Gentiles, and Kings, and the children of Israel, for I will shew unto him, how great things he must suffer for my Name. And Ananias went and entred into the house, and laying his hands on him, said, Brother Saul, the Lord Jesus, which appeared unto thee, in the way as thou camest, hath sent me, that thou mayest receive thy sight, and be filled with the holy Ghost, and straightway there fell from his eyes as it were scales, and he received his sight forthwith. [Acts IX. 9, 18.]

And Ananias said, The God of our Fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know his will, and see that just one, and shouldest hear the voice from his mouth, for thou shalt be a witnesse before all men, of those things that thou hast heard and seen: and now why tarriest thou? arise and be baptized and washed from thy sins, calling on the Name of the Lord. [Acts XXII. 14, 15, 16.] And Saul arose, and was baptized, and when he had received meat, he was strengthened. [Acts IX. 18, 19.]

But what was revealed from the Lord to Saul at Damascus that he should do, Luke shews not in the Acts, but out of those things, which in the Epistle to the Galatians he saith happened unto him immediatly after his conversion, it appears, that amongst other things it was commanded him, that he should not confer with flesh and blond, nor return to Jerusalem, to them that were Apostles before him, but that he should go for sometime into Arabia, or places neer Damascus, where he should receive the knowledge of the Gospel, Not being taught of men, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ. [Gal. l. 12, 16, 17.]

Saul then returnes to Damascus, [Gal. 1. 17.] and tarries with the Disciples there a few daies, and straightway in the Synagogues he preacheth, that Christ is the son of God. And they were all amazed who heard these things, and said, Is not this he that destroyed at Jerusalem, those that called on this name, and came hither for that intent that he might bring them bound to the chief Priests, and Saul encreased the more in strength, and confounded the Jews that dwelt at Damascus, teaching that Jesus is the Christ, [Acts. IX. 19. 22.] for to the Jews that dwelt at Damascus, was the Gospell first preached by him. [Acts. XXVI. 20.]

Tiberius being certified by Pilate out of Palestine, concerning the affaires of Christ, he proposeth to the Senate, that he might be reckoned among the gods, which the Senate opposing, he remaining in his opinion threatens that it should be dangerous for any to accuse a Christian, as Tertullian relates in Apologetic. [cap. 5. & 21.] and others that follow him; as Eusebius [in Chronic. & Histor. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 2.] and our Gildas in an epistle of the destruction of Britain, which being granted, we may law∣fully say, that the first persecution after the murder of Stephen that arose in Judaea, ceased partly by the conversion of Saul who greatly promoted it, and partly through fear of Tiberius.

L. Vitellius who the year before was Consul at Rome, was sent by Tiberius Pro∣consul into Syria, and comes to Jerusalem, in the very feast of the Passeover: where he was honourably entertained by them of Jerusalem, and for a requitall remits to the Citizens the whole tribute of the fruites set to sale, and allowed that the High-Priests garment with all that belonged to it should be kept in the temple by the Priests, which was formerly kept by the Roman Governour of the Castle Antonia? and thus gratifying the nation, and having substituted Jonathus the son of Ananus (or Annas) the High-Priest, in the place of Joseph Caiaphas the High-Priest, he takes his journey to Antioch. [Joseph. lib 15. cap. ult. & lib. 18. cap. 6.]

A••••abanes King of Parthia, Artaxias King of Armenia being dead, set Arsaces the eldest of his children over the Armenians: and because he came off from Tiberius sco••-free for that, he attempts Cappadocia, and sent to demand the treasure left by Vo••ones in Syria and Cilicia, and also the ancient bounds of the Persians and Macedo∣nians, and also vaingloriously bragged and threatned that he would invade all that was possessed by Cyrus, or Alexander, but Sinnaces, a man both nobly born and rich, and next unto him Abdus an Eunuch, drawing the principall of the Parthians to them, because they could make none of the bloud of the Arsacides King (most of them being killed by Artabanus, or under yeares) send private messengers to Tiberius to demand Phraates the son of Phraates the third who was kept hostage at Rome for their King. [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 31. Dion. lib. 58. pag. 37.]

Tiberius sends Phraates sufficiently furnished into his fathers Kingdome, keeping his old drift, by sleights and pollicies to raise wars abroad, to keep himself quiet at home: in the mean while these conspiracies being known, Artabanus invites Abdus under colour of amity to a banquet, and gives him a lingring poyson, and Sinnaces by feigned friendship and gifts he entertaines in other employments, and Phraates being come into Syria, leaving off the Roman manner of living, to which he had been accustomed, and resuming the Parthian usage, being unable to brook his Countrey manners, falls sick and dies. [Tacit. ibid. cap. 32.]

Phraates being dead, Tiberius sends Tiridates of the same stock, and an enemy to Artabanus; and that he might the sooner get the Kingdome, writes to Mithridates Iberus that he should invade Armenia: that by this meanes Artabanus might go out of his own Kingdome, whilst he helped his son, and to this end reconciled Mithridates to his brother Pharasmanes, who succeeded his father Mithridates in the Kingdome of Iberia, and egged on Pharasmanes himself, and the King of the Alanes by great gifts, to make war suddenly on Artabanus, but he made L. Vitellius generall over all these preparations in the East. [Tacit. ibid. with Josephus lib. 18. cap. 6. with Dion. lib. 58 pag. 637. 638.]

Mithridates induces his brother Pharasmenes to set toward his endeavours by policy and force, Arsaces the son of Artabanus is killed by his servants, hired to this villany by great sums of gold: also the Iberians breaking into Armenia, ruine the City Ar∣taxata. When Artabanus knew these things, he furnisheth his son Orodes to revenge it, giving him the strength of the Parthians, and dispatcheth others to levy hired soul∣diers for his aid; on the other side, Pharasmenes joynes to himself the Albanius, and calls the Sarmatians to his help, whose Princes, called Sceptruchi, having received gifts on both sides, as the manner of that Nation is, gave aid to both sides: but the Iberians being masters of the places, thrust in the Sarmatians into Armenia by the Cas∣pian passages, and those that came from the Parthians are easily driven back, there be∣ing but one way left for them, between the farthest Albanian mountains, and the shore of the Caspian sea, and that too the Summer then hindred, the Eastern wind filling up

the Fords. [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 33. Joseph. ut supra.]

Pharasmenes having re-enforced his strength, forceth Orodes to fight being desti∣tute of his Allies: in which meeting with Orodes, he wounded him through his Helmet, but could not double his blow, being carried away with his horse, and the stoutest of his Guard defending him being wounded. Neverthelesse a rumour falsely believed that he was slain, appalled the Parthians, and caused them to yeild the Vi∣ctory, [Tacit. ibid. cap. 34. & 35.] and so the Parthians having lost Armenia again, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 6.] it is given to Mithridates Iberus. [Dion. lib. 58. pag. 638.]

Yet immediately after Artabanus goes with the whole strength of his kingdom to revenge this: [Year of the World 4039] But the Iberians had the better of it, through their skilfulnesse of the places; neither would he have desisted, had not Vitellius gathering together his Le∣gions, and casting out a rumour, as if he would inrode Mesopotamia, strook him into a fear of the Roman forces. Then did Artabanus's fortune decline, having lost Ar∣menia, and Vitellius enticing his subjects that they should forsake him, as one that was a Tyrant in peace, and unfortunate in war. Hereupon Sinnaces hath secret con∣ference with Abdageses and others, and drew them to revolt, being prepared by their continual overthrows; those also coming in to him, that were subject rather through fear, than good will, took courage when they had Captains to follow. Vitellius have∣ing with money corrupted some both friends and kinsmen of Artabanus endeavoured to kill him: he having understood the conspiracy, and not finding a remedy, because the danger was like to come to him from his Nobility, and having suspected even those that remained under his protection, he basteneth his flight into the higher Provinces and places near to Scythia, expecting aid from the Carmanians and Hyrca∣nians, with whom he was joyned in affinity. [Tacit. lib. 6. cap. 36. Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 6.]

Agrippa the son of Aristobulus, [The Julian Period. 4749] when he was in great want at Ptolemais, [Year after Christ 36] took mo∣ney up at interest of Protus a freed man in former time of his dead mother Berenice, using therein the help of Marsyas his own freed-man. He extorted from Marsyas a bill of his hand for 20000 Attick Drackmes, deducting out of that sum 2500 for Mar∣syas himself, which he might the easier do, because Agrippa could not otherwise chuse. Having gotten this money, he goes to Anthedon, and getting shipping, pre∣pares himself for his journey into Italy. When Herennius Capito the Treasurer of Jamnia heard that he was there, he sent souldiers thither to exact of him 300 thou∣sand drachmes of silver, which Agrippa owed Caesars treasury, when he lived at Rome: by which means he was enforced to stay. Whereupon he made a shew to obey their commands; but as soon as it was night, he cut his cables, and sailed to Alexandria, and there offers to borrow of Alexander Alabarcha 200 thousand drachmes of silver. He professes that he will lend him nothing, but to his wife Cyprus, admiring in her, her love to her husband, and her other virtues. When she therefore had become his security, Alexander Alabarcha payes him down five talents presently at Alexandria, but promised to deliver him the rest at Puteoli; because he feared Agrippa's prodiga∣lity. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7, & 8.]

Phi••o the Jew makes mention of the coming of Agrippa to the City of Alexandria, in his book against Flaccus (at that time Governour of Egypt) which Philo Josephus sayes was the brother of Alexander Alabarcha. [lib. 18. cap. 10.] And Jerom relates in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, that he was of the same family of the Priests. Whereupon Baronius (at the year of Christ 34. numb. 265.) thinks him to be no other, than that Alexander, [Acts IV. 6.] who is said to be of the kindred of the Priests: but this was that Alexander Lysimachus, who bore the office of Alabarcha at Alexandria, (of whom Juvenal in his first Satyre) in former time the Steward of An∣tonia, the mother of the Emperour Claudius, and father of Tiberius Alexander, Go∣vernour of Judea, and the richest of all the Jews of Alexandria. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. 4. & lib. 20. cap. 3.] He melted gold and silver for the gates of the Temple at Jerusalem, (and not his father, as Baronius writes in the forecited place.) [Joseph. lib. 6. Belli. Judaic. cap. 6.]

Cyprus having furnished her husband for his journey into Italy, returnes with her children into Judea by land: and Agrippa when he was come to Puteoli, writ to Ti∣berius Caesar then living at Capreae, signifying unto him, that he came to do his duty unto him, and begging leave of him to come into the Isl••nd. Tiberius without delay writes back again, a kind answer, that he should be glad to see him safe returned to Capreae, and also received him with great cheerfulnesse when he was come; for he both embraced him and lodged him. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 8.]

The next day, Caesar having received letters from Herennius concerning the 300 thousand drachmes of silver, commandded them of his chamber, that Agrippa should not be admitted till he had paid the debt. He nothing dismayed at Caesars

displeasure; begs of Antonia, the mother of Germanicus and Claudius, (afterwards Emperour) that she would lend him 300 thousand Drachmes, for fear he should loose the friendship of Caesar: who remembring the familiarity that had been between her and Bernice, Agrippa's Mother, and that he had been brought up with her son Clau∣dius, lends him the mony; wherewith having paied the debt, none gain-saying it, he reinjoyes the Princes favour, and is so throughly reconciled to Caesar, that he com∣mended to Agrippas charge his Nephew (Tiberuis the Twin) the son of Drusus, and commanded him that he should dutifully attend him whithersoever he went: and being bound and tied to Antonia for this benefit, he began to reverence Caius (Cali∣gula) her Nephew, who was gracious in all mens eyes, and honoured for the memory of his father. There was there by chance at the same time, one Allus, a Samaritan, of whom he borrows 1000000. Drachmes, and paies Antonia her debt, and keeps the rest, the more honourably to attend on Caius. [Joseph. ibid.]

Tigranes, the son of Alexander (that was put to death by his father Herod) and of Glaphyra, (the daughter of Archelaus, King of the Cappadocians) who had turned from the Jews to the G••ntiles religion, and had been sometimes King of Armenia, being accused at Rome, and there punished, died without children. [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 40. Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7.]

The Clites a Nation (in Cilicia Thrachea) subject to Archelaus the Cappadocian, because they were compelled after the Roman fashion, to bring in the value of their yearly revenues, and to pay tribute, fled to the Hill Taurus, and there by the strong site of the place, defended themselves against the weak forces of their King, untill M. Trebelliu•• was sent from Vitellius, president of Syria, with 4000 Legionary Souldiers, and some choice Auxiliaries, compassed about with works, two hills, which the Barba∣rians had possessed, the name of the lesser was Cadra, the greater Tavara) and slew those that durst come out of their holds, and compelled the rest to yield for want of water. [Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 41.]

Artabanus being fled, and the minds of the people inclining to a new King, Vitel∣lius perswades Tiridates to lay hold on what was offered him, and leads his Legions and Auxiliaries to the bank of Euphrates. As they were sacrificing, and some were preparing Suovetaurilia, (a Boare, a Ram, and a Bull) after the manner of the Ro∣mans; others making ready an Horse, for the pacifying the river; the inhabitants about Euphrates bring word that the river was exceedingly risen of its own accord, without any great showres; and thar the white froth made circles in form of a Diadem, which was an omen of a prosperous passage: but others did interpret it more subtilly, that the beginnings of their endeavour should be prosperous, but not lasting, because there was more credit to be given to those things that were portended by the earth, and Heaven, that the nature of Rivers were unconstant, and that if they did shew any good presages, they would as soon take them away. But Vitellius having made a bridge of boats, and passed over his armie, Orospades comes to his Camp with many thousands of Horse, he once a banished man, brought no small aide to Tiberius, when he made war in Dalmatia, and for that made Citizen of Rome. After this, entring anew into the Kings favour, he made him Governour of Mesopotamia, and not long after Sinnaces increaseth his forces, and Abdageses, the stay of that party, joyneth both his treasure and royal preparations. Vitellius thinking it enough to have shewen the Roman forces, admonisheth Tiridates, that he should remember his G••andfather Phraates, Caesar bringer up, the nobles, that they would be obedient to their King, and reverence the Romons; and that every one should keep his credit and fidelity; and then with his Legions goes back into Syria. [Tacit. Annal. cap. 37.]

Tiridates receives from the Parthians, willingly yielding them Nicophorium, and Anthemusias, and other Cities of Macedonia, using the Grecian language, as also Halus and Artemita, Cities of Parthia, greatly rejoycing, as who hated the cruelty of Artabanus, brought up among the Scythians, and hoped that Tiridates would be gen∣tle, as b••ed among the Roman••. The Selcucians use much flattery, their City is strong and walled about, not corrupted with barbarity, but keeping the laws of their founder Seleucus. When Tiridates was come among them, they highly honour him, and reproach Artabanus, as one indeed that was of the race of the Arsacidae, by the mothers side, but in all other things he had degenerated. Tiridates commits the government of the Common-wealth to the people, whereas Artabanus had delivered it to the rule of 300 of the nobility. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. cap. 41, 42.]

Tiridates then consulting what day he should be crowned, receives letters from Phraates, and Hieron, who held the strongest governments, desiring him that he would a little time defer it, which to satisfie those great men, he yielded unto: and in the mean while goes to Cresiphon, the seat of the Kingdom: but when they delayed from day to day, Surena, with the approbation of many there present, crowns Tiradates, after the custom of the Country; and if he had entred farther into the Country, and

other Nations, those loyterers had been put out of all doubt, and all yeilded obedience to one; but staying too long in besieging a Castle where Artabanus had conveyed his Treasure and Concubines, he gives them leasure to break the agreement: for Phraates and Hieron, and some others that did not celebrate the day appointed for his Coronation; some for fear, and some for envy to Abdageses, who then possessed the new King and was the onely favourite at Court, turned to Artabanus. [Ibid. cap. 42, 43.]

Artabanus is found in Hyrcania very meanly attired, and getting his living with his bow. At first he was afraid, as if there had been some treachery; but when they had given their faith that they came to restore him to his kingdom again, he stayed no longer, than to assemble the Scythian forces, (Josephus relates that he got together a great army of the Dahae and Sacae) and goes with them presently: neither did he put off his mean attire, the more to move the common people to pitty him. There was neither subtilty, nor prayers, nor any thing omitted, whereby he might either draw the doubtful to him, or confirm the willing. [Ibid. cap. 43, 44.]

He came then with a strong power near Seleucia: whenas Tiridates strucken into a fear with the fame and person of Artabanus, began to be distracted in his counsels, whether he should presently encounter him, or delay the war: but Abdageses his opi∣nion was, that he should retire into Mesopotamia; that having the River between them, and raising in the mean time the Armenians and Elymeans and the rest behind them, and increasing their forces with Allies and such as the Roman Captain would send, he should then try his fortune. That advice prevailed, because of Abdageses authority, and Tiridates his cowardlinesse in dangers. This retreat differed little from a flight, and the Arabians first led the way, the rest went either home or to Artabanus's Camp; until Tiridates returning back into Syria with a small company, acquitted them all of the infamy of treason, [Ibid. cap. 44.]

Artabanus, having easily overcome his enemies, is restored to his kingdom, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 6. Dion. lib. 58. pag. 537.] who writing letters to Tiberius, ubraides him with parricides, murders, sloaths, and luxury, and adviseth him, that he would quick∣ly satisfie the most just hatred of the Citizens, by a voluntary death, [Sueton in Tiberio, cap. 66.] and having without danger set upon Armenia, he purposed also to invade Syria. [Dion. lib. 59. pag. 661.]

Agrippa being entertained with intimate familiarity by Caius Caligula, on a certain day as he rod in the same Coach with him, he prayed that Tiberius might shortly sur∣render the Empire to him, as to a worthier person. These words Eutichus over∣heard that was one of Agrippas Freed-men, and his Coach-man, but then held his peace: he being afterwards accused, as though he had stollen a garment from his Patrone, as indeed he did steale it, and being brought back again after he had fled, and led to Piso the Prefect of the City, and asked the cause of his flight; he answers, That he had some certain secrets which he desired to reveale to Caesar, belonging to his safety. Whereupon he was sent in bonds to Capreae, and there long kept prisoner, before it pleased Caesar to give him any hearing. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 8.]

A certain impostor perswades the Samaritanes, that they should meet at the mount Garizim, which that nation thinkes to be the most holy, affirming that he would then shew them the holy vessels buried, where Moses had laid them, they believing him, and taking armes encamp about a village called Tyrabatha, expecting there till the rest came, that they might ascend the mountain with the greater company. But Pilate prepossessing himself with his horse and foot of the top of the hill, and fighting with those that were encamped at the village, some he overthrew, and some he put to flight, and took many captives alive, of whom he beheaded the ringleaders and those of most power among them. [Id. ibid. cap. 5.]

The chief men of Samaria addresse themselves to Vitellius Governour of Syria, [Year of the World 4040] and accuse Pilate of this murder, denying that this assembly at Tirabatha, was any revolt from the Romans, but a refuge from the tyrany of Pilate; whereupon Vitellius sending his friend Marcellus to take charge of Judea, commands Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before Caesar to such crimes as the Jews objected against him. After he had lived ten years in that Province, [Id. ibid.] to which should be added a little appendix of 4 or 5 moneths, unlesse he deferred his voyage either through fear of stormes, (the fast of the seventh moneth being past, as Acts XXVII. 9.) or detained with contrary winds, or by some intervenient delay, made him prolong his journey; for before Pilate came to Rome, Tiberius was dead, as Josephus shews.

When Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which was distant from the City almost an hundred furlongs: he was perswaded, though much against his will, that he would hear Eutichus, that it might be known, of what crime he accused his Patrone: who examining the matter, found that he had neglected his commands of honouring his Nephew Tiberius Drusius's son, and had wholly addicted himself to

Caius. Whereupon he commands Macro (who succeeded Sejanus in the command of the Pretorian souldiers) that he should bind Agrippa. Then Agrippa hath re∣course to prayer, and begs pardon, for the memory of his son, with whom he was brought up, in great familiarity, and by those services that he had done young Tibe∣rius. But all in vain, the Pretorian souldiers carrying him to prison, even in his Pur∣ple robes; and at that time it was very hot weather, and he very thirsty for want of wine, seeing a servant of Caius carrying a pitcher of water, he desired to drink, which when he had willingly bestowed on him, he drank, and said unto him, Truly, Lad, thou hast done me this service for thine own good, for as soon as I shall be free from this necessity, I will beg thy liberty of Caius, which also afterward he performed. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 8.]

Agrippa being a prisoner, stood bound among other prisoners before the Pallace, leaning in a melancholly posture against a tree, on which sat an owl: one of the priso∣ners, by Nation a German, seeing the bird, asks of a souldier, who he that was in pur∣ple was; and when he knew that he was one of the chief nobility of the Jews, being led to him, and using an interpreter, he told him, that this bird did signifie that there should be a sudden change of his present fortune, and that he should be advanced to great dignity and power, and that he should have an happy death, (in which the most unhappy death of this man, shewed that he was a false Prophet) but when he should see this bird again, he should dye within five dayes. [Id. ibid.]

Antonia grieved at the calamity of the young man, thought it would be unprofi∣table to speak to Tiberius in his behalf; yet she obtained thus much of Macro, that he might be committed to the custody of souldiers of a gentle behaviour, and that he should have a Centurion that should provide him his diet, and that he might use his daily things, and that his friends and freed men might come to him, by whose services he might be releived, then were admitted to him his friend Silus, and his free-men Marsyras and Stychus, who brought him such meates as he was delighted with, they brought also coverlets as if they would sell them, on which he lay a night, the souldiers suffering this, having before direction from Macro: and in this manner he spent six months in prison, even untill the death of Tiberius. [ibid.]

Concerning the confines of the Countrey Gamalile, there arose a great contention between Herod the Tetrarch and Aretas King of Arabia Petrea, not forgetfull of the injury done to his daughter, whom Herod had married, but contemned, and married in her room Herodias his brothers wi••e, they manage the war on both sides by their Lieutenants, and when the battles joyned Herods army was clean overthrown, being betraied by some banished men, who being driven from the Tetrarchy of Philip, ser∣ved under Herod, these things Herod signifies to Tiberius by letters, who being angry with Antas for his bold attempt, writ to Vitellius that he should make war upon him, willing him that he should either bring him alive to him, or if dead to send him his head: it was the opinion among the Jews, that Herods army was overthrown by the just judgment of God, for the murder of John the Baptist. [Josephus. lib. 18. cap. 7.]

Cn. Acerronius and C. Pontius Nigrinus being Consuls, [The Julian Period. 4750] Tiberius dies XVII. [Year after Christ 37] Ka∣lends of Aprill: as it is in Suetonius [in Tiberio. cap. 13. and Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 50.] or rather the VII. or XXVI. day of March, whenas after the decease of Augustus, he had reigned 22. yeares 7. months 7. daies, as Dion relates at the end of his fifty eighth book, not 5 months 3. daies, as Josephus numbers in [lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 8.] nor six month 3. daies, as in the wars of the Jews. [lib. 2. cap. 8.]

Marsyas, the death of Tiberius being known, runs to his Patron Agrippa, whom he found bathing himself, nodding his head, told him in Hebrew. The lion is dead. Which when the Centurion who kept him knew from them, he taking off Agrippa's bonds made them good cheer, as they were merrily eating and drinking, there comes in one that said Tiberius was alive, and that he would shortly return to the City, with which word the Centurion being terrified, he commands Agrippa to be thrust from the rabble and bound, and to be more carefully looked to hereafter, but the next day there came two letters from Caius, one in which he wrote to the Senate that he had succeeded in the Empire in the room of dead Tiberius, the other in which he wrote to Piso the Prefect of the City declaring the same thing, and commanding him that he should set Agrippa free, and restore him that house in which he had formerly lived in, in which although he was a prisoner yet lived he at his own discretion. [Josephus. lib. 18. cap. 8.]

Caius returning to Rome, bringing also the body of Tiberius celebrated a most sumptuous funerall, with great sol••mnity, and whenas he would the same day have released Agr••ppa, by the advice of Autonia he forbare, not that she did not wish well to the man, but denied that this hast was handsome, least he should seem to do this in hatred to Tiberius, if he should so suddenly deliver him, whom Tiberius had

imprisoned, but not many daies after he sent for him to his house, and commanded his hair to be cut, and changed his garments, and then putting a Crown on his head, he made him King of Philips Tetrarchy, giving him also the Tetrarchy of Lysanias; and changed his chain of Iron into a chain of gold of the same weight, and sent Ma∣rullus governour into Judea. [Joseph. id. ibid.]

Dion relates that C. Caligula freed Agrippa the Grandchild of Herod from those bonds, which Tiberius had put on him, and that he gave him his Grandfathers prin∣cipality, [lib. 59. pag. 645.] Philo in his book against Flaccus saies that he was ho∣noured with the ornaments of a Praetour by the Roman Senate, and that Caius gave him the Kingdome, and the third part of the ancient dominion that his unckle Philip possessed, but Agrippa having gotten the Kingdome, begs Thaumastus of Caius, and gives him his liberty, and makes him steward of his goods. And when Agrippa died he left him in the same office to his son Agrippa, and Berenice his daughter with whom he was in great account as long as he lived. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 8.]

Caligula gives to Antiochus, the son of Antiochus Commagene, his fathers king∣dom, giving him also the maritime places of Cilicia. [lib. 59. pag. 645.]

Atelius, governour of Syria, took with him two Legions, and the aids of Foot and Horse that were sent from the King that were allies, hastning towards Petra, came to Pto••••mias: and as he thought to lead his army through Judea, the principal men of that Country came to him, desiring that he would not passe that way, for the customs of their Country would not suffer, that any images should be carried there, such as the Roman banners had many, with whose prayers he being moved, changed his opinion, and sent his army through the great plain, and came with Herod the Tetrarch and his friends to Jerusalem, to offer sacrifice to God, at the next feast, which was nigh at hand: whither when he was come, he was magnificently entertained by the people, and staying three dayes there, in the mean time he transferred the High Priesthood from Jonathan upon Theophilus his brother. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7.]

Four dayes after Vitellius having received letters of Tiberius his death, made the people take the oath of fidelity in the new Emperour Caius his name. [Id. ibid.] Whereupon Agrippa saith in his letters to Cains, (as it is in Philo in Legatio.) They greatly desired succession, (O Emperour) was first heard of at Jerusalem, and the fame of it was diffused to the neighbour Provinces from the Holy City: and because this City, of all the east, first saluted thee Emperour, it is meet that it should be treated more graciously by thee. And the Senate of the Jews in their oration to Petronius, (in the same authour) Caius ha∣ving obtained the Empire, we first of all Syria congratulated with Vitellius, (whose successor thou art) then being in our City, and had received letters, concerning this businesse, and from us, fame carried the joyful news to other Cities, our Temple first of all sacrificed for the Empire of Caius.

Vitell us recalls his forces, leaving off his intended war, because the Empire was de∣v••lyed to another, and truly some report, that Aretas, when he heard the news of V••t••l••us's Expedition, gathered from a••guries, that it was impossible for his army to come to Petra, for one of the Generals should die, either he that commanded the Expe∣dition, or he that obeyed it, or he against whom the Expedition was. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7.]

Josephus writes that Vitellius went to Antioch, having sent his army into their Winter Quarters, which it is not likely he would do in the beginning of Summer, whereas he should have rather said that he went with his forces to Euphrates, to make a league with the King of the Parthians, for it appears out of Suetonius and Dion, that this was done, not in Tiberius raign, (as Josephus thinks) but under Caius, for Artabanus alwayes hated and contemned Tiberius, but willingly sought the alliance of Caius: and Vitellius by all his policie inticed him not onely to a conference, but also to worship the Roman Standard; for he going over Euphrates, adored the Ro∣man E••gl••s, and sacrificed to Augustus and Ca••us's images, and yielded to conditions of peace, which were for the Roman profit, and gave his children as hostages. [Suet. in C. Caligula. cap. 14. & A. Titellio. cap. 2. Dion. lib. 59. pag. 661.]

The King and Vitellius meet in the mid••le of a bridge, with each their guard, and after they had agreed upon a league, Herod invited them both to a banquet in a pa∣villion erected with great cost, in the middest of the River. Vitellius then returns to A••rio••n, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Babylon; but Herod being willing to give the first notion to Caiu, of the receite of the hostages, he sent expresse messengers with letters, leaving nothing for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 C••••suls Embassadours to certifie: wherefore Caesar writes back to Vitelliu•• upon the receipt of his letters, that he knew all these things before by Herods messengers, with which he was much troubled. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 6.]

Not long after, Artabanus sends his son Darius as hostage, with many gifts, among which there was a Jew, by name Eleazar, five cubits high, who for his greatnesse was called the Gyant. [Id. ibid.]

The Jews of Alexandria, after they had appointed for Caius all the honours, that were lawful for them to decree, came and offered the decree to Flaccus Abillius, desi∣ring him, that since it was not permitted to them, to send an Embassy, he would be pleased to send 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by his messengers, he reads the decree, and allowing many of the heads thereof, smilingly said, Your piety highly pleaseth me, I will send as you desire, I will be your Embassadour, that Ca••us may perceive your gratitude, and I will be a witnesse of the peoples modestly, and obedience well known to me, neverthelesse he kept back this de∣cree, that they might seem to be the onely contemners of Caius. [Philo. in Flaccum.]

The first year of the raign of C. Caligula, Josephu••, the writer of the History of the Jews, was born, who was the son of Mattathias, a Priest, as Josephus shews in his Life.

When Saul had preached the Gospel a long time at Damascus, [Year of the World 4091] the Jews took councel to kill him, and they being helped by the Governour under Aretas, (who had lately overthrown the army of Herod the Tetrarch) who kept the City of the Damascens with a Garison, watched the gares day and nights, that they might take him and kill him, but he being let down by a rope by night in a basket, escaped from their laying in wait. [Acts IX. 23, 24, 25. II Cor. XI. 32, 33.]

The first three years of his Apostleship being finished, Saul returned to Jerusalem, to see Peter, and abode with him fifteen dayes. [Gal. l. 18.] And he then assaying to join himself to the Disciples, they all were afraid of him, not believing him to be a Disciple: but Barnabas took him, and brought him to the Apostles, (viz. Peter and James, the brother of the Lord, for he saw none other of the Apostles, [Gal. 1. 19.] and declared unto them, how he had seen the Lord in the way, and that he had spo∣ken to him, and how he had preached boldly at Damascus in the name of Jesus. [Acts IX. 26, 27.]

Saul speaks boldly in the name of Jesus at Jerusalem, and disputed with the Greeks, or Jews that used the Greek tongue, as Syrus rightly interprets this place, but they went about to kill him. [Acts IX. 29.]

Saul being in the Temple praying, was in a trance, and saw the Lord speaking unto him, Make hast, and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem, for they will not receive they testi∣mony of me: to whom he answered, Lord, they know that I imprisoned and beat in every Synagogue, those that believed on thee: and when the blood of thy Martyr Stephen was shed, I also was standing by, and kept the garments of them that killed him: and the Lord said unto him, Goe, and I will send thee to the Gentiles. [Acts XXII. 17, 21.]

The brethren at Jerusalem brought him to Cesarea, and sent him into his own Country of Tarsus, [Acts IX. 30.] and he came into the Countries of Syria, and Cilicia: hitherto he was unknown by face to the Churches of Judea, but they heard only, that he preacheth the faith which once he destroyed, and they glorified God in him. [Gal. l, 21, 22, 23.]

And the Churches had rest through all Judea, and Galilee, and Samaria, and were edified, and walking in the fear of the Lord, and comfort of the holy Ghost were mul∣tiplied. [Acts IX. 31.]

Herod Agrippa had a daughter by Cyprus, [The Julian Period. 4751] named Drusilla, [Year after Christ 38] (married afterwards to Felix) [Acts XXIV. 24.] who was six years old when her father died. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7. & lib. 19. cap. ult.]

Caligula forces Macro, to whom Egypt was committed, (the six years that were appointed by Tiberius, for the government of Flaccus Abilius being ended) and his wife Ennia, by whose help he had got the Empire, to a voluntary death. [Philo. de Legat. ad Caium. & lib. in Flaccum. Sueton in Caligula. cap. 26. Dion. lib. 59. pag. 647.]

Flaccus, who was Governour of Egypt, Macro being killed, on whom he most reli∣ed, was shrewdly afraid of C. Caligula, taking this occasion, Dionysius Lampo, and Isidore perswade him, that he should by some great benefit make the people of Alex∣andria his friends, and that nothing would be more gratefull to them, then that he would suffer them to plunder the Jews, and he follows their councel. [Philo. in Flaccum.]

Caligula, by a decree of the Senate, gives the Kingdom of the Arabians of Ituraea to So••mus, to Cotys Armenia the Lesse, and also some parts of Arabia, to Rhyma∣talca, the Kingdom of Cotys to the son of Polemon, his fathers Kingdom. (viz. of Pon∣tus.) [Dion. lib. 59. pag. 649.]

In the second year of C. Caligulas raign, Herod Agrippa begs leave of him, to return home, for the ordering of his Kingdom, promising, when he had done that, he would

return, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 8.] The Emperour perswaded him, that taking the readi∣est way by sea, the East winds being every day expected, he should go directly to A∣lexandria, and that then he might go with lesse difficulty into his own Country by land; who following his advice, went to Puteoli, and there he finds a ship ready to set sail for Alexandria, and in few dayes after, he arrives at Alexandria. [Philo. in Flaccum.]

The Alexandrians by reason of their inveterate hatred against the Jews, taking it impatiently that they should have a King, in the place of exercise did disgrace Agrip∣pa with scurrilous speeches, and mocking verses of jesters. They also hurried to the sporting-place, a certain mad man named Cariba, who went naked night and day in the streets, and there set him on a high place that all might see him. Then they set a papar crown on his head, and put on his body a mat instead of his robe, and one gave him a piece of a reed taken off the ground, for his scepter. Being thus adorned with ensigns of a King, and thus changed into a King after the manner of Stage-players, the young men carrying poles on their shouldiers invi••oned him for his guard. Others came to salute him, some desired justice, others asked counsel of him concerning the Common-wealth. Then there was a general acclamation of them that were about him, calling him Marim, which name in the Syrian tongue signifies Lord. [Philo. ibid.] And thus the King of the Jews was derided after the same manner by others, as the Jews themselves five years before had mocked the true Majesty of their own King Jesus Christ.

The Jews of Alexandria acquainted Agrippa with the treachery that Flaccus the Governour had prepared for their destruction; and also delivered to him that writing that they had given to Flaccus to be sent to Caius in the beginning of his Empire. A∣grippa promises that he will send this writing to Caius, and that he will signifie, that the Jews had intended to send it at the beginning, but being hindred by the ma∣lice of the Governour, they could do it no sooner. [Philo. ibid. & in Legat. ad Caium.]

Peter the Apostle visiting the Churches of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria, comes to the Saints that dwelt at Lydda, and there heals Aeneas that lay sick of the Palsie, and had kept his bed eight years: and all that dwelt at Lydda and Sharon (of which place Chronicles. V. 16. XXVII. 29.] when they saw this miracle, turned to the Lord, [Acts IX. 31, 35.]

A certain Disciple called in Syriack Tabitha, in Greek Dorcas, that is, a she Goat, full of good works and almes deeds, died at Joppa: and whereas Lydda was near Joppa, the Disciples hearing that Peter was there, sent two men unto him, that he would not delay to come unto them; who when he came, fell on his knees and prayed, and re∣stored her to life. And this was known through all Joppa, and many believed in the Lord; and Peter tarried there many dayes in the house of one Simon a Tanner. [Acts IX. 36, 43.]

The common people of Alexandria, early in the morning (having regained the favour of Flaccus the Governour) with one consent proclaimed that the Statues of Caesar are to be set up in the Synagogues of the Jews: which the Governour suffered to be done without any respect of the publick security, although he knew that there were not lesse than ten hundred thousand Jews that inhabited Alexandria, and all that large Country from the descent of Lybia, even to the bounds of Aethiopia. [Philo. in Flaccum] Then they gathering together in great companies, either laid waste their Oratories, by cutting down their Groves, or rased them to the ground; and in all the Oratories which they could not either overthrow or burn, because of the great number of Jews that dwelt by them, they set up the Images of Caius, and in the great∣est and most frequented, they set up a Statue on high, on Chariots with four horses in Brasse, and that with such over-hasty earnestnesse, that whereas they wanted new Chariots, the took out of the rusty old ones, whose horses wanted their eares, tailes, and feet, and such as were dedicated (as was reported) to Cleopatra, which was the great Grandmother of the last Queen of that name. And Caius thought that all these things proceeded out of the love that the Alexandrians bore him: which partly he knew out of the Registers sent to him from Alexandria (for he read them more wil∣lingly than any either Poeme or History) and partly from some domestical servants (of whom many were Egyptians) who were wont to praise and laugh at these things with him. [id. in Legati. ad Caium.]

Caius Caligula, commands a vacation, for his sister Drusilla that was dead, in which it was death for any to laugh, or bathe, or make a feast. [Sueton. in C. Cali∣gula, cap. 24. Dion. lib. 59. pag. 648.]

Flaccus the Governour of Egypt propounded an Edict, in which he calls the Jews, Strangers, and Forraigners, not giving liberty of pleading their cause, but condemned them unjudged. There are five divisions of that City named from the first five

letters, two of which were called the Jewish quarters, because most of the Jews dwelt in them although many Jews had houses here and there in the other quarters. The com∣mon people of Alexandria, having obtained from Flaccus licence of plundering the Jews, having expelled them from four of the letters, thrust them into a narrow com∣passe of one of them; who, because they were more then the place could contain, went out unto the shoars, and monuments, and dunghills, being dispoiled of all things; their enemies ran violently to their forsaken houses: and there divide the spoiles as taken by law of Armes, and breaking open the shops of the Jews, which then were shut be∣cause of the mourning for Drusillas death, they carry many things from thence, which they sell in the market, and turn to their own use: but the ransacking of four hundred houses did lesse hurt them, than their losse of trade, when as the creditors had lost their bonds, neither was Husbandman, Mariner, Merchant, or Handicraftsman, suf∣fered to use their trades. [Philo. in Flaccum.]

Their enemies thought they should shortly see them lie on heapes, so many thou∣sands of men women and children, thrust into a narrow corner of the City like beasts; either killed with famine for want of meat, or stifled in that hot place, even the neigh∣bour aire being corrupted by the multitude of breaths. They took diligent heed, lest any should steal privately away, and as many as they intercepted, having first tor∣mented them, they killed them, and abstained from no kind of cruelty. Another band of them lay in waite for the Jews that arrived at the Ports, and also their mer∣chandise, which when they had taken away in the sight of the owners, they burned the owners themselves in a fire made of the ruthers, oares, and plankes, of the ships. Others in the middest of the City were burned by a most miserable kind of death; for, for want of wood, they brought the cuttings of vines, and making a fire of them, they cast into it these miserable men, who were killed, being rather scorched with smoke, than burnt with fire. Others were dragged with cords tied to their ancles through the Mar∣ket-place, the common people insulting over them, and not sparing even their dead bodies, for having cut their members into pieces, they trampled upon them with such cruelty, that they suffered not any reliques of them to remain for burial, [Id. in Legat. ad Caium.] and if any did but bemoane the misfortune of his friend or kinsman, he was punished for his compassion presently, and being taken were scourged, and after they had endured all torments that bodies were able to endure, they were crucified. [Id. in Flaccum.]

Flaccus the Governour commanded thirty eight of the Senate, which Augustus had appointed for a publick Council of the Jews, to be taken in their own houses, and forthwith to be bound; and dragging these old men through the Market-place, their hands being tied behind them, some with cords some with chaines, brought them into the Theater, and commanded them to be stript and scourged as they stood before their enemies who sate as Judges. And among these were Erodius Tryphon, and Andron, even in the sight of them who had despoiled them of their goods: and al∣though it was a custom that none should be condemned till the solemn celebrations and feast-dayes of the births of the Augusti were past; yet Flaccus in those very dayes (for the Birth-day of Caius fell on the last day of August) and afflict these innocent men, after this manner dividing his playes. From the morning to the third or fourth hour of the day, the Jews were scourged, hanged, tied to wheeles, condemned, and led through the middle of the wrestling-place to punishment. Then were brought in Dancers, Jesters, Trumpeters, and other sports of Players: and women were carried away as captives, not onely in the Market-place, but in the open Theater also, and for any trifling cavil, were brought upon the stage, not without grievous reproaches; but then knowing that they were not Jews, they were let go, for they apprehended many for Jews before they diligently considered the thing: but after they were found to be Jews, of spectators, they became tyrants, and commanded swines flesh to be given them, and as many of the Jewish woman as tasted it for fear of torments, without any more vexation were dismist••; but those that would not eat it, were delivered over to be tor∣tured with most grievous tortures. [Ibid.]

Castus the boldest of the Centurions, is commanded by the Governour to take with him the valiantest of his Band, and to break into the Jews houses, to see if they had any armes hidden, who presently does what he is hidden: the Jews shewed all their private places to the searchers, where women never wont to go abroad, and the fear∣ful Virgins, who for modesty avoided the sight of their own kindred, were made a spectacle not onely to men unknown, but also to the Military rage; neverthelesse after all this scrutiny, the armes they looked for, were not found: for all armes were a little before taken from the Egyptians by Bassus, commanded by Flaccus to oversee that businesse: but there you might see a great number of ships to arrive at the Ports full of armes, which were fit to be taken from seditious men, who had often before assayed a revolt: but there was a clean other account to be made of the Jews, who

never were suspected of a revolt, did follow their trades and gains which did make for the concord and peace of the City. [Ibid.]

Whilst the feast of Tabernacles in the Autumnal Equinoctial was intermitted by the Jews so much afflicted; [Year of the World 4042] Flaccus the Governour is apprehended by Bassus the Cen∣turion on a sudden as he was at a feast invited by Stephanion the freeman of Tiberius Caesar. Bassus being sent with a Band of souldies out of Italy on purpose to do it; and when he had set sail in the beginning of Winter, being tossed with tempests by sea, after much toil, he scarcely arrives in Italy, where he is presently welcomed by those two malicious accusers, Lampo, and Isodorus, who had incited him against the Jews; who being condemned and dispoiled of all both inheritance and houshold-stuff, which was very precious; he is banished, and truly he had been banished into the most bar∣ren Island of Giarus in the Aegean sea, unlesse Lepidus had begged that he might be sent to dwell in Andros, which was nigh Giaros: where he died, being killed by the command of Caius, (as did all Noble men that were banished. [Ibid.]

Herodias, [The Julian Period. 4752] the sister of Agrippa, [Year after Christ 39] and wife of Herod the Tetrarch, seeing him so glorious in his Kingly Majesty, being madded with envy, did not cease, till she had perswaded her husband, that they might go to Rome, and beg the same dignity of Caesar. Agrippa knowing both their intention and preparation, as soon as ever he knew they had taken sea, he also sends his freed man Fortunatus to Rome to Caesar with gifts, and letters written against his Uncle. Herod comming to B••••al, a most pleasant Town of Campania, where Caesar then was, being admitted, Caesar prevents him, and gives him the leters he had received from Agrippa, which did accuse He∣rod, that he had formerly conspired with Scianus against Tiberius, and that now he favoured Artabanus the Pathian, against the new Empire of Caius, and for that pur∣pose had prepared so many arms, as would furnish 70000 men, with which Caius being moved, asked Herod if those things were true that were spoken concerning the number of arms, which he granting, (for he could not deny it) Caius thinking the revolt enough proved, took from him the Tetarchy of Galilee and Peraea, which he after∣wards added to Agrippas Kingdom, giving him also all his treasure, and sent Herod to Lyons in France, condemning him to perpetual banishment: but after he knew that Herodias was Agrippas sister, he allowed her her own proper trasure, and not thinking that she would willingly be her husbands companion in banishment, he promised to spare her in favour to Agrippa. She thanked Caius for this favour, but professed that at this time she could not make use of it, for she thought it a sin, to forsake her hus∣band in his calamity, of whose good fortune, as long as he flourished, she had been partaker: which Caius taking in scorn, commanded her also to be banished with her husband, and gave her goods to Agrippa, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 9.] and so they were punished for their incestuous marriage. Eight years after John Baptist had been be∣headed by this Herod, and six years after Christ our Saviour had been mocked by the same Herod. [Luke. XXIII. 11.]

And also Pontius Pilate was so continually vexed by Caius, that he killed himself with his own hand, as Jerom in Chronico, out of the Roman Historians, and Euse∣bius in his Ecclesiasticall History, out of the Greek Writers of the Olym∣piades. [lib. 2. cap. 7.] and Orosius, [lib. 7. cap. 5.] and Cassiodorus in his Chronicle.

Caius joyned all the distance between the Gulf Baiae, and the pyles of Puteoli, with a bridge almost 3600 paces long, in which there followed his Chariot, then did many more things in the nature of spoiles come after, as also of the hostages of the Parthi∣ans, the lad Darius (the son of Artabanus) Darius and Xerxes being named but in scorn, because he had made a longer bridge upon the sea than he. [Joseph. 19. cap. 1. Sueton. C. Caligula. cap. 19. Dio. lib. 59. pag. 653.]

He also, under pretence of the German war, went a little beyond the Rhene, and then presently returned, as though he would go into Britain, [Dion. lib. 59. pag. 656.]

Vitellius was sent for by Caius out of Syria, that he might be put to death, [Id. ibid. pag. 661.] for it was laid to his charge, that he had suffered Tiridates a King that Tiberius had sent to the Parthians to be thrust out of his Kingdome by them, [id. in excerptis ab Henrico. Valesio. edit. pag. 670.]

Caius sent Petronius successour to Vitellius into Syria, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 11.] (viz. Publius Perronius) as it is manifest in Philo. in legatione ad Caium) and in Joseph. lib. 19. cap. 6.] of whom Strabo speakes in the year of the world 3983.) and not that Lucius Petronius (dead long before this time) whom Valerius Maximus mentions, that being born of low parentage, came to the degree of being a Knight. [lib 4. cap. 7.] as Baronius thinkes [anno Christi 41. num. 4.]

Vitellius coming to Caius delivers himself from death, after this manner, he had composed himself to an habit more humble, than his vain glory would well endure,

and falling at Caesars feet, burst out into teares, and calling him God and adoring him, and then vowing that if he should escape this brunt, he would sacrifice to him, he so mollified and appeased Caesar, that he not only suffered him to live, but accounted him among his chiefest f••iends, [Dion. lib. 59. pag. 661.] and so he was the first that taught Caius to be adored a•• a God, he being of an admirable wit, in flattering, when he was returned out of Syria, he durst not come into Caius presence, but with his face covered, turning himself about, and falling prostrate on the ground, [Sueton. in A. Vitell. cap. 2.] and when afterwards Caius affirmed that he had to do with the moon, and asked Vitellius, if he had not seen him when he companied with the goddesse, he with his eies cast down as astonished, and trembling, answered with a low voyce. O my Lord, it is only permitted to you gods to see one the other, [Dion. ut supra.] Vitellius having made this beginning, whereas he had governed the Pro∣vinces according to the vertue of his ancestours, he excelled all men in flattery. [Dion. ibid. Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 32.]

Then was Caiu Priest to himself, and took his horse as Colleague of his Priesthood, [Dion. ibid. pag. 662.] but at Miletum in Asia he commanded a temple to be built unto him, choosing this City before others, under colour because he said that Ephesus was taken up by Diana, and Pergamus and Smyrha, by Augustus and Tiberius, but the true reason was, because he did desire to get to himself that great and fair temple, which the Milesians had built to Apollo: [id. in excerptis. Valesii. pag. 670. 673.] he purposed also to finish the oracle Didymena at Miletum. [Sueton. in C. Caligula. cap. 21.]

Strangers out of the neighbouring countries had crept into Jamnia, [Year of the World 4043] a City of Judea, that was very populous, who did alwaies endeavour to do something against the Jew∣ish customes: these when they heard by men that came thither, how much Caius desired to be worshipped as a God, and what an heavy friend he was to the nation of the Jews, presently rear an altar of Clay made into brickes, only that they might vex the Jews, this they taking in great scorn took clean away, of which their adversaries accuse them before Capito the Holy Quaestour, who had the ouersight of the tributes in Judea, he wrote to Caius, aggravating and amplyfying the businesse, and Caius commanded that for the Altar of brick that was overthrown in Jam••ia, they should place in the temple of Jerusalem a great image in honour or him all guilt, using here∣in the advises of Helicon an Egyptian, and Apelles of Ascalon a Tragedian, Caius commands Petronius the governour of Syria, by letters most accurately written con∣cerning the dedication of the statue, that he should march with half the army (appoin∣ted for defence against the irruptions of the Kings and nations of the East) from Eu∣phrates against the Jews, and that he should accompany the statue, not so much that the dedication might be the more majestick, but that if any one made resistanee, he might be presently put to death, but neither was the statue sent from Italy, neither was Petronius commanded to take any choice one out of all Syria, otherwise some sudden tumult would have risen, about the violation of the laws of the Jews, therefore Petronius commanded a statue to be prepared nearer hand, and sending for the best artificers out of Phenicia found the materialls, the shop where they should make it he appointed at Sidon. [Philo. in legatione ad Caium.]

In the mean while he got as great an army as he could, and with two legions win∣tered at Ptolemais intending to prosecute the war at the beginning of the spring; which he also signified to Caius by letter, who commending his industry, adviseth him to use all expedition therein, and abate the stubbornesse of that nation, so Josephus. [lib. 18. cap. 11.]

In a sedition that arose between the Jews and the Greekes that dwelt at Alexandria, [The Julian Period. 4753] three chosen Embassadours on either side were sent unto Caius the chief of the Em∣bassy of the Jews was Philo a man most famous in all things and of the Greeks Appion [id. ibid. cap. 10.] [Year after Christ 40] who being born at Oasis in Egypt, desired to be called rather of Alexandria, because he was made a Citizen of that place. [id. lib. 2. against Appion.] Pliny in his 37. book of his naturall history cap. 5. reports that by some he was surna∣med 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as it were after Conquerour, adding also these things of him in his preface to his whole work to Titu Vespasia••: Appion the Grammarian, he whom Tiberius Caesar called the cymball of the world, whereas he might rather be called the drum, wrote that they were immortalized by him, to whom he composed any thing, who wrote a most lying book against the Jews, to which Josephus answers in his second book against App••on, for the first book is opposed against other slanderers of the Jewish nation.

The Embassadours of the Jews (whom Philo confirmes to be five at the end of the Embassy written by himself, (and not three as Josephus would have it) sailed to Caius in the middest of winter, to entreat him that he would forbear those injuries which they did daily suffer, and they thought fit to offer to him a register containing the sum

of all the calamities, and the petition against them, taken out of that larger petition which the Jews had sent him by their King Agrippa, their adversaries got the favour of Helicon the Egyptian, who was Prefect of the Emperours chamber, not so much with money, as with the hope of honours, which they promised to confer on him, as soon as ever Caius should come to Alexandria, whom when the Embassadour did de∣sire to pacifie and appease, they could find no accesse to him. [Philo. in legat. ad Caium.]

Caius himself at the first, (dissembling his hatred against the Jews) received their Embassadours in Mars his field, as he came out from his mothers gardens, saluted them with a chearfull countenance, and with his right hand made a sign, as though he would be kind unto them; and sending Homulus unto them, who was Master of the Ceremonies, promised them that he would take cognizance of their cause when he had leisure, but afterwards when he came to visit the gardens of Mece∣nas and Lamia, both which were close one by the other, and neer the City, and the Embassadours being brought in, and done their reverence very humbly, and had salu∣ted him by the name of Augustus Emperour, he grinningly asked them, are ye those hated of the gods, who alone contemn me being declared a god by the confession of all men, and had rather worship your unnamed thing. And then holding up his hands to heaven burst into a speech that was not lawfull to be heard, much lesse to utter in the same words, the adverse party then greatly rejoyced, calling him by all the names of the gods, which when Isidorus a bitter sycophant saw how he was pleased with these titles, he said: Thou wouldest, O my Lord more detest them, and all their stock, if thou d••dst but know their impiety and malice against thee, for all men else killing sacrifices of vowes for thy health, they only refrained to offer sacrifice. Then the Embassadours cried out with one consent: O my Lord Caius, we are falsely accused, we have sacrificed Hec••tombs, and we have not as the manner of some is, to bring a little bloud to the Altar, and then carry the flesh home to feast withall, but we have committed whole sacrifices to be burned with the holy fire, and that thrice, first, when thou succeededst in the empire, again when thou escapedst a great sicknesse, at which sicknesse all the world was sorrowfull, thirdly as a vow for the victory of Germany, well, answered Caius, say it were so, ye offered sacrifice, but to another, to me certainly ye did not sacrifice. Then an horrour seizeth on the Embassadours, being astonished at his last words, he in the mean while goes about the villages, he views the halls and parlours, both below and above staires, where also he asketh the Em∣bassadours particularly, why they forbare swines flesh, and what right the Cities of Alex∣andria pretended, at length laying aside his fiercenesse he said, these men seem to me not to be so wicked as miserable, that cannot perswade themselves that I am partaker of the divine nature, and immediately departing commanded the Embassadours to be gone. [ibid.]

Caius gave the Tetrarchy of his father-in law Herod (who was banished to Lug∣dunum) to Agrippa at his return from his Kingdom••. For when he had reigned three yeares in the Tetrarchy of Philip in the fourth that of Herod fell to him, [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. ult.] which beneficence in his Epistleto Caius, written after this, he thus ac∣knowledges, Thou hast bestowed the Kingdome on me, than which there could be no happier fortune to a mortall, and which being at first but one region, thou hast enlarged by the addition of Trachonitis & Galilie. [Philo. in Legat.]

Petronius convocated the chief of the Jews both Priests and Magistrates, to the end he might declare unto them the commands of Caius, that he should erect the statue and dedicate it in their temple, and also perswading them to take patiently the decrees of his Lord and Master, and cautioning them of the imminent danger that would ensue upon their disobedience, for that the whole power of the Syrian army was ready to make havock of them and their Countrey. At the first mention of these thing they were so dash't they had not a word to say, but powred forth whole rivers o•• teares, tearing their hair and pulling their beards in most mournfull wise. But those of Jerusalem & all the Countrey about, that heard this, flocking together with one con¦sent, giving the sign of their publick mourning, they went in one company; leaving their houses, Towns, and Castles desolate, and continued their march till they car•••• to Phaenicia, where Petronius then was. And there at first they made such a dole••••ll and so deep a noise that those that were by could not hear or be heard for it, and then made such compellations and imprecations, as calamitous times are c••mmonly ••he witnesses of. They were distributed into six rancks or orders of old men, young men and boyes; of old woemen, wives, and maids, And when they saw Petronius upon a high place, all the rancks, as if by a generall word fell prostrate upon the ground, howling as it were in a mournfull tone: and being commanded to arise, could scarce be perswaded to it, and at last when they did, casting dust upon themselves, and hang∣ing their hands backward like condemned persons, they came before him: by whose pittifull complaint and supplication, Petronius and all that sate with him being very

much moved, when he had consulted the businesse, took order to send letters to Caius; in which he signified that the dedication of the Statue was deferred, partly for that the workmen were required to the perfecting of the Colosse, which must be finisht at an appointed time; partly for the gathering of the corn which was necessary against the expedi••ion. Caius it was reported, had intended for Egypt, and for that the corn was then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ripe, and also it was to be feared, that the Jews would take so heavily the losse of their religion, that they would not only not value their own lives, but wast and burn up all the ha••vest throughout the fields and Mountains in their desperation. [Ibid.]

Caius having received the letters for a time, dissembled his intestine anger to Pe∣tromus; for he very much feared the Presidents, for that it was in their power to make new commo••ions, especially those of great Provinces, and numerous armes, such as was the tract of Syria ••o E••phrates. Having thus by his letters appeased him, he seemed to applaud his providence and dexterity in foreseeing future inconveniencies; but withal, adding str••ct command, that when harvest was over, he should for pretence or matter delay the dedication of the Statue. [Ibid.]

The Ambassadors of the Alexandrian Jews received the message, That Caius had commanded his Col••sse should be placed at the innermost entrance of the Temple, inti••••led with the sir-name of New Jupiter. With which news being affrighted, they enter into the Conclave all together, deploring as well the publick, as their private cala∣mity: yet hoping that God would not be wanting, then who had so often delivered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nation from ruine. [Ibid.]

When Agrippa came in his wonted manner to salute Caius, looking sternly upon him, he said, Your good and honest Citizens, who alone of all mankind think scorn to have Caius for a god, even take a course in likelihood to bring destruction upon themselves by their contumacy, who, when I commanded the Statue of Jupiter to be dedicated in their Temple, run wholly out of the City not like suppliants indeed, but truely despisers of my commands. By which words he was so struck with horrour, that trembling, and his knees striking together, he had sur••ly fallen to the ground, had not the standers by supported him: who were commanded to carry him home in that condition, that by the suddennesse of the impresson, he had lost his remembrance, and was grown quite stupid and senselesse. But Caius was the more exasperated against the Nation of the Jews, saying, If Agrip∣pa, who is my familiar friend, and obliged to me by so many benefits, is so set upon his Country rites, that he cannot endure they should be violated so much as by my word only, but is swounded at it, what is to be expected from them who have no tie to restrain them? [Philo. de L••gat.]

When Agrippa was come to himself, he wrote very large Epistles to Caius, in be∣half of his Country. (inserted by Philo, in the book of his Embassy) which he closeth with this Epilogue. What will my kinsmen, or any else say of me? for either it will follow, that I am a betrayer of my Country, or I must hereafter be blotted out of the list of thy friends, than either of which, what can be more unhappy? for that hitherto I have been thy favourite, shall be accounted a traytour, if I neither preserve my Country from indemnity, nor the Temple inviolate. For you that are in power, are used to consult the relief of those who fly to your impe∣riall power for relief. But if in any thing I am offensive to you, do me the favour not to bind me (as Tiberius) but least I should remain in fear of bonds, kill me presently. For what need have I then of life, when as the hope of my welfare, wholly consists in your favour. [Ibid.]

Caius seeming to be somewhat appeased by these letters, answers more mildly, and grants Agrippa as a great favour, that the Statue should not be dedicated, and upon the same wrote to Petronius, the President of Syria, that he should make no innova∣tion in the Temple of the Jews. But least this favour should seem too intire, he mixt some terrour, thus writing: But if any shall please in the outer Provinces, or any where out of the Metropolis, in any outer City, to dedicate any Temple or Altar to me, whosoever shall oppose it, let them either be presently put to death or sent to me. But divine providence so ordered it, that none in any of the outer Provinces did any thing in that businesse. [Ibid.]

When the Pestilence grew very hot at Babylon, a great multitude of the Jews went from thence to Seleucia, whither many more of them came five years after from Neerda, (which is a City of Babylonia, incompassed by the flowing of Nilus, and an Academy of the Jews, whence in Syriac it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as if one should say, The R••ver of Knowledge.) Now at Seleucia, the Grecians and Syrians were alwayes at odds, but the Grecian faction 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was too hard for the Syrian. Since the coming of the Jews the Syrian•• by their friendship became the stronger party, besides that, they still increased in warlike and resolute men. Wherefore when the Greeks saw they w••nt down the wind, and knew not how to recover themselves, they made all the friendship they could handsomly, to have a peace mediated between them and the

Syrians, a thing they easily obtained. For the chief men on both sides treat∣ing in the businesse, they concluded and confirmed a peace, on condition they should both prosecute the Jews. And going upon them at unewares, slew to the num∣ber of fifty thousand men, so that none escaped, unlesse saved by the mercy of some friend or kinsman. They go from hence to C••esiphon, a Grecian City near Seleucia, where the King used to take up his winter quarter, and where was laid up the greatest and best part of his houshold stuff, and there they fixt, establishing themselves under the reverence of the regal majesty. But the terrour of the Babylonians and Seleucians spread it self over all those parts of Judea: wheresoever any of the Syrians were in those parts with the Seleucians, they conspired their ruine. Whence it came to passe that many betook themselves to Neerda and Nisibis, reposing the confidence of their securi∣ty, in their strong fortifications, although otherwise they were possest by very warlike people. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. ult. fin.]

Caius ••••iumphantly enters Rome on his Birth-day (which was the last of the moneth August.) [Sueton in C. Calig. cap. 43.]

When the Alexandrian Legats appeared before Caius, [Year of the World 4044] Apion laid many things to the charge of the Jews, and amongst the rest, that they did not yeild Caesar his due respect; for when far and near all Nations built Temples and Altars to Caius, and worshipped him with equal honour with the rest of their deities, the Jews onely thought scorn to build Altars to him, or swear by the name of C••esar. When he had alledged these and what other matters he thought would exasperate Caius, Philo prepared to answer him, but was interrupted by Caesars commanding him to be gone, who was so enraged that he very hardly escaped without injury. Philo being thus ejected, bids courage to those that accompany him; for that although Caius was angry in his words, yet they might be ass••red that God would defend and provide for them, for all that he could do. [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 10. Euseb. lib. Histor. Eccles. 5.]

Caius repenting of the favour he had granted the Jews, commanded another colosse to be built at Rome brazen and guilt, letting that alone at Sidon lest it should cause any commotions among the people, and that being carried privately by ship, it might be plac't in the Temple at Jerusalem before any were aware of it. And this was to be done as they sailed into Egypt, for he had an exceeding great desire of seeing Alexandria, and with great care provided for his journey, intending there to stay long; possest that his deification which he dream't of, would succeed in this City alone, and from thence the religion would disperse and flow to the other lesse Cities. So Philo who was very well acquainted with these things writes in his Legation to Caius, out of which that of Tacitus is to he corrected. Being commanded by Caesar to place his Statue in their Temple, they chose rather to take up armes: which commotion the death of Caesar quash't and appeased. [Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9.]

Apelles the Ascalonite who incited Caius against the Jews, is by him bound and rackt in a most tormenting and delayed manner, with some intermissions to make it the more grievous; for some other crimes he had committed, [Philo. de Legat.]

Caius being admonished by the Antiatinian lots to take heed of Cassius, having Cassius Longinus then Proconsul of Asia in suspition for that he was of the family of Cassius, one of the murderers of Caesar; he commanded him to be brought bound to him, and condemned him to death, not remembering that Chaereas, who a little after killed him, was also called Cassius, [Sueton. in C. Calig. cap. 57. Dio. lib. 49. cap. 662.]

Apollonius the Egyptian, who at home foretold what should become of Caius, be∣ing dragged before him to Rome, the day before his death, (which Suetonius in his 58 chapter denotes to be the IX. Kalends of February) and being brought out a little after to suffer, escap't away safe. [Dio. ibid. pag. 663.]

C. Caligula reigned three years ten moneths and eight dayes, as Suetonius hath it, [cap. 59.] And Clemenes Alexandrinus in his first book Stromatum; or rather 9 moneths and 28 dayes, as Dio relates in the end of his 59 book: In whose place his Uncle Claudius Caesar the son of Drusius, is declared Emperour by the Praetorian Bands.

King Agrippa, when he heard that the Empire was forced upon Claudius by the souldiery, with much adoe in making way through the multitude, he came to him, and finding him troubled and desirous to resign his place to the Senate, he confirmed him against such fears, and encourages him to go on couragiously, and retain the Sove∣raignty. Now one of Claudius his favourites being called by the Senate, dissembling that he knew any thing of the businesse, and coming all anointed as if from drinking, asks them what was done concerning Claudius, and they telling him the truth, and asking his advice; he sayes he would forsake no danger that might be for the dignity of the Senate, and that he thought the best way was to send some to Claudius who might perswade him to lay down his authority, and to that Embassie offered himself for one.

When he was sent with others to Claudius, he told him plainly the fearful condition the Senate was in, and advised him to answer like a Prince, and himself; as also he was the came that afterwards the same Claudius was more mild to the Senate than he would have been. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. 3.]

〈…〉〈…〉 confirmed in the Empire, sent Mithridates Iberus (whom Caius had k••pt in 〈◊〉〈◊〉) home to receive his kingdom, and to another Mithridates who was descended from that great Mithridates, he gave the kingdom of Bosphorus, except a part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which he gave to Polemon. [Dio. lib. 60. pag. 670.]

As for Agrippa of Palaestine who helped him to the enjoyment of the Soveraignty, who was then at Rome, he enlarged his kingdom, and bestowed consular honours upon him. To his brother Herod also he gave Pretorian dignity, and a certain Prin∣cipality (to wit that of Chalcis) and permitted them to go into the Senate and give thanks to the fathers there. [Id. ibid.]

Also Claudius proposed an Edict whereby he confirmed Agrippa in the kingdom former••y granted him by Caius, praising both his endeavour and his industry adding likewise, Judea and Samaria, for that they did formerly belong to the kingdom of his Grandfather Herod. These therefore he restored as due to the Family: But Abila and the uttermost of his command in Libanus, which was Lysanias's, he added of his own. Therefore was there a League betwixt the King and the people of Rome cut in brasse in the midst of the Forum of the City. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. 4.]

Claudius dismist Alexander Lysimachus of Alabarcha his old friend, and formerly Procurator to his mother Antonia, whom Caius in his anger had committed to bonds, to whose son, Marcus, Berenice the daughter of Agrippa was betrothed, (of which see Acts XXV. 13, 23.) who dying before marriage, the King places the Virgin with his brother Herod, having begged the kingdom of Chalcis of Claudius for him. [Id. ibid.]

He bestowed Comagena and a great part of Cilicia upon Antiochus whom Caius had deprived of his kingdom. [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 60. pag. 670.]

Helicon the Egyptian who was master of the Bed-chamber to Caius, and the man that most incited him against the Jews, was by Claudius for other crimes put to death, as Philo notes in the book of his Legation to Caius: which book ironically intitled De virutibus (for that therein the wickednesse of Caius was set out in Colours) he is said at the command of Claudius before the whole Senate, to have recited: and that after∣wards the Romans were so taken not onely with that, but many other works made by him, that they thought them worthy as precious Monuments to be said up in their publick Library, [Euseb. lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. in.] among which were five books of the miseries the Jews endured under the Empire of Caius, written by him; of which three were lost, [Id. ibid. cap. 5.] one to Flaccus, and the other of his Embassie are still remaining.

Caius being slain, the Jews who under him were much oppressed by the Alexan∣drians, began to cheer up, and presently resumed their armes. Then Claudius com∣manded the President of Egypt that he should appease that tumult, and at the entreaty of Agrippa the King of Judea, and Herod the King of Chalcis, he sent an Edict to Alexandria, written in these words. I will that their rites be nothing infringed by the madn••sse of Caius, and that they shall have full power and liberty to persevere in their fathers religion and worship. And I command both parties, as much as in them lies, to study peaceable∣ness•• one towards the other, and to endeavour to prevent all distractions or commotions of State between them. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. 4.]

Claudius at the entreaty of the said Kings, the second time he was designed Consul (the first year of his raign) permitted the Jews not onely of Alexandria, but where∣soever dispersed in his whole Empire, to live according to their own laws, and the rites of their Ancestors; withal advising them that under this grace they should live the more modestly and warily, and that they should not abuse the religions of the outer Nations; but that they should be content quietly to enjoy their own customs and tra∣ditions. [Ibid.] But when they grew so numerous at Rome that the city could scarce bear them without tumults. He did not eject them but forbad those that lived after their own laws to convent themselves: also the colledges reduced by Caius, and the taverns in which they met and drunk, he clearly abolished. [Dio. lib. 60. pag. 669.]

Claudius by his letters commending him to all Presidents and Governours of Pro∣vinces, sends King Agrippa into his own kingdom to look to the charge of it, who with very great expedition came to Jerusalem, and there paid his vows, omitting nothing prescribed by the Law. He commanded many Nazarites to be shaven, and hung up a gold chain which he had received from Caius as a monument of his many miseries and happy deliverances by God, in the holy Temple over the Treasury. Having duly performed his vows to God, he deposed Theophilus the son of Annanius from the High-Priest-hood, and constituted Simon sirnamed Cantharus in his room, which Simon

was the son of Boethus, Herod the Great his father in law. In fine, he gained the good will, and engaged the thankfulnesse of the Hierosolymites to him by remitting a tribute to them, which they constantly every year paid out of every house. He made Silas master of all the Militia wholly, who was his constant companion in all his diffi∣culties and designes. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. 5.]

A little after this, the Doritae, certain rash young men, under pretence of religion, erected a statue in the Temple at Jerusalem to Caesar; at which Agrippa, King of the Jews, being much moved, went immediately to Petroneus into Syria, and com∣plained of the impudent boldnesse of them: who himself being no lesse offended at it, as an impiou•• thing, and against the positive decree of the Empire. He wrote very sharply to the Magistrates of the Doritae, that they should send those bound to him, whosoever they were, that durst make such attempts, and so contrary to the Emperours commands, and commanding for the future, that none should dare to do any such thing. [Id. ib. cap. 5. 8. 6.]

At Caesarea, Cornelius, a Roman C••nturion of a Company belonging to the Ita∣lian band, one very well inclined to, and studious of the Jewish Religion, but uncir∣cumcised, (such as the Hebrews were wont to call Proselites of the Gate, and the Godly of the Nations) about the ninth hour of the day, is commanded by an Angel appearing to him, to send for Simon Peter, who was now to stay a great while at the house of Simon a Tanner: who obeying the command, sent two of his houshold servants, and a Go••ly Souldier, one of those that were constantly with him. [Acts X. 1, 8. compared with IX. 43.]

The day after, as they journied, and drew near to the City, Peter ascends unto the house top to pray about the sixth hour: where whilest dinner was providing for him, and he hungry, behold a great li••nen sheet let down from Heaven, full of all kind of living creatures; of which being commanded to eat promiscuously, he is thereby taught, that the Gentiles are not to be accounted for unclean. The next day, when with those that were sent by Cornelius and six brethren of Joppa, who accompanied them, he came unto Caesarea, where he finds at Cornelius his house, his whole family, and many more gathered together, he preaches a Sermon to them all, whereby they were converted to the faith of Christ, and the spirit of God descending upon them all, of its own accord, without any laying on of hands of Peter, he baptized them into Christ. [Acts X. 8. 48. & XI. 5, 17.]

And the Apostles and brethren that were at Judea, heard that the Gentiles also had received the Word of God. When therefore Peter came to Jerusalem, there arose a contention betwixt those that had been converted out of Judaism to Christ, and Peter for that he did converse with uncircumcised persons, and eat with them. But when he had declared unto them the full and whole matter, and proved it by the testimony of the six that were with him, they were pacified, and glorified God, who also had given repentance unto life, unto the Gentiles. [Acts XI. 1, 18.]

King Agrippa deprived Simon Cantharas of his High Priest-hood; and when be would have confer'd it on Jonathan, the son of Ananus, he refusing it out of modesty, and because he had been once degraded, he bestowed it upon Matthias his brother, whom Jonathan commended to it, as far more worthy than himself. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. 6.]

Vibus Marsus succeeded Petronius in the administration of the affairs of the Pro∣vince of Syria. [Id. ibid.]

Silas, master of the Militia to King Agrippa, because all along he had been faithful to him, and never refused to partake with him in any danger, having gained his inti∣mate friendship, began now to require equal honour with the King, and grew trouble∣some in his familiar conference, sometimes extolling himself beyond modesty, some∣times calling to remembrance the adversity of his former fortune, which he would repeat so often, that he very highly exasperated the King against him, insomuch, that he did not only deprive him of his command, but sent him bound into his own Coun∣try, there to be kept. A little after the King being to celebrate his birth-day, he sent for Silas, that he might be at the Kingly feast: but when he sent him back a churlish an∣swer, the King ••'n left him to his keepers. [Id. lib. 19. cap. 7.]

King Agrippa, having turned his care chiefly upon Jerusalem, fortified the walls of that which was called the new City, and made the gates wider and higher than before they had been, all at the publick charge, and had so ordered the businesse, that they had been in expugnable by humane force, had not Marsus, the President of Syria, certified the same by letters to Claudius: who suspecting that the Jews were about to attempt some innovation, writ earnestly to Agrippa, that he should desist from the work, and he immediately obeyed. [Id. ibid.]

A door of Faith being now opened to the Gentiles, the Cyprians and Cyrenians, who after the martyrdom of Stephen, were dispersed at Antioch in Syria, preached

Christ to the Greeks, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, here the most ancient book of Alexandria hath it, not as the Vulgar 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and there was a great number that believed and turn'd unto the Lord. When this came to the ears of the Church at Jerusalem, she sent thither Barnabas, who admonisht them all stedfastly to adhere unto the Lord. And a great company were joyned unto to the Lord. [Acts. XI. 20, 24.]

A great famine now raging at Rome, Claudius did not only take care for the pre∣sent to provide plenty of provision, but took a course for the future: for since the most part of their corn, and other provision, came from forraign Lands, and the mouth of Tiber had no convenient ports, he built the Portum Ostiae. [Dio. lib. 60. pag. 671, 672.] At eleven years end it was scarce finisht, although he kept at it constantly thirty thou∣sand men working. [Sueton. in Claud. cap. 20.]

This famine which hapned in the second year of Claudius, was particular, as also was that other in his eleventh vear, of which Tacitus, [lib. 12. cap. 43.] Suetonius [in Claudia. cap. 18.] and Orosius [lib. 7. cap. 6.] make mention, not that universal one foretold by Agabus. That which began in the fourth year of the same Claudius, is manifest, not only by Eusebius his Chronicle & Orosius, [lib. 7. cap. 6.] but also by the time of Herod Agrippa's death, which was at the very same time. [Acts XII. 23, 25.]

Barnabas goes to Tarsus to seek Saul, and having found him brings him to Antioch And it came to passe that for a whole year they met together in the Church, and taught a great multitude, and the disciples were first called Christians at Antioch. Which name being derived in a Latine form and not a Greek one, from Christ, it seems to have been imposed by some Romans that were then at An∣tioch.

About this time the Prophets went down from Jerusalem to Antioch, one of whom (Agabus) made known by the Spirit that there would come a great famine upon the whole world generally. [Acts XI. 27, 28.]

Claudius brought the Ly••ians again to his servitude, who had tumulted even to the slaughter of many Romans, and said their Countrey to the Prefectour-ship of Pam∣philia, whilst he was examining which businesse in Court, there was a certain Embassa∣dour a Lycian indeed by his parents, but born at Rome. He asked him some questions in Latine which language, when he found he did not understand, he deprived him of his priviledg saying, it is not meet he should be a Roman, who hath not the Roman lan∣guage. [Dio. lib. 60. pag. 676.]

King Agrippa having at the immense charge of Berytus built a Theatre, Amphi∣theatre, baths, & porches, celebrated the dedication of them most sumptuously; exhibi∣ting shews in the theatre, all kinds o•• musical ostentations or stris'ts, and other variety of pleasures: and in the Amphitheane many paires of fencers. And furthermore being desirous to gratifie and please the spectators, he caused two troops of Malefactors to be drawn out, and to fight promiscuously to the number of about 700 persons, that so this praesantion of war might concur aswell to the punishment of the malefactors as the delight of those that were in peace, and so they were all destroyed by one ano∣thers mutuall wounds. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. ult.]

At last these Kings came to the very Tiber, Antiochus of Commagena, Sampsi∣geranus of the Emesens, Corys of the lesser Armenia, Ptolemon of Pontus, and besides these his brother Herod King of Calcis; to whom whilst they there delaied came also Marsu president of Syria. Agrippa therefore observing his due respects to the Romans went to meet him, even to the seventh stone. But when he rode in the same chariot with his guests, Marsius distrusted the friendship of so many Kings, and therefore sent his messengers to every one in particular to depart without delay. At which Agrippa was most grievously offended so that he hated Marsus, [id. ibid.] and very often sol∣licited Claudius by his letters, to depose Marsus from his president-ship of Syria. [id. lib. 20. c. 1.]

Agrippa having taken the High-Priesthood, from Matthias the son of Ana∣nus, bestowed it upon Elionaeus the son of Cithaeus [Id. lib. 19. cap. ult.]

The famine foretold by Agabus encreasing, [The Julian Period. 4757] the Christians of Antiochia, [Year after Christ 44] gathering a subsidie for their friends that lived in Judea, sent it by the hands of Barnabas and Saul, after they had together now for a whole year preached the word of the Lord to the people of Antioch. [Acts XI. 26, 29, 30.]

About this time King Herod Agrippa (as the Syriac paraphrast doth rightly name him here) laying hands upon them infested some of the Church, [Acts XII. 1.] as contradicting the institutions and rites of their Countrey, of which he was a most reli∣gious observer as Joseph testifies. [lib. 19. cap. ult.]

He slew James (the son of Zebedaeus) the brother of John with a sword, [Acts XII. 2.] Clemens Alexandrinus ads moreover out of the Tradition our Ancestours in his seventh

book Hypotypeseon, [apud Euseb. lib. 2. Histor. Eccles. cap. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] that this is the very same man that brought James into Judgement, and when he saw how freely he gave testimony of Jesus notwithstanding his most severe forbidding of him, ingeniously con∣fest, he was a Christian. When they were therefore brought both together to punish∣ment, that he desired leave of James that he might suffer with him, and James consider∣ing a little of it, said, Peace be unto thee, and kissed him, and so afterwards they were both beheaded.

The King seeing that the death of James pleased the people, cast Peter into prison, in the dayes of Azimus, delivering him to 4 Quaternions, that is 16 souldiers to guard him, intending after the Passeover to bring him out to the people. But there were prayers made daily in the Church for him, and an Angel of the Lord delivered him miraculously in the night; and he went to the house of Mary the mother of John Marcus, where many were congregated and at prayer, and telling them that they might certifie James the son of Alphaeus and brother of our Lord, and the rest, of the manner of his deliverance, he went into another place. [Acts XII. 3, 17.]

Herod being frustrate of his hope, in a rage commands the innocent keepers to be dragged to execution, and he going down to Caesarea stayed there. He was preju∣diced in his mind against the Tyrians and Sidonians: whose land being not sufficient to maintain them (especially in that year of scarcity) they were forced to seek for themselves sustentation from Galilee and other places under Herods jurisdiction. They came therefore unanimously to him by them mediation of Blastus the Kings Chamber∣lain, whom they had made their friend, desiring peace of him. A day being appoin∣ted, Herod in his Royal Attire, and sitting before the Tribunal, made a speech to them: the people with acclamations shouting out. 'Tis the voice of a God, and not man. But presently an Angel of the Lord smote him, because he did not give the glory to God; and being eaten up of worms he gave up the ghost. [Acts XII. 3, 17.]

The very same History Josephus exemplifies: adding also the appearing of the owl, lest the divination of his German Prophet should seem void. He had now finished the third year of his raign [the fourth now beginning] when he came to Caesarea, which was formerly called Stratons tower, where he solemnized some yearly playes for Caesars health: to which festi∣vity a great multitude of Noble men and youngsters came together out of all the Province. On the second day of this celebrity, he goes all attired with his Princely Robes richly and curiously wrought with silver, which by the reflection of the rising Sun yeilding an angelical or extraordi∣nary lustre, struck reverence into the spectators. And presently some wicked parisites with ac∣clamations from a far off, saluted him God, desiring him to be propitious to them, for that hither to they had onely honoured him as a man, but now they saw there was something more in him than humane. This impious adulation he neither refused nor repelled: and a little after looking up, he saw over his head an owl sitting upon a rope extended upon some occasion, and presently perceiving that as this was an indicium of his good fortune, so now of his ruine, he was struck to the very heart. Afterwards his belly began to torment him more and more grievously, where∣fore turning to his friends, he said. Behold I who by your appellation am a God, am commanded out of this life, my certain fate giving the lye to your flattery, and I whom you saluted immortal, am forc't to death, But I must endure the pleasure of the Heavens, for I have not lived ill, yea so happily that all men may call me blessed. Ha∣ving spoken these things his pain grew worse and worse: and presently these things being di••vulged about the Country, the rumour went that he was adying; wherefore immediately all the people with their wives and children were in sackcloth after their country manner, praying to God for the health of their King, making all places ring with their lamentations and howling. And the King lying on a high bed and looking down and seeing the people prostrate on their faces, he could not forbear weeping. In fine his pain lasted in great extremity, and with∣out intermission for five dayes space, and he then ended his life. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. ult.]

Josephus attributes to him seven years raign, four under Caius (deduceing three or four moneths; for Caius himself did not rule four whole years) and three under Claudius; (adding in like manner three or four moneths) and addes further of him, that his yearly revenue came to one thousand two hundred myriades, which, he was so noble and liberal, did not suffice his expences, but that he was fain to borrow money. [Ibid.]

Before the Kings death was divulged, Herod the Dynast of Chalcis, and Chelcias the Master of the Militia conferred together, and sent Ariston to kill Silas their com∣mon enemy, as if by the Kings command. [Ibid.]

Agrippa left of his posterity one son only, named Agrippa, at that time in the 17 year of his age, who was educated at Rome with Claudius, and three daughters, of whom Berenice was married to Herod her Uncle at the age of sixteen, and the other two he left Virgins: Mariamme ten years old betrothed by her father to Julius Archelaus the son of Chelcias, and Drusilla six years of age by him likewise betrothed to Epipha∣nes the son of Antiochus, King of the Comagenians. [Ibid.]

When it was certainly known that Agrippa was dead, the Caesareans and Sebastians (two Cities built by his father) cast out most unworthy reproaches against the dead Prince: and the common Souldiers, with one consent, dragging his and his daughters Statues out of the Palace, brought them into the brothels, and abused them in such calumnious wise, that it is a shame to tell: and making feasts and banquets in all pub∣lick places, they fall to jollity, adorning themselves with garlands, and anointing their bodies, sacrificing, or making offerings to Charon, and even worshipping one another, for the joy they conceived by the death of the King. [Id. ibid.]

The Word of God being sowed, increased and multiplied. But Barnabas and Saul returned to Jerusalem, when they had finished their ministery there, and took along with them John Mark. [Acts XII. 24, 25.]

Claudius deprived the Rhodians of their liberty, because they had crucified certain Romans. [Dio. lib. 60. pag. 681.]

When Claudius would have sent young Agrippa into his Kingdom, to succeed his father, his freed men and friends, who could do much with him, diswaded him, saying, It was dangerous to commit so great a Kingdom to so young a youth, who had scarce passed child-hood; and so very unfit to rule there, since it was a great burthen for the stayedst mans souldiers. In which he could not deny but they spoke rationally and truly. [Joseph. lib. 19. cap. ult.] Although indeed their aim was at the praefectureship of that Kingdom, thereby to make themselves rich. Whither is to be referred that of Tacitus. [lib. 9. hist. cap. 9.] Claudius the King being dead, or brought low, granted the prefecture of Judea to Roman Knights, or freed men.

Claudius therefore made Cuspius Fadus, President of Judea, and all the Kingdom of Agrippa, (which was much greater than the first Herod his grandfathers) honouring the dead King in this, that he would not being Marsus his enemy into his Kingdom: and chiefly gave Fadus in charge, severely to chastise the Caesareans and Sebastians for their injury to their dead King, and the contumely against his daughters yet living; and drew out the Caesarean band, and the Sebastian, with the fifth Cohort, to make war in Pontus: and substituted in their room Souldiers chosen out of the Romans, that were appointed to defend Syria. But afterwards the Souldiers sending an Embassa∣dour to Claudius, obtained of him that they might stay in Judea, who in aftertimes were the beginning of most grievous calamity to the Jews, and the very seed of that war which grew up in the Presidentship of Florus. [Joseph. lib. 19. fin.]

Josephus writes in the beginning of his twentieth book, that having amov'd Marsus in ••avour of his dead friend Agrippa, Claudius made Cassius Longinus Prefect of Syria in his stead, although for three years after this, Tacitus will have him to be Pre∣sident there.

The Jews that dwelt beyond the river Jordan, [Year of the World 4048] had a contest with the Philadelphi∣ans, about the limits of the Town Na••a, a place full of most warlike people. The Transamn••nsians, or the Jews beyond the River, without the knowledge or consent of their rulers, took arms, and slew many of the Philadelphians. Which when Caspius knew, he was very much offended, for that if the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, they would not make him acquainted, when as so they might have been righted, but did so rashly run to arms on their own heads. Therefore having laid hold of three of the ringleaders, he commanded they should be bound, one of these, by name Anibas, he executed; the other two, to wit Amaramus and Eleazer he ba∣nished. And not long after, he took and condemned Tholomaeus to death, who was chief of the robbers, and had in many things very much injured the Pamaeans and the Arabians, and did his endeavour to scour the whole Country of Judea of all robberies. [Joseph. lib. 10. cap. 1.]

Cassius Longinus (or as Tacitus thinks, Vibius Marsus) being President of Syria, and coming to Jerusalem with his army, together with Caspius Fadus, Procurator of the Jews, called together the Priests and chief of the Jews, and plainly shewed unto them the full purport of the Emperours commands; That the stole and other orna∣ments of the High Priest, in the Tower called Antonia, should be laid up and kept by the Romans, as it was wont to be before Vitellius his time. They durst not contra∣dict them in any thing, but desired leave to send an Embassadour to Caesar, to endea∣vour to gain that favour of him, that they might not be deprived of the priviledge of keeping the holy stole, and that they would have so much patience as to remain Caesars answer in it. They answered, That they might, if they would first give hostages for the performance of Caesars will, and their security. They readily delivered up their children, and dispatch away Embassadours. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. ult. & lib. 20. cap. 1.]

In the Church at Antioch there were Prophets, and Doctors, Barnabas and Simeon, Niger and Lucius, Cyrenaeus (and Manahem, who was educated together with Herod the Tetrarch) and Saul. All which serving God and fasting, the Holy Ghost comman∣ded

Barnabas and Saul to separate themselves from the rest, and set themselves to preaching the gospell. These being commended to God by the Church, with fasting and praying and imposition of hands, taking with them John Marc. a servant, they came to Seleucia, and from thence sailed into Cypru••, (Barnabas his Countrey) where amongst the Salaminians they first began to preach the word of God in the Synagogues of the Jews. [Acts XIII. 1, 4.]

Travailing over that Island as far as Paphas, they there found a false prophet a Jew, Barjesu, sir-named Elymas or Magus, who endeavoured to divert Sergius Paulus the ruler of that Countrey having a desire to hear Paul and Barnabas, Saul having sharply reproved this man he was presently struck with blindnesse, and the Proconsull being moved by this miracle and the Doctrine of the Gospell was converted to the faith. And from this time Saul is alwaies found named by his new name Paul. Then he and those that came with him to Paphus went to Perga of Pamphilia, where John Marcus leaving them returns to Jerusalem. [ibid.]

The Hierosolymitan Embassadours by the intercession of Agrippa, who was then with Claudius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the confirmation of that priviledg of keeping the Stole first granted them by Vitellius. And also prevailed for a rescript in this businesse from Claudius in the V. year of his Tribunall power to the Magistrates at Jerusalem. Dated the IV. Kalends of July by Rufus, and Pompeius Sylvanus Consuls, writing to He∣rod King, Chalcis, and Aristobulus the younger his most endeated friends, that herein he would gratifie them. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. ult. & lib. 20. cap. 1.]

About the same time Herod the King of Chalcis petitions Claudius with successe for the command of the temple and holy treasury, and the right of chusing the High-Priests. [id. lib. 20. cap. 1.]

Claudius because that upon his birth day there would be an eclipse of the Sun, and in regard there had some prodigies happened, fearing least it might occasion some stir and tumult; before the time, he, in writing published not only that there would be an eclipse, but the very time, space, and all the naturall causes of it, and demonstrated that it could be no otherwise, [Dio. lib. 60. pag. 682.] Now the birth-day of Claudius fell upon the Kalends of August, [id. ibid. pag. 667.] on which day the Sun almost two houres before noon was in eclipse to a fourth part of the Diameter.

Herod, King of Chalcis, amo••ing Simon Cantharas placed his son Josephus Canens (or Camydes) in the High-Priest-hood. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 1.]

Theudas, a meer impostor, pretending himself to be a prophet, perswaded a great multitude of the Jews to take their riches with them, and follow him to Jordan; prom••sing them that he would divide the river and make them an easie way through; against these Fabius Caspius the Procurator of the Jews, sent out some troops of horse, who entring in upon the body of them at unawares, slew a great number of them, & took many alive, amongst the rest Theudas himself whose head they took off and brought it to Jerusalem. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 2. fin.]

Paul and Barnabas leaving Perga came to Antioch in Pisidia, and entring into their Synagogues on the sabbath day after the reading of the Law and the Prophets, are invited by the rulers of the Synagogue to teach, where Paul having made an ex∣cellent sermon, and being gone out of the Jews Synagogus, the Gentiles entreated that they would expound the same things to them the next sabbath day, and the company being dissolved many devout Jews and religious Proselytes follow Paul and Barnabas who speaking to them admonished them to continue in the grace and favour of God. [Acts XIII. 14. 43.]

The next Sabbath almost all the whole City came flocking to hear the word of God, but the Jews seeing the multitude were filled with envy and contradicted what Paul spoke•• with whose blasphemies Paul and Barnabas being grievously offended they left the Jews, and preach only to the Gentiles: who with joy embracing the Gospell, all, as many as were ordained to eternall life, believed: and the word of God was di∣vulged over that whole Nation: where the Jews being frustrated in their malitious design by the meanes of many religious woemen, (called by the Hebrews Proselytes of the gate) both honourable and the chief in the City, they raised a commotion, and drove Paul and Barnabas out of their coasts, who shaking the dust of their feet against them, they came to Iconium and the Disciples were filled with joy, and the Holy Ghost. [ib. 44, 52.]

At Iconium Paul and Barnabas entring the Synagogue of the Jews spake so, that both Jews and Greeks might beleive. But the Jews, who were incredulous, exaspera∣ted and prejudiced the minds of the Graecians against the brethren. Yet they sta••ied there a great while and spoke freely as inspired by the Lord who gave testimony to the word of his grace, and did many miracles by their hands [Acts XIV. 1, 2, 3.] At which time Thecla a noble maid of Iconium is thought to be converted to the faith of Christ: whose acts are notwithstanding most deservedly set down amongst

the Apocrypha by the LXX. a Synod of Bishops had under Gelasius.

The multitude of Iconium being divided, some were for the Jews some for the A∣postles: But when it came to passe that a strength both of Jews and Gentiles together with their chief Rulers came flocking to injure and stone them, they fled away into the cities of Lyconia, Lystra, and Derbe, and the Region thereabouts, and there preached the Gospel. [Acts XIV. 4, 7.]

At Lystra a man lame from his mothers womb is curd by Paul in the Senate. When∣as the Lystrians would have sacrificed to Paul as Mercury, and Barnabas as Jupiter, They tearing their cloaths denied that honour, and had much adoe to restrain the multitude from sacrificing to them. Soon after the incredulous Jews coming thither from Iconium and Antioch, and having raised a tumult, and excited the people against them, the furious multitude drew Paul being stoned, as dead out of the city. But when his Disciples came about him, he rose and entred the city. [Ibid. 8, 20.]

In this year, and it may be at this very time, Paul was wrapt into the third heavens, and heard unspeakable words: fourteen years before the later Epistle to the Corin∣thians was written. [Il Corinth. XII. 2, 3, 4.] Whither is thought to refer that of Triephon in Lucian, or the ancienter author of that Dialogue inscribed Philopatris. When I met that Jewish bald-pate, justly laught at, who being rapt up into the very third hea∣vens thorough the air, learnt there those things that were most excellent and glorious, he renewed us by water, made us walke in the steps of the blessed, and redeemed us from the dominions of the wicked. So Triephon. God raigning on high, great, heavenly, and eternal, the Son of the Fa∣ther, the Spirit proceeding from the Father, one of three, and three of one, and in like manner thus preaching as the Christians used.

Paulus with Barnabas going from Lystra, came to Derbe, where having preached the Gospel, they gained many to Christ. [Acts XIV. 20, 21.]

Amongst many others that gave their names to Christ at this time, was Timotheus with his holy mother Eunice, and his grandmother Lois, who took care to teach him the Scriptures from his very infancy. He being in these parts, although as yet a very child, was an eye-witnesse of the sufferings of his spiritual father Paul at Antioch (in Pisidia) Iconium, and Lystra, (in Lycaonia) [Acts XVI. 1, 2. Il Tim. l. 2, 5. & III, 11, 15.]

Paul and Barnabas going no further than Derbe, returned to Lystra, and Iconium, and Antiochia, confirming the minds of the Discip••es, and exhorting them to endure affliction for their faiths sake without wavering: and having constituted Bishops over them in every of their Churches, and praying for them with fasting, they commended them to God in whom they believed. Afterwards travelling over Pisidia, they came into Pamphylia, and having declared and published the word of the Lord at Perga, passed into Italy, and thence sailed to Antioch, whence they first went about the work, they afterwards performed; where to the congregated Churches declared what God had done by them, and how he had opened the door of Faith to the Gentiles. [Acts. XIV. 21, 27.]

Tiberius Alexander is made Successor to Caspius Fidus, in the administration of the Jewish affairs, being the son of Alexander Alabarch of Alexandria (an old friend of Claudius's) who had forsaken the Jewish, his country religion. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 3.]

A little after this, the fame of it passing thorough all Judea, Helena the Queen of the Adebans (on the confines of Assyria and Mesopotamia) is converted by a certain Jew to the worship of the True God, and comes to visit the Temple at Jerusalem, that she might worship there the True God, and pay her vows, provided plentifully for her journey,; being diverted for a few dayes by her son Izates, who was then King, and afterwards coverted to the same Religion by Ananias the Jewish Merchant. Where when she saw many of the Jews even starving with famine, out of her own purse she sent some to Alexandria for a great quantity of wheat, others to Cyprus to fetch thence a great deal of figs to their rel••ef, who made a speedy return; and she divided all the store to those that wanted it. Her son also Izates, hearing what a distresse they were in by famine, sent money to the chief Magistrates at Jerusalem. [Id. ibid. cap. 2. & 3.]

Izates the King sent his five sons to Jerusalem to learn their language and customes exactly. His mother Helena also erected three Pyramids three stadias distant from Jerusalem. In which afterwards the bones of her son Izates were intombed. [Id. cap. 2.] Which Monuments of Helena were extant, not onely in the time of Josephus, but Eusebius also. [Joseph. lib. 5. bell. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. in Greek, or lib. 6. cap. 6. & 7. in Latin. Euseb. lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. & Hier. Epist. 27.]

Paul and Barnabas stayed at Antioch with the Disciples a great while, [Year of the World 4050] [Acts XIV. 28.] after which Paul, as it appears, propagated the Gospel even to Illirium; preaching such things to them concerning Christ, as they never heard before,

Rom. XV. 19, 20.] and suffered those things which in his later Epistle to the Corinthian••, [cap. XI. 24.] he commemorates: to wit, that as at Philippi afterwards, so twice elsewhere by the Gentiles he had been whipt with rods, and received 5 times 4 hundred stripes from the Jews; that he had thrice made shipwrack, and was all night in the deep. For since we find, that between the return of Paul and Barnabas to Antioch, and their going to the Council at Jerusalem, was 5 years, we cannot place these things better any where, than in so large a vacuum and silence in the History of the Church.

Valerius Asiaticus being again Consul, the Island Therasia rose out of the Aegean sea, [Seneca, Natural. quaest. lib. 2. cap. 26. & lib. 6. cap. 21.] in a night wherein the Moon was eclipsed. [Aurel. Victor. in Claudio.] This eclipse was seen the very night between the last day of December, (which terminated that year in which Valerius Asiaticus was the second time Consul) and the Kalends of January, which begins the Consulships of Claudius Aug. IV. & L. Vitellius III. in whose time a little Island. before never seen, appeared near Thera, as Dio relates. [lib. 60. pag. 685.]

James and Simon the sons of Judas of Galilee (who, [The Julian Period. 4760] in Qurinius his time sollicited the Jews to a revolt) were crucified for it. [Year after Christ 47] [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 3.]

Herod the King of Chalcis, amoving Josephus the son of Camydas, constituted Ananias the son of Nehedaeus High-Priest in his room. [Id. ibid.]

Gotarzes prepares to destroy Artabanus King of the Parthian, with his wife and son, [Tacit. lib. 11. cap. 8,] But Artabanus dying, left his kingdom to Bardanes his son, [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 2.] For these two brothers Gotarzes and Bardanes, are rather to be thought Artabanus his sons with Josephus, than his brothers with Tacitus.

Bardanes being invited by the Parthians (who feared the cruelty of Gotarzes) to be their King; being a man prompt enough to all high and desperate designs, in two dayes space he invaded, three thousand stadia's oft, and assaulted Gotarzes (who was all in a fright at his coming, so altogether unexpectedly,) and without delay seized upon the next Provinces also; the Seleucians onely denying him subjection. Against whom, as being also such as revolted from his father, he being more incensed than the present opportunity could well bear, is puzlled with the siege of that strong City, for∣tified on the one side by a river, and on the other with a very strong guard. In the in∣trim Gotarzes by the aid of the Dahae and Hyrcanians, recruits his forces, and renews the war, and thereupon Bardanes is forced to leave the siege of Seleucia, and pitch his tents in the Bactrian fields. [Tacit. lib. 11. cap, 8.]

Hearing the news of the Parthians discord, and that they were various in the electi∣on of their King, Mithridates King of Armenia the Greater, by the advice of Claudius Caesar, re-marches into that kingdom, confiding in the power and wealth of his brother Pharasmanes, King of the Iberians; and indeed, the affairs of the East being so di∣stracted and the people unresolved who to incline unto, he possest himself of Armenia: the Roman souldiers subdueing the castles and strong forts whilst the Iberian army kept the field: nor did the Armenians resist, Demonactes their General who onely durst design a battle being slain. Presently hereupon Cotys, King of Armenia the Lesse, made thitherward: but Caesar having taken him off the design by letters, all the coun∣tries came flocking in to Mithridates, who was something more sterne than was con∣venient in his new kingdom. [ibid. cap. 8, & 9.]

Gotarzes and Bardanes being about to joyne battle; Gotarzes discovering the treachery of the people to his brother, they shook hands and swore at an altar to reveng themselves upon one the others enemies, and to agree betwixt themselves. And Bar∣danes appearing fitter to hold the kingdom, Gotarzes to avoid all emulation, went quite away into Hyrcania. [Ibid. cap. 9.]

At Bardanes his return thither Seleucia is delivered up unto him the seventh year after the defection. After this he invades the most strong Provinces, and had in his mind to recover Armenia; but was prevented by Vibius Marsus (or, according to Josephus Cassius Longinus rather) threatning war to the Embassadour of Syria. [Ibid.]

Ventidius Cumanus succeeded Tiberius Alexander in the government of the Jews, [The Julian Period. 4761] and Herod King of Chalcis brother of that great Agrippa died in the eighth year of Claudius his raign;* 4.364 leaving three sons behind him: of whom Aristobulus was by his former wife Mariamme, and of Berenice his brothers daughter, Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 3.]

The Feast of the Passeover drawing near, and much people flocking from all parts to the solemnity, Cumanus (after the example of the preceding Presidents) sets one Cohort for a guard upon the Porch of the Temple to restrain tumults if there should happen any. On the fourth day of the Feast, one of the souldiers shewing his obscene parts to the multitude, they cryed out (being enraged by that contumely.) That not onely they, but he who they honoured in that feast, was affronted by it, and some

of the boldest of them railed against Cumanus saying this impudent souldier was sent by him. When Cumanus heard this he was not a little troubled: but yet desired the people to raise no commotions in the time of the feast; and when they still railed at him, he commanded the whole army to Antonia, a Castle close adjoyning to the tem∣ple. The commonpeople, seeing the souldiers coming were afraid, and began to flee with such violence that being strained with the narrownesse of the passage, and thin∣king the souldiers had pursued them, they opprest and trod one another, so that 20000. of them were found dead, as Josephus hath it in the 4 chapter of the 20 book of his antiquities. But in his book of the Jewish wars we read that [cap. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, above ten thousand perished: where Rufinus reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 above thirty thousand: Eusebius aswell in his Chronicle as his ecclesiasticall History the second book, [cap. 18. 19. & Orosius lib. 7. cap. 6.] retaining the very same number.

Some who by flight escaped this tumult, in the High-way, about Bethoron, 100. stadia's from the City robbed Stephen the servant of Caesar, as he was travailing, and took all his packs of treasure. When Cumanus heard this he sent souldiers thither, with command to destroy the villages next adjoyning to that place. In this havock one of the souldiers brought out the books of the Mosaicall Law which he found in one of those villages, and tore them in the sight of them all, railing exceedingly both against the Law and the Nation. When this news came to the Jews, gathering a great company they made for Caesarea, where Cumanus then resided, intreating him that he would revenge not their own, but the contempt and injury of their God. Then the Praesident, being afraid of the defection of the people, by the advice of his friends, put the souldier to death that had done the fact, and so appeased the tumult. [Josep. ut supra.]

Apollonius the Tyanean, upon his journey to the Indians, entred the City Babylon, the second moneth of the third year of Bardanes, and there con∣ferred with the King. [Philostrat. in vita Apollon. lib. 1. cap. 19. & 20. compared with Euseb. in Hierocl.]

Gotarzes, repenting that he had yielded up his Kingdome, and recalling his nobility who were the more enslaved by the peace, he gathered a great force, and is met at the river Erindes in the passage whereof there was a great contest, and Bardanes had the better of it, and with good successe proceeded and subdued the mid Countries to the river Gindes, which divides between the Dahae and the Arians, & there his successe ter∣minated: for the Parthians although Conquerours despised the enemy afar off; and therefore erecting monuments there, by which their riches were sufficiently manifest, (no tribute but that of the Arsacidae ever coming to any of that Nation:) Barda∣nes returned with great glory, and so much the sterner and more intollerable to his subjects. [Tacit. lib. 11. cap. 10.]

Bardanes, going to Izates King of the Adialeni, perswaded him that he would joyn with him in war against the Romans; whom Izates endeavoured to divert from his purpose, moderately recounting unto him the Roman acts and their power. Bardanes offended at this presently denounces war against Izates, but was prevented of prosecuting the same by death, [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 2.] for the Parthians, when they knew his mind, that he was resolved to wage war with the Romans at unawares, whilst he was intent at hunting slew him in his prime, the chief of all young Kings, and if he had as well obteined the love of his subjects as the fear of his enemies, he might have been numbred amongst the old ones. [Id. ibid. Tacit. lib. 11 cap. 10.]

The Parthian affaires being disjoynted by the death of Bardanes, they were again doubtfull who should be King. Many inclined to Gotarzes, some to Maherdates (the son of Phraates the third, the son of Zenones the first) who was then pledg with the Romans. At last Gotarzes prevailed, and being possessed of the Palace, forc't the Parthians by his luxury and cruelty to sent privately to Claudius, to send them Maherdates to be their King, [Tacit. ibid.] complaining of Gatarzes his cruelty, both to the nobility and comminalty; For first he exhausted his brothers, then his neigh∣bours, then those farther off with slaughters, adding their wives big with child, their children small, so that being sluggish and licentious at home, and unfortunate in war, he covered his sloth by his cruelty. [Id. lib. 12. cap. 10.]

When Didius, the Roman General had deposed Mithridates from the Kingdom of Bosphorus, and had constituted his son Cotys, a mad young blade, there, he led away thence the power of the army, leaving only some few Cohorts, under the com∣mand of Julius Aquila, a Roman Knight: with the new King. Mithridates having lost all, and wandring about, cited together the Nations, and gathered out of them all the runnagadoes; and in fine, got together an army, wherewith he deprived the King of the Daridae of, and enjoyed, his Kingdom. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 15.]

The Parthian Embassadours being heard, Claudius sends Mithridates to be their King, advising him that he should not think of rule and servants, but of government and fellow Citizens, and that he should expresse mercy and Justice: and gave com∣mand to C. Cassius, who was President of Syria, that he should see the young man sate upon the bank of Euphrates. [Id. ibid. cap. 11.]

At this time Cassius excelled all others in his skill in the laws, but was very ignorant in martial affairs: but in that he came to it peaceably, he renewed the ancient custom, exercising the Legions with the same care, as if an enemy had been invading, esteem∣ed therefore worthy, the family of the Cassians and his ancestours, in those very Nati∣ons in high esteem. Now calling together those by whose vote Mahardates was cho∣sen King, when he had pitched his Tents at Zeugma, where the river is very foor∣dable; When the Noble Parthians, and the King of the Arabians, Acbarus (or Ab∣garus) were come, he, before them, admonished the young man Maherdates, that the edge of the Parthians would abate in this businesse by delay, and would turn to trea∣chery, and therefore advised him to presse on his design speedily: whose councel desp••sing by the fraud of Acbarus, thinking, like a young man as he was, that all fortune consisted in luxury, he stayed at the Town Amissa many daies. [Ibid. cap. 12.]

When Mithradates was possest of the Kingdom of the Daridae, and was thought now to be about to invade Bosphorus; Aquila and Cotys, destrusting their own power, because Zorsines, King of the Siracans (to Caucasus) had joyned with Mithridates, they also seek forreign assistance, sending Embassadours to Eunones, who ruled over the Nation of the Aorsori, (amongst the Scythians) whose society they easily obtain∣ed, shewing how Mithridates rebelled against the Romans. Therefore they covenant∣ed that Eunones should fight the horse-battles, and the Romans should look to the be∣sieging of their Cities. [Id. cap. 15.]

Then, having marshalled their body, they go on, the Romans and Bosphorans defending each wing of Aorsus before and behind; and thus having repulsed the enemy, they come to Soza, a Town of Dandarica, which was left by Mithridates, because the minds of the people were somewhat wavering towards him: they thought good to take it, and leave there a Garison, and so passed on to the Country of the Sira∣cians; and having passed the river Panda, besieged Uspes, seated in a place senced both with walls and ditches, only the walls being not made of stone, but piles composed toge∣ther, and earth, were something infirm, and the Towers being raised on high, the be∣sieged were the more distressed with the pricks and fier-works. So that if night had not put an end to the conflict, they had besiged and taken it all in a day. [Ibid. cap. 16.]

The next day Embassadours, miserably intreating that they might go free, who were free born, offered ten thousand slaves; which the Conquerours despising, because it would be cruelty to slay them, when delivered up, and dangerous to keep such a com∣pany of prisoners, rather put it to the fortune and law of arms. And having given the souldiers, who scaled the walls, a sign to destroy: The rest being terrified by the de∣struction of the Uspenses, since eminent and ••enced places could do no good, but they broke through rivers and all: Zorsines long considering whether it were better go on with Mithridates, or consult the affairs of his own distressed Country: at last his own affairs prevailed, and giving pledges, he fell down at the image of Caesar, in respect to the great glory of the Roman army, who were victorious, and yet not bloody, and then three dayes journy from the river Tanais. But in their returne their fortune was far otherwise: for some of their ships in their returne, touching upon the coast of the Tuarians, the Barbarians flockt together about them, and slew the Captain of their Cohort and many more. [Ib. cap. 17.]

In the interim Mithridates, having no relief, consults whose mercy he had best im∣plore. His brother Cotys, who was formerly his traytor, he feared would be his enemy. There was none of the Romans now of that authority, as that his promises could be much regarded, flying therefore to Eunones, and entering his Palace, casting himself upon his knees, saies, Mithridates sought by sea and land so many years, behold, is now present of his own accord. Vse as you please the son of great Achaemenes, for my enemies have taken all help else from me. Eunones being moved with the honour of the person, the change of fortune, and the generous petition, writes to Caesar, and sends Embassadours to entreat him not to restore Mithridates his Kingdom, but that he would not triumph over him, nor put him to death. But Claudius being in doubt whether to punish or par∣don him, at last was conquered, with the more merciful sentence. [Ibid. cap. 18, 29, 20.]

When Carthenes sent for Mahardates to act the businesse, [Year of the World 4053] telling him it would be very easie, if he came without delay; he, being led away with evil councel, came not strait to Mesopotamia, but fetcht a compasse through Armenia, a place unseasonable

at that time, for that it was the beginning of winter. At last tired out with the sea and Mountains, when they drew near to the Champaign Country, they joyned forces with Carthenes, and passing the river Tigris, they marched over Adiebana, whose King Iz••es openly entred friendship with Mahardates, but privately and more faith∣fully was a friend to Gotarzes. Notwithstanding in their journy they took the City 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the most ancient seat of Assyria. [Ibid. cap. 12. & 13.]

Mithridates of B••sphorus being brought to Rome by Cilones Procurator of Pontus, is said to have disputed with Caesar somewhat more highly than his condition required, and that he elevated his voice in these words. I am not sent back to thee, but returned: which if thou believest not, let me go again and see. His countenance also continued undaunted, when at the rostrum being hem'd on all sides with keepers, he was exposed to publick view. Consular Ensignes are decreed to Cilones and to Aquila Praetorian. [Id. cap. 21.]

When the Bythinians accused this Junius Cilones their Prefect for many and great bribes which he had taken, before Claudius, with very great clamours, and Claudius by reason of the multitude not understanding what they meant, asking those that stood by what they said, and being answered that they gave thanks to Junius; he believing it said, Let him therefore be their President two years more, [Dio. lib. 60. pag. 687.] At this time Cadius Ru••us at the accusation of the same Bythinians, is condemned of bri∣bery by law. [Tacit. Annal. 12. cap. 22. & Histor. lib. 1. cap. 77.]

The I••uraeans and Judaeans, their Kings Sohemus and Agrippa being dead, are ad∣ded to the Province of Syria, [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 23.] Indeed the years of Agrippa the younger are hence to be deduced, and it appears out of Josephus, telling us that the beginning of the Jewish war (which fell upon the moneth May, according to our com∣mon account, the LXVI. year of Christ) was in the XVII. of King Agrippa, [lib. 2. bell. cap. 13. fin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. init.] and out of the Grecian money to be taken notice of in the place, in which Judea was taken (about the moneth September, in the year of the same account LXX.) to be in the XXI year of Agrippa. And indeed Claudius did not bestow his fathers kingdom Judea upon Agrippa the younger, but his uncle Herods of Chalcis; together with the power of the Temple and holy Treasury, and to chuse High Priests, which was granted before to his uncle Herod. And his fathers king∣dom was so added to Syria, that it should have Procurators notwithstanding there, by Caesars election: Ventidius Cumanus (as formerly) retaining stil at this time the admi∣nistration of Judea and Galilee, and Felix being sent Procurator of Samaria, which was between them; which Felix was a freed-man of Claudius and his mother Antonia, who from her had the sirname Antonius, and from him, Claudius. He was the brother of another freed-man, Pallantes, whom Tacitus notes to have been most affectionatly be∣loved by his Patron Claudins. [lib. 11. cap. 29.]

Gotarzes at the mountain Sambulon made vows to the god of the place with the especial religion of Hercules. [The Julian Period. 4763] But his army being not yet sufficiently stored, [Year after Christ 50] and in∣creased, he made use of the River Corma for his defence. And although he was in∣cited to battle by pursuites and messengers, with challenges, he delayed, and changed his station, and sending bribes to corrupt the faith and loyalty of his enemies. Of whom A••iabenus, and King Acbarus of the Arabians (of the Edessenians) with their army revolted, with a gentil-like levity, and because by experience it is known that the Bar∣barians would rather seek a King at Rome than find him. But Maherdates being stript of his forces thus, and mistrusting those that remained, resolved to put it to the hazard of a battle. Nor did Gotarzes deny him battle, being grown high by the di∣minishing of his forces: and they fought with great slaughter and dubious event, until Carthenes having overcome his obverse wing, wheeled about with a circumference and came upon the back of his enemies. Then Mahardates, past all hope, and trusting to the promises of Parthaces his fathers client, is overcome by his deceit, and delivered up to the Conqueror. And he, blameing him not as a neighbour, or of the stock of Arsaces, but as a Roman and forreigner, cut off his eares in contempt of the Romans, and gave him his life to shew his mercy. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 14.]

Josephus the son of Matthias at the age of fourteen, had attained to that praise in learning, that he was consulted about the more full sense and meaning of the Law, even by the High-priests and Primates of the City of Jerusalem: as he himself relates in the book of his Life.

Gotarzes being dead of a disease, Venones then President of the Medes being called to the rule there, had a short and most inglorious reign amongst them: and the Parthian kingdom was translated upon Volgoses his son; who, being of his mothers side the son onely of a harlot, by the disagreement of his brothers attained the regiment. So Ta∣citus [lib. 12. cap. 14. & 44.] Joseph. also writes, that Gotarzes being killed by trea∣chery, his son Volgoses succeeded him, [lib. 20. cap. 2.] adding further, that he di∣stributed the kingdom to two brothers by the same father: viz. to one of them,

Pacoius being the elder Media, and to the other and younger Tiridates Armenia.

A war arose betwixt the Armenians and Iberians, [The Julian Period. 4764] which was the cause of very great commotions betwixt the Romans and Parthians. [Year after Christ 51] Pharasm••nes obtained the Iberians by ancient possession, and his brother Mithridates the Armenians, by the help of the Romans. Pharasmanes had a son called Rhadamistus, of a most hansome, proper composure, of a very strong body, and much admired by the whole Country. When he began to affect his fathers Kingdom, and Pharasmenes fearing now, being in his decaying years, seeks to divert him, by putting another Phancy in his head, shewing him Armenia, and telling him that he beat away the Parthians, and bestowed it upon Mithridates: but adding, That it was better to wave force and use cunning, and so taking him at unawares, they might easily eject him, and do what they pleased. So Rhadamistus, dissembles his discord to his father, which was not like that of a step-dame, goes to his Uncle, and by the sweetnesse of his behavour, inticed many things of himself, and many of his Nobles, and the chief of Armenia to commotions. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 44.]

Rhadamistus, taking upon him the shew of reconciliation, returned to his father, and told him how far he had gone by fraud, and that the rest was to be performed by arms. In the interim Pharasmanes feignes causes of war, That he must war against the King of the Albanians, and that whilst he called the Romans to his aide, he should go and by his death revenge that injury of his brother. Also he delivered a great ar∣my to his son. He with a sudden eruption compelled Mithridates into the Castle Gorneas, much terrified, and deprived of the Country: the place was very safe, both by reason of the situation and the strong guard over whom Coelius Pollio was Pre∣sident, and Casperius was his Centurion. Rhadamistus in vain, and with great losse having attempted the fort, began to try if he could currupt the President with mony, Casperius opposing it, least the King and A••••ie; and least Armenia, the gift of the Romans, should be sold with mony. At last, when Poilio urged the number of the enemy, and Rhadamistus his fathers commands, having made a trace, he departs: saying, although he had affrighted Pharasmanes by wars, he should make T. Numi∣dius Quadratus, President of Syria, acquainted in what state the affairs of Armenia stood. [Ibid. cap. 45.]

The Sixt C••lippick Period begins.

After the departure of Casp••rius the Centurion, Pollio the Prefect, being, as it were, rid of his keeper, exhorts Mithridates to a league, with his elder brother Pharasmanes, relating to him also all other respects he was engaged in; as that he had his daughter in marriage, that he was Uncle to Rhadamistus, &c. Mithridates delaying the busi∣nesse, and suspecting the counsel of Pollio, for that he kept a hoor, and was given up to all manner of lust and luxury, and accounted Venial, or mercenary. Ca••parius in the interim requires of Pharasmanes, that the I••eria••s might be withdrawn from the siege. He incertainly and often gently answers him: but in the mean while sends privately to Rhadamistus, to hasten the gaining of the Castle by any means. He augments the prom••se of reward for their treachery, and Pollio pri∣vately perswades the Souldiers by delivering it up to consult their own safety, and the Countries peace. In which necessity Mithridates appoints the day and place of the conference, and goes out of the Castle. When first Rhadamistus, counterfeiting obe∣dience, falls to embrace him, calling him father in law, and father: adding by an oath that he would injure him neither by sword nor poison, and presently leading him into a grove hard by, told him he had provided to sacrifice there, that by the witnesse of the gods, their peace might be confirmed. But there was Mithridates cast down and bound with chains, and at length the commands of Pharsamanes being received. Rhadamistus, as if mindful of his oath, cast down his father in law and Uncle, toge∣ther with his own wife, and heaping many and heavy packs upon them, they so pe∣rished. His sons all, because they cryed at their fathers death, he killed. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 46. & 47.]

Quadratus, when he heard Mithridates was betrayed and slain, and Armenia possest by his murderers, calls a councel, propounds the businesse, and whether it were to be revenged. Having a while debated in the businesse, many were of opinion to desist in it. But least they should seem to assent to such a wickednesse, and Caesar should com∣mand them otherwise: messengers are sent to Pharasmanes, to require him to depart from the coasts of Armenia, and recal his son. [Ib. cap. 48.]

Julius Pelignus was Procurator of Cappadocia, [Year of the World 4055] equally contemptible for his ridicu∣lous person, as the sluggishnesse of his disposition: but very familiar formerly with Claudius, when he was a private man, and most affected with ease and sloth. This Pelignus, gathering together the Auxiliaries of the Provinces, as if he would recover Armenia, and preying rather upon his friends than his enemies, by the defection of his forces, and the incursions of the Barbarians, being left destitute, comes to

Rhadamistus, and being overcome by his bribes, exhorts him again to take up the Kingly Ensignes, and was the very authour and abettor to him in it. Which being divulged in dishonourable terms, least the rest should be branded with Pelignus fault, Helvidius Priscus is sent Embassadour with a Legion for a time, to take care of those disturbed affairs. He therefore passing the Mountain Taurus with all speed, composed more things by moderation than force. When he is commanded to returne into Syria, lest the beginning of a war against the Parthians should arise: for Vologeses was sup∣posed to have consulted the invading of Armenia; which having been enjoyed by his ancestors was wickedly compassed by a forreign King; he gathered an army, and prepared to bring his brother Tiridates into the Kingdom, that none of the family might be without a Kingdom, At the entring of the Parthians, the Iberians were overcome without a fight, and the Cities of Armenia, Artaxata and Tigranocerta came under their yoke. Upon this a grievous sharp winter, and want of Provision ensue betwixt which there grew a languishing sicknesse amongst them, which com∣pelled Vologeses to desist proceeding further in the businesse at present. [Id. cap. 49. & 50.]

Rhadamistus again invades Armenia, (it being voide of a ruler) more cruelly than before, as if he came against revolters, and who in time would rebel. But they all, though accustomed to servitude, abandoned all patience, and ran to arms, inclosing the Palace, which put Rhadamistus to that that he had no other way to save himself, but by the swiftnesse of his horses, by which he conveyed away both himself and his wife Zenobia. And his wife being great with child, would notwithstanding (for that it was the first flight, and for fear of the enemy, together with her love to her husband) en∣dure it. Afterwards with continued haste, her belly began to be over much jogged, and her bowels to torment her with gripings and pangs: she prayes that she might rather dye honourable, than live with the disgrace of captivity. He, at first, embraces her, cherishes, and helps her, sometimes wondring at her courage, sometimes even sick with fear, if he should leave her, some body might light of her and wrong her. At last for the violence of his love, and being no baby in wicked exploits, he drew his saulchion, and having wounded her sufficiently, he drags her to the bank of the ri∣ver Araxis, and flings her into it, least even her body should come into the enemies possession. He presently went through Iberia to his fathers Throne. In the mean time some shepherds found Zenobia, manifestly breathing and alive, and supposing that she was nobly born, by the comlinesse of her person, they bind up her wounds, and apply their Country Medicines: and when they knew her name and chance, they carried her to Artaxata; from whence being brought to Tiridates by the publick charge, he receives her courteously, and useth her as a Queen. [Ibid. cap. 50, 51.]

Certain professors of the Name of Christ, of the sect of the Pharises, came down from Judea to Antioch, and said that the Christians of the Gentiles ought to be circum∣cised, and keep the Law of Moses, if they would be saved; disturbing the souls of many of the brethren in Syria and Cilicia, with their perverse doctrine, against whom Paul and Barnabas stifly oppose themselves. [Acts XV. 1, 2, 5, 23, 24.] Paul calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, brethren brought in unawares. [Gal. II. 4.] Philastrius de Haeres. cap. 87. & Epiphanius. Heres. 28. say, That Cerinthus, that arch Heritick, was the first brocher of this opinion.

Paul, [The Julian Period. 4765] fourteen years after his going to Jerusalem, [Year after Christ 52] undertaken three years after his conversion, goes to Jerusalem with Barnabas, [Gal. II. 1.] both of them being sent from the Church at Antioch with some others, that they might ask the judgement of the Apostles and Elders at Jerusalem, (whose names those disturbers had abused, to boulster out their opinion) concerning the controversy newly risen. [Acts XV. 2, 3, 24.]

Paul goes up by Revelation, Titus a Grecian going up with him, whom he would not compel to be circumcised, least that he should seem to give place to the false bre∣thren for a moment. [Gal, II. 1, 5.]

Paul and Barnabas in their journy through Phenicia and Samaria, declare the con∣version of the Gentiles to the great joy of all the brethren, and when they came to Jerusalem, were received by the Church, and of the Apostles and Presbyters, telling what things God had done by them. [Acts XV. 3, 4.]

Paul communicated the Gospel that he had preached among the Gentiles, private∣ly to the chief among the Apostles, James, Peter, and John, (who were thought to be Pillars) who when they saw that the Gospel among the Gentiles was committed unto him, as to Peter among the Jews, and perceived the grace that was given unto him, they gave the right hands of fellowship to him and Barnabas, that these should do the office of the Apostleship among the Gentiles, and they among the Jews, advising them only, that they should take care of relieving the poor at Jerusalem. [Gal. II. 2, 7, 9, 10.]

In a councel of the Apostles and Elders, held at Jerusalem, when after much dis∣puting, Peter had spoken his opinion, Barnabas and Paul declared what great mira∣cles God had done by them among the Gentiles: then James concluding, that it seemed good by the common decree of the Apostles, Elders, and of the whole Church, that no other thing should be laid upon the believing Gentiles, but that they should ab∣stain from things sacrificed to idols, fornication, things strangled, and bloud, to which purpose the Synods letters were written to them of Antioch, and to the rest of the bre∣thren in Syria and Cilicia: which they delivered to be carried to Antioch, to Judas, surnamed Barsabas, and Silas, chief men in the Church, with Barnabas and Paul: who when they came to Antioch, and had delivered and read the letters, the brethren greatly rejoiced. Judas and also Silas, being Prophes also themselves, confirming them with many words. [Acts XV. 6. 32.]

Somewhat after, Judas being returned to the Apostles, it seemed good to Silas to stay at Antioch, where Paul and Barnabas, with many others, preached the Gospel. [Ibid. 33, 34, 35.]

Josephus, the son of Matthias, in the sixteenth year of his age, began with great and heard labour, to make trial of all three, viz. of the Pharisees, Sadduces, and Essines. [Joseph. in his Life.]

To Pallus, the freed man of Claudius, were decreed the Pretorian ornament, and 150000 Sesterces. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 53.]

When the Galileans go to the feast at Jerusalem, they must needs go through Sama∣ria. [John IV. 3, 4.] It happened that there was a Galilean killed, at a Village of the Samaritans, called Nais, otherwise Geman) whereupon there arose a fight between the Passengers and Villagers, in which many of the Galileans were lost: the Rulers taking this very hainously, stirred up the Jews to arms, exhorting them to defend their liberty: that servitude was troublesome of it self, but then it was intollerable, when it was joyned with the injuries of their Subjects. Wherefore at Jerusalem, they leaving the feast, the common people being armed, invade Samaria: neither would they surcease, do what the Magistrates could. There were also called into their aide Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and Alexander, the Captains of the Thieves, who making an inroade upon the Samaritans, that bordered on the Country of Acrabatena, made a confused slaughter, sparing no age nor sex, and burnt also the Towns: but Cumanus knowing what was done, took with him one Troup of the Sebastian Horse, and four Cohorts of Foot, arming also the Samaritans, goes against the Jews; and when he had over∣taken them, he slew many of them that followed Eleazar, but took more prisoners. Then the Rulers of Jerusalem, when they saw to what calamity they were brought, put on sack-cloth and ashes on their heads, beseeching the rest of the multitude that went to destroy the territories of Samaria, that they would leave off their designe: setting before their eyes, how their Country would be destroyed, the Temple burnt, and their wives and children taken Captives. Wherefore they prayed them that lay∣ing aside their arms, every man would betake himself to his own arms: to which the Jews yielded, and went home, but the thieves retired again to their strong holds, and from that time Judea was full of thieves. [Joseph. lib. Judaic. 2. cap. 11. Antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 5.]

The Governours of Samaria resorted to Numidius Quadratus, the President of Syria, who then dwelt at Tyrus, beseeching him that he would take vengeance of the Jews, who had plundered and fired their Towns. There were present at the same time some of the Jewish Nobility, as also Jonathan, the son of Ananus the High Priest; who answering what was objected against them, said, That the beginning of the tumult arose from the Samaritans themselves, who first committed a murder, but that Cumanus was the cause of all the calamities that followed; because being corrupted with mony, he would not revenge that murder. Quadratus having heard them, de∣ferred his sentence, saying, That then he would give his judgement, when he should come into Judea, and there more exactly know the truth of the matter; and so they departed and nothing was done. [Id. ibid.]

In the mean time Felix, by his unseasonable remedies, provokes the Jews to offend the more. Ventidius Cumanus, who had part of the province, being his rivall in all wickednesse; which provinces they thus divided, that Cumanus should command the Galileans, and Felix the Samaritans, which Nations were alwayes at odds, but then much more, through the contempt of their Governours. They therefore made in∣roads one on another, sent thieves and robbers to plunder, laid ambushes, and some∣times fought battles, and brought the spoiles and preyes to the Governours; who were glad of it at the first: but when the mischief grew to an height, they sent Soul∣diers to quell it, who were all slain, and the province had been all of a flame, had not Quadratus redressed it in time. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 54.]

Neither did he long defer to put those Jews to death, that had killed the Roman Souldiers. Cumanus and Felix drew the matter at length, because Claudius; when he had heard the causes of the rebellion, gave authority to him of determining even of the Governours themselves. But Quadratus set Felix among the Judges, (because he was the brother of Pallas, the great Favourite at Rome) and received him into the Tribunal to him, that he might daunt his accusers, and so Cumanus is alone condemn∣ed for the faults that both had committed, and by that means he set the Province in peace. [Id. Ibid.]

The Nations of the Country, Cilicians, called Clites, having Trosobores (or Aro∣soboras) for their Captain, encamped upon rough Mountains, and from thence run∣ning down to the shores and Cities, plundered the husbandmen and Citizens, but most commonly the Merchants and Seamen. They besieged also the Cities of the Anemu∣nenses, and also put to flight the horsemen sent from Syria, that were sent to their aid with their Captain Curtius Severus, because the places thereabouts were good to fight afoot, but nought for horsemen. Then Antiochus the King of that country, using fair words towards the common people, and policy towards their Captain, divided their forces: put to death Trosoborus, and some of the ring-leaders, and appeased the rest thorough his clemency. [Id. ibid. cap. 55.]

Peter the Apostle coming to Antioch, did eat and familiarly converse with the be∣lieving Gentiles: but when certain brethren of the Jews came thither from James, he withdrew himself from the Gentiles: whose example also some Jews of the Church of Antioch followed; insomuch that Barnabas was carried away with their dissem∣bling. This preposterous dissembling as being contrary to the Gospel, Paul not brook∣ing, withstood him to the face; and sharply reproved his fearfulnesse before them all [Gal. II. 11, 14.]

Quadratus coming to Samaria, [Year of the World 4056] commanded those that were accused to defend their cause, [The Julian Period. 4766] and found that the tumult began through the Samaritans fault. [Year after Christ 53] But going to Cesarea he knew that some Jews endeavoured an innovation, wherefore he hanged those that Cumanus had taken alive and kept prisoners: then going to Lydda a Town as big as a City, sitting in the Tribunal hearing again the cause of the Samaritans, he learned from a certain Samaritan, that Dortus a Ruler of the Jews had perswaded the Jews to a revolt; whom he put to death: and strook off the head of eighteen Jews, who had been in the fight. [Joseph. lib. 2. bell. cap. 11. & lib. Antiquit. 20. cap. 5.]

Quadratus sent to Caesar two of the chief Priests, Jonathan and Annanias, and his son Ananus, and some of the Nobility of the Jews, and likewise also some of the No∣bility of the Samaritans; he commanded also Cumanus the Governour, and Celer the Tribune to go to Rome, to give an account to Caesar of that that they had done in the country. [Id. ibid.]

This being done, Quadratus fearing the Jews might make some innovation, went from Lydda to Jerusalem; where he finds all things quiet, and the people busie a∣bout their Feast of unleavened bread, and offering sacrifice: thinking therefore that they would be quiet, he left them busie at their Feast, and returned to Antioch. [Id. ibid.]

Cumanus and the Samaritans being sent to Rome, at an appointed day, are com∣manded to defend their cause; but they had got the favour of Caesars freed-men and friends, and had gotten the day by their means, if King Agrippa the younger then li∣ving at Rome, and seeing the Rulers of the Jews over-powered by the favour of the great ones, had not by much intreaty obtained of Agrippina the wife of Claudius, to perswade her husband that he would fully hear the matter, and execute justice on those he found the authors of the sedition. Claudius yeilded to their requests, and having heard the parties, and finding the Samaritans the beginners of the tumult, he put to death those that came before him to plead their cause. He punished Cumanus with banishment: and sending Celer the Tribune prisoner to Jerusalem, delivered him to the Jews to be punished, that he should be dragged through the City, and then have his head cut off. [Id. ibid.]

He then sent Claudius Felix the brother of Paulus, Governour into Judea, and that he should also command that Province, together with Samaria, and Galilee, [Id. ibid.] which Jonathan the High Priest had begged of Caesar for him. [Id. ibid. cap. 6.] Suetonius writes, That Claudius preferred Felix, one of his freed-men, to the command both of horse and foot, and to the government of Judea, and that he was the husband of three Queens. [in Claud. cap. 28.] Tacitus writes, that being Governour of Judea, he thought he might do any wickednesse securely, bearing himself upon his authority, [Annal. lib. 12. cap. 54.] and in the fifth book of his Histories, he further addes concerning his tyrannical govern∣ment in Judea. Antonius Felix exercised regal power with a servil disposition by all cruelty and lust, having married Drusilla the neice of Cleopatra and Antonius: in that Claudius was the grandchild of the same Antonius and son of Felix.

When King Agrippa the younger had commanded Chalcis four years, Claudius after the 12 year of his Empire, took that from him, and gave him a greater: viz. the Tetrarchy of Philippi, to wit, Batanea, and Gaulanitis, together with Trachonitis, and also added Abila the Tetrarchy of Lysanias, which Vatus had governed. [Josephus lib. Antiquit. 20. cap. 5. Belli. Judaic. lib. 2. cap. 11.]

The young man being thus advanced by Caesars gifts, gave Drusilla his sister in marriage to Azazius the King of the Emisseniaus, that was circumcised: for Epipha∣nes the son of Antiochus the King of the Commagenians had refused her, because changing his minde, he would not embrace the Jewish Religion, as he had promised her father. He marries also Mariamme to Julius Archelaus the son of Chelcias, to whom she was betrothed by her father Agrippa. [Id. ibid. lib. 20. cap. 5.]

Josephus the son of Matthias began to imitate the manner of living of one Banus, who living in the Wildernesse, clad himself with what the trees brought forth, and used for his food those things that grew of themselves: and to keep himself chast did often wash himself in cold water; and thus he lived three years. [Joseph. in his Life.]

Nero undertaking the cause of the Ilienses, in his speech rehearsed how the Romans were descended from Troy, and that Aeneas was the author of the Julian Family, and many other old things not unlike to fable, and so got that the Ilienses were freed from all publick duties. [Tacit. Annal. 12. cap. 58.] Claudius also remitted to them all tri∣bute for ever, as being the Founders of the Roman Nation, reading openly the Greek Epistle of the Senate and people of Rome, to King Seleucus, promising him friendship and aliance; but yet so, that he should acquit their kinsmen the Ilienses from all char∣ges. [Sueton. in Claud. cap. 25.]

To the Rhodians also repenting of their old demerits, Claudius restored their liber∣ty, which was both often taken away, or confirmed either as they had deserved in forraign wars, or offended by sedition at home. [Sueton. & Tacit. ut supra.] Suetonius writes that he pleaded for the Rhodians and Ilienses in Greek before his father being Consul, viz. Claudius in his last Consulship, two years before [in Nero cap. 7.] Clau∣dius remits all tribute to the Apameans for five years, because they were ruined by an Earthquake. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 58.]

After that Claudius propounded concerning the freeing the Coans from tribute. He alledged many things concerning their antiquity, as that the Argives even with Ceus the father of Latona (of whom the Island was named) were the ancient Inhabi∣tants: then by the coming of Aesculapius the art of Physick was brought thither, and that he was famous to all posterity: naming them by their names, and in what ages they lived. Then saying that Zenophon his own Physitian was a Coan, and descend∣ed from that Family: and that he had yeilded to his entreaty, that they might here∣after be free from tribute, and be devoted to the service of that god. [Id. ibid cap. 61.]

Paul asketh Barnabas to go again and visit the Churches where they had preached the Gospel; Barnabas determined to take John Mark with him, Paul thought it not good to take him, who had departed from them from Pamphylia, [Acts XIII. 13.] and went not with them to the work: which Barnabas took ill, that such an infamy should lie upon his sisters son, [Colos. IV. 10.] that the contention was so sharp, that they departed one from the other, and Barnabas took Mark and sailed into his own Countrey of Cyprus, but Paul being commended to the grace of God, having cho∣sen Sylas went into Syria and Cilicia confirming the brethren. [Acts XV. 36, 41.]

Paul coming to Derbe and Lystra found there among the Disciples, Timotheus born of a Greek or Gentle father, but his mother was a believing Jew (Eunice) to whom all the brethren at Iconium and Lystra gave good testimony, him would Paul take with him, but that he might the sooner gain the Jews he caused to be circumcised. [Acts XVI. 1, 2, 3.]

Paul and Silas as they passed through the Cities, delivered them the decrees for to keep that were ordained by the Apostles and elders that were at Jerusalem, and the Churches were established in the faith, and encreased in number daily. [ibid. 45.]

Now when they had gone through Phrygia, and the region of Galatia, they were forbid by the Spirit to preach the word of God in Asia, and when they had come to Mysia they assayed to go into Bithynia, but the Spirit not suffering them from Mysia they came down to Troas, then in his shape there seems to stand a man of Macedon before Paul, saying: come into Macedonia and help us. [Acts XVI. 6, 9.]

When he had seen this vision, we endeavouring to go into Macedonia, assuredly gathering that the Lord had called us to preach the Gospel to them, saith Luke, [Acts XVI. 10.] who speaking from henceforward of Paul and his companions in

the first person whereas alwaies before he had spoken in the third person, he doth sufficiently shew that from that time he was a companion of Pauls in the preaching of the Gospel.

Paul and Silas with Luke and Timothy, [Year of the World 4057] loosing from Troas, came with a straight course to Samothracia, and the next day to Neapolis, and from thence to Philippi, the chief City of that part of Macedonia, and a Colony belonging to Italy; and they a∣bode there certain dayes. [Acts XVI. 11, 12.]

On the Sabbath day they went out of the City to the Rivers side, where was an house of prayer, and there spake unto the women that resorted thither; among which was Lydia, one that worshipped God, a seller of Purple in the City of Thyatira, attend∣ing unto the things that were spoken by Paul, the Lord opening her heart, believed in Christ: who when she was baptized and her houshold, entertained Paul and his companions. [Ibid. 13, 14, 15.]

As they went afterwards to the place of prayer, an unclean spirit out of a servant that had the spirit of divination, cried after them many dayes; These men are the ser∣vants of the most High God, which shew unto us the way of salvation: at which Paul being grieved, commanded the spirit in the name of Jesus to come out of her. And when the Masters of the maid saw that the hope of their gain was gone, they drew Paul and Silas into the Market-place, and did so much with the Rulers by their clamours, that both of them were publickly scourged, and cast into prison: where in the mid-night as they were praying and singing Psalmes, there was a great Earthquake, and all the doors of the prison were opened, and all the prisoners bands were loosed: when therefore the Jaylor being in desperation, would with his naked sword have killed himself, he is con∣verted to the Faith by Paul and Silas, and baptized the same night with all his family, When it was day, the Magistrates sent them word that they might go out free, they expostulated the matter with them, concerning the shame and injury done them, be∣cause they had publickly scourged them and cast them into prison condemned, Where∣upon the Magistrates came themselves and set them at liberty with honour, and be∣sought them to depart the City: who entring into Lydias house, comforted the bre∣thren that came unto them, and so went out of the City. [Ibid. 16. 40.]

As they journeyed through Amphipolis, and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, the chief City of Macedonia, where was a Synagogue of the Jews, [Acts XVII. 1, 2, 3.] There Paul writes, [I Thess. 11. 1.] after he was shamefully entreated at Philippi, he preached the Gospel with much contention: for as his custom was he went into the Synagogue of the Jews three Sabbaths together, and reasoned with them concern∣ing Christ out of the Scriptures. Of whom some believing, there were joyned to Paul and Silas of religious Greeks, a great multitude, and of the chief women not a few. [Acts XVII. 2, 3, 4.]

Paul taught the Thessalonians not only concerning Faith in Christ, but also concern∣ing the future Apostasie of Antichrist, and his revelation. [II Thess. II. 5.]

When Paul stayed long at Thessalonica, he received once and again relief from the Philippians for his necessities. [Phil. IV. 16.] But the Jews which believed not, took unto them certain lewd fellows of the baser sort raised an uproar in the City, they drew Jason (with whom Paul and his companion lodged) and certain brethren to the Magistrates, and accused them with great clamours. And when they had taken secu∣rity from them, the brethren sent away Paul and Silas by night to Beraea. [Acts XVII. 5, 10.]

Here also when they had entred into the Synagogue of the Jews, they diligently preached Christ out of the Scriptures, and the auditors comparing the things preached with the Scriptures, which when they found altogether to agree, many of them belie∣ved; both honourable women that were Greeks, and men not a few. And when the Jews of Thessalonica came thither, they stirred up the multitude against Paul; but then immediately the brethren sent them away, to go as it were to the Sea, but they brought him to Athens: receiving a commandment to Silas and Timotheus left at Beraea that they should come unto him with all speed. [Ibid. 10. 15.]

The Jews by the instigation of Chrestus continually tumulting, [The Julian Period. 4767] Claudius expells them to Rome, [Year after Christ 54] [Sueton. in Claud. cap. 25.] Suetonius, if I mistake not, mentions only Chrestus: for that Christ our Lord (for whom the Christians in another place by the same are denominated) is here meant I cannot yet perswade my self.

Paul whilst he waits for Silas and Timotheus at Athens, did dispute in the Synagogue, with the Jews and devou•• men, and daily in the market-place with such as met with him, disputing also with the Philosopher of the Epicurean and Stoick sect concerning Christ and the resurrection, then being brought into Marshill, as a fetter forth of strange gods, he to defend his cause in a most learned oration shews, both from the Altar dedicated to the unknown God, as also from the testimony of Aratus the Poet confirming that we are the offspring of God, that that God whom they ignorantly worship was he that was

declared by him. [Acts XVII. 16. 31.] for the God of the Jews among the Gentiles was called the unknown God, in the same sense, the uncertain God by Lucan in his second book of Pharsalia, the uncertain power by Trebellius Pollio, in the life of Claudius, and unnamed God, by Caius Caligula, in Philo. in his legatio. to the same Caius, to whom the inhabitants of mount Carmel, [in Tacitus in the 2 book of his histories cap. 78.] did attribute neither image nor temple, but only an Altar and reverence, so the Athe∣nians made an Altar to Mercy in the middle of their City without any image, Statius in his twelfth book of Thebais thus relates it.

Nulla autem effigies, nulli commissa metallo. Forma Dei, mentes habitare & pectora gaudet.

Gods form by pictures cannot be exprest, He loves to dwell within the heart and breast.

Among those that were converted at this time by Paul, was Dionysius the Areo∣pagite, and a woman, (or his wife as it seems to Ambrose, Chrysostome and Augustine) called Damaris, and some others with them. [Acts XVII. 34.]

Felix the Governour of Judea, when he saw Drusilla the sister of King Agrippa, fell in love with her, and sent his friend Simon, a Jew by nation a Cypriot, that was a soothsayer, to perswade the woman to leave her husband, and marry him, promising that she should be happy if she did not refuse him, she unadvisedly, and willing to es∣cape the troubles of her sister Berenice, who envied her for her beauty, consented to forsake the Jews religion and to marry Felix. But Berenice the widow of her Unckle Herod, when there was a report that she had lien with her brother King Agrippa, perswades Polemon that being circumcised he might marry he, thinking hereby that she might so prove it to be a lie, neither did Polemon refuse the match, being induced the rather because she was rich, but this marriage lasted not long, Berenice (as it was reported) through her intemperance departing from him, who being forsaken by his wife he immediately left the Jews religion. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 5.]

At the same time also Mariamme the third sister of King Agrippa, scorning Julius Ar∣chelaus the son of Chelcias, went and married Demetrius a chief man among the Jews of Alexandria both for birth and riches, and was at that time the Alabarcha. [Id. ibid.]

Paul sending back Silus and Timotheus who had come to him from Bera, again into Macedonia, staies alone at Athens, and he had a great mind once and again to go to Thessalonica, but could not compasse it, being hindred of Satan. Wherefore he sent Timotheus thither, that he might confirm in the faith, and comfort the Thessa∣lonians. [Acts XVIII. 5. I. Thess. 11, 17, 18. III. 1, 2.]

In the mean time he left Athens and went to Corinth, where he found Aquila a Jew, and his wife Priscilla, who came lately from Italy, because Claudius had made a decree that al•• Jews should depart from Rome: and because he was of the same craft of making tents with them, Paul aboad with them and laboured, and he reasoned in the Synagogue every Sabbath, and perswaded both Jews and Greeks. [Acts XVIII. 1, 5.]

Here Paul with his own hand baptized the family of Stephanus, [I. Cor. I, 16.] who were the first fruites of Achaia, and addicted themselves to the ministery of the Saints. [ibid. XVI, 15.]

As Sylas and Timotheus came out of Macedonia, when the Jews withstood Paul preaching Christ with great zeal, and blasphemed: ••haking his garments against them he turnes aside unto the Gentiles, going into the house of one who was sir-named Just, one that worshipt God and lived near unto the Synagogue. [Acts XVIII, 6, 7.]

Chrispus the ruler of the Synagogue believed in the Lord with all his family, and many of the Corinthians hearing believed and were baptized, [ibid. 8.] of whom Paul baptized Chrispus and Gaius with his own hand. [I. Cor. I, 14.]

The Lord said in a vision to Paul by night, be not afraid but speak, and hold not thy peace, for I am with thee, and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee, for I have much people in this City, and he staied there a year and six months, teaching the word of the Lord among them, [Acts XVIII. 9, 10, 11.] together with Sylvanus (or Silas) and Timo∣theus. [II. Cor. I, 19.]

After the return of Timothy from Macedonia, Paul with the same Timotheus and Sylvanus (or Silas) wrote the first epistle to the Thessalonians, [I. Thess. III, 6.] in which when he had spoken something obscurely concerning the day of judgment, as if it were now at hand, [cap. I. 1, 5.] he wrote a little after another epistle unto them, wherein he more clearly expounds that businesse, [I. Thess. II, 2, 3.] written verily when he had Sylvanus and Timotheus for his companions in the ministery of

the Gospel, [cap. I. 1.] and after he had been with the Thessalonians, and they had embraced the saith of Christ, [cap. II, 5.] so that Grotius was extreamly mistaken, in thinking that it was written under Caius Caligula.

The Parthians broke in and wasted Armenia, having driven out Rhadamistus, who had often enjoyed the Kingdom, and been often a fugitive, had now also forsaken that war. [Tacit. Annal. lib. 13. cap. 6.] But when Bardanes son began to contend with Vo∣logesus the King of the Parthians, the Parthians sorsook Armenia, as if they deferred the war. [Id. ibid. cap. 7.]

Claudius died the III Ides of October, [Year of the World 4058] Asinius Marcellus, and Asinius Aviola being Consuls. [Seneca. in Lud. de Mort. Claudii. Sueton. in Claud. cap. 45. Dion. lib. 60. pag. 688.] When he had raigned thirteen years, eight moneth, and twenty-dayes. [Dion. ibid. cum Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 5.] And in the middle of the same day, the gates of the Palace being suddenly thrown open, Nero, both the son in law and adopted son is de∣clared Emperour. [Tacit. lib. 12. cap. ult.]

In the beginning of his new principality, Junius Silanus, Proconsul of Asia, a No∣ble man, and descended of the Caesars, unknown to Nero, being scarce out of his child∣hood, and innocent; was taken away by the treachery of his mother Agrippina. The Ministers were P. Celer, a Knight of Rome, and Aelius, a freed man, they both had the charge of the Princes revenues in Asia: by these the Proconsul was poysoned at a feast. [Tacit. lib. 13. cap. 1.]

The Embassadours of Armenia pleading the cause of their Nation before Nero, his mother would needs come up into the seat of Audience, and sit with him: but that (the rest surprized with fear) Seneca advised him, to meet his mother, and so under colour of doing his duty, prevented the discredit. [Tacit. lib. 13. cap. 5.]

The report being brought to Rome, that the Parthians had possessed themselves of Armenia, Nero commanded the youth of the neighbour Provinces to be mustered, to supply the Legions of the East, and the Legions themselves to be planted neerer Arme∣nia, and also the two old Kings, Agrippa (of Judea) and Jocchus (or Antiochus, ra∣ther Commagenus) that they should prepare their forces, to enter the bounds of the Parthians, and that bridges should be made over Euphrates: and he committed to Aristobulus the charge of Armenia the Lesse, and of the Country of Sophene to Sohemus, with the ornaments of a King. He set Domitius Corbulo to keep Armenia, and so divided, the forces of the East should remain in the Province of Syria, with Quadratus the Lieutenant thereof: and the like number of Citizens and Allies with Corbulo, with other Cohorts and Troops of Horse that wintered in Cappadocia, and gave command to the confederate Kings to be ready, as occasion of war should require. [Ibid. cap. 5, 7, 8.]

In the first year of Nero's Empire, Azivus, King of the Emesenians, being dead, his brother succeeded him in the Principality. But Aristobulus, the son of Herod, King of Chalcis received of Nero the Principality of Armenia the Lesse, (as it is already said out of Tacitus) and to the Kingdom of Agrippa he added four Cities, with all the land belonging to them: in Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichea: in Iturea beyond Jordan, Abila and Julias, with the land that was inhabited with fourteen Villages. [Joseph. Antiquit. 20. cap. 6. Belli. 2. cap. 12.]

Domitius Corbulo, making all speed, at Aegeae, a City of Cilicia, met Quadratus, who went thither on purpose, least if Corbulo had entred Syria, to receive the forces, all mens eies had been cast upon him. Both of them sent messengers to Vologeses the King of the Parthians, That they desired peace rather than war, and therefore he should give hostages, and continue the like reverence to the people of Rome, as his Ancestours had done: and Vologeses, either that he might the better prepare for war, or that he might remove all competitours by the name of hostages, delivered the most noble of the family of the Arsacidae: and the Centurion Hostorius (or Histius) sent from Quadratus for the same purpose receives them. Which being known unto Cor∣bulo, he commanded Arrius Varus, the Captain of a foot company, to go and receive the hostages. Hereupon grew a quarrel between the Captain and the Centurion; and because they would not be a scorn to the strangers, the businesse is put to the Arbitra∣ment of hostages, and the Lieutenants that conducted them: and they both for his new honours, and by a certain inclination of the enemies themselves, preferred Cor∣bulo. Hereupon grew a jarre between the Commanders, Quadratus complaining that that was taken from him that was compassed by his advice. Corbulo on the other side protesting, that the King was never drawn to offer hostages, untill that he being chosen General, the Kings hopes were turned into fear. Nero, that he might compose the differences, published this order, That Quadratus and Corbulo, for their prospe∣rous successes should have bayes added to their bundle of rods. [Tacit. 13. cap. 8. & 9.]

In the beginning of Neros raign, all Judea is filled with thieves and enchanters, and seducers of the unskilful multitude, whom Felix every day put to death as many as he took: but Eleazar, the son of Dinas, who had a great band of thieves about him, he perswaded him to come unto him, giving him his word, that he should suffer no brunt from him, and when he came, he bound him and sent him to Rome. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 6.]

When Felix could no longer endure Jonathan the High Priest, so often and so freely admonishing him concerning his better government of the Common-wealth of the Jews: He perswaded Dora, a great friend of Jonathans, by promising him a great sum of mony, to kill Jonathan by some assasinates. Certain therefore of them came into the City, under colour of religion, with short swords hid privately under their garments, and mingling among his family, killed Jonathan: and because that murder was unpunished, invited by this licentiousnesse, came at every feast, hiding their swords after the same manner, being in the crowds, they freely killed some for private enemies, some being hired thereunto for mony, not only in other parts of the City, but also in the Temple it self. [Id. ibid.]

And thus was the City infested with thieveries: and as touching deceivers and Ma∣gicians, they enticed and drew multitudes into the desarts, promising them that they would shew them signs and wonders done by the power of God: but the multitude be∣ing thus perswaded, suffered the penalty of their folly, being recalled back by Felix, and put to death. [Id. ibid.]

At that time there was a certain Egyptian came into the Province, who termed himself a Prophet, who gathered together almost thirty (or rather four [Acts XXI. 38.] thousand men, and brought them from the wildernesse, unto the Mount of Olives, there he told them, That by his command they should see the walls of Jeru∣salem fall down, by which way they might enter into the City: which being reported to Felix, he brake in, and invaded this seduced multitude, with his Roman Horse and Foot; a great multitude also of the Jews helping him: he killed 400, and took 200. prisoners alive. The rest of the multitude being dispersed into their own Countries: but the Egyptian, with a few that escaped from the fight, was not known what be∣came of him. [Id. ibid. & lib. 2. belli. cap. 12.] Of whom Lysias the Captain speaks to St. Paul, [Acts XXI. 38.] Art not thou that Egyptian which before these dayes madest an uproare, and leddest out into the desart 4000 men that were murderers.

When Gallio was Proconsul of Achaia, the Jews of Corinth brought Paul before his judgement-seat: but he refusing to be Judge in these matters, and driving them from the judgement-seat, the Creeks took Sosthenes, the Ruler of the Syna∣gogue, and beat him: but Gallio cared for none of these things. [Acts XVIII. 12, 17.]

This Gallio was the brother of L. Anneus Seneca, (who together with Burrhus, commanded all things at Rome, under his young Scholer Nero) who deriding the deifieing of Claudius, that was taken away by poyson, said, That he was taken up to Heaven by a hook, as Dion saith in the end of his 60 book, there is extant the book of Controversies, of Marcus Anneus Seneca, the Father to the three Sons, Novatus, Se∣neca, and Melas. The second of these L. Seneca in his consolation to his Mother Helvia teacheth, that one of his brother by his industry got honours, the other contemned them. By the first understanding Novatus, who being adopted by Junius Gallio (who was banished by Tiberius, as we have declared at the end of the year the of World, 4035. out of Tacitus) was also called Gallio, and was by the same Seneca called Lord, as being his elder brother, as Lipsius notes upon the place of the Epistle 104. This was wont to be the speech of my Lord Gallio, who began to have a feaver, being in Achaia, and presently took shipping, crying, That it was not the disease of the body but of the place.

When Paul had stayed many dayes at Corinth, [Year of the World 4059] after the tumult that was made be∣fore Gallio's Tribunal, [The Julian Period. 4769] after he had taken his leave of the brethren, [Year after Christ 56] he sets saile from the port of Cenchrea; and sailing into Syria, he came first to Ephesus, where entring into a Synagogue, he reasoned with the Jews: and when they desired him to tarry longer with them, he consented not, saying, That he must by all means keep the feast that cometh at Jerusalem: but promising that he would returne to them again, if God will: and bidding them farewell, leaving Aquila and Priscilla there, he sailed from thence to Ephesus, with the rest of his companions. [Acts XVIII. 18, 22.]

Paul going from Caesarea (Stratonis) to salute the Church of Jerusalem, went down to Antioch, (of Syria) and when he had stayed there some time, he departed, and went over in order all the regions of Galatia and Phrygia, confirming all the Disciples, [Ibid. 22, 23.] where he is received by the Galatians, as an Angel of God, or Jesus Christ himself. [Galat. IV. 14.] Among other things he appointed that the

collections for the poor should be set apart every Lords day. [I. Corinth. XVI. 1, 2.]

Josephus, the son of Matthias, after the three years that he had lived with Banus in the wildernesse, returns to Jerusalem, being now fourteen years old, he began to meddle with publick affairs, following the Sect of the Pharisees, which comes neerest to the Sect of the Stoicks among the Grecians. [Joseph. in his Life.]

A certain Jew named Apollos, born at Alexandria, an eloquent man, and power∣ful in the Scriptures, came to Ephesus, and being instructed in the way of the Lord, and fervent in the spirit, he spake and taught diligently the things of the Lord, knowing only the baptisme of John: and he began to speak freely in the Synagogue; whom when Aquilla and Priscilla had heard, they took him unto them, and expounded unto him the way of the Lord more fully. And when he was disposed to passe into Achaia, the brethren exhorted him, and wrote to the Disciples to receive him: who when he was come helped them who had believed, for with great contention he con∣vinced the Jews publickly, shewing by the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ. [Acts XVIII. 24, 28.]

When Apollos was at Corinth, [Year of the World 4060] Paul having passed through the upper coasts, [The Julian Period. 4770] (viz. Galatia and Phrygia) came to Ephesus, [Year after Christ 57] where he found twelve Disciples, which knew only the baptisme of John, but had not yet received the Holy Ghost, by the impo∣sition of hands: who being farther instructed by him in the doctrine of Christ. When he had laid his hands on them, the Holy Ghost came on them, and they spake with tongues and prophesied. Then he went into the Synagogue, and spake freely, disputing and perswading the things concerning the Kingdom of God. [Acts XIX. 1, 8.]

When some Jews were hardened and believed not, but spake evil of the way of the Lord, Paul in the view of the multitude, departing from them, separated the Disciples, dayly disputing in the School of one Tyrannus: and this he did by the space of two whole years; so that all that dwelt in Asia, both Jews and Greeks heard the word of the Lord Jesus: and many miracles were done by the hand of Paul: so that handker∣chifes and aprons were brought from his body to the sick, and the diseases departed from them, and evil spirits went out of them. [Ibid. 9. 12.]

Asia accusing P. Celer, because Caesar could not absolve him, he delayed his triall, till he should dye by old age; for Celer having killed Sylanus the Proconsul, cloa∣ked all his other wickednesse, by the greatnesse of that villany. [Tacit. lib. 13. cap. 33.]

The Cilicians accused Cossutianus Capito, as one bespotted and defiled with all vices, and thought that he had the same authority, to do wickedly in the Province, as he had exercised in the City: but he being turmoiled with this overthwart accusation, let fall his defence, and was condemned of extortion. [Id. Ibid.] to whom (according to Lipsius) is to be referred that of Juvenal in the eighth Satyre.

—quam fulmine justo Et Capito & Tutor ruerint damnante Senatu, Pirata Cilicum.

—How th' Senates just thunder strook Sutor and Capito for making prize, As Pirates, of th' Cilician Merchandize.

And that of Quintilian. [lib. 6. cap. 1.] The accuser of Cossutianus seemed to us young men to speak bravely, it was in Greek, but to this sence, He was ashamed to be afraid of Caesar.

Great suits prevailed so much for Epirus Marcellus, of whom the Lycians demanded restitution, that some of the accusors were banished, as though they had endangered an innocent man. [Tacit. lib. 13, 33.]

The war about the getting of Armenia, [Year of the World 4061] that was drawn at length between the Romans and Parthians, [The Julian Period. 4771] by mild beginnings, [Year after Christ 58] was now hotly pursued, because nei∣ther would Vologeses suffer his brother Tiridates to be devested of that Kingdom, that he had invested him with, or let him accept it as the gift of another: and Corbulo thought it worthy the greatnesse of the people of Rome, to recover what was in former time gotten by Lucullus and Pompey. Corbulo, to prepare his army to this war, fashioned it after the old severity and discipline; and entring Armenia, dismant∣led some Castles, and burnt Artaxata, Tiridates not daring to give him battle. [Tacit. lib. 13. from cap. 34. to 41.]

Seven exorcists of the Jews, the sons of Scaeva a chief Priest calling over them that had unclean spirits, the name of the Lord Jesus, did adjure them by Jesus whom Paul preached, on whom he that had the unclean spirit leaped, and compelled them to fly out of the house wounded and naked, which when it was known both to the Jews and Greeks which dwelt at Ephesus, fear fell on them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified, and many that believed came and confessed and shewed their deeds, many also of them that used curious arts, brought their books together and burned them before all men, and they counted the price of them, and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver, so mightily grew the word and prevailed. [Acts XIX 13, 20.]

The Galatians, immediately after the departure of Paul from them [Acts XVIII. 23.] being seduced by false brethren, thought that they were to be justified by the works of the Law, whom he calls from their errour by a vehement Epistle written unto them concerning that matters. [Gal. 1. 6, 7.]

Paul thought in his mind, [Year of the World 4062] when he had passed thorough Macedonia and Achaia, [The Julian Period. 4772] to go to Jerusalem, [Year after Christ 59] saying, after I have been there, I must see Rome also. [Acts XIX. 21.] And first he purposed to come to Corinth, and from thence to go into Macedonia, and again from Macedonia to Corinth, and so to go to Judea, [I Cor. I. 15, 16.] whi∣ther he had consigned the collections for the poor Saints at Jerusalem to be sent: from thence he appointed to go to Rome, and so to take a journey into Spain. [Rom. XV. 24, 28.]

Paul agitating these things in his mind, sent Timotheus and Erastus into Macedo∣nia, but he himself staied in Asia for a season, [Acts XIX. 22.] viz. of Lydia, in which he seems to have preached the Gospel, to the Cities that were near to Ephesus, by the space of nine months, which with the two years that he taught in the School of Tyran∣nus, and the three months being added that he taught in the Synagogue of Ephesus, will make up the three years that he saith he laboured in Asia, [Acts XX, 15, 31.] a great door being opened unto him although there were many adversaries. [I. Cor. XVI. 9.]

Campania perceived the eclipse that happened the last of Aprill, Vipsanius and Fonteius being Consuls between seven and eight of the clock in the morning, Corbulo the generall in Armenia wrote that it was seen between ten and eleven, [Pliny. lib. 2. cap. 70.] at Rome the eclipse was seen in the middle of their sacrificings, that were made by the decree of the Senate, for the cause of Agrippina that was killed by her son, so that the stars were seen. [Xiphilin. out of Dion. with Tacitus. lib. 14. cap. 12.]

Then arose a Schism in the Church of Corinth, [Year of the World 4063] which was shewed unto him by those that were of the house of Chloe, some saying that they were of Paul, some of Apollos, some of Cephas, and some of Christ. [I Cor. I. 11, 12, & III. 3, 4.] Apollos with some other brethren went from Corinth to Paul into Asia, [ibid. XVI. 12.] by whom the Corinthians write to Paul and ask his advice, about the matter of Marriage and Single life. [Ibid. VII. 1.]

Paul together with Sosthenes the Ruler of the Synagogue at Corinth, being con∣verted to the Faith of Christ, (Timothy being then absent) [I Cor. XVI. 10. with Acts XIX. 22.] from Asia, (of Lydia, where he then was) wrote the first Epistle to the Corinthians by Stephanus, Fortunatus, and Achaicus, that were sent from them to visit the Apostle. Apollos refusing to return so suddenly back with them. [I Cor. I. 1. & XVI. 13, 17, 19.]

In that Epistle he commanded the incestuous Corinthian that had maried his fa∣thers wife, to be delivered to Satan, [Chap. V.] and corrects the errour that had crept into the Church; as well the errours of practice, as that chief erour of opinion, (ta∣ken out of the sink of the Sadduces) denying the Resurrection to come, [cap. XV.] signifying unto them, that he will come unto them, and set in order the things that remain, [cap. IV. 18, 19, & XI. 34.] as he passeth by into Macedonia; but first he will tarry at Ephesus until Pentecost; [XVI. 5, 6, 7. cap. XVI. 5, 8.] which his pur∣pose, some unlooked for occasion suddenly hindered.

For Demetrius a Silver-smith, who made silver Shrines for Diana, fearing that he should lose his profit, calling together the workmen of the same craft, raised a tumult a∣gainst Paul, as he that would perswade not onely the Ephesians, but almost all the whole multitude of Asia, that they were not gods that were made with hands. Who having caught Gaius and Aristarchus Macedonians, Pauls companions in travel, they rushed into the Theatre: and when Paul would have gone in thither, the disciples and some of the chief men of Asia (that provided for the Playes to be seen in the Theatre) his friends would not suffer him to go out unto the people; and when Alexander the Jew would have made his defence to the people, there was a great cry among the peo∣ple almost for two hours: Great is Diana of the Ephesians. At length the tumult

being appeased by the wisdom of the Town-clark, Paul calling the brethren together took his leave, and departed for to go into Macedonia. [Acts XIX. 24, 41. and XX. 1.]

Aquila and Priscilla going from Ephesus, returned to Rome, after they had laid down their own necks for to save Paul: [Rom. XVI. 3, 4.] with [I Cor. XVI. 19.] the Jews every where returning to Rome, the Edict of Claudius for their expulsion after his death wearing our of date. [Acts XXVIII. 17, 21.]

Paul coming from Ephesus to Troas, although there was a door open unto him of the Lord to preach the Gospel, yet being troubled because he found not Titus there (whom he had sent to the Corinthians with another brother,) he sailed from thence into Macedonia, [II. Cor. II. 12, 13, with XII. 18.] which after he had gone over, he exhorted the brethren with much exhortation. [Acts XX, 2.]

And when his affliction there did not remit, but without were fightings, within were fears, the coming of Titus brought comfort unto him, and the joyfull message that he brought concerning the stare of the Corinthians, [II. Cor. II, 5, 16,] by whose example he provoked the Macedonians to provide collections for to be sent to Jeru∣salem, saying that Achaia was ready a year agoe, [ibid. IX. 2.] by whose example they being moved, iin much triall of affliction, yea, and beyond their power, they shewed themselves liberall. [ibid. VIII. 1, 5.]

The Apostle having learned from Titus the successe of his first epistle, [The Julian Period. 4773] wrote toge∣ther with Timothy the second epistle to the Corinthians, [Year after Christ 60] in which after he had recko∣ned up the great affliction that he had suffered in Asia, by the procurement of Deme∣trius, he protests that he came not unto them as he had intended, onely that he might spare them, [cap. I. 8, 9, 17, 23.] and desires them that they would pardon the ince∣stuous Corinthian upon his repentance, [cap. VI. 5, 11.] he sent Titus unto them a∣gain, with another brother whose praise is in the Gospel throughout all the Churches, (who is thought to be Luke) that their collections to be sent to Jerusalem, might be in readinesse when he came thither himself. [cap. VIII. 16, 19, & IX. 3. 4, 5.]

Paul went from Macedonia into Greece, where he staied three months; [Acts XX. 2, 3.] within which time coming to Corinth, he received the collections in Achaia for the relief of the believers at Jerusalem, [1. Cor. XVI. 3, 4, 5, with II. Cor. IX. 4.]

That that famous epistle to the Romans was written from Corinth, Origen con∣firms by many reasons in his preface to the exposition of that epistle, it was indited by Paul, written by the hand of Tertius, and sent by Phebe a servant of the Church of Cen∣chrea near Corinth, [Rom. XVI. 1.] at what time the Apostle was about to take his journey to Jerusalem with the collections of Macedonia and Achaia. [Rom. XV. 25, 26.]

When the Apostle thought to goe directly from thence into Syria, that he might carry the collections to Jerusalem, he was laid wait for by the Jews, whereupon he thought it best to return into Macedonia, from whence he came, and from thence to passe into Asia properly so called. [Acts XX, 3, 4.]

Paul sent away before him from Philippi in Macedonia into Asia, the companions of his journey, Sopater or Sosipater, [Rom. XVI. 11.] of Beraea, Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus, with Tychicus and Tro∣phimu: of Asia: who expected him at Troas, but he himself with Luke and the rest, sayling away from Philippi, after the daies of unleavened bread, came unto them with∣in five daies to Troas, and tarried there seven daies. [ibid. 4, 5, 6.]

On the eighth day which was the first of the week, the Disciples being gathered together to break bread. Paul preached unto them, he being to goe away the next day, and continued his discourse unto midnight, where he restores to life Eutychus a young man that fell down from the third lost in the room where they were gathered together. [ibid. 7. 12.]

From hence Paul went a foot unto Assos, where Luke and his other companions going by ship, took him in and came to Mytelene; and when they had sayled from thence, the day following they came over against Chios, and the next day arrived at Samos, and when they had tarried at Trogyllium, the day following they came to Miletus. [ibid. 13, 14, 15.]

And Paul made hast that he might possibly be at Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost willing therefore to passe by Ephesus, he sent messengers from Miletus to Ephesus, and called the Elders of the Church, whom he in a most grave speech warnes of their duty, and seriously exhorts them to the performance of the same, then kneeling down he praied with them, and they all wept, but sorrowing most of all because he had said (as he then thought it would come to passe) that they should see his face no more. [ibid. 16, 38.]

After they had lanched from Troas, they came with straight course to Coos; and the day following to Rhodes, and from thence to Patara: then going into a ship that sailed to Phenicia, they discoverd Cyprus, and leaving it on the left hand, they came to Tyrus. [Acts XXI. 1, 2, 3.]

There having found Disciples they tarried seven days, who said unto Paul by the Spirit, that he should not go up to Jerusalem; but he kneeling down on the shore, prayed with them: then taking ship, he came from Tyrus to Ptolemais; and there having saluted the brethren, the next day he came to Cesarea, (Stratonis) Where he stayed many dayes with Philip the Evangelist, who was one of the Seven, [Acts VI. 5.] and had four daughters, Virgins, that did prophesie; and there came a Prophet from Judea called Agabus, who binding his own hands and feet, foretold the bonds that waited for him; who when he could not be perswaded by the brethren, that he should not cast himself into such imminent danger, he came to Jerusalem: the Disci∣ples accompanying him from Cesarea, and bringing with them one Mnasor of Cyprus, an old Disciple, with whom he should lodge. [Ibid. 4. 16,]

Here being most gladly received of the Church, by the advice of James and all the Elders of Jerusalem, to wash off the calumny that was spread of him, (to wit, that he taught ane exhorted the Jews that believed in Christ, (of whom there were then many thousands) to forsake the observation of the Law of Moses) he joyned himself to four men that were believing Jews that had made the vow, of the Nazarite: and purifying himself with them according to the command of the law. But all this did no good: for when some of the unbelieving and rebellious Jews of Asia, (which came to Jerusalem to the feast) saw him in the Temple, with great clamour and noise they stirred up the people, feigned this crime, that he had brought Trophimus, a Gentile of Ephesus, into the Temple, and had prophaned the Temple. And as they were about to kill him, there came the chief Captain (Claudius Lysias) with a band of men, and took Paul out of their hands, and led him into the Castles where, by the permission of the chief Captain, he spake unto the people as they were in the tumult, a speech in the Hebrew tongue. [Acts ibid. 17, 40.]

The Jews being enraged, and more vehemently crying out against him, by reason of his speech, the chief Captain commands him to be examined by scourging: from which punishment he is freed, by his declaring that he was a Roman: and when the chief Captain desired to know of what crime he was accused by the Jews; the next day he commanded the chief Priests and all their Council to come to∣gether, and set Paul before them, having loosed him from his bands. [Acts XXII.]

As Paul was beginning to plead his cause before the Council, Ananias the High Priest (the son of Nebideus, who, although he was deprived of the High Priesthood, yet seems to be President of the Council) as before him Annas, or Ananus was, that was the father in law of Caiphas) commanded him to be smitten on the mouth; wherefore he is severely rebuked of Paul, by the name of whited wall. Then Paul proclaiming openly that he was a Pharisee, and that he was called into judgement for the hope of the resurrection. Then arose a dissension between the Sadduces that accu∣sed him, and the Pharises that excused him: but the chief Captain fearing least he should be torn in pieces by them, as they were contending, took Paul from among them with his souldiers, and brought him into the Castle: to whom the Lord appearing the next night, comforted him as he was sad, and animates him to greater things, foretelling him that he must bear witnesse of him at Rome also. [Acts XXIII. 1, 11.]

And when it was day, more than fourty of the zealous Jews bound themselves un∣der a curse, that they would neither eat not drink till they had killed Paul: which their laying in wait, the chief Captain knowing from Pauls sisters son, in the third hour of the night, he sent Paul with a guard of Souldiers to Felix, the Governour of the Province; by whom he is brought in the night to Antipatris, and the next day to Cesarea: where he is commanded by Felix to be kept in Herods judgement-hall. [Ibid. 12, 35.] All which things are to be acted within the space of one week; as may be understood, from Acts XXIV. verses. 1. and 11. compared to∣gether.

Five dayes after Paul being accused by Ananias and the Elders, by the mouth of Tertullus an Oratour, before the Governour at Cesarea, clears himself from their false accusations; twelve dayes after the violence that was offered him in the Temple, when as now Felix had governed the Jews many years, for this was now the tenth year of his government, he having heard them, defers his sentence to another time, commanding a Centurion that Paul should be kept, and to let him have liberty, and that none of his acquaintance should be forbiden to minister or come unto him. [Acts XXIV. 1, 23.]

After some dayes, when Felix came with his wife Drusilla which was a Jew, (the sister of King Agrippa) another Drusilla besides that was the wife of Felix, that was the daughter of Juba, the King of Mauritania, the Neice of Antony and Cleopatra, he called for Paul: and heard him trembling, reasoning of faith in Christ, righteous∣nesse, and temperance, and judgement to come; and he spake with Paul the oftener, hoping that he would redeem himself with money, having him in bonds two whole years. [Ibid. 24, 27.]

Corbulo had Tigranocerta yeilded unto him, who also subdued all Armenia. [Tacit. lib. 14. from the 13 chap. to the 26.]

Tigranes the son of Alexander (the son of that Alexander that was put to death by his father Herod the Great) and of Glaphira (the daughter of Archelaus the King of Cappadocia) who was kept Hostage at Rome a long time, even unto servile Pa∣tience was sent by Nero to take that kingdom, he was not received there by a general consent, the ancient love they bare the Arsacidae remaining still amongst some of them; but the most hating the pride of the Parthians, desired a King to be given them rather from Rome. He had also a guard given him, a thousand Legionary souldiers, three Band of allies, and two wings of Horse: to the end he might more easily defend his new kingdom. Part of Armenia as it lay nearest to every one, was commanded to obey, part Nipolis (Thrasipolis) part Aristobulus and Antiochus. [Id. ibid. cap. 26. with Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7. fin.]

Corbulo went into Syria, that wanted a Governour by reason of the death of Venti∣dius (Numidius) Quadratus the Lieutenant there, and it was committed to his charge. [Tacit. lib. 14. cap. 26.]

In the same year Laodice one of the most famous Cities of Asia, destroyed by an Earthquake, recovered again by her own wealth. [Id. ibid. cap. 27.]

Tarquinius Priscus was condemned for extortion, [Year of the World 4064] at the suite of the Bythinians, [The Julian Period. 4774] at which the Senator greatly rejoyced, [Year after Christ 61] remembring that his Proconsul Statibius Taurus, was condemned by him. [Id ibid. cap. 46. with lib. 12. cap. 59.]

There arose a contention at Cesarea Stratonis, between the Jews and the Syrians about the equallity of power in the City. The Jews being rich, reproached the Sy∣rians, who though they were poorer in respect of wealth, yet they bore themselves high, by reason that many that served the Romans in their wars about those places, were country-men of Cesarea and Sebaste; and so gave the Jews as good as they brought. Afterwards they began to throw stones one at another, so that many were slain and hurt on both sides; but yet the Jews had the Victory: whom when Felix required to leave off their debate, and they obeyed not, he sent souldiers among them who killed many, and took many prisoners; and granted also to his souldiers the plun∣der of many rich houses: but the more honourable and fuller of modesty of the Jews fearing the like misery might befall themselves, besought Felix that he would sound a retreate, and to spare that which yet remained, and that he would pardon them upon their repentance: to which the Governour yeilded at their intreaty. [Joseph. lib 20. cap. 6.]

At the same time King Agrippa conferred the High Priesthood on Israel the son of Phabius. There arose also a dissention between the chief Priests and the rest of the Priests and Rulers of Jerusalem, and they each went guarded with a company of most bold and seditious men, who decided their debates with reproaches and throwing stones. Neither was there any to restrain them, as though the City wanted Magi∣strates: and the impudency of the High Priest grew to such an height, that they durst send their servants to the very corn-floores to take away the Tithes that were due to the Priests: so that many poor Priests died for want of food. So much did the vio∣lence of the seditious prevail above justice. [Id. ibid.]

Marke the Evangelist who first preached Christ at Alexandria, [Year of the World 4065] died in the 8 year of Nero, and was buried at Alexandria; [Jerosme. Scriptor. Eccles. Catalog.] after whom the Elders of Alexandria chose one from among themselves, whom they placed in a higher degree, and called him a Bishop: after the manner, as if an army should chuse a General, or the Deacons chuse one from among themselves whom they know to be industrious, and should call him Arch-Deacon. [Id. in Epist. 85. ad Euagrium.] And they chose Anianus a man both dear unto God for his piety, and also admirable in all things: who was the first bishop of the Church of Alexandria after Mark, and was there twelve years. From the eighth year of Nero, to the fourth of Domitian, [Id. in Catalog. with Euseb. in Chronic. & Eccles. Histor. lib. 2. cap. 23. & lib. 3. cap. 12.]

Vologeses the King of the Parthians, [The Julian Period. 4775] endeavours to restore his brother Tiridates that was thrust out of Armenia, [Year after Christ 62] to which end he sent one army into Armenia, and another into Syria. Corbulo sends part of his army to Tigranes King of Armenia, and he himself drives the Parthians out of Syria, and so threatens the Parthians, that

they leave off the war, and send Embassadors to sue for peace; who are dismissed by Nero, without their suit being granted: and Caesennius Paetus is preferred to be Gene∣ral for the defence of Armenia. [Tacit. lib. 15. cap. from 1. to the 7.]

Felix seeing this sedition between the Jews and Syrians of Caesarea still to continue, sent some of the Nobility of both sides as Embassadours to Nero, to argue their cause before him. [Joseph. lib. 2. bell. cap. 12.] He also sent prisoners to Rome for a very smal fault, some Priests, good and honest men, to plead their own cause before Nero. [Id. in his own Life.] He also left Paul the Apostle, whom he had kept prisoner two whole years at Cesarea, to shew the Jews a pleasure, still a prisoner there, when he had received Portius Festus from Nero his successour, in the Province. [Acts XXIV. 27.]

Festus, when he was come into the Province, after three dayes he ascended from Cesarea to Jerusalem: before whom when the High Priest, and the Rulers of the Jews accused Paul, desiring that he might be brought from Cesarea to Jerusalem, with an intent to lay wait and kill him in the journy. Which Festus refusing, commanded Pauls accusars to to come to Cesarea: and having tarried there not above ten dayes, he goes down to Cesarea; and the next day sitting in his Tribunal, he heard the Jews accusing Paul, and Paul clearing himself from their accusations: and Festus being wil∣ling to pleasure the Jews, asked Paul if he would be judged at Jerusalem before him, of that matter that he was accused of: Paul, who knew with what intent, and by whose advice he asked that question, and fearing some treachery from the Jews, denyed to go thither, and appealed to Caesar: whose appeal, Festus, after he had con∣ferred with the Councel, admitted. [Acts XXV. 1, 12.]

After certain dayes, Agrippa the King, and Betenice his sister, came to Cesarea, to salute the new Governour: and when the had tarried there many dayes. Festus, not knowing what to write to Caesar concerning Paul, consulted with Agrippa about that businesse; who when he had said that he would willingly hear him himself. The next day Agrippa and Berenice with much pomp came into the place of hearing, to∣gether with the Captains, and the principal men of the City, and Paul, at Festus com∣mand, is brought out before them, being bound with a chain. [Ibid. 13, 27.] Who in an eloquent oration, so clears his innocency, that although to the Governour, who was ignorant of these things, he seemed to be mad; yet the King, who was exercised in the Scriptures, he had almost perswaded to be a Christian: and by the judgement of the whole Council, he was thought to have done nothing worthy of death or bonds, and that moreover he might have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Cesar [Acts XXVI.]

The Rulers of the Jews that dwelt at Cesarea, went to Rome to accuse Felix, and he had suffered punishment for the injuries he had done the Jews, unlesse Nero had par∣doned him at the intreaties of his brother Pallas, who was in great favour at that time with his Prince, [Jeseph. lib. 20. cap. 7.] Although afterward the same Pallas, because he kept from Nero an huge deal of mony by his living so long, may be thought to be poisoned by him this same year. [Tacit. lib. 14. cap. ult.]

Two principal men of the Syrians of Cesarea; with a great sum of mony, bribed Beryllus, who had been Nero's School-master, but was then his secretary for the Greek tongue, that he would get the Emperours letters pattents, by which the Jews might be deprived of all authority in the City, which they had in common with Syrian in∣habitants; which thing he easily obtained. Which when the Jews of Cesarea under∣stood, they continued in their seditions, even unto the beginning of the wars of the Jews, which took their beginning especially from hence. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 7.]

Festus coming into Judea, found it grievously afflicted with thieves, every where spoiling the Villages, of whom the most cruel were called cut-throats, of which there were a great number, from their short crooked swords, like the Persian Cymetre, with which thrusting themselves into the presse of people (as it is said) that came to Jerusa∣lem to celebrate, as God commanded, their festival daies, they might easily kill as many as they would; who also being armed, went to the Villages of their enemies, and ha∣ving plundered them, burnt them. [Ibid.] These Festus carefully pursued, and took great store of the thieves, and put not a few of them to death. [Id. lib. 2. bell. cap. 12. and beginning of 13.]

When it was decreed that Paul should be sent to Caesar, he was delivered to Julius, a Centurion of Augustus band, with some other prisoners: who put him into a ship of Adramytium, that was to go to Asia, Aristarchus of Macedonia, besides Timothy and Luke accompanying him; the next day they touched at Sidon, where Julius courteously entreating Paul, permitted him to go visit his friends, and to refresh him∣self: going from thence they sailed by Cyprus, because the winds were contrary. And when they had sailed over the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia, they came to Myra, a

City of Lycia: where when the Centurion had found a ship, whose signe was Castor and Pollux, going into Italy, he put the Captives in her: and when they had sailed slowly many dayes, were scarce come over against Cnidus, they sailed under Crete, over against Salmone, and hardly passing by it, they came to the fair Havens in the Isle of Crete. [Acts XXVII. 1, 8.]

When the fast (that solemn fast of the expiation, [Year of the World 4066] used to be kept every year by the Jews on the seventh month, and tenth day) was past, and that sayling began to be dangerous, Paul foreseeing the dammage to come, advised them to winter there; but when that port seemed unconvenient to winter there, they determined to winter in another port of Crete called Phenice, and as they were sayling thither the southwind at the first favouring them, but a little after there arose a tempestuous wind called Euroclydon, by which they were carried to a little island called Clauda; then being caught and tossed by the great tempest, they lightned the ship, and the third day with their own hands they cast out the tackling of the ship, neither sun nor stars appea∣ring for many daies, but when all hope of safety was taken away, it was revealed to Paul by an Angell in the night, that he must be brought before Caesar, and that God had given him all that sayled with him in the ship in the fourth watch of the night, as they were driven up and down in Adria, the shipmen deemed that they were nigh some countrey, which they found afterwards to be the island Melita, and as they strove to make in thither, the ship was broken by the violence of the tempest, but the men some swimming, and some on the plankes and broken pieces of the ship were all saved and came safe to land. [ibid. 9. 44.]

After they had escaped they were curteously received by the inhabitants of Melitus, who making a fire to dry their cloathes, and Paul standing in the chimney, shook off a viper from his hand and had no hurt, they were wrapt into admiration of him, and said he was a god, here they lodged three daies with Publius a chief man of the island, whose father lying sick of a feaver and the bloudy flux was healed by Paul, others also which had diseases in the island were healed. [XXVIII. I, 9.]

Cesennius Paetus, not having sufficiently fortified his wintering camps, nor provision of corn made, marcheth with all hast over the mount Taurus, and took a few Castles and some prey, and by long journeys having overrun the places he could not hold, and the provisions which he had taken, being corrupted, he came back again, and wrote letters to Caesar in high words, as though the war had been finished, but voide of matter. [Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 8.]

In the mean time Corbulo had a special care to furnish the bank of Euphrates with more Garisons, and frighted Vologeses from entring Syria. Whereupon Vologeses turned against Paetus, and pressed him so sore, that he forced him to a dishonourable peace, of which Monobazus, King of Adiabena, is called to be a witnesse. The For∣tresses that Corbulo had built on the other side of Euphrates were demolished, and the Armenians left to their own wills. But at Rome there were Trophees and Try∣umphal Arches set up in the middest of the Capitoline Mount, for honour of the victo∣ry over the Parthians, which were done by the decree of the Senate, the war being yet fresh, neither were they taken down, only for a fair shew, not regarding the truth. [Id. ibid. from cap. 9. to 18.]

Paul and his companions being highly honoured by them of Melitus, [The Julian Period. 4776] and furnished with all things necessary, [Year after Christ 63] after three moneth that they had been there, they went in a ship of Alexandria, that had wintered in the Island, and came to Syracuse: where they tarried three dayes; from whence fetching a compasse, they came to Rhegium, and within one day the South wind blew, and the next day they came to Pu••eoli, where they found brethren, who desired them that they would stay with them seven dayes, and so they went toward Rome, [Acts XXVIII. 10, 14.] in the ninth year of Nero's raign.

The brethren went from Rome to meet Paul as far as Appii Forum, and the three Taverns: and when they came to Rome, the Centurion delivered the prisoners to the Captain of the guard: but Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a Souldier that kept him. After three dayes, calling together the chief of the Jews that were at Rome, he declared unto them the cause, why he was sent prisoner to Rome, and that he was compelled to appeal unto Caesar. And when they denied that they had received any letter from Judea concerning him, but said, That this her esie was every where spoken against: and when they had appointed him a day, there came unto him to his lodging, to whom he expounded Christ out of the Law and the Prophets, from morning unto evening: and some assented unto the things that were spoken, and believed not: to whom after he pronounced their judgement out of Esaias; leaving them, he turned to the Gentiles, and he remained in his own hired house two whole years, and re∣ceived all that came to him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching those things that concerne the Lord Jesus Christ, no man forbidding him. [Acts XXVIII. 14. 31.]

Onesiphorus very diligently sought out Paul at Rome, and found him, and refreshed him. [II Tim. I. 16, 17.]

In the beginning of the Spring, the Embassadours of the Parthians brought to Rome the messages and letters of King Vologeses, desiring that Armenia (which they had already taken) might be given unto them, and that a peace might be confirmed. But both these things being denied, the government of Syria is committed to Cintius (as Governour) the management of the war to Corbulo: and the fifteenth Legion is brought out of Pannonia under the conduct of Marius Cellus. Also the Tetrarchs and Kings and Prefects and Governours, and those that ruled the neighbour Provinces, are commanded to obey Corbulo, in as high a manner, having his power enlarged, as Pompey had given him by the people of Rome, when he undertook the war against the Pirates. Paetus being commanded home, Nero thought it enough (when Paetus feared greater matters) to scoffe at him, saying, That he would presently pardon him, lest he that was so ready to be afraid, should fall sick with too much pensivenesse. [Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 24, & 25.]

Corbulo, after he had mustered his army, went into Armenia, where the Embassa∣dours of Vologeses met him, and desire peace: but Tiridates being compelled to come into the Roman Camp; took off his Crown, and laid it at Caesars Image, and agreed to go to Rome to him to take it of him again: but with this condition, that he might first go visit his family and friends: in the mean time he leaves his daughter an Hostage, and delivered supplicatory letters to Nero. As he went away, he found Pa∣corus with the Medes, and Vologeses at Ecbatana. [Tacit. lib. 15. cap. from 26. to 31.]

In Judea Festus sent forces both of Horse and Foot against a certain impostor a Ma∣gician, who drew men after him into the Wildernesse, being deceived by his promi∣ses, that they should be freed from all their misfortunes; but those that went, and the seducer himself are killed by the souldiers that were sent. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 7.]

At the same time King Agrippa built a stately house near the porch in the Palace of Jerusalem, which in time past belonged to the Hasmoneans, and was situate in an high place, from whence a fair prospect lay open to all Jerusalem: which the chief men of Jerusalem taking ill, that for a private house the sacrifices and all things that were done in the Temple might easily be seen, built an high wall, which not onely hindred the prospect of the Kings house, but of the west porch also without the Temple, in which the Roman souldiers kept guard on the Feast dayes, for the keeping of the Tem∣ple. At which act not onely the king, but also Festus the Governour of the province was offended; and commanded to pull it down: But ten chief men (by his permis∣sion) were sent Embassadours to Nero about this businesse, together with Ismael the High Priest, and Chelcias the keeper of the holy Treasure. Nero having heard their Embassie, not onely forgave the Jews, but suffered the way to stand as it did, gratify∣ing herein his wife Poppea, who favouring the Jews Religion, became their inter∣cessour, who also suffered the ten men to return, but kept Ismael and Chelcias as Ho∣stages with her; which when Agrippa knew, he took away the High Priesthood from Ismael, and gave it to Joseph sirnamed Cabis, the son of Simon, sometime High Priest. [Id. ibid.]

Josephus the son of Matthias, hearing that some Priests his familiar friends that were sent prisoners to Rome by Felix, had not in their calamity cast off the care of their Religion, but that they lived on Nuts and Figs; that he might find some way to de∣liver them, in the 26 years of his age went to Rome, having passed many dangers in his journey by sea: for their ship being sunk in the middest of the Adriatick sea, for of 600 that had swam all night, about 80 that swam more fortunately were taken into a ship of Cyrene and so saved. Among whom was Josephus, who being set ashore, came to Dicearcha, (or Puteoli, as the Italians call it) where he falls into the acquaintance of one Aliturus a Player, who was a Jew, and in reputation with Nero: by him he was made known to Poppea the Empresse, and by her means presently got the Priests free. [Id. in his Life.]

Festus dying in the Province, Nero sent Albinus his successour into Judea. But King Agrippa took away the High Priesthood from Joseph, and gave it to Ananus, the son of Annas, or that Ananus who had enjoyed formerly the High Priesthood even to satiety, he had five sons that enjoyed that dignity, which had never happened to any of the High Priests before. [Id. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Ananus the new High Priest of the sect of the Sadduces, a bold and heady man, thinking it a fit time seeing Festus was dead, and Albinus on his way, called a Council of the Judges, and brought James the brother of Jesus before them, who with some other accused of transgressing the Law, he delivers to be stoned. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8.] This James the brother of the Lord, in the time of the Passeover was thrown down

from a pinacle of the Temple and stoned, and one of them which was a Fuller, with a bar with which he was wont to presse his cloaths, strook him on the head with it and killed him. This Eusebius relates in the fifth book of the History of Hegesippus, [lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 22.]

This murder of James much displeased all the good men, and observerers of the Law. Whereupon they sent a messenger privately to King Agrippa, desiring him that he would command Ananus that no such thing should be done any more. Some also met Abinus as he came from the City of Alexandria, and informed him that Ananus had no power to call a Council without his leave. He being perswaded by their words, wrote a sharp letter to Ananus, wherein he threatned to punish him: and Agrippa also for the same cause within three moneths took the High Priesthood from him, and gave it to Jesus the son of Damaces. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8.] But among the Chri∣stians, after the death of James, Simon the son of Cleophas is constituted Bishop of the Church of Jerusalem. [Euseb. lib. Histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 26.]

Albinus as soon as he came to Jerusalem, he employed all his care and study, that he might keep the Country in quiet, by putting to death many theeves: and Ananus the High Priest (the son of Nebedeus) increased every day more and more in the love and esteem of the people, and he was honoured of all men for his liberality; and Al∣binus also daily honoured the High Priest for his gifts. But Ananias had very bad ser∣vants, who getting a company of headstrong men, went from farme to farme, and took away the T••he of the Priests, and beat those that refused to render them. Some of the Priests also did the same, no body being able to restrain them: and many of the Priests that were maintained by the Tithes, were even starved for hunger. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

The theeves at the Feast that then was (of Pentecost) entred Jerusalem by night and took alive the Secretary of Captain Eleazar the son of Ananias the High Priest. Him they carried away, and then sent to Ananias, one that should promise in their name, that if he would perswade Albinas to free ten of theirs that he had taken captive, they would deliver the Secretary: which thing Ananius obtained of Albinus, meer necessity compelling it. This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the theeves alwayes found some trick to intercept some of Ananias his kindred, whom they would never deliver, until they had freed some of their own; wherefore being increased both in boldnesse and number, they spoiled the whole Country, [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

At this time King Agrippa enlarged the walls of Cesarea Philippi, and changing the name, called it Neronias: at Berytus also he built a Theatre at huge charges, and set forth every year sports, for which he assigned a great sum of money. He also gave to the people of Berytus corn, and oil to each man: and he adorned that City with Statues, set up in divers places, and with Images of antick work, and transferred al∣most all the Ornaments of his kingdom into that City: for which cause his subjects began to hate him, because he disfurnished them of their Ornaments, to adorne a strange City. [Id. ibid.]

Four years before the Jewish war, [Year of the World 4067] (that was managed by Vespasian) when the City of Jerusalem enjoyed both peace and plenty, one Jesus the son of Ananus, a country man, and one of the common people, coming to the Feast of Tabernacles, be∣gan suddenly to cry out; A voice from the East, a voice from the West, a voice from the four Winds; a voice against Jerusalem and the Temple, a voice against new married man and wo∣men, a voice against all this people: and crying thus night and day, he went thorough all the streets of the City. Some of the Nobility disdaining any token of adversity, took the fellow and scourged him with many stripes: but he spake nothing secretly for him∣self, nor unto them that scourged him, but continued still in the same cry. But the Magistrates thinking it rather to be some motion in him from God, brought him to the Roman Captain, where being beaten till his bones appeared, he neither made intrea∣ty, nor shed a teare; but as well as he could framing a weeping voice, at every stroke, he answered, Wo, Wo, to Jerusalem, Albinus then asked them, who he was, and where he was born, and why he still cryed after this manner; but he answered no∣thing; yet he ceased not to bewail the City, till Albinus thinking he was mad, suffered him to depart. He cryed thus most on the Feast dayes, and that for 7 years space (or rather 6, as it is in Phot. Biblioth. cod. 47.) and five moneths, and yet was neither hoarse nor weary; at last he was killed by a stone shot out of an Engin, in the time of the siege. [Id. lib. 7. bell. cap. 12.]

At the command of King Agrippa, Jesus the son of Gamaliel succeeded in the High Priesthood, Jesus the son of Damneus very unwillingly yeilding it up. Where∣upon there arose a discord between them; for having gotten to them companies of resolute young fellows, they came from words, to throwing of stones; but amongst the rest Ananias was richest, and by his bounty got most of his side. Costabarus also

and Saul got each of them a band of rascally people, these were of the Blood-Royal, and beloved for their neernesse of blood to Agrippa, yet were vio∣lent, and as ready as any too in spoiling the weaker sort. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

From this time especially began the Common-wealth of the Jews every day to grow worse and worse, [Id. ibid.] and the seeds of the future destruction were then sown, through multitudes of Commanders that then governed. [Id. lib. 2. belli. cap. 13.]

But Albinus the Governour did not only take away from private men their goods, under colour of justice, but burdened the Nation in general by exaction of greater tribute; but even those thieves that the souldiers of the City had taken, and those whom the former governours had left in prison, he set free, if their kindred would give him mony; and he that did not give him mony was kept in prison as a most hainous offender. [Id. ibid.]

At the same time also, the insolencie of them that desired innovation in the City of Jerusalem increased; of whom those that were rich, bribed Albinus to wink at their moving sedition, and the common people that could not be in quiet, joyned themselves with Albinus his party. Each of them had a troop of rascall people about him, and Albinus himself vvas over them all as a Tyrant and a Prince of the Thieves, and used the help of his guard to rob the meaner sort: and so it vvas that those vvhose houses vvere ransacked, held their peace, and those that escaped vvere glad to be officious to them, that they knevv deserved death, for fear they should suffer the same things. [Ibid.]

Nero, Rome being on a fire, beheld the burning of it from Mecenas tower, and be∣ing much delighted with the beauty of the flames, sang the destruction of Troy in his plaiers habit, likening the present evill to the old ruines, [Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 38, 39, 40. Sueton. in Neron. cap. 38. Xiphilin in Dion.] some there were that noted, that this fire began on the XIV. Kalends of July, on which the Senones after they had taken the City set it on fire, others went so far in their curiosity, that they reckoned the very daies and moneths that were between the two burnings, [Tacit. ibid. cap. 41.] as if they had said there were just between them 448. yeares, 5376. moneths, and 167632. daies.

For to extinguish the rumour, Nero falsely accused, and punished most grievously with exquisite torment, those whom the vulgar called Christians, first therefore they were apprehended, w••o confessed themselves Christians, then an huge multitude are convicted by their detection, not so much for setting the City on fire, as for the hatred of all men against them, scornes also were added to their sufferings, some were covered with beasts skins to be torn with dogs, some were crucified, and some burnt, and when the day failed, they were burnt to give light by night. Nero made his garden fit for that spectacle, and set forth shews in the Cirgue, when he himself was among the com∣mon people in the habit of a waggoner, or standing in airing whereupon pitty was taken on them, seeing they suffered not for any common good, but to satisfie one mans cruelty, [Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 44.] for the illustrating of which the words of an old Scholiast are brought, upon that of Juvenal in his first Satyr.

Pone Tigellinum: taeda lucebis in illa, Qua stantes ardent qui fixo gutture fumant.

Thou shalt be made a torch by night to shine And burn impal'd: name thou but Tigilline.

If thou touch Tigillinus, thou shalt be burnt alive, as it was in the shews of Nero, of whom he commanded torches to be made, that they might give light to the spectatours; and they were fastned through their throat that they might not bow themselves. Nero cloathed Malefactours with pitch paper and wax, and so set them to the fire.

This was the first persecution that was raised against the Christians by the Roman Emperours, of which Suetonius as an heathen man speakes in Nerone. cap. 16. The Christians are punished a kind of men of a new and pernicious superstition, but Tertullian as a Christian in his Apologetick cap. 5. Search your records, then you shall find, that Nero was the first that used Caesars sword against this sect at that time much increasing at Rome: but we glory in such a dedicatour of our condemnation, for he that understands himself, cannot but understand that nothing can be condemned by Nero but some great good.

Cestius Gallus is by Nero sent Governour into Syria and Gessius Florus into Judea, [Year of the World 4068] this Florus was a Clazomenian by birth, he married Cleopatra a wicked woman: by

whose meanes, as being a friend of the Empresse Poppaea, she got this government for him. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 9.]

Alo••us hearing that Florus was come to succeed him, and willing to gratifie the Citizens of Jerusalem, he called before him all the prisoners, and those that were no∣toriously guilty of any capitall crime he put to death, the rest, who for smaller offen∣ces were cast in prison, he remanded them to prison against, and delivered them upon their fines, and after this manner the prisons were emptied, but Judea was filled with theives. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

In the mean time, the Levites whose office was to sing hymnes in the Temple, went to King Agrippa, and by their entreaty perswaded him, that he would call a councill, and permit unto them the use of the linnen roab, which was then onely granted, to the Priests, for said they, this new custome would conduce much for the perpetuall me∣mory of his reign. Wherefore the King by the advice of his council, permitted to those that sang the hymnes, that laying aside their former habit, they should wear a linnen garment as they desired, at their entreaty also he allowed another part of the same tribe, that vvas addicted to the services of the temple to learn to sing the sacred hymnes. [ibid.]

The Philippians sent Epaphroditus with money to Rome, to visit Paul in prison, and to minister to him in his necessities, who joyning himself to Paul, as both an helper and fellow souldier for the work of Christ, making no account of his life, put himself in danger of death, for he fell into a grievous disease. [Philip. II. 25, 30, with IV. 10, 14, 18.]

Paul being aged and in prison gained to Christ, Onesimus a servant that fled from Colosse from his Master Philemon. [Philem. 9, 10, 15. with Coloss. IV.]

Timotheus, that was kept prisoner with Paul, is set at liberty. [Hebrews XIII. 23.]

Paul wrote the Epistle to the Philippians by Epaphraditus, after he had recovered his health, hoping also that in a short time he should send Timotheus unto them, as soon as he shall know their state, trusting also that he himself shall come shortly unto them, [Philip. II. 2, 19, 29.] at which time Pauls bonds for Christ were famous in all the Court, some even of Caesars Pallace being converted to the faith. [Cap. I. 12, 13. & IV. 12.] For being sent into prison by Caesar, he was more known in his family, and so made the house of persecution the Church of Christ. [Jerosm. in Comment. to Philemon.]

Paul writes an Epistle to Colosse to Philemon, by his servant Onesimus, in which he reconciles and commends him to his Master, signifying that he hopes he shall be freed from prison, and desiring him to prepare him a lodging: and by the same One∣simus and Tychicus, Paul wrote an Epistle out of Prison, to the Colossians, whom he had never seen, but were instructed in the doctrine of Christ by Epaphras. [Coloss. I. 7, 8. & II. 1. IV. 7, 9, 18.] At that time besides Timothy (whose name is prefixt to both the Epistles) there were with Paul at Rome) of the circumcision, his companion in bonds, Aristarchus of Thessalonica, [Acts XX. 4.] Mark, Barnabas his sisters son, concerning whom he gives the Colossians command to receive him, if he come unto them, and Je••us which is called Justus; of the others, Luke the beloved Phisitian, Demas and Epaphras, whose great affection the Apostle commends not to the Colossi∣ans onely, (with whom Archippus supplied his ministery, now he was absent) but also towards them that are of Laodicea and Hierapolis. [Col. IV. 10, 14. 17. Philem. 23, 24.]

The same Tychicus, the companion of his travel from Asia. [Acts XX. 4.] Paul sent them also into Asia, that from him the brethren might know his affairs, with an Epistle wrote by him to the Ephesians. [Ephes. VI. 21, 22.] Which Tertullian [lib. 5. against Marcion. cap. 11. & 17. and Epiphanius in Haeres. 42.] shews was said by Marcion the Heritick, to be that that underwent the name of the Epistle to the Laodi∣ceaens: which Grotius thinks to be credible enough to be done by him out of the credit of the Church of Laodicea, affirm••ng that there was no cause why he should tell a lie in this businesse: and gathers from thence that the Epistle to the Ephesians, and also to the Laodiceans, was written in the same words: where it is to be noted in some old books (as it appears out of the second lib. of Basil, against Eunomius, and of Jeroms Com∣mentary upon this place of the Apostle) it was generally intituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or (as it was wont to be done in the copies of letters that were to be sent to divers places, To the Saints which are at 0000000, and to the faithful in Christ Jesus, as if it had been sent first to Ephesus, as the Metropolis of Asia: and thence to be sent to the rest of the Churches of that Province, (the name of each Church being inter∣serted) to some of which, whom Paul never saw, those words of his seem especially to look. After I heard of your faith in Christ Jesus, and love unto all the Saints, [cap. 1. 15.] and, if ye have heard of the dispensation of the grace of God which is given me to you-ward,

&c. [cap. III. 24.] which perhaps Marcian thought might rather agree to the Laodiceans, who had not seen the Apostle present▪ in body, [Colos. II. 1.] than to the Ephesians, with whom he conversed so long together. [Acts XIX. 8, 10. XX. 31.]

About the same time Paul wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews, Timothy being set at liberty, but gone from him some whither for a time, with whom if he come shortly, he promiseth to see them; in the mean time he sent them salutations from the brethren from Italy. [Heb. XXIII. 23, 24.]

The building of the Temple being now finished, [The Julian Period. 4778] and the people seeing that about 180000 workmen lived idely, [Year after Christ 65] that were heretofore wont to get their living by working in the Temple; and being loath that the Holy Treasure should be reserved for a prey to the Romans, and desiring also to provide for the workmen, so that if they wrought but one hour they were presently paid: they perswaded King Agrippa, to repair the Eastern Porch; this Porch hung over a deep and narrow valley, and was upheld by a wall of 400 cubits high, the length of every stone being 20 cubits, and the thicknesse six. This was the work of King Solomon, who first built the Temple. But the King, to whose care claudius Caesar had committed the charge of the Temple, thinking with himself, that any great building might easily be pulled down, but hardly set up, especi∣ally this Porch, that would cost much time and much mony, denyed their request; but yet forbad them not to pave their City with white stone, if they would. [Joseph. lib. 28. cap. 8.]

Paul, the two years in which being detained in free custody, he taught the Gospel at Rome, being ended, [Acts XXIII. 30.] he seems to have gone from thence into Asia, and at Colosse to have lodged with Philemon. [Philem. 22.]

In the feast day of unleavened bread, which fell this year on the eighth day of Xanthicus, or April, about nine of the clock at night, between the Altar and the Temple, there shined such a light, that it might have been thought to be midday, which continued half an hour. In the same feast day also, a Cow that was led to sa∣crifice, brought forth a Lamb in the middle of the Temple. The East Gate also of the Temple, being brasse and mighty heavy, and at evening could scarce be shut by twenty men, and was locked with bars of Iron, and had bolts that were let down deep into a threshold, made all of one stone, was seen, about six of the clock in the night, to open of its own accord. These things being told the Magistrate by the keepers of the Tem∣ple, as they went their round, he came up himself, and could scarce shut it. [Joseph. lib. 2. bell. 12.]

On the 2•• day of Artemisius, or May, before Sun set, there were seen in the aire Iron Chariots all over the Country, and armies in battle array, passing along in the clouds, and begirting the City: and in the Feast of Pentechost, the Priests going into the inner Temple by night, according to their custom, to celebrate divine ser∣vice, at first they found the place to move and make a noyse, and afterwards they heard a sudden voice, which said, Let us depart hence. [Joseph. ibid.]

Paul preacheth the Gospel in the Isle of Crete, where he left Titus, that he might set in order the things that were wanting, and ordain Elders in every City there. [Titus. I. 5.]

King Agrippa having taken the Priesthood from Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, the beginning of the Jewish war was when he was High Priest. [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Josephus having received many gifts from the Empresse Poppea, and returning into his own Country, found among them perfect signes of innovations, and rebellions, whom he in vain endeavours to diswade from their unhappy undertakings. [Id. in his Lif••.]

For Gessius Florus so outragiously abused his author••ty, that the Jews desired Albi∣nus again, as one that was their benefactour; for he was wicked and injurious as privately as he could possibly. But contrariwise Florus, as if he had been sent to make open shew of his villanies, bragged publickly of the injuries he did the Nation, leaving nothing undone to the height of iniquity in rapines and punishments: he was inflexible to any mercy, unsatiable in his gainings, equally snatching at small and great things, so much that he went shares with the thieves, for many used that trade, and paid part of the booty to him; there being no means or end of their injuries, so that the misera∣ble Jews not able to endure the ravening insolencies of the thieves, were constrained to abandon both their houses and religion, and to fly to strange Countries, judging that they might more commodiously live any where, even among Barbarians. [Id. lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 9. & lib. 2. bell. 2. cap. 13.]

Poppea, Nero's wife, being great with child and sick, upbraided Nero, as he returned late from driving his Chariot, whom in his anger he killed, with a kick of his foot; this was after the end of his quinquennal pastime celebrated the second time, for Nero

his first prize was instituted in the LX. year of Christ. [Sueton. in Nero. cap. 35. Tacit. lib. 16. cap. 2. 6.]

Paul having staied sometime at Ephesus, left Timothy there, whilst he went thence into Macedonia, that Timothy might govern that Church in his absence, [I. Tim. I. 3. III. 14, 15.] being in Macedonia he tarried with the Philippians, as he had formerly promised them. [Phil. I. 25, 26. & II. 24.]

Paul wrote his former Epistle to Timothy, [Year of the World 4069] in which he declares that he had deli∣vered Hymaeneus and Alexander, making shipwrack of the Faith, over to Satan, that being chastised they might learn not to blaspheme, [I Tim. I. 20.] for Hymenaeus did deny the Resurrection to come, as did Philetus, saying, that it is past already, [II Tim. II. 17, 18.] and Alexander was that Coppersmith, that did Paul so much evil, and so greately withstood his preaching. [II Tim. IV. 14, 15.]

Paul also wrote another Epistle to Titus into Crete, desiring that when he shall send Artemus or Tychicus unto him, he would come to him to Nicopolis, (famoused for the Victory at Actium) where he appointed to winter, and also that he should bring dili∣gently Zenas the Lawyer, and Apollo on their journey, that they should want nothing. [Tit. III. 12, 13.]

Winter being past, [The Julian Period. 4779] Paul returned to Ephesus to Timothy: [Year after Christ 66] and went to Troas and there left his cloak. Erastus abode at Corinth, of which he was Chamberlain, [Rom. XVI, 23.] Paul left Trophimus at Miletum sick. [I Tim. III. 14. II Tim. IV. 13. 20.]

Cestius Gallus coming from Antioch to Jerusalem, desiring to signifie to Nero the strength and flourishing estate of the City, who contemned the Nation, desired of the High Priests, if it were possible, that they would number the multitude: and they (for it was the day of the Passeover) killed sacrifices from the ninth hour to the eleventh, and there were 255600 sacrifices, to the eating of which, ten, and sometime twenty, met to each sacrifice. [Joseph. lib. 7. belli. cap. 17. Latin. Edit. or lib. 6. cap. 45. Edit. Graec.]

There came about Gallus a multitude, not lesse than 300000 Jews and besought him, that he would take pity on the calamities of their Nation, calling upon him that he would remove Florus that plaguer of their Common-wealth. Who although he was in the sight of the people, and in Gallus his presence, was not onely not moved, but laughted at their cryes against him. Cestius at that time appeasing the rage of the peo∣ple, promising that he would make Florus more gentle unto them, went back again un∣to Antiochia. Florus brought him as far a Cesarea, deceiving him with lyes, devi∣sing with himself to make a war upon the Nation of the Jews, by which way onely he thought he could best hide his own villanies; for as long as the peace continued, he should alwayes have the Jews his accusers to Caesar: but if he could make them re∣volt, that then the envy of his lesser impieties would be taken from him by their greater offence: and to the end that the Nation might revolt from the Roman Empire, he more earnestly every day increased their calamities. [Idem. lib. 2. bell. cap. 12.] Paul coming to Rome the second time, is heard and quitted by Nero: of which thus him∣self in [II Tim. IV. 16, 17.] In my first answer, no man stood with me, but all forsook me: I pray God it be not laid to their charge. Notwithstanding the Lord stood with me, and strengthened me; that by me the preaching might be fully known, and that all the Gentiles might hear: and I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion. So that as before for two years, so now again for an whole year, he preached the Gospel to all Nations that came from every place flocking to Rome, as their common Country.

Demas left Paul, embracing the present world, and went to Thessalonica: Cre∣scens into Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia, onely Luke remained with Paul at Rome. [II Tim. IV. 10, 11.]

There was an old and constant opinion that was commonly talked of over all the East: that there was a Prophesie, that there should come from Judea those that should be masters of all. It was afterwards manifest by the event that this was foretold of the Roman Emperour. The Jews applying this Prophesie to themselves rebelled. Saith Suetonius [in Vespasiano. cap. 4.] The Jews patience endured [Saith Tacitus lib. Hist. 5. cap. 10.] until Gessius Florus was Governour; under him the war began, to wit, in the Artemisian moneth, or our May; in the twelfth year of Neros Empire, the 17 of the reign of Agrippa, the second of the government of Gessius Florus. [Joseph. lib. 1. belli. cap. 13. & lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. ult.] We have fully described by Josephus in the later part of the second book, and the five following books, the History of that war: a breviary of which we have hither transferred, taken out of the abridgement of the Jewish History of that most eminent man Ludovicus Capellus.

Nero passing into Graecia, tarried there till winter. [Xiphilin. ex Dion.]

King Agrippa in a long Oration dehorts the Jews from war, but in vain; for a lit∣tle while after he was gone from Jerusalem, some of the seditious possesse themselves

of the strong Castle Massada unawares, and put to the sword all the Romans they found there. At Jerusalem also Eleazar the son of Ananias the High Priest, and Commander of the souldiers of the Temple, a bold and factious young man, perswa∣ded the Priests that they should not offer any sacrifices, but onely of the Jews, nay not those that were to be offered for Caesar or the Romans. Which rash act when the Go∣vernours of the City, being peaceable men, judged to be intolerable, and saw that it was an argument of open rebellion, yet could they not diswade the seditious from this opinion, whereupon they sent messengers to Cesarea to Florus, and to King Agrippa, desiring them that they would presently send forces, and represse the rebellion in the beginning. Florus, who did desire there should be a revolt, neglected it: but Agrippa sent a thousand horsemen, who together with the rulers and Priests, and the rest of the multitude that loved peace, seized upon and held the upper City against the sedi∣tious who kept the temple and the lower City, there were continuall skirmishes between them for seven daies together, but upon the feast day of their carrying wood into the temple, many murderers were received into the temple, who with the rest, set upon the Kings souldiers, and forcing them from the upper part of the City, drove them into Herods pallace, and burnt the place where the records were kept, and the pallace of the Hasmonaeans (which was then Agrippa's court) and Ananias the High-Priests house, the next day which was the 15. of August, they take the Castle of Antonia after two daies siege, kill all the Roman souldiers there, and set the Castle on fire. A little after they set upon the Kings pallace, (Manahemus the son of Judas Galilaeus being then Captain, who after he had taken the Castle of Massada, and plundered Herods armory, brought his murderers armed into Jerusalem,) which having taken and burnt, Manahemus seizeth upon the tyranny, but immediately after he is killed in the Temple as he was at his prayers, by Eleazar the Captain of the Temple, his guard also are thrust out, vvho return to Massada, Eleazar the son of Jairus being their Captain, vvho vvas a kin to Manahemus, the seditious also of Jerusalem upon the very Sabbath day put to death the Romans, who after the pallace was won by assault, had retired into the Castles of Hippico, Phasaelus, and Mariamme, where being be∣sieged, and yielding upon composition, and delive••ing their armes, yet against their oath, were put to death.

The same day at Cesarea, all the Jews that dwelt there; at the instigation of Florus are massacred by the heathens of Cesarea to the number of 20000. by which the Jews through the whole Countrey are so vexed, that they wast all the villages of the Syrians and the neighbour Cities as Philadelphia, Gerasa, Ptolemais, Pella, Scy∣thopolis, Gadara, Hippo, Gaulanitis, Sebaste, Ascalon, Anthedon, and Gaza. Then there was a generall slaughter by the Syrians, of the Jews that went through all Syria, partly out of the old hatred against the Jews, and their religion, and partly for the love of plunder, and desire of revenge, onely they of Antiochia, Apamea, an•• Sidonia spared the Jews that dwelt amongst them, but at Alexandria the Metrop••lis of Egypt, upon a sedition that was raised there were in one day 50000. Jews killed, by two Roman legions that were let in upon them.

Cestius Gallus, the Governours of Syria being vexed with the commotions, comes from Antioch into Judea with the 12 Legion and the King Agrippa's souldiers, and other forces, and from Ptolemais invades Joppe and burnes it, he sends Cesennius Gallus into Galilea, which he pacifies being entertained at Sephoris, and comes to Cesarea.

Peter and Paul are warned by revelation from the Lord, of their approaching de∣parture out of this life. [II. Pet. 1, 14. II. Tim. IV. 6, 7.]

Peter wrote his second epistle to the Hebrews dispersed through Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bythinia. [II. Pet. III. 1. with I. Pet. I. 1.]

Paul sent his second epistle to Timothy to Ephesus, by Tychicus, where the family of Onesiphorus was: after Aquila and Priscilla having left Rome, were returned thither again, [II. Tim. IV. 12, 19.] in which he desires Timothy that he ••ould come to him before winter, and bring with him Mark, as very profitable for h•••• to the ministery, [ibid. 9. 11, 21.] and sends him salutations from Eubulus Puden•• and Linus, and Claudia. [ibid. 21.]

Cestius Gallus in the feast of Tabernacles, [Year of the World 4070] after he had burnt Lydda, marcheth towards Jerusalem, whom the men of Jerusalem meet about sixty furlongs ftom thence, and there fight a perilous battle near Bethoron, but fresh forces coming to Cestius, he forceth them into the City, into which he also brake, the fourth of October, and held the lower part of the City, (as also Bezetha, and Cae∣nopolis) then he assaults the Temple and the upper City, and had easily taken it, if he had more valiantly continued the assault, the people favouring the Romans, and the seditious onely withstanding them.

But Cestius when he was near taking the Temple, without any good reason why, raised the siege, and retreates to Antipatris, having lost in his march many both Ro∣mans and auxiliaries, and many also killed by the Jews who pursued them, with a great part of their baggage and ammunition, and engins and slings, and other armes that the Romans threw away in their flight, which afterward the Jews made use of for their own defence against the siege of Titus. And this was done on the eighth of Novem∣ber in the twelfth year of Nero: (to wit, being ended) for the thirteeneth year of Nero had begun on the thirteeneth of the precedent October.

The Jews puffed up with this Victory being returned to Jerusalem, create Joseph the son of Gorion, and the High Priest Governours of the City, and send many Com∣manders into each Provinces, and Governments of places; and among the rest they send Joseph, (the writer of this war of the Jews) into Galilee: in which after he had fortified many Towns, and walled them, and ordered all things for to endu••e a war, he expected the invasion of the Romans.

In the mean while there are many commotions, and many and frequent rebellions of the Cities against him, by the subtilty and fraud of John the son of a certain Levit, and by the envy of some of the Governours of Jerusalem, who desired to have the go∣vernment of Galilee taken from him; but Joseph brake the neck of all their endea∣vours, arts, and councils, and avoided them by his prudence and patience; who also forced that John to flee to Jerusalem with his forces out of Giscala a Town of Galilee which he had fortified. But at Jerusalem Ananias the Governour of the City, pre∣pares all things necessary for the sustaining of the war, repaires the walls, and provides that warlike instruments, and darts, and armes, be made thorough the whole City. He endeavours to reconcile those that they called the Zelots, but in vain. He endea∣vours also to apprehend Simon the son of Giora, who exercised the every, and affected the Tyranny, by sending souldiers against him; but he with his party fled to the theeves that kept Massada, from whence they with their robberies infested all the Coun∣try of Judea and Idumaea.

Moreover Cestius having sent messengers to Nero (who was then in Acha••a) de∣clares unto him the troubled state of Judea. Nero being much moved with this news, commands Vespasian thither, and Vespasian having received this command, sent his son Titus to Alexandria, to bring from thence the fifth and tenth Legion into Judea, and he himself goes by land from Achaia into Asia, and from thence comes into Syria and Antiochia.

Peter and Paul had foretold at Rome, [The Julian Period. 4780] that it should come to passe that after a little time, [Year after Christ 67] God would send a King that should overcome the Jews, and that should lay their City equal with the ground, and should besiege them being pined with hunger and thirst: and then it should come to passe that they should eat one the other, and con∣sume one the other; and at last, that they should come into their enemies hands, and should see their wives most greivously tormented in their sight, and their virgins to be violated and prostituted; their sons to be torne asunder, and their little ones to be dashed a pieces: and to be short, all things to be wasted by fire and sword, and them∣selves for ever banished out of their own lands, and all this because they exalted them∣selves above the most loving and approved son of God. [Lactan. lib. 4. cap. 21.]

Vespasian at Antioch gathers together the Roman forces and the aides from the Kings, from whence he comes to Ptolemais, and recovers Sepphoris that favoured the Romans.

Titus came to his father to Ptolemais sooner then could have been hoped for, by reason of winter; their own forces and the auxiliaries being come together, are in number threescore thousand of Horse and Foot, besides their servants and the baggage.

Vespasian inroding Galilee, burnt and wasted the City of the Gadarens, which he took at the first assault; thence coming to Jotapata on the 21 day of May, he fights against it.

On the 29 of June (which last day of that moneth falls to be within the reign of Nero) Paul was beheaded at Rome: as the Records both of the Easterne and West∣erne Church confirm: whereupon Chrysostom undoubtedly affirms, that the day of his death was more certainly known, then that of Alexander himself, [in II Cor. Homil. 26.] Dionysius the Bishop of the Corinthians affirms in an Epistle to the Romans, that Peter also suffered Martyrdom at the same time with him, [in Eusebius, lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 24.] whom also Origin relates in the third Tome of his Commenta∣ries upon Genesis, that at Rome he was crucified with his head downwards (as he had desired) [••bid. lib. 3. Hist. cap. 1.] the prediction of Christ being then fulfilled which he made upon him, [John XXI. 18, 19.] When thou art old, thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and another shall gird thee, and carry thee whither thou wouldest not.

Vespasian after fourty dayes siege takes Jotapata by force, and overthrows it, and burns it, after it was valiantly defended by Joseph, who was Governour then, on the Kalends of June, in the 13 year of Nero, he takes Joseph as he lay hid in a Cave, gives him his life, but keeps him prisoner.

Jotapata being destroyed, Vespasian retires with his army to Cesarea, and there places two Legions, to refresh themselves after the siege, a third to the same end and purpose he sends to Scythopolis; he himself goes to Cesarea Philippi, where he with his army is feasted by King Agrippa for twenty daies: there he prepares for the sieges of Tiberias and Tarichea, they of Tiberias immediately yield, and at the intreaty of King Agrippa it is granted that the City shall not be rased, but Taricha, after it had suffered a siege, is taken by storm.

These Cities being recovered or overthrown, almost all Galilee inclined to the Romans, except Gamala in Gaulanitis, and Giscala, and the Mountain Itaburium.

Gamala, [Year of the World 4071] after an whole moneths siege was taken the 23 of October, and over∣thrown: and a little after also the Mountain Itaburium was taken by the Romans. Titus sets upon Giscala, which was kept by John, with his party of the seditious. John seems to like of the conditions of peace that were offered by Titus, but in the night he with his party fled out of the City, and betakes himself to Jerusalem. Titus spares the City, but puts a Garison there, and comes to Cesarea, but Vespasian going from Cesarea to Iamnia and Azotus, conquers them both, and returns again to Cesarea.

In the mean while there was a great dissention thorough all Judea, some desiring war, others being willing to remain under the protection of the Romans. Whereupon there were whole troups of thieves gathered together, all over Judea, who plundered them, that were desirous of peace; and being loaded with their plunder, were received into Jerusalem, and there fill all things with murders, dissensions, discords, and rapines, and first they cast Antipas, and a great many Noble men, and the chief of the City into prison, and shortly after put them to death, without any trial, falsely accusing them, that they would have delivered the City to the Romans: and when the people would have risen up against them, they seize upon the Temple, and use it as a Bull∣work against the people, and there create an High Priest by lots, one Phannius, (or Phanazus) a rude and unskilful man, and one that was not of the order of the Priest∣hood.

Against these Zelots, (for so they called themselves) Ananus, and the Nobler Priest, stir up and arme the people, and set upon them in the very Temple, and force them into the inner Temple. The Zelots sent letters privately to the Captains of the Idume∣ans, wherein they accuse Ananus of treachery; and complain, that whilst they are fighting for liberty, they are besieged in the Temple, and call the Idumeans to their assistance. They presently fly thither with 20000 men, and being privately let into the City and Temple by night by the Zelots, there is great slaughter, and burnings, and rapines made by both sides upon them of Jerusalem. For there were 80000 killed that night, and in the following dayes they killed Ananus, and others of the nobility, to the number of 12000, besides an infinite number of the common people. But a little after the Idumeans began to repent themselves, when they saw the wickednesse of the Zelots, and could perceive no signe of treachery in the Nobility, (of which they were accused) and so setting at liberty 2000 which they held in prison, the Idumeans left Jerusalem, and returned home: they being gone, the Zelots began to use more cruelty against the Nobility than formerly, for they would not suffer the Noble men, after they had slain them, to be buried, but those especially, who they suspected, that they would fly to the Romans: for they kept all the passages, and diligently observed them that would fly, whom they killed, and let them lye unburied.

In the mean time there arose a dissention amongst the Zelots, that John who fled from Gescala to Jerusalem, affecting their Tyranny, and others not induring him to be their superiour, who they before had accounted their equal; but they thus disa∣greeing among themselves, were very unanimous, in the robbing of the common peo∣ple, nay all Judea, as if it followed the example of the Metropolis, to wit, Jerusalem, was very full of thieves, and most miserably vexed.

With these discords, by which the Jews destroyed each orher, and by the cries of those that fled to him, intreating to preserve and free their Country from this sedition, Vespasian was incited, and prepares for the siege of Jerusalem, and that he might leave nothing behind him, to trouble him, whilst he was at the siege at Jerusalem; he comes with his army to Gadara, to quench those relicks of war and tumult, is the Country beyond the River, he being called thither by the moderate men of the City, who had rather have peace than war; and presently takes the City; the sedi∣tious being fled: and sending Placidus with his horse to pursue them, and put them all to the sword, and so possesseth himself of all the Country beyond the river, even to the

lake Asphaltis, except the Castle of Macherun, and so having appointed Garrisons through the Towns and winter quarters for his souldiers, he comes to Cesarea and there winters.

Vespasian having received news of the stirrs that were raised in Gallia by Vindex, [The Julian Period. 4781] who had armed the Gaules against the Romans, [Year after Christ 68] made him more earnest to finish the war against the Jews, wherefote in the beginning of the spring, he leads his army out of Cesarea, and runs through all Judea, and Idumea, and wasting it, brings back his army, and leads them through Samaria to Jericho, from whence the inhabitants fly into the mountain Countrey opposite to Jerusalem, but he pursues them, and bea∣ting them from the hills, by setting cittadels at Jericho and other places, begirts the Jews on every side.

Some promised to themselves (Nero being forsaken) the government of the East, some the Kingdome of Jerusalem, but most the recovery of their ancient fortune. [Sueton. in Nero. cap. 40.]

Nero pronounced of himself that he was undone, when he heard that Galba and Spain had tevolted from him, [id. ihid. cap. 42.] and at length he slew himself on the ninth day of June, when he had raigned thirteen yeares and eight moneths.

On the Kalends of January in Germany, [The Julian Period. 4782] the images of Galba are throwen down, [Year after Christ 69] and on the third day Vitellius is saluted Emperour by the army, and on the 15. day of the same moneth Galba is killed, seven moneths after the death of Nero. [Tacit. Histor. lib. 1.]

Galba being taken out of the way, Otho is created Emperour by the soul∣diers, not knowing that Vitellius had taken upon him the Empire. Dio writes that he was killed the 90. day of his reign, and Suetonius that he was buried the 95.

Tiberius Alexander the Governour of Egypt was the first that swore the Le∣gions to Vespasian on the Ralends of July, which day of his entrance into the empire was afterwards kept a festivall, then the Jewish army on the V. Ides of July swore to him, [Suet. in Vespasian. cap. 6. with Tacit. lib. 2. histor. cap. 79.] Dio notes that there was but one year and 22. daies between the death of Nero and the beginning of the raign of Vespasian.

When Vespasian, being returned to Caesarea, prepared to goe with his whole army to besiege Jerusalem, news was brought him of Nero's death, which news having received, he deferrs the war against the Jews, and sends his son Titus to Galba, who had succeeded to Nero, to know his pleasure concerning the Jewish war. Titus going by ship to Achaia, heard there that Galba was killed, whereupon he presently returnes to his father to Cesarea, they being in suspence, (and the Empire as it were tottering) deferred the wars of Judea, and being afraid least some hurt should come unto their own Countrey, they thought it not a convenient time to invade a strange Countrey.

In the mean time Simon the son of Giora, (concerning whom something is spoken formerly) a bold and valiant young man went from Massada, whi∣ther he had fled to the murderers into the mountain Countrey of Judea, and by promises of liberty to servants, and rewards to the freemen, in short time got a band of theives, and by little and little increasing his forces, he wasted not onely villages, but invades Cities, he came also in short time to that power, that he conquered all Idumea, and wasted Judea, and at last came before Je∣rusalem, where pitching his tents, he became a terrour both to them of Jerusalem, and to the Zelots also, and thus were the Citizens of Jerusalem grievously oppressed on both sides, within by the Zelots whom John commanded, and vvithout by Simon a most cruell man, in the mean time the Idumeans vvho vvere of Iohns party, and vvere among his forces, falling at variance vvith him and fighting vvith him killed many of the Zelots, and then, taking Iohns pallace and burning it, forced him vvith his party to fly into the temple, but then they fearing, as also did the Citizens, least that by night he should make an excursion into the City, and burn it, they took counsell, and send for Simon, and admit him into the City, that they might defend themselves against him, whom having received they assault the temple, but the Zelots fighting valiantly, they seek to win it by assault.

Vespasian having left Cesarea, comes to Berytus and Antioch, from whence he sends Mutianus with forces into Italy; but he himself goes to Alexandria.

In Moesia Antonius Primus that followed Vespasians party, [Year of the World 4073] leads the third Legion into Italy against the party of Vitellius, and in a fight at Cremona against the Vi∣tellians, he puts them to flight, and beates them, then coming to Rome and being joyned with Mutianus in the middest of the City, he overthrowes Vitellus's army, and

dragging Vitellius himself thorough the Market-place, there cuts his throat. Mu∣tianus makes Domitian the son of Vespasian Prince of the Empire, in the mean time that his father came out of Syria.

Vespasian hearing these things at Alexandria, [The Julian Period. 4783] sends his son Titus with forces into Judea, [Year after Christ 70] for to finish the rest of the war of Judea; but he himself faileth into Italy.

Moreover whilst Titus stayed at Alexandria, the City of Jerusalem was divided into a threefold faction. For Simon whom the Citizens of Jerusalem had sent against John, and admitted into the City, kept the higher City, and some part of the Tower: and John with his Zelots had possessed the Temple and the other part of the lower City: and the last faction is divided again into two; For Eleazar who was the first Commander and Captain of the Zelots, taking it in dudgeon that John by his bold∣nesse and subtilty got the government to himself, and to do all things at his own plea∣sure, departs from him, and taking some followers with him, possesseth himself by them, of the inner part of the Temple, and from thence fights against John. Eleazar was infe∣riour to John in number of men, but his superiour in the si••e and quality of the place: and so upon John who held the outward circuit of the Temple and the Porches there lay a double war, one against Eleazar, and the other against Simon: and so some fighting against others, they burnt many things about the Temple, and spoiled the corn, and many necessaries for victual, which might have sufficed them a long time, which things being spoiled and consumed, they were oppressed with famine after∣wards, when they were besiged by the Romans.

Titus coming from Alexandria to Cesarea, and there gathering his forces together, to wit, four Legions, and the auxiliaries of the neighbour Kings, marcheth towards Jerusalem, and pitcheth his Camp some six or seven furlongs off the City, a little be∣fore the Feast of unleavened bread, and by that means shut up within the City an in∣finite multitude of men, that had after the custom gone up to the Feast, by which in a short time a most cruel famine oppresseth the City; where all food and nourish∣ment is in short time consumed, a most horride and memorable example whereof happened at that time there, of a mother that devoured her own child: and in the Feast day of unleavened bread, being the 14 of April, whenas Eleazar, who had seized upon the inner Temple, had opened the gate of the Temple that the people might sacrifice, John taking hold of this opportunity, sends privately many of his party armed privately with swords under their garments, who being admitted into the Temple with the rest of the multitude, set upon Eleazar, and seize upon the inner Temple, together with the slaughter of many of the Zelots; and so the faction that was threefold, is now made twofold; to wit, one of Johns who were in number 8400. and the other of Simons, with whom were 10000 men, besides 5000. Idumeans.

Titus coming near the walls, pitched his Camp near the Tower Psephina, and presently raising a mount, shakes the wall with a Ram, and beates it down by force▪ and on the seventh of May breakes into the City, the first wall being beaten down, and the Jews retiring inwards, he possesseth himself of the North quarter of the City, even to the Castle of Antonia, and the valley of Cedron. On the fifth day, after a certain Tower of the second wall being shaken and beaten down with the Ram from the North quarter, he gets the new lower City; from which he is repulsed again by the Jews: but on the fourth day after he repossesseth it, and addresseth himself for t••e assault of the third wall. And on the 12 of May, commands four mounts to be raised, two at the Castle of Antonia, by which he hoped to gain the Temple, and two at John the High Priests Tombe, by which he hoped to gain the upper City; but John resisted the Romans at Antonia, and Simon at Johns Tombe. Those mounts being perfected on the 29 of May which were making 17 dayes, and the Romans beg••••ing to shake the wall, John by a mine from Antonia casts down one mount, anb bu••••s it, and Simon the second day after in a sally that he made, sets on fire two mounts op∣posite to him, together with the Rams and other Engins, and the Jews set upon the Romans in their Camp; but by Titus his coming from Antonia, they are again forced into the City.

The former mounts being spoiled and burnt, Titus thought fit to raise new ones from which he might assault the City, and also to compasse the City with a wall that none might flee out of it, nor any thing be brought into it. Whereupon in three dayes space he built a wall about the City, of the circuit of 39 furlongs, and about the wall he built 13 Castles, each Castle containing ten furlongs: whereupon famine so prevailed in the City, and so cruelly raged, that not onely the common people died of it, but the seditious also were mightily oppressed by it: and so great was the number of them that perished by famine and pestilence, that from the 14 of April, (on which day the siege began) to the Kalends of July, that thorough one gate (as

Mannaeus one that fled, and was to take the account reported) there were carried out 115800 carcases of poor people that were buried at the common charge, besides those that were buried by their kinsmen and friends: a little after it was known from them that fled, that there were 600000 that were carried out of the gates to burial: and whereas afterwards there were not enow to bury the poor, they cast them in great heaps together in empty houses, and shut the doors upon them: and the manner of burial of them was no other, then throwing them over the walls and filling up the ditches with them.

In the mean time Simon within the City refrained not from murders and rapines; for he put to death Matthias the High Priest, being accused of treachery, as though he would have fled to the Romans, (and by whose means he was let into the City) with three of his sons, and fifteen of the noblest of the people, all of them uncondem∣ned: and moreover he raged with such cruelty, that Judas, one of his Captains, hating his cruelty, had a consuta••tion of delivering a Town to the Romans, of which he had the charge: but being prevented by Simon, he with ten that were of counsel with him, were put to death: and John being compelled by necessity, converts to his own and to prophane uses, the holy things of the Temple, as Vessels of Gold and Silver, and the mony of the Temple: nay, he was compelled to distribute to his Souldiers the very Oyl and Wine which was dedicated for divine service.

Titus also fetching materialls from every place, and cutting down woods, and all trees, even to 90 furlongs off, with great labour within 21 dayes, caused new Mounts to be raised, and he made four about Antonia, one upon every side of the Castle. Which when John had cowardly and in vain attempted, they were repulsed by the Romans: and the Romans, on the Kalends of July, began to bring the Ram to the wall of Antonia, by which a breach being made on the fifth of July, they brake into Antonia, and pursue the flying Jews, even into the Temple. But after a long skirmish the Romans being for some time repulsed; on the 17 of July (on which day the con∣tinual sacrifice termed by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was not solemnised for very want of men.) Josephus (by Titus his command) in vain exhorts the seditious to a yielding: and on the seventh day after, he brings his Mounts neerer, the materialls of which were brought an hundred furlongs off, and overturning the foundations of Antonia, made an easie ascent unto the Temple, and breaking in by Antonia, seizeth upon the North and West Porches of the outward range of the Temple: part of which Porches, especially that that was joyned to Antonia, was burnt and overthrown by the Jews, and two dayes after, the other part was burnt by the Romans, Sc. 24. of July, the Jews not quenching the fire, but letting it run on, that so the porch might be clearly seperated from Antonia.

On the 27 day the Jews again burn the West Porch to the bridge that leadeth to the Gallery, whither many Romans getting up were burnt, (the Jews flying for the nonce) But on the day after, the Romans burnt all the North Porch, even to the Eastern Porch.

And on the eighth of August, when as Titus prevailed nothing by battering with the Ram the wall of the inner Temple, neither by undermining the foundations of the gates, by reason of the greatnesse and strong cimenting of the stones; nei∣ther could the Romans by their ladders get up into the Porches, the Jews still beating them back from above: at last, that that he had deferred to do for the reve∣rence of the place being compelled by necessity he did; Sc. He commanded the gates of the inner Temple to be set on fire: which being on fire, the Porches which were joyning to them were all on a flame also; The Jews beholding and wondring at it, but not endeavouring to stop and quench the fire for very amazednesse, and so the Porches burnt all that day, and the following night. And whereas Titus and his Captains had determined to keep the Temple from firing, he could by no means bring it to passe. For on the tenth of August, when as the Romans which kept Corps due guard in the outward range of the Temple, being provoked by the Jews, had made a charge upon them who quenched the fire of the inner range, and had driven them into the very Temple, a Roman Souldier took a flaming fire brand, and getting upon his fellows shoulders, casts the fire through the golden window into the houses and chambers that were built on the North side of the Temple, which immediately taking fire, burnt the Temple also which joyned unto them, Titus in vain commanding his his Souldiers to quench the fire. And this was done in the second year of Vespasian, in the same moneth, and the same day of the moneth that it was formerly burnt by Ne∣buchadnesar.

After the Temple was pillaged and burnt, and the Ensigns set on the East gate of the Temple; and having done sacrifice, Titus is proclaimed Emperour by the army; and then he from the bridge, by which the Temple is joyned to the City upon a Gal∣lery,

exhorts by an interpreter, the seditious to yield, who had fled into the upper City who when they refused, although he offered them their lives, to commit themselves to his arbitrament, and asked that they might have leave to depart the City with their wives and children, and to go into the wildernesse: at which Titus taking scorn, threatens them with utter destruction, commanding all the lower City to be set on fire, and the Palace Acra which he had seized on: but the higher City which was seated on a steep Rock, he began to assault, and beginning to arise his mounts on the 20 of August, and perfecting them on the seventh of September, he brings his Engines to the wal••s, wherein having made a breach, the Tyrants flee with their guards for fea•• and amazement, and on the eighth of September, the Romans brake in and destroyed all with fire and sword.

Dio notes that Jerusalem was destroyed on a Saturday, which day the Jews most religiously observe; whether having respect to the day of the Cities being taken, (for the eighth of September fell this year on a Sabbath-day) or of the Cities being destroyed: for Titus commanded all the Citie and Temple to be rased to the founda∣tion, and to be laid plain, (and also to be ploughed according to the custome) except the West part of the wall onely, and three Tow••s, Hippicon, Phasaelus. and Mari∣amme, which for their great beauty and strength, he had a mind to leave for a monu∣ment to postery, of the magnificence of that City.

When as Titus had thus taken the City, and had filled all places with dead bodies, the neighbour Nations would needs have him crowned, but he answered them, that he was unworthy of that honour: for it was not he that was the authour of the work, but that he had given his hands to God, that had shewed his anger against the Jews. [Philostratus in vita Apollonii, l. 6. c. 14.] Yet there are coins of Titus, marked with a Trophy, and a Tryumphal Chariot: as also of Vespasian, with the image of a woman sitting sorrowfull under a Palm Tree, and with the inscription, (JUDEA CAPTA S. C.) as also mony was coined about the end of the 21 year of King Agrippa, with an inscription in Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. (i. e.) Vespasian Emperour and Cesar, Judea was taken in the year 21 of Agrippa.

Titus having finished the war, [Year of the World 4074] rewarded the Souldiers, and commits the custody of Jerusalem to the tenth Legion, but the twelfth Legion which had fought unfortunately under Cestius he banished out of Syria, and sent them to Euphrates, in the confines of Armenia and Cappadocia, he himself with the fifth and fifteenth Legion, came to Cesarea on the sea cost, whither he gathered together all the prey and spoiles and the Captives, because the winter season forbad him to saile into Italy.

The two Tyrants, John and Simon, were taken as they▪ lay hid in the vaults of Jerusalem; of whom John was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and Simon was reserved for the Triumph. In the same vaults were found 2000 men, who either per••shed for hunger, or each killed the other, rather then they would yield themselves to the Romans.

Titus tarried at Cesarea, where he celebrated the birth-day of his brother Domi••ian, (which fell on the 30 of December, where the number of the Jews that perished with fighting with wild beasts, and that burned with fire, and that sell by fighting one a∣gainst the other, exceeded the number of 2500.

Afterwards Titus came to Berytus in Phenicia, [The Julian Period. 4784] where he tarried longer, [Year after Christ 71] and solem∣nised the birth-day of his father, (Sc. of his Empire: which as we have taught out of Suetonius and Tacitus was wont to be observed on the Kalends of July) with great magnificence, there a multitude of Captives also perished in the like manner as before.

Titus going to see Antiochia and other Cities of Syria, and then by Judea and Jerusalem, being accompanied with the fifth and fifteenth Legion, goes into Egypt to Alexandria, and from thence sailes to Rome, where he was wellcomed hom•••• by all men, and, together with his father, Tryumphed for the conquest of Judea.

The two Captains of the seditious, John and Simon, were led in that Triumph, and 700 other Jews that excelled in strength and beauty, of whom Simon onely suffered death. (called by Dio Barpores) The law also of the Jews was carried in this Try∣umph, as the last of the spoils, which, together with the purple vailes of the Sanctuary were laid up in the Palace.

From this victory both father and son got the name of Emperour; yet neither of them was called Judaicus, although many other things, and especially Tryu••phal Arches were decreed for them, [Xiphilin. ex Dion.] and there remains yet at the foot of the hill Palatine, a Marble Tryumphal Arch, erected to the honour of Titus, ou•• of which there is a copy expressed by Villalpandus of the instruments of the Tem∣ple that were carried in Triumph. [Tom. 2. explanat. on Ezechiel. lib. 5. cap. 7. pag. 587.]

Lucilius Bassus was sent Lieutenant into Judea, [Year of the World 4075] who receiving the army from Cena∣lis Vitellianus, had the Castle Herodian with the Garrison yeilded unto him: and shortly after, he took the strong Castle Machaeron beyond Jordan by assault.

It happened even in our time, [The Julian Period. 4785] that neither Sun nor Moon were seen, [Year after Christ 72] for 12. (others say 15. dayes) the Vespasians being Emperours, the father the third time (perhaps the fourth) and the son the second time being Consuls: saith Pliny, [lib. 2. cap. 13.] which some think was foretold by our Saviour. [Mathew, XXIV. 29.]

Caesar wrote to Tiberius Maximus the Governour of Judea, that he should sell all the land of the Jews. He imposed also a tribute upon all the Jews wheresoever they lived; and commanded them to bring in every year into the Capitol two drachmes as they were wont to pay in former time to the Temple of Jerusalem.

In the fourth year of Vespasian, Cesennius Paetus, Governour of Syria, drove Antio∣chus the King of Commagene out of his kingdom, who himself fled into Cilicia, and his son unto the Parthians: but both of them being afterwards reconciled to Vespasian, he is restored to his kingdom. [Joseph.]

The Abani brake into Media, [The Julian Period. 4786] and waste it all over, [Year after Christ 73] the King Pacorus fleeing be∣fore them; they afterwards passe into Armenia, to whom Tiridates the King oppo∣sing himself, he is almost taken in the very battle. [Id.]

Amongst the Jews, [Year of the World 4079] Bassus being dead, Publius Silva succeeds in the government of Judea. He on the 15 day of April wins by force that impregnable Castle of Massada, that was seized upon by Eleazar, the Nephew of Judas Galitaeus, the Captain of the theeves: all the theeves that were in the Castle to the number of 900, with their wives and children, at the perswasion of Eleazar putting each other to death, having first burnt the Castle with all the housholdstuff, lest they should come into the power of the Romans: and so all the reliques of the Jewish wars are taken away, and all Judea is quieted.

Many of the theeves that escaped from Judea, fled & came into Egypt to Alexandria, where they sollicit the Jews to revolt: but the common people being perswaded by their Rulers fell upon those theeves, and took 600 hundred of them, whom they deliver to the Romans to be punished: the rest that escaped into Egypt and Thebes were also taken. Concerning which businesse, Caesar having advice, he commandeth Lupus, then Governour of Alexandria, that he should pull down the Temple of the Jews (that was built a long while agone in Egypt, by Onias the brother of the High Priest,) But Lupus did no more than take away some gifts out of the Temple, and so shut it up: but Paulinus his successour in the government, having taken away all the gifts, and shutting up the doors, made an order that none should come thither; so that there was not so much as any foot-step of Religion left there.

A certain Jew, a weaver, Ionathan by name, escaped to Cyrene, where raising a tumult, he drew 2000 Jews into the Wildernesse: when Catullus (or Catulus) the Governour of Libia Pentapolis, sending Horse and Foot, easily overthrew them. Ionathan being brought before him, he falsely accused the most wealthy of the Iews to be the chief authours of this project: to whose accusations Catullus willingly giving ear, he put 3000 of them to death at once. And this he did the more securely, because he confiscated their estates to Caesars revenues, Ionathan also is sent prisoner by him with others that were taken to Rome to Vespasian, that he might accuse the most honest of them that lived at Rome and Alexandria of innovation. Who affirmed also amongst others, that Josephus the Writer of the Jewish History, sent to him both arms, and mony. But Vespasian, knowing that this accusation was not lawfully brought against these men, he at Titus his intreaty acquitted them: but deservedly punisheth Ionathan; for having first scourged him, he was burnt alive. Catullus also through the mercy of the Princes suffered then no chastisement, but not long after he was taken with a com∣plicated and incureable disease, and he was tortured and tormented in his mind (for he thought he saw the ghosts of them that he had killed alwayes before him) at last his guts and bowels rotting and issuing out of him, he died. [Joseph. lib. 7. bell. cap. ult. and in his Life.]

Here Joseph endeth the History of the destruction of Judea: who being taken in this war, and made a freeman by Flarius Vespasian the Emperour, took the name of Flarius from his Patrone.

Cornelius and Suetonius relate that there were 600000. Jews killed in this war, but Josephus a Jew, and a commander in that war, and who deserved thankes and pardon from Vespasian for foretelling him he should be Emperour, writes that 1000000. pe∣rished by sword and famine, and of the rest of the Jews that were dispersed all the world over, and put to death divers waies, the number is said to be 90000. So Orosius [lib. 7. cap. 9.] but I find not the number of 600000. of them that were killed in Suetonius, in Josephus [lib. 6. belli. cap. 17.] the number of captives is 97000, but the

other number of 1100000 is onely of them that perished in the six moneths siege of Jerusalem, but of those that perished out of Jerusalem, through the whole seven years, Justius Lipsius made this catalogue out of Josephus. [in lib. 2. de Constantia. cap. 21.]

• At Hierusalem, first killed by the command of Florus. 630.
• By the inhabitants of Cesarea in hatred to them and their religion. 20000.
• At Scythopolis (a City of Syria.) 30000.
• At Ascalon in Palestina by the inhabitants also. 2500.
• Likewise at Ptolemais. 2000
• At Alexandria in Egypt under Tib. Alexander the President. 50000.
• At Damascus. 10000.
• At the taking of Joppe by Cesius Florus. 8400.
• In a certain mountain called Cabulo. 2000.
• In a fight at Ascalon. 10000.
• By an ambuscado. 8000.
• At Aphaca when it was taken. 15000.
• Slain at mount Garizim. 11600.
• At Jotapa, in which Joseph himself was 30000.
• At Joppe when it was taken were drowned 4200.
• Slain at Tarichaea 6500.
• At Gamala as well killed as that threw themselves down 9000.
• Neither was any one that was of that City saved, but only two women that were sisters.
• When they forsook Giskala, killed in the flight 2000.
• Slain of the Gadarens, besides an infinite that leapt into the river 13000.
• Slain in the villages of Idumea 10000.
• At Gerasium 1000.
• At Macheron 1700.
• In the wood of Jardes 3000.
• In the Castle of Massada, that slew themselves 960.
• In Cyrene by Catulus the Governour 3000.

Which number of the dead, being added to the 1100000. that perished at the siege of Jerusalem, makes up the number of 1337490. an innumerable company being o∣mitted that perished through famine, banishment, and other miseries. Justus Tiberien∣sis in his Chronicle of the Kings of the Jews, shews that Agrippa the last King of the race of Herod, had his Kingdome augmented by Vespasian, [apud Photi. in Bibliotheca. cod. 33.] Dio relates that he had Praetorian honours given him, his sister Berenice that came to Rome with him dwelt in the Pallace: for Titus was so in love with her that he made her believe he would marry her, and she carried all things as if she had been his wife, but Titus when he knew that the people of Rome did not take it well, he put her away, [Sueton. in Tit. cap. 7. & Xiphilin. ex Dion.] Of the rest of Herods progeny, the observation of Josephus is very memorable, [lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 7.] That they all failed, although it was very numerous, within an hundred yeares. And this was the Period of the Jewish affaires.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 4.1

  JOHN. II. 13. 14, 22.
• * 4.2

  JOHN. 23, 24, 25.
• * 4.3

  JOHN. III.
• * 4.4

  JOHN. 1, 21.
• * 4.5

  JOHN. 22.
• * 4.6

  JOHN. 22, 23, 24.
• * 4.7

  JOHN. 25.
• * 4.8

  JOHN. 26, 36.
• * 4.9

  MARK. VI.
• * 4.10

  MARK. 17, 20.
• * 4.11

  MATT. XVI.
• * 4.12

  MATT. 3, 4, 5.
• * 4.13

  JOHN. IV. 1, 2. 3.
• * 4.14

  MATT. IV. 12.
• * 4.15

  JOHN. 4, 42.
• * 4.16

  JOHN. 43, 44.
• * 4.17

  JOHN. 45.
• * 4.18

  LUKE. IV. 14, 15.
• * 4.19

  MARK. I. 14. 15.
• * 4.20

  JOHN. 46, 54.
• * 4.21

  LUKE. 16, 30.
• * 4.22

  LUKE. 31, 32.
• * 4.23

  MARK. 21, 22.
• * 4.24

  MATT. 13, 17.
• * 4.25

  LUKE. 33, 37.
• * 4.26

  MARK. 23, 28.
• * 4.27

  LUKE. 38, 39.
• * 4.28

  MARK. 29, 30, 31.
• * 4.29

  MATT. VIII. 14, 15.
• * 4.30

  LUKE. 40, 41.
• * 4.31

  MARK. 32, 33, 34.
• * 4.32

  MATT. 16, 17.
• * 4.33

  LUKE. 42, 43, 44.
• * 4.34

  MARK. 35, 39.
• * 4.35

  LUKE. 44.
• * 4.36

  MARK. 39.
• * 4.37

  LUKE. V.
• * 4.38

  LUKE. 1, 4
• * 4.39

  LUKE. 4, 11.
• * 4.40

  MARK. I.
• * 4.41

  MARK. 16, 20.
• * 4.42

  MATT. IV.
• * 4.43

  MATT. 18, 22.
• * 4.44

  MATT. 23, 24, 25.
• * 4.45

  MATT. VIII.
• * 4.46

  LUKE. 12, 16.
• * 4.47

  MARK. 40, 45.
• * 4.48

  MATT. 1, 4.
• * 4.49

  LUKE. 17, 26.
• * 4.50

  MARK. II.
• * 4.51

  MARK. 1, 12.
• * 4.52

  MATT. IX.
• * 4.53

  MATT. 1, 8.
• * 4.54

  LUKE. 27, 28.
• * 4.55

  MARK. 13, 14.
• * 4.56

  MATT. 9.
• * 4.57

  LUKE. 29, 39.
• * 4.58

  MARK. 15, 22.
• * 4.59

  MATT. 10, 13.
• * 4.60

  LUKE. VI.
• * 4.61

  LUKE. 1, 5.
• * 4.62

  MARK. 23, 28.
• * 4.63

  MATT. XII 1, 8.
• * 4.64

  JOHN. V.
• * 4.65

  JOHN. 1, 47.
• * 4.66

  LUKE. 6, 11.
• * 4.67

  MARK. III.
• * 4.68

  MARK. 1, 6.
• * 4.69

  MATT. 9, 14.
• * 4.70

  MARK. 7, 12.
• * 4.71

  MATT. 15, 21.
• * 4.72

  LUKE. 12. 16.
• * 4.73

  MARK. 13. 19.
• * 4.74

  LUKE. 17. 18, 19.
• * 4.75

  MARK. 19, 20, 21.
• * 4.76

  LUKE. 20, 49.
• * 4.77

  MATT. V.
• * 4.78

  MATT. VI.
• * 4.79

  MATT. VII.
• * 4.80

  LUKE. VII.
• * 4.81

  LUKE. 1, 10.
• * 4.82

  MATT. VIII.
• * 4.83

  MATT. 5. 13.
• * 4.84

  LUKE. 11, 17.
• * 4.85

  LUKE. 18, 35.
• * 4.86

  MATT. XI.
• * 4.87

  MATT. 2. 30.
• * 4.88

  LUKE. 36, 50.
• * 4.89

  LUKE. VIII.
• * 4.90

  LUKE. 1, 2, 3.
• * 4.91

  MARK. 22, 30.
• * 4.92

  MATT. 22, 37.
• * 4.93

  MATT. 38, 45.
• * 4.94

  LUKE. VIII.
• * 4.95

  LUKE. 19, 20, 21.
• * 4.96

  MARK. 31, 35.
• * 4.97

  MATT. 46, 50.
• * 4.98

  LUKE. 4, 18.
• * 4.99

  MARK. IV.
• * 4.100

  MARK. 1, 34.
• * 4.101

  MATT. XIII.
• * 4.102

  MATT. 1. 53.
• * 4.103

  LUKE. 22, 25.
• * 4.104

  MARK. 35, 41.
• * 4.105

  MATT. VIII.
• * 4.106

  MATT. 18, 27.
• * 4.107

  LUKE. 26, 36.
• * 4.108

  MARK. V.
• * 4.109

  MARK. 1, 16.
• * 4.110

  MATT. 28, 33.
• * 4.111

  LUKE. 37, 38, 39.
• * 4.112

  MARK. 17, 20.
• * 4.113

  MATT. 34.
• * 4.114

  LUKE. 40.
• * 4.115

  MARK. 21.
• * 4.116

  MATT IX. 14,-17.
• * 4.117

  LUKE. 41, 56.
• * 4.118

  MARK. 22,—43.
• * 4.119

  MATT 18,-26.
• * 4.120

  MATT 27,-31.
• * 4.121

  MATT 32,-33, 34.
• * 4.122

  MATT 35. XII. 54,-58.
• * 4.123

  MARK. VI. 1,—6.
• * 4.124

  MARK. 6.
• * 4.125

  MATT IX. 35,-38.
• * 4.126

  MATT X. 1,-42.
• * 4.127

  LUKE. IX. 1,—5.
• * 4.128

  MARK. 7,—11.
• * 4.129

  LUKE. 6.
• * 4.130

  MATT XI. 1. 12,-16.
• * 4.131

  MATT. XVI. 6, 11, 12.
• * 4.132

  MARK. 17, 28, 29.
• * 4.133

  LUKE 7, 8, 9.
• * 4.134

  MARK. 1, 4.
• * 4.135

  LUKE 10.
• * 4.136

  MARK. 30.
• * 4.137

  LUKE 10, 11.
• * 4.138

  MARK. 31, 32.
• * 4.139

  MATT. 13, 14.
• * 4.140

  JOHN VI. 1, 21.
• * 4.141

  LUKE 12, 17.
• * 4.142

  MARK. 35, 56.
• * 4.143

  MATT. 15. 36.
• * 4.144

  JOHN 22, 27.
• * 4.145

  MARK. VII. 1, 23.
• * 4.146

  MATT. XV. 1, 20.
• * 4.147

  MARK. 24, 30.
• * 4.148

  MATT. 21, 28.
• * 4.149

  MARK. 31, 37.
• * 4.150

  MATT. 29, 30. 31.
• * 4.151

  MARK. VIII. 1, 9.
• * 4.152

  MATT. 32, 38.
• * 4.153

  MARK. 10.
• * 4.154

  MATT. 39.
• * 4.155

  MARK. 11, 12, 13.
• * 4.156

  MATT. XVI. 1, 4.
• * 4.157

  MARK. 14, 12.
• * 4.158

  MATT. 5, 21.
• * 4.159

  MARK. 22, 26.
• * 4.160

  LUKE. 18, 27.
• * 4.161

  MARK. 27, 38.
• * 4.162

  MATT. 13, 28.
• * 4.163

  LUKE. 28, 36.
• * 4.164

  MARK. IX. 1, 13.
• * 4.165

  MATT. XVII. 1, 13.
• * 4.166

  LUKE. 37, 42.
• * 4.167

  MARK. 14, 29.
• * 4.168

  MATT. 14, 21.
• * 4.169

  LUKE. 43, 44. 45,
• * 4.170

  MARK. 30, 31, 32.
• * 4.171

  MATT. 22, 23.
• * 4.172

  MATT. 24, 27.
• * 4.173

  LUKE. 46, 47, 48.
• * 4.174

  MARK. 33, 37.
• * 4.175

  MATT. XVIII. 1, 35.
• * 4.176

  LUKE. 49, 50.
• * 4.177

  MARK. 38, 50.
• * 4.178

  JOHN. VII. 1, 10.
• * 4.179

  LUKE. 51, 56.
• * 4.180

  LUKE. 57, 62.
• * 4.181

  LUKE. X. 1, 16.
• * 4.182

  JOHN. 11, 53.
• * 4.183

  JOHN. VIII. 1, 59.
• * 4.184

  JOHN IX. 1, 41.
• * 4.185

  JOHN X. 1, 21.
• * 4.186

  LUKE. 17, 24.
• * 4.187

  LUKE. 25, 37.
• * 4.188

  LUKE. 38, 42.
• * 4.189

  LUKE. XI. 1, 13.
• * 4.190

  LUKE. 14, 26.
• * 4.191

  LUKE. 27, 28.
• * 4.192

  LUKE. 29, 36.
• * 4.193

  LUKE. 37, 54.
• * 4.194

  LUKE. XII. 1, 12.
• * 4.195

  LUKE. 13, 59.
• * 4.196

  LUKE. XIII. 1, 9.
• * 4.197

  LUKE. 10, 21.
• * 4.198

  LUKE. 22.
• * 4.199

  LUKE. 23, 30,
• * 4.200

  LUKE. 31, 35.
• * 4.201

  LUKE. XIV. 1, 14.
• * 4.202

  LUKE. 15, 24.
• * 4.203

  LUKE. 25, 35.
• * 4.204

  LUKE. XV. 1, 32.
• * 4.205

  LUKE. XVI. 1, 31.
• * 4.206

  LUKE. XVII. 1, 14.
• * 4.207

  LUKE. 5, 10.
• * 4.208

  LUKE. 11, 19.
• * 4.209

  LUKE. 20, 37.
• * 4.210

  LUKE. XVIII. 1, 8.
• * 4.211

  LUKE. 9, 14.
• * 4.212

  JOHN. 22, 39.
• * 4.213

  LUKE. 40, 41, 42.
• * 4.214

  MARK. X. 1.
• * 4.215

  MATT. XIX. 1, 2.
• * 4.216

  MARK. 2, 12.
• * 4.217

  MATT. 3, 12.
• * 4.218

  LUKE. 15, 16, 17.
• * 4.219

  MARK. 13, 16.
• * 4.220

  MATT. 13, 14, 15.
• * 4.221

  LUKE. 18, 30.
• * 4.222

  MARK. 17, 31.
• * 4.223

  MATT. 16, 30.
• * 4.224

  JOHN. XI. 1, 16.
• * 4.225

  JOHN. 17, 54.
• * 4.226

  LUKE. 31, 34.
• * 4.227

  MARK. 32, 33, 34.
• * 4.228

  MATT. 17, 18, 19.
• * 4.229

  MARK. 35, 45.
• * 4.230

  MATT. 20, 28.
• * 4.231

  LUKE. 35, 43.
• * 4.232

  LUKE; XIX. 1, 10.
• * 4.233

  MARK. 46, 52.
• * 4.234

  MATT. 29, 34.
• * 4.235

  LUKE 11, 27.
• * 4.236

  JOHN. 55, 56, 57.
• * 4.237

  JOHN. XII. 1, 11.
• * 4.238

  LUKE. 28, 35.
• * 4.239

  MARK. XI. 1, 7.
• * 4.240

  MATT. XXI. 1, 7.
• * 4.241

  JOHN. 12, 18.
• * 4.242

  LUKE. 36, 40.
• * 4.243

  MARK. 8, 9, 10.
• * 4.244

  MATT. 8, 9.
• * 4.245

  JOHN. 19.
• * 4.246

  LUKE. 41, 44.
• * 4.247

  MARK. 10, 11▪
• * 4.248

  LUKE. 45, 46.
• * 4.249

  MARK. 11.
• * 4.250

  MATT. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.
• * 4.251

  LUKE. 47, 48.
• * 4.252

  JOHN. 20, 50.
• * 4.253

  MARK. 17.
• * 4.254

  MARK. 12, 19.
• * 4.255

  MATT. 18, 19.
• * 4.256

  MARK. 20, 33.
• * 4.257

  MATT. 19, 46.
• * 4.258

  LUKE. XX. 1, 8.
• * 4.259

  LUKE. 9, 19.
• * 4.260

  XII. 1, 12.
• * 4.261

  MARK. XXII. 1, 46.
• * 4.262

  LUKE. 20, 40.
• * 4.263

  MARK. 13, 37.
• * 4.264

  LUKE. 41, 44.
• * 4.265

  LUKE. 45, 46. 47.
• * 4.266

  MARK. 38, 39, 40.
• * 4.267

  MATT. X III. 1, 39.
• * 4.268

  LUKE. XXI. 1, 4.
• * 4.269

  MARK. 41, 44.
• * 4.270

  LUKE. 5, 36.
• * 4.271

  MARK. XIII. 1, 37.
• * 4.272

  MATT. XXIV. 1, 51.
• * 4.273

  MATT. XXV. 1, 46.
• * 4.274

  LUKE. 37, 38.
• * 4.275

  MARK. XIV. 1, 2.
• * 4.276

  MATT. XXVI. 1, 5.
• * 4.277

  MARK. 3, 9.
• * 4.278

  MATT. 6, 13.
• * 4.279

  LUKE. XXII. 1, 13.
• * 4.280

  MARK. 10, 11.
• * 4.281

  MATT. 14, 15, 16.
• * 4.282

  MARK. 12, 16.
• * 4.283

  MATT. 17, 18, 19.
• * 4.284

  LUKE. 14, 18.
• * 4.285

  MARK. 17.
• * 4.286

  MATT. 20.
• * 4.287

  MARK. 18, 21,
• * 4.288

  MATT. 21, 25.
• * 4.289

  LUKE. 19, 23.
• * 4.290

  MARK. 22, 25.
• * 4.291

  MATT. 25, 26.
• * 4.292

  JOHN. XIII. 2, 38.
• * 4.293

  LUKE. 24, 30.
• * 4.294

  LUKE. 31, 38.
• * 4.295

  JOHN. XIV. 1, 31.
• * 4.296

  MARK. 26.
• * 4.297

  MATT. 30.
• * 4.298

  JOHN. XV. 1, 27.
• * 4.299

  JOHN. XVI. 1, 33.
• * 4.300

  JOHN. XVII. 1, 26.
• * 4.301

  JOHN. X VIII. 1.
• * 4.302

  LUKE. 39.
• * 4.303

  MATT. 31, 35.
• * 4.304

  MARK. 27, 31.
• * 4.305

  MATT. 36.
• * 4.306

  MARK. 32, 42.
• * 4.307

  MATT. 36, 46.
• * 4.308

  LUKE. 40, 46.
• * 4.309

  JOHN. 23.
• * 4.310

  LUKE. 47, 48.
• * 4.311

  MARK. 43, 47.
• * 4.312

  MATT. 47, 56.
• * 4.313

  JOHN. 4, 9.
• * 4.314

  JOHN. 10, 11.
• * 4.315

  LUKE. 49, 50, 51.
• * 4.316

  LUKE. 52, 53.
• * 4.317

  MARK. 48, 52.
• * 4.318

  JOHN. 12, 27.
• * 4.319

  LUKE. 54, 65.
• * 4.320

  MARK. 53, 72.
• * 4.321

  MATT. ••7, 75.
• * 4.322

  LUKE. 66, 71.
• * 4.323

  JOHN. 28, 40.
• * 4.324

  LUKE. XXIII. 1, 16.
• * 4.325

  MARK. XV. 1, 5.
• * 4.326

  MATT. XXVII 11, 26.
• * 4.327

  LUKE. 7. 12.
• * 4.328

  LUKE. 13, 25.
• * 4.329

  MARK. 6, 15.
• * 4.330

  JOHN. XIX. 1, 16.
• * 4.331

  MARK. 16, 37.
• * 4.332

  MATT. 27, 31.
• * 4.333

  JOHN. 17, 30.
• * 4.334

  LUKE. 26, 38.
• * 4.335

  MATT. 32, 50.
• * 4.336

  LUKE. 44, 45, 46.
• * 4.337

  MARK. 38, 42.
• * 4.338

  MATT. 51, 56.
• * 4.339

  LUKE. 47, 48, 49.
• * 4.340

  JOHN. 31, 37.
• * 4.341

  JOHN. 38, 42.
• * 4.342

  LUKE. 50, 56.
• * 4.343

  MARK. 42, 47.
• * 4.344

  MATT. 57, 61.
• * 4.345

  JOHN. XX. 1.
• * 4.346

  LUKE. XXIV. 1, 12.
• * 4.347

  MARK. XIV. 1, 11.
• * 4.348

  MATT. XXVIII▪ 1, 18.
• * 4.349

  MATT. 8.
• * 4.350

  JOHN. 2, 18.
• * 4.351

  MATT. 9, 10.
• * 4.352

  MATT. 11. 15.
• * 4.353

  LUKE. 13. 35.
• * 4.354

  MARK. 12, 13.
• * 4.355

  JOHN. 19, 23.
• * 4.356

  LUKE. 36, 49.
• * 4.357

  MARK. 14, 18.
• * 4.358

  JOHN. 24, 29.
• * 4.359

  LUKE. 16, 20.
• * 4.360

  MATT. 16, 20.
• * 4.361

  JOHN. XXI. 1, 24.
• * 4.362

  LUKE. 50, 51.
• * 4.363

  MARK. 19.
• * 4.364

  4••.