Memoirs of what past in Christendom, from the war begun 1672 to the peace concluded 1679

CHAP. I. (Book 1)

HAving ended the first part of these Memoirs with my retirement from all publick business in the year 1671. which was soon follow∣ed by the Second Dutch War, I shall begin this with the approaches of the Peace in the Year 1673.

About this time, after Two Summers spent in a War between

England and Holland, with several encounters at Sea, but no decisive Action; both Parties began to en∣ter upon thoughts, and indeed ne∣cessities of a Peace. The Nations had been at War without being angry; and the Quarrel had been thought on both sides, rather of the Ministers than the Peoples. The Dutch believ'd it at first in∣tended only against De Witt's Fa∣ction, in favour of the Prince of Orange; and in England, some laid it to the Corruption of Ministers, by the Money of France; and some, that pretended to think deeper, laid it to deeper Designs. The Lord Clifford's violence in beginning it, gave it an ill air in general; and the disuse of Parliaments, a cruel maim in the chief sinews of War.

The Subsidies from France bore no proportion to the charge of our Fleets; and our Strength at Sea seem'd rather lessen'd than in∣creas'd by the conjunction of theirs:

Our Seamen fought without heart, and were0 more afraid of their Friends than their Enemies; and our Discontents were so great at Land, that the Assembling of our Militia to defend our Coasts, was thought as dangerous as an Inva∣sion. But that which most press'd His Majesty to the thoughts of a Peace, was the resolution of Spain to declare the War with England, as they had done already with France, in favour of Holland, un∣less the Peace were suddenly made; which would have been such a blow to our Trade, as could not easily have been fenc'd; and lost us that of the Mediterranean, as the Dutch War had done that of the Northern Seas: So as the necessity of this conjuncture was only kept off by the Honour of our Alliance with France. However that Crown being not able to furnish Supplies enough to carry on the War with∣out a Parliament, could not op∣pose

the calling one upon this occa∣sion. When the Parliament met, tho' they seem'd willing to give the King Money, yet it was to make the Peace with Holland, and not to carry on the War: And upon His Majesty's demanding their Ad∣vice, they gave it unanimously, That the Peace should be made.

There were too many Parties engag'd in this Quarrel to think of a General Peace, tho' a Treaty to that purpose had been set on foot an Cologn, under the Mediation of the Swedes, between the Ministers of the Emperor, Spain, Holland, and some Princes of the Empire on the one part, and His Majesty and France on the other; but without any the least appearance of success. For tho' all the Confederates had a mind to the Peace between Eng∣land and Holland, yet none of them desir'd it with France: This made both the Dutch and the Spaniards set on foot all the engins they

could, to engage His Majesty in some Treaty of a separate Peace; to which the necessity of His Af∣fairs, the humour of his People, and the instances of his Parliament at last determin'd him towards the end of the year 1673.

Upon the first Meeting of the Parliament, the Duke of Bucking∣ham, to ingratiate himself with the House of Commons (whose ill humour began to appear against those they esteem'd the chief Au∣thors of the War) had desir'd leave of that House, that he might be heard there in his own defence upon that subject. In his Speech, among many endeavours to throw the odium of the War from him∣self upon the Lord Arlington, he desir'd that Lord might be ask'd who was the Author of the Tri∣ple-Alliance? As if he understood himself to be so. The Lord Arling∣ton coming afterwards, upon the like desire, into the same House

of Commons, and answering some parts of the Duke's Speech, when he came to that Particular, He told them, he could easily answer that Question of the Duke's, by telling them, That the Author of that Alliance was Sir William Tem∣ple. This, I suppose gave the oc∣casion for Reflections upon what had pass'd in the course of my former Ambassies in Holland, and at Aix; and His Majesty, and his Ministers, the resolution to send for me out of my private retreat, where I had passed two years (as I intended to do the rest of my Life) and to engage me in going over in∣to Holland to make the separate Peace with that State.

Upon the 2d of February 1671/4. His Majesty receiv'd the certain Advice, of the States having passed a resolution, That the Charges and Dignities possessed by the Prince of Orange and his Ance∣stors, should become Hereditary

to his Children. And at the same time he also receiv'd a Letter from the States, with the desire of Pas∣ports, for the Ambassadors whom they were resolv'd to send to His Majesty with Instructions and Po∣wers to treat and conclude a Peace, and in the mean time they offer'd a suspension of Arms. This offer co∣ming upon the neck of the Parlia∣ments advice to His Majesty to en∣ter into Treaty with the Spanish Ambassador upon the Propositions he had advanced, and which the King had order'd to be sent to the Parliament. It was not believ'd by the Ministers, that a Treaty could be refus'd without drawing too much odium upon themselves, and reflection upon the Government. On th' other side, it was suspected what Practices might be set on foot by Dutch Ambassadors, upon the general discontent reigning against the present War. Therefore that very afternoon a resolution was ta∣ken

at the private Juncto, to send, rather than to receive an Ambassy upon this subject; and that I should be the Person imploy'd. Two Gen∣tlemen were sent to my House with∣in half an hour of one another, from the Earl of Danby then Lord Treasurer, and the Earl of Arling∣ton, first Secretary of State, to order my attendance upon His Ma∣jesty. My Lord Arlington told me, he would not pretend the merit of having nam'd me upon this occa∣sion, nor could he well tell, whe∣ther the King or Lord Treasurer did it first; but that the whole Committee had joyn'd in it, and concluded, That since the Peace was to be made, there was no other Person to be thought of for it: And accordingly the King gave me his Commands, with many expressions of kindness and confidence, to pre∣pare for my Journey, and the Se∣cretary to draw up my Instru∣ctions. I told the King I would

obey him, and with a great deal of pleasure to see His Majesty re∣turning to the Measures upon which I had formerly serv'd him; but that I might do it the better, I begg'd of him that I might go over without the Character of Ambassa∣dor, which would delay, or em∣barras me with preparations of E∣quipage, and with Ceremonies there, that were uncessary to so sudden a dispatch. His Majesty thought what I said very perti∣nent, and so order'd, that I should go only as Plenipotentiary; but that I should have in all kinds the appointment of Ambassador, and that I should take upon me the Character too when the Peace was concluded.

Within three days I was ready; and the morning my Dispatches were so too; the Marquess of Frez∣no, Spanish Ambassador, sent my Lord Arlington word (while I was with him) that he had receiv'd full

power from the States to Treat and Conclude a Peace, and was ready to enter upon it whenever His Ma∣jesty pleased. My Lord Arlington surpriz'd, was at first of opinion the King should go on his own way, and I my Journy, and give the Spaniards no part in the Af∣fair: I was of another mind, and that besides the point and Honour, which was clear, in having the Peace made rather at London than the Hague, I thought That of In∣terest might be the better pursued, when we were sought to by the States, than when we sought to them: Besides, I believed the Spa∣niard would play as fair in a Game that he thought so much his own, and not suffer the Dutch to stop at any small Points, especially those of Honour, whereas that of the Flag (tho' such) was one His Ma∣jesty ought to lay most to heart. My Lord Arlington, after some debate agreed with me, and desir'd me

to go immediately and acquaint the King with this new and unexpe∣cted incident, who was then at the House of Lords. The King seem'd pleas'd with the change; & told me, That since I did not Treat it at the Hague, I should however at Lon∣don; and bid me go and acquaint the Marquess of Frezno with his resolution, That if he and I could agree upon the terms, the thing should soon be done.

The terms to be insisted on, were soon agreed by His Majesty at the Foreign Committee, which was composed of the Lord Chancellor Finch, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Arlington, and Mr. Henry Coventry, Secretaries of State, with whom His Majesty order'd my attendance upon this Affair. When I was instructed of His Ma∣jesty's pleasure, I went to the Marquess of Frezno, and at three Meetings I concluded the whole Treaty with satisfaction to His

Majesty, and transport to the Mar∣quess, upon so great an Honour as he thought it to himself, and the Fortunes he expected upon it from his Master. The Articles being pu∣blick, need no place here. The two Points of greatest difficulty were, that of the Flag, and the re-calling all English Troops out of the French Service. This last was compos'd by private Engagements to suffer those that were there to wear out without any Recruits, and to per∣mit no new ones to go over; but at the same time to give leave for such Levies as the States should think fit to make in His Majesty's Dominions, both of English and Scotch Regiments, The other of the Flag was carried to all the height His Majesty could wish, and thereby a Claim of the Crown to the acknowledgment of its Do∣minion in the Narrow-Seas, al∣low'd by Treaty from the most Powerful of our Neighbours at

Sea, which had never yet been yielded to by the Weakest of them, that I remember, in the whole course of our pretence, and had serv'd hitherto but for an occasion of quarrel, whenever We or They had a mind to it, upon other Rea∣sons or Conjectures. Nothing, I confess, had ever given me a greater pleasure in the greatest Publick Affairs I had run through, than this Success, as having been a Point I ever had at heart, and in my en∣deavours, to gain upon my first Negotiations in Holland, but found Monsieur De Wit ever inflexible, though he agreed with me, that it would be a Rock upon which our firmest Alliances would be in dan∣ger to strike, and to split whenever other Circumstances fell in to make either of the Parties content to al∣ter the Measures we had entred into upon the Triple Alliance. The Sum of Money given His Majesty by the States, though it was not

considerable in it self, and less to the King, by the greatest part of it being applied to the Prince of Orange's satisfaction for his Mo∣thers Portion, that had never been pay'd; yet it gave the King the whole Honour of the Peace, as the Sum given by the Parliament upon it, and the general satisfaction of his People made the ease of it. And thus happily ended our part of a War so fatal to the rest of Christen∣dom in the Consequences of it, which no Man perhaps now alive will see the end of, and had been begun and carried on as far as it would go, un∣der the Ministry of five Men, who were usually called, The Cabal; a Word unluckily falling out of the five first Letters of their Names, that is, Clifford, Arlington, Buc∣kingham, Ashley, and Lauderdale. But though the Counsels and Con∣duct of these Men had begun the War with two unusual strains to the Honour of the Crown, in the

attaque of the Smyrna-Fleet, and stopping up the Bank; yet it must be allow'd them to have succeeded well in the Honours they propos'd to themselves: Clifford having gain'd by it the place of High Trea∣surer, and Title of a Baron; Ashley the Chancellor's place, and an Earldom; Arlington an Earldom, with the Garter; and Lauderdale a Dukedom, with the Garter. The Duke of Buckingham being already possest of all the Honours the Crown could give of that kind, contented himself to make no better a bargain in this matter, than he used to do in all others that con∣cern'd him, and so pretended no further than Commands in the Army. And thus, instead of making so great a King as they pretended by this Dutch War and French Alliance, they had the Honour of making only four great Subjects.

After the Peace was made, His

Majesty's first care was to soften the stroak as much as he could toward France; which was done by representing the necessities of it (that needed no false colours) and at the same time to offer his Mediation between the Parties remaining still in the War, in case France either desired or accepted of it; which took up some time to determin. In the mean while I continued in the Posture and Thoughts of the Private Man I was in before this Revolution, till about a week after the whole conclusion of it, when my Lord Arlington told me how kindly the King took of me both the readiness I had express'd in going over into Holland, and the easiness I shew'd upon the failing of that Com∣mission, as well as the pains and success in the Treaty with the Spa∣nish Ambassador; and not knowing any thing better he had to give me, he was resolv'd to send me Am∣bassador

Extraordinary into Spain; and to that purpose immediately to recall Sir William Godolphin, the Ordinary Ambassador there, for many reasons that, he said, made it necessary in this Conjuncture.

I acknowledg'd the Honour His Majesty intended me, but desir'd time to give my Answer till I had consulted my Father upon it, who was then in Ireland, but in the intention of coming suddenly over; however, in a month I undertook to resolve. My Lord Arlington told me, He did not expect any demur upon such an Offer, which he took to be of the best Employment the King had to give; and therefore he had already acquainted the Spanish Ambassador with it, who receiv'd it with great joy, and resolv'd immediately to give part of it to the Court at Madrid, which he was sure was already done, and therefore he would reckon upon it as a thing concluded,

though for the good Grace of it to my Father, he undertook the King would give me the time I ask'd to resolve. When I writ to my Father upon this Subject, he was so violent against my charging my self with this Ambassy, that I could not find any temper to satisfie him, and upon it was forc'd to make my excuses to the King. When I did so, His Majesty was pleas'd to assure me he did not at all take it ill of me; and that, on the contra∣ry, he intended me a better Em∣ployment; That he was at present engag'd for the Secretary's Place, upon my Lord Arlington's removal to Chamberlain; but that he resolv'd the next removal should be to make room for me. This I told my Lord Arlington; who presently said, That he believ'd I could not refuse the Spanish Ambassay, but upon design of the Secretary's Place; and since I desir'd it, and the King fell into it of himself, he would play

the easiest Part in it that he could. He was indeed agreed with Sir Joseph Williamson for 6000 l. and the King had consented that he should enter upon it at his return from Cologn, which was every day ex∣pected; but yet he made such a difference between the Persons, that he would find some way to avoid it, in case I would lay down the 6000 l. I assur'd his Lordship, I had no such design, nor such a Sum of Money to lay down while my Father enjoy'd the Estate of the Family; That if I had, I should be very unwilling to pursue it so far as to give his Lordship any strain in a matter already promis'd & conclu∣ded, & therefore desir'd him to think no further of it. But he was not of opinion I could stick at any thing but the Money, and acquainted Mr. Montague and Mr. Sidney, who were Friends to us both, with this transaction, and set them upon me to bring it to an issue before the

other came over: they both endea∣voured it with great instances, and Mr. Montague was so kind as to offer to lend me the Money, but I was positive in refusing it; yet at the same time I told my Lord Arlington, That, not to seem humorous in declining the offers he had made me from the King or from himself, I was content they should both know, That if his Majesty had occasion to send an Ambassy into Holland upon the Peace, I would very willingly seave him there, where I knew the Scene so well. So that matter slept for the present.

In the mean while France had thought fit to accept and approve the King's offer of Mediation, That of Sweden being enden by the Assembly at Cologns breaking up, in expostulations and quarrels upon the Emperor's seizing the person of Prince William of Fursten∣burgh, a subject of the Empire,

but an instrument of France, as his Brother the Bishop of Strasburgh had been in all the late designs and invasions of that Crown upon their Neighbours. The King told me, That being resolv'd to offer his Mediation to all the Confederates, as he had done already to France; and finding I had no mind to engage in either of those imployments which had of late been offer'd me, He was resolv'd to send me Ambas∣sador Extraordinary into Holland, to offer His Mediation there, as the Scene of the Confederates Common Councils, and by their means to endeavour the acceptance of it by the rest of the Princes concern'd in the War. That I knew the Place and Persons better than any Man, and could do him more Service both in this, and continuing all good correspondency between Him and the States, which He was resolv'd to preserve. That I should have the Character of Ambassador

Extraoadinary, and the same allowance I should have had in Spain. Upon this offer, I made no demur, but immediately accepted it, and so my Ambassy was declared in May 1674.

But to make way for my entring upon this great Scene, it will be necessaay to deduce in short, the course of Affairs abroad from the first Period of the present War, to this second of His Majesty's sepa∣rate Peace with Holland, and the several Dispositions among the Parties that were likely to facilitate or to cross the design of the King's intended Mediation.

No Clap of Thunder in a fair frosty Day, could more astonish the World, than our Declaration of War against Holland in 1672. first by matter of Fact, in falling upon their Smyrna Fleet, and in consequence of that (however it fail'd) by a formal Declaration, in which we gave Reasons for

our Quarrel, while France conten∣ted themselves to give no other for their part of it, than only the Glory of that King. The Dutch could never be possest with a belief that we were in earnest, till the blow was given; but thought our unkindness and expostulations of late, would end at last either in demands of Money, or the Prince of Orange's Restitution to the Authority of his Ancestors. The Princes concern'd in their Safety, could not believe, that after having sav'd Flanders out of the hands of France, we would suffer Holland to fall into the same Danger; and my Lord Arlington told me at that time, that the Court of France did not believe it themselves, till the Blow was struck in the Attack of the Smyrna Fleet. But then they immediately set out their Decla∣ration, and began their Invasion. This surprize made way for their prodigious successes. The Dutch

had made no provision for their Defence, either at Home or Abroad; and the Empire, Spain and Sweden, stood at a gaze, upon the opening of the War, not knowing upon what Concerts between us and France, it was begun, nor how far we would suffer it to go on upon the French Conquests. Besides, the Animosities of the Parties in Holland, long express'd under their new Consti∣tution, and de Witt's Ministry, began to flame again upon this mis∣fortune of their State. The Prince's Friends talk'd loud and boldly, that there was no way to satisfy England, but restoring the Prince; and that the Baseness and Cowardice of their Troops, were the effects of turning out all Officers of Worth and Bravery for their inclinations to the Prince, and mean Fellows brought in, for no other desert, than their Enmity declar'd to the House of Orange. Upon this, all

Men expected a sudden Change; the States were in disorder, and irresolute what to do; the Troops were without a General, and, which is worse, without heart; and tho De Ruyter by admirable Conduct kept the Infection of these Evils out of his Fleet, which was our part to deal with; yet Faction, Distrust, Sedition, and Distraction, made such entrances upon the State and the Army, when the French Troops first invaded them, that of all the Towns and Fortresses on the German-side (held impregnable in all their former Wars), not one besides Mastricht made any shew of Resistance, and the French became immediately Masters of all the In-land Parts of the Provinces, in as little time as Travellers usually employ to see and consider them. Mastricht was taken, after a short Siege, as Skinsconce, by the help of an extreme dry Season, that made Rivers fordable where they

had never been esteem'd so before. The King of France march'd as far as Vtrecht, where he fix'd his Camp and his Court, and from thence began to consider of the ways how to possess himself of the rest. which was defended only by their Scituation upon some flat Lands; that, as they had by infinite labour in Canals and Digues, been either gain'd or preserv'd from Inunda∣tions, so they were subject to them upon opening the Sluces, whenever the Dutch found no other way of saving their Country, but by losing it. This, at least, was generally believ'd in the French Camp and Court; and, as I have heard, was the Preservation of the State: For that King unwilling to venture the Honour and Advantage of such Conquests as he had made that Summer, upon the Hazards of a new sort of War with a merciless Element, where neither Conduct nor Courage was of use, resolv'd

to leave the rest to practices of Peace with the States, upon the advantage of the terms he stood in, and the small distance of place be∣tween them; or, if these should not succeed, then he trusted to the Frosts of the following Winter, which seldom fail in that Country, to make all passable and safe for Troops and Carriages themselves, that in Summer would be impassa∣ble, either from the Waters, or the depth of Soil.

In the mean time the State and the Government of Holland took a new Form, and with it a new Heart. Monsieur De Witt and his Brother had been Massacreed by the sudden fury of the People at the Hague, and by the Fate of Ministers that Govern by a Party or Faction▪ who are usually Sacrificed to the first great Misfortunes abroad that fall in to aggravate or inflame the general Discontents at home. The Fact and the manner having been

very unusual, may be the Subject of others enquiry, as it was of Mine, which gave me this account. The Ruart of Putten, Eldest Brother to Monsieur De Witt, had been accused of a design upon the Prince's Life, and of endeavouring by Money to engage one of his Highness's Domestiques in that Attempt. But no other Witness appearing, he was sentenc'd only to be Banished, at which the People show'd great dissatisfaction, being possest with an Opinion of his Guilt. The Morning he was to come out of Prison, Monsieur De Witt (against the Opinion of his Friends) would needs go himself to bring him out with more Honour, and carry him out of Town, and to that purpose went with his Coach and four Horses to the Court. This being not usual to this Minister, made the People take more notice of it, and gather together Tumultuously first in

the streets where he passed, and then about the Court where the Prisoner was kept. Some of the Trained Bands of the Hague that were upon the Guard, mingled among them, and began to rail aloud against the Judgment of the Court, the Crime of one Brother, and the Insolence of the Other, who pretended (as they said) to carry him away in Triumph. In the midst of this Heat and Passion rais'd by these kind of Discourses among the Populace, the two Brothers came out, some of the Train'd Bands stop'd them, began to treat them at first with ill Language, and from Words fell to Blows; upon which, Monsieur De Witt foreseeing how the Trajedy would end, took his Brother by the hand, and was at the same time knock'd down with the butt end of a Musket. They were both presently laid dead upon the place, then drag'd about the Town by the Fury

of the People, and Torn in pieces. Thus ended one of the greatest Lifes of any Subject in our Age, and about the 47th year of his own, after having Served, or rather Administred that State as Pensioner of Holland for about eighteen years, with great Honour to his Countrey and himself. After the Death of these Brothers, the Provinces and Towns run with Unanimous Voices into Publick Demands of the Prince's being restored to the Authority of his Ancestors. The States had in the beginning of the Year declared him Captain General and Admiral of their Forces, which was no more than De Witt had always profest was designed for Him, when he should be of Age; but this was found neither to have satisfied England, nor the Prince's Party at home, and therefore all the Members of the State agreed in those Acts that were thought necessary to a full Restitution of

His Highness, now at the Age of Twenty one Years, to the Office and Power of Stadtholder, with all advantages, and even some more than those which had been exercised by his Ancestors. At the same time Monsieur Fagel was introduced into Monsieur De Witt's Place of Pentsioner of Holland; whose Love to his Countrey made him a Lover of the Prince, as believing it could not be Sav'd by any other Hand; and whose Zeal to his own Religion, made him an Enemy irreconcilable to France, whose Professions as well as Designs were to destroy it.

This Revolution, as it calm'd all at Home, so it made the first Appearance of defending what was left of the Country. The State grew United, the Army in Heart, and Foreign Princes began to take Confidence in the Honour and Constancy of the Young Prince, which they had in a manner wholly

lost upon the Divisions and Misfor∣tunes of the State. The French themselves turn'd all their Applica∣tion and Practices the same way, and made the Prince all the offers that could be of Honour & Advantages to his Person and Family, Provi∣ded he would be contented to de∣pend upon them. The Bait they thought could not fail of being swallow'd, and about which most Artifice was employ'd, was the Proposal of making the Prince So∣vereign of the Provinces under the Protection of England and France. And to say truth, at a time when so little of the Provinces was left, and what remain'd was under Wa∣ter, and in so eminent danger upon the first Frosts of the Winter; this seemed a lure to which a meaner Soul than that of this Prince might very well stoop. But his was above it, and his Answers always firm, That he never would betray a Trust that was given him, nor

ever fell the Liberties of his Coun∣trey, that his Ancestors had so long defended. Yet the Game he play'd, was then thought so desperate, that one of his nearest Servants told me, he had long expostulated it with his Master, and ask'd him at last, how he pretended to live, after Holland was lost? and whether he had thought so far? The Prince told him he had, and that he was re∣solv'd to live upon the Lands he had left in Germany; and that he he had rather pass his life in Hun∣ting there, than sell his Country or his Liberty to France at any Price. I will say nothing of the Ambassy sent at this time by his Ma∣jesty to the French King at Vtretcht, where the Three Ambassadors, Duke of Buckingham, Lord Ar∣lington, and Lord Halifax found him in his highest Exaltation; for I cannot pretend to know what the true ends or subject of it was. The common belief in England and Hol∣land

made it to be our jealousie of the French Conquests going too fast, whilst ours were so lame; and great hopes were rais'd in Hol∣land, that it was to stop their Course or Extent; but these were soon dash'd by the return of the Ambassadors after having renew'd and fasten'd the measures formerly taken between the two Crowns. And the Ambassadors were indeed content as they past through Hol∣land, that the first should be thought; which gave occasion for a very good Repartee of the Prin∣cess Dowager to the Duke of Buc∣kingham, who visited her as they pass'd through the Hague, and talking much of their being good Hollanders, she told him, That was more than they ask'd, which was only, That they should be good English-men; he assur'd her, they were not only so, but good Dutchmen too; that indeed▪ they dit not use Holland like a Mistresz,

but they lov'd her like a Wife; to which she replied, Vraye∣ment je croy que vous nous ayméz comme vous ayméz la vôtre.* 1.1

When France lost all hopes of shaking the Prince of Orange's Constancy, they bent all their thoughts upon subduing and ruin∣ing the remainder of the Countrey. They had avanc'd as far as Woorden, and from thence they made their ravages within two or three Leagues of Leyden, with more vio∣lences and cruelties than would have been prudent, if they had hop'd to reclaim the Prince or States from the obstinacy of their defence. The Prince encamp'd his Army near Bodegrave, between Ley∣den and Woorden, and there made such a stand with a handful of Men, as the French could never force. The Winter prov'd not favourable to their hopes and designs, and some promises of Frosts inveigled them

into marches that prov'd almost fatal to them by a sudden thaw. This frighted them into Cautions, perhaps more than were necessary, and gave the Prince and States leasure to take their measures for a following Campagne, with the Emperor, Spain, and the Duke of Brandenburgh and Lunenburgh, which prov'd a diversion to the Arms of France, and turn'd part of them upon Germany and Flanders, so as to give over the progress any further in Holland. Upon the ap∣proach of the Winter, the Prince, after having taken Narden, three leagues from Amsterdam, in spight of all resistance and opposition from either the French, or the Season, resolv'd like another young Scipio, to save his Countrey by abando∣ning it, and to avoid so many Sie∣ges, as all the Towns they had lost would cost to recover; He con∣tented himself to leave the chief Post guarded with a part of the

Army, and with the rest marched into Germany, joyn'd part of the Confederate Troops, besig'd Bonne, which had been put into the hands of France at the beginning of the War, wherein the Elector of Co∣logn, and the Bishop of Munster had enter'd jointly with France. The boldness of this Action amaz'd all men, but the success extoll'd the prudence as well as the bravery of it; for the Prince took Bonne, and by it open'd a passage for the German Forces over the Rhine, and so into Flanders, and gave such a damp to the Designs and Enterpri∣zes of France, that they immedi∣ately abandon'd all their Conquests upon Holland in less time than they made them, retaining only Ma∣stricht and the Grave, of all they had possest belonging to this State.

In this posture stood affairs a∣broad when the Peace of England was made in February 1673/4, upon the strength and heart whereof the

Prince of Orange concerted with the German and Spanish Troops to begin an offensive War, and in the head of an Army of above Forty Thousand Men, to march into France.

The French began now to wish the War well ended, and were very glad to accept his Majesties Media∣tion. The King was desirous to make France some amends for aban∣doning the Party, and making a separate Peace. Some of his Mi∣nisters foresaw he would be Arbiter of the Peace by being Mediator, and that He might hinder any sepa∣rate Treaties, by mediating a ge∣neral one, and might restore Peace to Christendom whenever he thought fit, and upon what Condi∣tions he thought safe and just.

The only difficulties that appea∣red in this Affair, were what the Confederates were like to make in accepting the King's Mediation, whose late engagements with

France had made him thought very partial on that side. And the House of Austria finding that Crown now abandon'd by England, had too greedily swallow'd the hopes of a revenge upon them, to desire any sudden Treaty, till the Successes they expected in the War might at least make way for reducing France to the Terms of that at the Pyre∣nees. This, I suppose, gave some occasion for my being again de∣sign'd for this Ambassy, who was thought to have some credit with Spain as well as Holland from the Negotiations I had formerly run through at the Hague, Brussels and Aix la Chapelle, by which the remaining parts of Flanders had been sav'd out of the hands of France in the Year 1668.

But having often reflected upon the unhappy Issue of my last Pu∣blick Employments, and the fatal turn of Councels in our Court that had occasion'd it, against so many

wiser mens Opinions, as well as my own; I resolv'd before I went this Journey, to know the ground upon which I stood, as well as I could, and to found it, by finding out what I was able of the King's true Sen∣timents and Dispositions, as to the measures he had now taken, or ra∣ther renew'd, and trust no more to those of his Ministers, who had deceiv'd either Me or Themselves. Therefore at a long Audience in his Closet, I took occasion to reflect upon the late Councels and Mini∣stry of the late Cabal, how ill His Majesty had been advis'd to break Measures and Treaties so solemnly taken and agreed; how ill he had been serv'd, and how ill succeeded by the violent humour of the Na∣tion's breaking out against such Proceedings, and by the Jealousies they had rais'd against the Crown. The King said, 'Twas true, he had succeeded ill; but if he had been well serv'd, he might have

made a good business enough of it; and so went on a good deal to justi∣fie what was past. I was sorry to find such a presage of what might again return from such a course of thought in the King, and so went to the bottom of that matter. I shew'd how difficult, if not im∣possible, it was to set up here the same Religion or Government that was in France; That the universal bent of the Nation was against Both; That many who were, perhaps, indifferent enough in the matter of Religion, consider'd it could not be chang'd here but by force of an Army; and that the same force which made the King Master of their Religion, made him Master of their Liberties and Fortunes too. That in France there was none to be consider'd but the Nobles and the Clergy, That if a King could en∣gage them in his designs, he had no more to do; for the Peasants having no Land, were as insignificant

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in the Government, as the Wo∣men and Children are here. That on the contrary, the great bulk of Land in England lies in the hands of the Yeomanry or lower Gentry, and their hearts are high by ease and plenty, as those of the French Pea∣santry are wholly dispirited by la∣bour and want. That the Kings of France are very great in possessions of Lands, and in dependances by such vast numbers of Offices both Military and Civil, as well as Ec∣clesiastical; whereas those of Eng∣land having few Offices to bestow, having parted with their Lands, their Court of Wards and Knights Service, have no means to raise or keep Armies on foot, but by sup∣plies from their Parliaments, nor Revenues to maintain any foreign War by other ways. That if they had an Army on Foot, yet if com∣pos'd of English, they would never serve ends that the People hated and fear'd. That the Roman Catho∣licks

in England were not the hun∣dredth part of the Nation; and in Scotland, not the two hundredth; and it seem'd against all common sense, to think by one part to go∣vern Ninety nine that were of con∣trary minds and humours. That for foreign Troops, if they were few, they would signifie nothing but to raise hatred and discontent; and how to raise to bring over at once, and to maintain many, was very hard to imagin. That the Force seeming necessary to subdue the Li∣berties and Spirits of this Nation, could not be esteem'd less than an Army of Threescore thousand men, since the Romans were forced to keep Twelve Legions to that pur∣pose, the Norman to institute Sixty two thousand Knights Fees, and Cromwell left an Army of near Eighty thousand men. That I never knew but one Foreigner that un∣derstood England well, which was Gourville, (whom I knew the

King esteem'd the soundest Head of any Frenchman he had ever seen); That when I was at Brussels in the first Dutch War, and he heard the Parliament grew weary of it, he said, The King had nothing to do but to make the Peace, That he had been long enough in England, seen enough of our Court, and People, & Parliaments, to conclude, Qu'un Roy d' An∣gleterre qui veut estree l'homme de son peuple,* 1.2 est le plus grand Roy du monde; mais s'il veut e∣stre quelque chose d'ad∣vantage, par Dieu il n'est plus rien.

The King heard me all very at∣tentively, but seem'd a little impa∣tient at first: Yet, at last, he said, I had reason in all, and so had Gour∣ville; and laying his hand upon mine,* 1.3 he added, Et je veux estre l'homme de mon peuple.

My Ambassy extraordinary to Holland was declar'd in May, and my Dispatches finish'd at the Trea∣sury as well as the Secretary's Of∣fice; so as I went away in July. My instructions were in general, To assure the States of His Majesty's Friendship, and firm Resolution to observe his Treaties with them; then to offer his Mediation in the present War, which both They, and almost all Christendom, were engag'd in; and after their accep∣tance of it, to endeavour it like∣wise with all their Allies; and, to that end, to engage the Offices and Intervention of the States. But im∣mediately after my arrival at the Hague, to repair to the Prince of Orange, give him part of His Ma∣jesties Intentions in all this Affair, and assurance of his kindness, and engage His Highness, as far as could be, to second His Majesty's desires, in promoting a General Peace, wherein the Vnited Pro∣vinces

seem'd to have the greatest Interest.

After my arrival at the Hague in July 1674. and a delive••y of my Credentials to the President of the Week, and a Visit to the Pensioner, wherein I discover'd a strong incli∣nation in the States to a Peace, as far as their Honour and Engag••ments to their Allies would allow- them, and was assur'd of the States ac∣cepting His Majesty's Mediation; I went away to Antwerp, in hopes to have found the Prince at his Camp there, between Antwerp and Lovain, where he had lain some time attending the Advance of the Confederate Troops, with whom he had concerted to joyn his Army upon their arrival in Flanders. But two days before I came to Antwerp, the Army was march'd beyond Lovain, so as I was forc'd to go to Brussels, and there desire a Guard to convey me to the Camp. The Punctilio's of my Character

would not suffer me to see the Count Montery, tho I had for some Years liv'd at Brussels in particular Friendship and Conver∣sation with him. Few Strangers had perhaps ever been better us'd than I, during three years Residence at Brussels, by all Persons of Quality, and indeed of all Ranks there; so that it was very surprizing to me, to meet such a dry and cold Treatment from the Governor, and such an Affectation of the Persons of Qua∣lity, not so much as to visit me; for I do not remember one that did it, besides Count d' Egmont, who was then not very well at Court, either in Spain or Flanders. Others true I met in the Streets, or the Park, though they came with open arms to embrace me, yet never came at me, but contented themselves with saying, They intended it. When I sent my Secretary to the Count Montery, with my Compli∣ments, and Desires of a Guard to

the Prince of Orange, who was then not above six Leagues off; he return'd the first very coldly; and the other with Excuses that a∣mounted to a Refusal; he said, The Way was so dangerous, by stragling Parties of the Army, that he could not advise me to venture with a small Guard; and he had drawn out so many of the Spanish Troops into the Field, that he could not give me a great one. I sent again, to desire what he could spare me, let the number be what it would; for though I would not expose the King's Character nor his Business, by any Accident I might prevent; yet when I had endeavour'd it by my Application to his Excellence, I would take my fortune, tho he sent me but six of his Guards. He replied, That he could not possibly spare any of them; but that next morning he expected a Troop of Horse to come into Town, and that as soon as it

arriv'd, the Captain should have order to attend me. Next morn∣ing was put off till night, and night to the morning following; when the Count finding I was resolv'd to go, though without Convoy, rather than to expect longer, sent me a Spanish Captain with about Forty Horse, to convey me to Lovain. The truth was, that the Spaniards were grown so jealous of His Majesty's Mediation offer'd at the Hague, of the States and Peoples violent humour to a Peace in Holland, and of the Offices they thought I might use, to slacken the Prince of Orange in the vigorous Prosecution of their present Hopes and Designs, that I found it was resolv'd to delay first, and then to hinder absolutely any interview between the Prince and me, till the Campagn was ended, but to do it with as little ill grace as they could. To this purpose Du Moulin (then one of

the Prince's Secretaries, and inveterate Enemy against the Court in England) was dispatch'd between the Camp and Brussels, whilst I lay there, and with Guards, whereof half would have serv'd my turn, or at least contented me.

When I came to Lovain, I found the Prince was march'd towards Tirlemont, but could not learn where his next halt was design'd. The Spanish Captain told me, he had order to go no further than Lovain. So that I neither knew whither to go, nor could go any way without a Guard, as they assur'd me at Lovain. Where∣upon I sent immediately Mr. Bul∣strode, who had come with me from Brussels, to endeavour to find out the Prince, and desire him to appoint what Time and Place I should attend His Highness, which I resolv'd to do with those few Ser∣vants I had brought with me, and

such others as I could hire at Lovain, where I lay that night.

The next morning Mr. Bulstrode return'd with the Prince's Answer, That He was upon His March; That He should be very glad to see me, but could not possibly appoint either time or place for it, because His Motions were uncertain, and would depend upon the Advices He received. By which I found plainly what I had suspected at Brussels, That it was resolv'd, I should not see the Prince before this Campagn was begun by the Actions then concerted among the Confederates. I would not however seem to understand it so, nor any thing more in it, than what His Highness was pleas'd to say; but I knew very well, that as they say, none is more deaf than he that will not hear; so a man that will not be seen, may easily find ways of avoid∣ing it, especially upon such Cir∣cumstances as the Prince and I were

then in, who must have follow'd the motions he would have given me. And therefore I resolv'd not to expose either His Majesty's Character or Credit, with His Nephew, by making that Publick which had pass'd between the Prince and me upon this Subject; but pretending my Health would not suffer me to follow the Prince upon His March, I return'd to Antwerp, and gave His Majesty an Account of all that had pass'd▪ who extreamly approv'd my Conduct in it; and that I press'd no further, a Point that I saw would not go; and that was taken by the Prince as well as Count Montery, so differently from what His Majesty expected.

I stay'd only a Night at Antwerp, which pass'd with so great Thun∣ders and Lightning, that I promis'd my self a very fair Day after it, to go back to Rotterdam in the States Yatch, that still attended me. The

Morning prov'd so, but towards Evening the Sky grew foul, and the Seamen presag'd ill weather, and so resolv'd to lie at Anchor before Bergen op soom, the Wind being cross and little. When the night was fallen as black as ever I saw, it soon began to clear up with the most violent flashes of Lightning, as well as cracks of Thunder, that I believe have ever been heard in our Age and Climate. This continued all night, and we felt such a fierce heat from every great flash of Lightning, that the Captain apprehended it would fire his Ship. But about eight the next Morning, the Wind chang'd, and came up with so strong a Gale, that we came to Rotterdam in about Four hours, and there found all mouths full of the Mischiefs and Accidents that the last night's Tempest had occasioned both among the Boats and the Houses, by the Thunder, Lightning, Hail,

or Whirlwinds. But the day after, came Stories to the Hague from all parts, of such violent effects, as were almost ineredible: At Amster∣dam they were deplorable, many Trees torn up by the roots, Ships sunk in the Harbour, and Boats in the Channels; Houses beaten down, and several People were snatch'd from the Ground as they walkt the Streets, and thrown into the Canals. But all was silenc'd by the Relations from Vtrecht, where the Great and An∣cient Cathedral was torn in Pieces by the Violences of this Storm; and the vast Pillars of Stone, that supported it, were wreath'd like a twisted Club, having been so strongly compos'd and cemented, as rather to suffer such a change of figure, than break in pieces as other parts of the Fabrick did; hardly any Church of the Town escap'd the Violence of this Storm, and very few Houses without the

marks of it; nor were the eff••ct•• of it less astonishing by the Rela∣tions from France and Brusels, where the Damages were Infinite, as well from Whirlwinds, Thunder, Lightning, as from Hail-stones of Prodigious Bigness.

At my return to the Hague, I had long conversations with the Pensioner, by which I gain'd the lights necessary to discover the whole present Scene of Affairs, and pulses of the several Confede∣rates in what related to the General Peace. I told him how much His Majesty was satisfied, with that He had lately made with the States, how much He was resolv'd to continue and to cultivate it. How much reason he had to be content with the Posture That had left him in at Peace with all his Neighbours, while they were all at War. That Advantages of Commerce from it, were enough to make him trouble himself no further about the Peace

of Christendom, if his Goodness and Piety did not prevail more with Him than His Interests. But that these and the desire of a General Good, had perswaded Him to offer his Mediation in the Present Quar∣rel. That it had been already ac∣cepted by France; and that the Emperor and Spain had answer'd, they would consider of it in concert with their Allies. That the States Embassadors at London, had assur'd His Majesty, Their Masters would be pleas'd with it, and doubted not their consent that the Treaty should be at London; and that there∣upon His Majesty had charg'd me with a Letter to the States to offer them His Mediation. That I could not doubt Their Accepting it with the best Grace that could be, for I knew their Interest was to have a Peace, and not to disoblige the King. That if His Majesty were Partial to any side, they ought to believe it would be to that

wherein His own Nephew was so deeply concern'd; and the more, because he offer'd His Offices towards a Peace, at a time when the Advantages and Preparations for the War run so high on the French side, as He doubted the events might show if it continued. That they knew His interest would not suffer Him to see Flanders lost; and that considering what had pass'd, His Honour would not now suffer him to think of preser∣ving it any other way than by that of a Peace. That he would be glad to see that Countrey left by the next Peace, in a better Posture of Defence than it was by the last; and the Spanish Territories lye closer and rounder than they wert then left. That when this should be con∣cluded, His Majesty would be ready to enter into the strongest Guaranties they could desire, and might with Honour enter into a War to preserve it, though He

could not to obtain it. The Pensio∣ner first gave me thanks for my good Offices in the late Peace, and in all the measures of Friendship that had interceded between His Majesty and them since the first breach; he Applauded the King's resolution in so pious and generous an offer, and acknowledg'd his Interest might lead him to other dispositions. That he doubted not the States willingness to accept it; all the difference would be about the time and the manner of doing it. As to this, he said, they could not do it without the communica∣tion at least of their Allies; but would immediately give them part of His Majesty's offer, and the States dispositions to receive it. That for the terms of a Peace, as to their own parts, they would be content to make His Majesty the Arbiter of it; That they had already recover'd all the Towns they had lost, except Grave and Mastricht,

the last of which was in some man∣ner engag'd to Spain when it should be recover'd; and for the other, they doubted not to have a good account of it very soon, orders being already gone to invest it. But he doubted whether their Allies would be so easy in their ex∣pectations or demands; and that 't was impossible for the States to leave them who have sav'd their Countrey from ruin, when two so great Kings had invaded them; nor to break the Treaties which they had made Offensive with the Emperor, Spain and Brandenburgh. That the term stipulated with Spain oblig'd them to reduce France to the Treaty of the Pyrenees; but only a reserve was made by one Article, which was, Unless it should otherwise be agreed by consent between them. That whatever Spain would be content with, should satisfy them, though they were both equally sensible of

the Designs and Ambition of France, as well as of their ill talent to the States. That they could never hope for such another conjuncture, to reduce them to such bounds and measures as might be safe to their Neighbours, and give quiet to Christendom. That it was now an ill time to enter into the terms of a Peace between France and Spain, because he knew they should have ill Grace to demand the resti∣tution of any Towns the Spanjards had lost in Flanders by the last War, and given up by the Peace that succeeded it; and yet His Majesty knew as well as they, that without it, a Peace could neither be safe for Flanders, nor for Holland; nor consequently for England. But he believ'd there would not pass many days before some decisive Action would happen between the Armies now not far distant in the Field, which would make room for the Negotiation of Peace that

might succeed next Winter, in which His Majesty would find the Interests and Humours of a Tra∣ding Countrey, as theirs was, very strong; and dispos'd to press their Allies, as far as was possible, to facilitate so great and so good a work. And for the rest of the Allies besides Spain, He had no reason to suspect any great difficul∣ties would arise, so little having yet pass'd in the War between France and them.

The Pensioner was right in ex∣pecting some sudden Action be∣tween the Armies; for about the middle of August came the news of the Battel of Seneffe, between the Confederates under the Com∣mand of the Prince of Orange, and the French under the Prince of Con∣de: But it prov'd not an Action so decisive as was expected between two Armies of so great Force, and so animated by the hatred and re∣venge of the Parties, as well as by

the Bravery and Ambition of the Commanders. The success of this Fight was so differently reported by those engag'd in it, that it was hard to judge of the Victory, which each side challeng'd, and perhaps neither with any great reason. The Confederates had for some days sought a Battel with great de∣sire and endeavour; and the French avoided it, with resolution not to Fight, unless upon evident advan∣tage, whilst both Armies lay near Nivelle, and not far distant from one another. The Reason of this was thought to be of one side, the ardour of the young Prince of O∣range, to make way by a Victory, into France it self, and there revenge the Invasion of his Countrey, and at the same time to make his first essay of a Pitch'd Battel, against so great and renown'd a General as the Prince of Conde. On the other side, this old Captain had too much Honour to lose, and thought he

had not enough to gain, by entring the lists with a Prince of three and twenty years old, bred up in the shade of a contrary Faction, till he was forc'd into. the Field by the French Invasion of his Countrey. Nor was the Advantage less on the French side, in the Reputation of their Troops, than of their Gene∣ral, compos'd of excellent Offi∣cers, chosen Soldiers, exactly disci∣plin'd, long train'd for action be∣fore they began it, and now flesh'd by the uninterrupted Successes of two Wars. But the Dutch Troops when the Prince of Orange enter'd upon the Command, were old or lazy Soldiers, disus'd with long Peace, and disabled with young unskilful Officers (chosen by no other merit, than that of a Faction against the House of Orange) then fill'd up, when the War broke out, with hasty and undistinguish'd Levies, and disheartn'd with perpetual Losses of Towns, and

defeats of Parties, during the two first Campagns. The Prince of Conde had another restraint upon the usual boldness of his nature in such occasions, which was the ill posture he had been in at Court since this King's Reign, and in regard how much more he would have to answer for, than another man, upon any great misfortune to his Army, which must have left the way open for the Confederates to enter France, unguarded on that side by any strong Frontier, so as no man knew what shake it might give to the greatness of that Crown, with the help of great and general Discontents, whereof this Prince was thought to have his share.

Upon these Dispositions in the Generals, the Battel was for some time industriously sought and a∣voided. Till the Prince of Orange, believing there was no way of coming to a Battel, but by the siege of some place that might be

thought worth the venture to re∣lieve, broke up, march'd away towards Seneffe; his Army divided into three Parts, whereof the Ger∣man Troops, under the Count de Souches, had the Van; the Spanish, under Prince Vaudemont, the Reer; and the Dutch, under the Count Waldeck, the main Battel; with whom the Prince marched, and Commanded the whole Confede∣rate Army.

The Prince of Conde observing their march, which was not far from one side of his Retrench∣ments; and that by the straitness of some Passages they were forced to file off in small Lines, stay'd till the Van-guard, and main Body, was over one of these Passes, and the Reer beginning to enter upon it, when he drew out his Men, and fell with great fierceness upon the Reer of the Spaniards, broke them with great Slaughter, and not much resistance, took their Baggage,

several Standards, and many Pri∣soners of note. The Prince of Orange, upon notice of the French march towards the Spanish Troops, had sent three Squadrons back to their assistance, with all the dili∣gence that could be; but the Spa∣nish already broken, brought the Dutch into disorder by falling in among them; and the French pur∣suing with great bravery, broke the Dutch Squadrons to pieces, kil∣ling or taking all their Comman∣ders, and several Standards.

If the Prince of Conde had con∣tented himself with this Success and Execution, he had left no di∣spute of a Victory; but lured on by the hopes of one more entire, and belief, the Dutch, whom he esteemed the worst Troops, would not stand, after the Spaniards and a great part of their own were wholly routed, he followed the Chase, and drawing out his whole Army upon them, brought it to

a set Battel, which was more than he intended. In the mean time the Prince of Orange marching to the relief of the Spaniards, and the Squadrons he had sent, was at first envelop'd by his own flying men, whom he could neither stop by Words nor Blows, by Promises nor Reproaches, till joyning the rest of his own Forces that stood firm, and the Imperialists coming up to enforce them, the Battel be∣gan with as great fury as any has been fought in the whole course of the Wars, continued so for about Eight hours till Sun-set, and about two hours after by Moon-light, till that failing too, the Fight ended rather by the Obscurity of the Night, than the weariness or weak∣ness of either side. The Prince of Orange in the whole course of this Action, gave all Orders with such Prudence, and Observance of all Advantages. Led up his several Squadrons with that Bravery, made

such bold stands against his own broken Troops, as well as against the fierceness of their pursuers, for six hours together in the hottest of the fight; sometimes Charging into the midst of the Enemies, some∣times overborn by his own that fled, till he Rallied them, and led them back to the Charge, expos'd to more danger than most private Soldiers in the Field; so that the old Count de Souches, in his Letter to the States upon this occasion, told them, That in the whole Course of the Action, the Prince had she∣wed the Conduct of an Old experienced Commander, and the Valour of a Caesar. And indeed his Allies, his Friends, and his Enemies, agreed in giving him equal Glory from this adventure: But He had more from none than from the Prince of Conde's Testimony, That He had done like an old Captain in all, but only in venturing himself too much like a young Man. Yet this old General

had done the same in this days Action, as much as the youngest Cavalier in his Army could do, when he found the Battel fought so desperately, and all at stake; whereas 'tis certain, that nothing could have given vigour to the Dutch Troops, after the first Rout, but the repeated Examples and Dan∣gers of the Prince, and shame of not following such a Leader in all the desperate Charges he made that day, which both the Generals seem'd resolv'd to dye rather than to lose.

As the Numbers were not much different when the Fight began, so were those esteem'd that fell in this Battel, and to reach about Six or Seven thousand on either side; but of the French, many more Officers and Gentlemen than was usual in proportion to the Common Sol∣diers. When the Night parted the Armies, the French retired back to their former Quarters, and next morning the Confederates

marched to that which they design'd when they broke up the day before. The Allies claim'd the Victory because they were last upon the Field; and the French upon the greatest number of Pri∣soners and Standards they carried away; but whoever had the Ho∣nour, they both felt the Loss.

After the repair necessary in each Camp upon this sharp Encounter, each Army took the Field again, and gave a general Expectation of another Battel before the Campania ended; The Prince of Orange sought it all he could; but the Prince of Conde chose and fortified his Encampments so, as not to be forced to one without apparent disadvantages, and contented himself to observe the motions of the Allies, to preserve the Towns of the French Conquests in Flanders, and prevent any Invasion of France, which was design'd this Summer with great Confidence by the Con∣federate

Armies both on this side, and that in Alsace, but with equal disappointment, unless it were to Monsieur Starenburgh, who in the beginning of the Campagne, com∣plaining of the Wine at the Prince's Table, the Prince told them, He would make them drink good Wine in Champagne before the Summer ended. He who lov'd it well, desired the Prince to be as good as his word, was afterwards taken at the Battel of Seneffe, carried to Rheims with several Dutch Officers, where sitting down to Dinner, and finding the Wine excellent, he drunk the Prince's Health, and said, He would trust him as long as he liv'd, for he had kept his word, and made them drink good Wine in Champagne.

The Prince of Orange finding no other way of Action, sat down before Oudenarde in September, and had his end of drawing the Prince of Conde out of his cautious

Marches, who came immediately to relieve it, and Fight the Allies before they were ready to give any Assault to the Town. Upon fight of the French Army, the Prince of Orange call'd a Council of War, and proposed to draw out and Attack them immediately before they were rested after their hard days March. The Spaniards were content, but Count Souches would not agree to it, and so this occasion was lost, and with such discontent amongst the Chief Officers, that next day the Germans left their Trenches, and marched away about a League, and left room to the French to put what Relief they pleas'd into the Town. Upon this the Prince of Orange was forc'd to rise too, with the rest of his Army; and upon Conferences with the Count Montery, as well as Souches, resolv'd to leave the greatest part of the Dutch Forces with the Count, and with the rest, to go himself, and

press the Siege of Grave. And here began those Dissentions among the Chief Captains of the Confede∣rates, that continued to ruin their designs, and proved so fatal to them in the whole course of the War; and against all appearances, made good the Spanish Proverb, that,* 1.4 Liga nunc a coje grandes pa∣xaros; the same word signifying a League, and Birdlime; and meaning, That as this never catches great Birds, so the t'other never makes great Conquests, tho it often does great Defences: Yet these first Divisions were endea∣voured to be cured by the Empe∣ror's recalling Count Souches, and Spain the Count of Montery, who were both thought to have maim'd the Actions of this Campania, or at least not to have secondee, as they might have done, the Prince of Oran∣ge's Vigour in pursuing them to other sort of Successes than it ended

with. This Prince having fail'd of what he proposed in favour of the Spaniards, was resolv'd to free his own Country from the last Mark of their intended Servitude, before this Season ended. Grave was the last Town the French held in any of the Seven Provinces, and had been kept as a Magazine both of what had been taken in the other Places, and was not easily carried away when they quitted them; so as there was above Three hundred Pieces of Canon in the Town, a very full and brave Ga∣rison. composed of the best Troops, and all that could be added to the Fortifications of the Place, after the French took it, tho it was be∣fore counted one of the best the Dutch had. It had been invested a Month before; yet the Prince found the Siege but little advanced at his Arrival; and the Dutch Sol∣diers so rebuted with the brave Defence from within, that nothing could have carried the Place at this

Season, being about the middle of October, when the Prince arrived, but the same humour of leading on his Men himself, whenever they shrunk, which can never be too much prai∣sed, nor too much blam'd in this Prince, because, as his Country and Allies would have had no General if they had lost him; so they would have had no Army if they had not ventur'd him. In short, by this and his usual Application and Vigour, as well as the common methods of such Sieges, he took Grave by the end of October, with equal Glory to himself, and satisfaction to all the Provinces, and return'd to the Hague about the middle of Novem∣ber, after having dispos'd his Forces in their Winter Quarters.

With the Prince of Orange, return'd most of the General Of∣ficers to the Hague; and among the rest, old Prince Maurice of Nassau, who, as the Prince told me, had with the greatest industry that

could be, sought all occasions of dying fairly at the Battel of Seneffe without succeeding, which had given him great regrets; and I did not wonder at it, considering his Age, of about Seventy six, and his long habits both of Gout and Stone. When he came to visit me upon his return, and before he went to his Government of Clevo, it came in my head to ask him an idle question, because I thought it not very likely for me to see him again, and I had a mind to know from his own mouth, the account of a common, but much credited Story, that I had heard so often from many others, of an old Parrot he had in Brasil, during his Govern∣ment there, that spoke, and ask'd, and answer'd common questions like a reasonable creature; so that those of his Train there, generally concluded it to be Witchery or Possession; and one of his Cha∣plains, who liv'd long afterwards

in Holland, would never from that time endure a Parrot, but said, They all had a Devil in them. I had heard many particulars of this story, and assever'd by people hard to be discredited, which made me ask Prince Maurice, What there was of it? He said, with his usual plain∣ness, and dryness in talk, There was something true, but a great deal false, of what had been repor∣ted. I desir'd to know of him, What there was of the first? He told me short and coldly, That he had heard of such an old Parrot when he came to Brasil; and tho he believ'd nothing of it, and 'twas a good way off, yet he had so much curiosity as to send for it; That 'twas a very Great, and a very Old One; and when it came first into the Room where the Prince was, with a great many Dutch-men about him, it said presently, What a Company of White Men are here? They ask'd it, What he thought

that Man was? pointing at the Prince. It answer'd, Some Gene∣ral or other. When they brought it close to him, he ask'd it, * 1.5 D'ou venes, vous? It answer'd, De Marinnan. The Prince, A qui est es vous, The Parrot, A un Portugez. Prince, Que fais tula? Parrot, Je garde les Poulles. The Prince laugh'd, and said, Vous gardes les Poulles? The Parrot answered, Ouy, moy & je scay bien faire, and made the Chuck four or five times that people use to m••ke to Chickens when they call them. I set down the words of this worthy Dialogue in French, just as Prince Maurice said them to me. I ask'd him, In what Language the Parrot spoke? And he said, In Brasilian. I ask'd, Whether he understood

Brasilian? He said, No; but he had taken care to have two Inter∣preters by him, one a Dutchman, that spoke Brasilian, and t'other a Brasilian that spoke Dutch; That he as'k them separately and private∣ly, and both of them agreed in telling him just the same thing that the Parrot said. I could not but tell this odd story, because it is so much out of the way, and from the first hand, and what may pass for a good one; for I dare say this Prince, at least, believed himself in all he told me, having ever pass'd for a very honest and pious Man. I leave it to Naturalists to reason, and to other men to believe as they please upon it; however, it is not, perhaps, amiss to relieve or enliven a busie Scene sometimes with such digressi∣ons, whether to the purpose or no.

Before I enter upon the Nego∣tiations of the following Winter, it will be necessary to give a short

view of the Actions of the several Armies, and dispositions of the Par∣ties in other places, as well as in the Low-Countries, since all contri∣buted to the different humour that appear'd at the Hague about the Peace, which was indeed the pre∣sent Scene of that Affair, as well from his Majesty's Mediation, as the great Weight of the States in the Confederacy; but chiefly from the Person of the Prince of Orange, who seem'd to be the Spirit or Genius of the whole Alliance, and for whom the rest, as well as the States themselves, had so great Trust and Deference: For several of their Ministers made no difficulty to tell me upon many occasions, That their Masters would not have entred into the present Engage∣ments they were in, had it not been more upon the confidence they had of the Prince's Personal Honour and Justice, than either the Forces or the usual Conduct of the States-General,

especially in what con∣cern'd the Foreign Treaties and Negotiations.

In Rousillon little pass'd of impor∣tance between the Forces there: The thoughts of both Crowns were bent on that side, more upon Reducing or Relieving Messina, that had made an absolute Revolt from Spain, and endeavour'd to gain Protection from France, which was not difficult in this Conjuncture; as that which might not only give a great diversion to the Spanish Forces, but open a Way for the French into the Con∣quest of Sicily, and new Designs upon Naples, which had been the Stage of so many great Wars be∣tween the Houses of France and Arragon.

In Germany the Prince Electors Palatine, Mentz and Triers, had entred into League with the Em∣peror, for the Defence of the German Liberty against all Stran∣gers.

France was so enrag'd against the Elector Palatine, upon these Measures he had taken, that Mon∣sieur Turenne, at the Head of a French Army, march'd into his Country, and made such cruel Ravages in it, and so unusual to that Generals common procedures, that the Elector sent him a Challenge; which Monsieur Turenne answered, He could not accept without his Master's leave, but was ready to meet him in the Field at the Head of his Army, against any that He and his New Allies would bring together.

This Prince, spighted at the helpless Ruin of his Country, prov'd the greatest incentive among the German Princes this Summer to join their Forces, in order to some vigorous Action against France on that side. The Duke of Lunenburgh engag'd first, and afterwards the Elector of Bran∣denburgh, in the common Cause

of the Empire's being Invaded; Strasburgh was prevail'd with to throw off the Neutrality they had enjoy'd since the War began, and declare for the Empire in this Quarrel. The new Bishop of Munster entred into the same Mea∣sures, and all together made a con∣siderable Force, that they brought into the Field on t'other side the Rhine, about the end of August, or beginning of September. The Old Duke of Lorrain join'd them with his Troops; The Duke of Lunenburgh was there in Person, and the Elector Palatine had the Command of the Army. They were Divided as well as the Imperial Officers, whether they should enter upon any considerable Action or no, till the Duke of Branden∣burgh came up, who was upon his March at the Head of a very consi∣derable Army, that join'd the Confederates in October. This gave great hopes and designs of entring

either Lorain or Burgundy, or taking Brisac, or at least Sabern and Haguena; and thereby securing their Winter-Quarters in Alsace. Monsieur Turenne play'd a defensive Game with a small Army; and ill handled by the Sickness of the season. France was at such a pinch for men, or fear of an Irruption into their Country from Flanders or Alsace, that they call'd their Ban and Arriere-Ban, the Assembling whereof had been long disused, and in a manner antiquated. How∣ever, with some of these new Troops, and a reinforcement from Flanders after the Battel of Seneffe, Monsieur Turenne by plain force of Skill, and that Admirable Science in the Conduct of a War, which no Captain of his Age could dispute with him, prevented and disap∣pointed every one of the Confede∣rates designs, without ever coming to a set Battel, though several sharp Fights of Part of the Forces upon

necessity or advantage; so that the Winter ended with the Allies quit∣ting the last point they pretended, and would have been indeed decisive in the issue of this Campania, which was the German Army's Quartering in Alsace and other parts on that side the Rhine.

The most considerable loss or event of this Campania upon the Rhine, was the Death of the Young Prince of Brandenburgh, who died about the end of it at Strasburgh, of a Feaver so Vio∣lent and Precipitate, as gave occa∣sion for the usual suspicions and dis∣courses that attend the Death of such Young Princes, as give great Hopes and Fears to Their Enemies and Friends. This was the more considered for a particular and inti∣mate Friendship between him and the Prince of Orange, who tho' Cousin Germans, and engag'd in one common Cause, were yet nea∣rer joyn'd by likeness of Humours

than of Interest; and by the ties of personal Kindness than of Blood; and I never knew the Prince of Orange more sensible of any mis∣fortune that happen'd to him, than of this.

In all the Encounters mentioned on this side, no forces were oftner seen, or more felt, or gain'd more Honour of their firmness and bra∣very, than the English Regiments still remaining in the French Ser∣vice, to whom the Germans attri∣buted wholly Monsieur Turenne's Successes, as he did a great deal Himself; but the Divisions among the Princes that made up the Con∣federate Armies, may justly be said to have had all the Merit that was not Personal in Monsieur Turenne, who was certainly allow'd by all that compar'd them, to be the greatest Captain by much of His Age, in the course of a War, or Conduct of a Campania, though the Prince of Conde was thought

greater in the Day of a Battel, both as to the disposal and order of an Army, Vigorous Enterprise, and Sharp as well as Pertinent Re∣solutions upon all sudden Emer∣gencies, to which the course and chance of a Battel is every way subject.

For Sweden and Denmark, they were not yet enter'd into the Lists, but seem'd now upon the point of taking Party; Sweden had acted the Part of a Mediator ever since the breaking up of the Treaty at Colen, both by their Ambassador at Vien∣na, and the Hague; who plied both those Courts with very long and frequent Memorials to that purpose during this whole Summer; but they had been as hard ply'd them∣selves all that time by the Practices and Advantages offer'd by France, both to that Crown, and the chief Ministers, to engage them in the War. Nothing seem'd so likely to determin them, as the Treaty and

Expedition of the Duke of Bran∣denburgh on the Confederate Side, which laid open his Countrey to the Invasion of Sweden, and gave them a pretence of a Breach, in that Prince, of the Treaties be∣tween them, in making War against France without the consent of the Swedes. Therefore as soon as he was gone towards the Rhine with all the Strength of His Forces, the Swedes drew the best and grea∣test part of theirs into Pomerania; and as the Duke of Brandenburgh advanc'd in the common Designs against France; so Sweden, without Declaring War, pursued their Mea∣sures, with That Crown; and be∣fore the end of the Year, had drawn Their Forces into the Brandenburgh Countrey, tho' without attempt upon any Places, and even with pretence at first of Paying for Their Quarters, which was reckon'd upon as short-liv'd among Soldiers in another Prince's Countrey,

whether Friend or Enemy. The present effect of this inroad, was the ending of another pretence of that Crown, which was that of Mediation, and so devolving that Figure wholly upon His Majesty; and on the other side giving hopes to the Confederates of engaging Denmark on their Side, if for no other reason, yet upon that old one among them, of being always op∣posite to Sweden and Their Interests or Allies.

As soon as the Prince came to the Hague, I attended Him; and after Compliments past, I acquain∣ted Him with what His Majesty had Commanded me of His Perso∣nal Kindness and Esteem for His Highness, of His Resolutions to Observe and Cultivate His Present Friendship with the States, and desire to see a General Peace restor'd to Christendom, in which He intended to Act wholly in con∣cert with His Highness, whose

Opinion as to the thing, and the conditions most necessary for His Highness to insist on, He very much desir'd to understand as soon and as fully as He could. The Prince answer'd me with expressions of Duty and kindness to His Majesty, and desires of a near Conjunction between the Two Nations, which he thought alone could make His Majesty safe at Home and Abroad. For the Peace, He said, tho' He could make many complaints of both Spanjards and Imperialists Conduct since Their Treaties; yet the States could not with any Faith or Honour make any Separate Peace, upon any terms that France could offer them. That a General Peace could not be made without leaving Flanders in a Posture of De∣fending it self, upon any new or sudden Invasion, against which no Guarantees could secure it. That Spain could not upon any exchange quit the County of Burgundy or

Cambray, nor any thing in Flanders beyond the Treaty of the Pyrenees, unless it were Aire and Saint Omer. This He said was His Opinion; but if He might know the King's, and find it at all consistent with the Safety of His Countrey, and His own Honour towards His Allies, He would do all he could to bring it about, as He had already done the Point of His Majesty's Media∣tion, which was accepted both at Madrid and Vienna. I told him that the King having been the Author and Guarend of the Peace at Aix, and not having yet seen the French beaten out of any Town that was given them by that Treaty, could with ill Grace propose any thing to France beyond those Terms, unless it were upon some equivalent. He replied resolutely, 'Twere better going on with the War, let it last as long, and cost as much as it would. That His Majesty might, if he pleas'd, induce

France to whatever he thought just and could never show him so much Kindness, as to bring him out of this War with Honour. If he would not, it must go on till some change happen'd in the con∣dition of the Parties, to make the Peace more necessary of one side or other. How it would fall out, he could not tell, and must leave to God; but he thought they had as fair a game as the French. That he was sure they might have been absolutely beaten at Seneffe, if the Count Souches had so pleas'd; and have had a fair blow for it again at Oudenarde: That he was sure Ger∣many could furnish more, and better men than France; and they were now in a manner united in the common defence; and he hoped the Emperor's Councils and Con∣duct would not be so betray'd as they had been. That however, he must perform what his own Honour, as well as that of the

States was engag'd in to their Al∣lies, let it cost what in would.

I imagin'd in what he said of the Emperor's Councels, he reflected upon the business of Prince Lake∣vitz, whose disgrace made so great noise about this time, and with particulars so extraordinary, of the French Practices in that Court, that they were very hard to believe, and very uncertain to know at that distance, and even at Vienna it self, and therefore I would not enter into them with the Prince, nor shall I here, as being foreign to this present Scene.

There was one Point more I entred into with the Prince, which was upon occasion of the many discontented Persons in England, at the course of the last Ministry and War, who were suspected to have trinkled at least with Holland about the raising Seditions, and perhaps Insurrections in England, if the War continued, and the Dutch

Fleets should appear upon our Coasts, that were like to be unguar∣ded the next Summer by the streights His Majesty was in, for Money to set out a Fleet. It was believ'd among many others, my Lord Shaftsbury was one that had of late play'd this game, who having been as deep as any man in the Councils of the Cabal, and gone so far in the publick applause of them, as in a Speech in Parlia∣ment to have applied the Delenda Carthago to our Interest in the destruction of Holland; yet when he saw the Parliament and Nation sullen upon it, and that the King could not pursue it with so much ill humour in both, he turn'd short upon the Court and the rest of the Cabal, fell in with the popular Humour in the City as well as Parliament, decried the present Designs and Conduct, tho with the loss of his Chancellor's Place, and was believ'd to manage a

Practice in Holland for some Insur∣rection here. I told the Prince what the King suspected of some of His Subjects, without naming any; how much service it would be to His Majesty to know them more certainly, and how kind it would be in his Highness to disco∣ver them. The Prince was stanch, and said, He was sure the King would not press him upon a thing so much against all Honour, as to betray men that profess'd to be his Friends. I gave His Majesty an Account of all that pass'd between the Prince and me, which was thought at Court both cold to His Majesty, and stiff as to the Peace; and I had no Returns or Orders upon it; but within a week, or ten days, I had notice that my Lord Arlington, and my Lord Ossory, intended to make a turn into Hol∣land, with Monsieur Odyke and his two Sisters, to make a visit to their Friends at the Hague; and about

the beginning of December they arriv'd in the King's Yatchts, but without any sort of Character, or show of Business.

My Lord Arlington brought me a Letter from the King, written all with His own hand; and telling me, he had sent him to set some im∣portant Points right between His Majesty and the Prince, which ought not to lie longer in doubt; recommending to me all the As∣sistance I could give him there, and assuring me of His Majesty's Con∣fidence and Kindness. His Lordship brought the most ample Credential likewise, that could be, from His Majesty to the Prince, who still gave me part of all that pass'd be∣tween them, with as much open∣ness and freedom, as t'other did with coldness and reserve; and thereby lent me many lights that I could not otherwise have had, to discover the Mystery of this Jour∣ney and Affair, which was in great

part, a Secret to my Lord Treasu∣rer himself, whom yet His Majesty was thought to trust at that time, as much as He had ever done any of His Ministers.

My Lord Arlington, who had been at the head of those Measures that the King entred into, during the Ministry of the Cabal, and the War with Holland, in conjunction with France, found himself some∣thing discredited with his Master, upon the ill issue of that Affair, and the necessities which forc'd Him to a separate Peace, both from the Wants of His Treasury, and Discontents of His Parliament and People in general. By the degrees this Lord's Favour declin'd, the Earl of Danby's encreas'd, who succeeded my Lord Clifford in the Treasury, which had ever been my Arlington's Ambition. This gave him an implacable Envy and Hatred against my Lord Danby, and which no Offices of Friends

could ever allay. He was not well in the Nation for having had such a part in breaking the course of the Triple Alliance, and making that with France for the Ruin of Hol∣land, and as was commonly thought for some ends more displeasing at home. Yet when the ill humour of the Parliament had broken the Designs of the Cabal, and made my Lord Schaftsbury shift his Sails, and fall into the popular stream, My Lord Arlington had gone so far upon the same scene, as to join with the Duke of Ormond and Secretary Coventry, to perswade the King to remove the Duke wholly from Court and publick business, as a means to appease the Discontents of the Parliament upon some jea∣lousies the late Conduct of Affairs had raised among them. By this Council my Lord Arlington had very much offended the Duke; and finding himself ill with his Royal Highness, with the Parlia∣ment,

and every day declining in credit with the King, He thought there was no way of retrieving his Game, but by making himself the Instrument of some secret and close measures that might be taken be∣tween the King and the Prince of Orange. He first infused into His Majesty the Necessity and Advan∣tage of such a Negotiation, and then that of his being employ'd in it, from the Interest his Lady's Friends and Kindred in Holland would be able to give him, as well as from the Credit of having been so long in the secret of the King's Affair, and so best able to give them such colours as might render the late conduct of them less disa∣greeable to the Prince. Tho he profest great friendship to me, yet he represented me as unlikely to be treated with such a confidence from the Prince as was requisite in this Affair, for having been so intimate with Monsieur De Witt in my for∣mer

Ambassy; and gave the Prince's unwillingness to see me during the Campagnia, as a testimony of his dislike, or at least indifferency to me; He propos'd going over with all the Auxiliaries that were like to be of any succour in this expedi∣tion, carrying not only my Lady Arlington, but Madam Beverwoert her Sister, who had something in her Humour and Conversation very agreeable to the Prince; Sir Gabriel Sylvius, who took himself to be in great credit in that Court, where he had serv'd long, and particularly with Monsieur Benting; nor was it forgot to carry over Dr. Duril as a Man fit to practice Monsieur Marest a French Minister, who was thought to have credit with the Prince; and my Lord Ossory was known to have a great part in his kindness and esteem, as well from his Marriage into the Beverwoert Family, as from his Bravery, so much applauded in all Actions

where he had been, which was a quality lov'd by this Prince, tho' imploy'd against him.

My Lord Danby had been made believe, that a Letter from the Prince to Monsieur Odyke, then one of the Dutch Ambassadors in England, had given occasion for this Journey, as if the Prince had desir'd some person there from the King, with whom he might enter in the last Confidence; but the Prince assur'd me, there was no such thing; and that Monsieur Ruvigny, the French Minister at London, had more part in this Journey than he, or perhaps any body else; and that all the endeavours us'd towards a Peace, came from that side.

However instructed, at least thus accompanied; my Lord Arlington came to the Hague, where he told me at our first meeting that he came over to set right some things between the King and the Prince, that he doubted were amiss, and

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settle a perfect kindness and confi∣dence between them for the time to come. That to do this, he must go to the bottom of the Sore, and rake into things past, which was an unpleasant work, and which I could not do, as having no part in the King's business during that time wherein the Prince took his offence at our Concils. That the King had chosen him for this Office, because he could best justi∣fy His Majesty's intentions towards His Highness in the whole course of that Affai•••• That for the Peace, tho His Majesty desir'd it, yet he would not meddle with it, unless the Prince of himself made any overtures about it; but would only endeavour to give the Prince what lights he could as to the state of things in general, and what he might hope from his Allies, as well as from France; That if the Prince made no advances to him upon it, he would let it fall, and

leave it in my hands to be pursued by the Orders I should receive. That he knew very well such a Commission as his, might look unkind, if not injurious, to another Ambassador; and that he would not have come, if any other had been here; but the King, as well as he, reckon'd so far upon the Friendship between us, that they were both confident of my being easy in it, and giving him any assistance he should want from me, which he would acquaint me with as the matter proceeded. He said, besides, That after having fought the King's Battel with the Prince, he must fight another of his own, who did not deserve the coldness his Highness had of late expressed to him; and when this was done, all his business was ended here, and the rest would be only seeing his Friends, and finding some diversion from a new Scene; That he

desired I would, according to the Forms, bring him and my Lord Ossory the first time to the Prince; and after that, they would see him no more in Ceremony, nor give me that trouble.

I told his Lordship, I was very glad to see him, let his business be what it would; That I should be gladder yet that the King's business should be done, let it be by whom it would; but much more that it might be by Him: That for set∣ting matters right between the King and Prince, I thought it the best Office could be done them both; That for the way he men∣tion'd of raking into the Sore, and fighting Battels in defence or justifi∣cation of what was past, I knew not what to say to it, but would leave it to his own Prudence; but, from what I knew in particular of the Prince's humour and thoughts, whatever he did of that sort, I be∣liev'd, should be very gentle, and

not go too deep; and, for my own part, I was always of opinion, That Expostulations were very apt to end well between Lovers, but ill between Friends. That I would send to the Prince for an Hour; and when I had brought him to his Highness, I would leave him there after the first Entrances were past; and desir'd no other part in his Affair, than what he thought necessary to give me: whenever he did, I should serve him the best I could in so good an Endeavour; and for the rest, I should leave the Field free to my Lord Ossory and Him while they stay'd at the Hague, as to all that was secret; as to the rest, I desir'd they would make what use they pleas'd of Me and my House.

My Lord Arlington took all I said very well; and said; 'Twas not neces∣sary I should leave them after I had introduc'd them to the Prince, but in such a manner as I saw he would not dislike it, nor have any body

thought to have any part in the Successes he expected: So next morning I brought them to the Prince, and, after a quarter of an hour's stay, left them together. The Prince would have had me stay'd, but my Lord Arlington said not a word; and I pretended some Letters press'd me, and so went away, and never saw them together any more while they stay'd at the Hague, unless at Dinner, or in mix'd and publick Company.

The truth is, I was not the worse entertain'd during the course of this Adventure; for my Lord Arling∣ton told me every day what he thought fit of all that pass'd be∣tween them; and the Prince told me not only the thing, but the manner of it, which was more important than the matter it self; for This had no effect, but the Other a great deal; and that lasted long. My Lord Arlington told me much of his Ex∣postulations, and with what good

turns of Wit he had justified both the King's Part in the late War, and His Own; but that, upon all, he found the Prince dry and sullen, or at the best uneasie, and as if he wish'd it ended. That upon Dis∣course of the State of Christendom, and what related to the War he was engag'd in, he made him no Overtures at all, nor entred fur∣ther, than That the King might bring him out of it with Honour, if he pleased, and with Safety to Christendom; if not, it must go on till the Fortunes of the Parties changing, made way for other thoughts than he believ'd either of them had at this time. That this might happen after another Cam∣pania, which none but His Maje∣sty could prevent, by inducing France to such terms as He thought just and safe for the rest of Christen∣dom.

This was the Sum of what my Lord Arlington pretended to have

pass'd in three long Conferences; after which it grew so uneasy be∣tween them, that he told me, he had absolutely given it over, and would not say a word more of business while he was there, and attended His Majesty's Orders after the return of his Dispatches: but would divert himself in the mean time as well as he could; see the Prince as often as he pleased at Din∣ner, or in Company, but ask it no more in private, unless the Prince of himself desir'd it; and, upon the whole, gave all the signs of being equally disappointed and discontented with the Success of this Undertaking.

The Prince, on the other side, told me with what Arrogance and Insolence my Lord Arlington had entred upon all his Expostulations with him, both upon the King's Chapter and His Own; That it was not only in the Discourses of it, as if he pretended to deal with a

Child, that he could by his Wit make believe what he pleased; but in the manner he said all upon that Subject, it was as if he had taken Himself for the Prince of Orange, and him for my Lord Arlington; That all he said was so artificial, and giving such false Colours to things every body knew, that he, that was a plain Man, could not bear it, and was never so weary of any Conversation in his Life. In short, all the Prince told me upon it, look'd spighted at my Lord Arlington, and not very much satisfied with the King's Intentions upon this Errand; tho he said, he was sure His Majesty never in∣tended he should treat it in the man∣ner he had, if he remembred that he was his Nephew, tho nothing else.

After the first Conversations, my Lord Arlington staid near six Weeks in Holland, either upon contrary Winds to return his Dis∣patches,

or to carry him away, often at Dinner with the Prince at Court, or at Count Waldeck's, or Monsieur Odyke's, or with Me, putting on the best Humour and Countenance, affecting the Figure of one that had nothing of business in his Head, or in the design of this Journey, but at heart weary of his stay in Holland, and unwilling to return with no better Account of his Errand; and, as it prov'd, he had reason for both.

I found the Pensioner and Count Waldeck thought, That the bent of my Lord Arlington was, To draw the Prince into such Measures of a Peace as France then so much desi∣red: Into a discovery of those Per∣sons who had made Advances to the Prince or the States of raising Commotions in England during the late War; into secret Measures with the King of assisting him against any Rebels at home, as well as Enemies abroad; and into

the Hopes or Designs of a Match with the Duke's Eldest Daughter. Tho, they said, he found the Prince would not enter at all into the First, was obstinate against the Second, treated the Third as a disrespect to the King, to think he could be so ill belov'd, or so impru∣dent to need it; and upon mention made of the last by my Lord Ossory, he took no further hold of it, then saying, His Fortunes were not in a condition for him to think of a Wife.

Thus ended this Mystical Jour∣ney; which I have the rather unveil'd, because, perhaps, no other could do it; nor I, without so many several Lights from so many several Hands; and because, tho it brought forth no present Fruits, yet Seeds were then scat∣tered, out of which sprung after∣wards some very great Events.

My Lord Arlington return'd, was receiv'd but coldly by the King, and ill by the Duke, who

was angry that any mention had been made of the Lady Mary, tho it was done only by my Lord Ossory, and whether with Order from the King or no, was not known: So as never any strain of Court-skill and Contrivance succeeded so unfortu∣nately as this had done, and so contrary to all the Ends the Author of it proposed to himself. Instead of advancing the Peace, he left it desperate; instead of establishing a Confidence between the King and the Prince, he left all colder than he found it; instead of entring into great personal Confidence and Friendship with the Prince, he left an Unkindness that lasted ever after; instead of retrieving his own Credit at Court, which he found waining upon the increase of my Lord Danby's, he made an end of all he had left with the King, who never after us'd him with any Confidence further than the Forms of his Place; and found my Lord

Treasurer's Credit with the King more advanced in six weeks he had been away, than it had done in many months before.

Whatever was the occasion, France had this Winter an extreme desire of a Peace, and left no ways unattempted to obtain it, that might not too much discover the need they had of it. I suppose they might apprehend what the Con∣federates reckon'd upon, with perhaps, too much assurance, That if they could gain one Battel, they should certainly enter France; and if ever they did, the ill Humours grown under this late Government would certainly break out, and make way for all the Successes and Ravages they propos'd to them∣selves; or, at least, for such terms of a Peace, as would leave all the Neighbours of that Crown in safety, and at quiet. A talk was set on foot of a Marriage between Monsieur's eldest Daughter and

the King of Spain, in the heat of the War; a Suspension of Arms was propos'd at Vienna by Count Oxenstiern the Swedish Ambas∣sador, and the sending Plenipoten∣tiaries immediately after to treat the Peace, with Offers, in case these were agreed to, that the Affair of Prince William of Fursten∣bergh should be respited till the end of the Treaty, and Pasports should be granted for the Duke of Lor∣rain's Ministers, upon which difficulties had been made; Practices were used with the Princes of Brandenburgh and Lunenburgh to dis-joint them from the Common Alliance; and particular Intelli∣gence was held between the Mareschall d' Estrades, and one who had been Pensioner of Mastricht, who communicated all his Letters to the Pensioner Fagel. But the Sum of all, was Instances for a separate Peace between France and Holland, a Breach of their Measures

with the House of Austria, and return of the old Ones with France, towards which they offer'd all the Advantages that could be to the States in point of Commerce, and all the Personal Ones that could be desired by a Prince of Orange.

But the Prince was unmoveable in the Point of not leaving his Allies, tho he began to foresee he was like to play a hard Game with them next Summer in the Field, and perhaps a harder with the Peo∣ple at home, who grew impatient for a Peace, both upon the cruel Taxes the War had rais'd, and upon the present decay of Trade, as well as apprehension that with longer continuance of the War, it would run so far into a new Chan∣nel by England, as never to be retriev'd. Upon these considera∣tions the Prince resolv'd to make one effort towards a Peace with Honour, before this Season ended,

and made all further thoughts of it give way to the Actions of the approaching Campania. His Scheme was this: That a Match should be made between the King of Spain, and Madamoselle: That France should give with her in Dowry, the late conquer'd Places in Flanders. That the King should make this Match, and upon these terms; That he should have Two hundred thousand pounds for His good Offices in it. By this means a Peace would be made with safety to Spain, and to Holland, by secu∣ring against the Frontiers of Flan∣ders, with Honour to France, who parted with the conquer'd Towns only as Dowry to a Daughter of France, without any blemish to the Prince's Honour, or Faith in his Alliances, and with Honour and Profit both to His Majesty, which last was thought no unwelcome Circumstance at that time in our Court.

This the Prince and Pensioner having digested the best way they could, and deduc'd to Me, desir'd me to propose to the King, as the only way of making the Peace he so much desir'd, as a thing they were sure he could do, and that France could not deny him, if he would press it; and as the last degree of favour His Majesty could express to the Prince, who could no other way come out of this War with Honour. They desir'd me to write it to the King himself, and that nothing might be said of it to any other Person, till His Majesty should return me His Opinion upon it.

I did so by two Letters to the King, but had no hopes given me that it would be effected; whether France took the desires of the Prince for an Argument of his being weary of the War, or that he found the People were so; or whether they

would not end the War, without breaking the force and confidence of the present Alliance, or (as the Prince thought) without leaving Flanders open for another Invasion, when some better Conjuncture should make way for it; or whether the Revolt of Messina had given them hopes of disabling Spain, by drawing their Forces on that side, and disposing them to a Peace by this Wound in a part so tender, and that might spread so far into Italy; or whether they had now absolutely engag'd the Crown of Sweden to enter into the War, and believ'd that by the Impression that Crown would make in Pomerania, they might not only recal the Duke of Brandenburgh and his Forces from the Rhine, but, if they suc∣ceeded, might so allarm the Empire on that side, as to break, or very much weaken any conjunction of their Forces next Summer on this

side of the Rhine. However it was, this Attempt of the Prince fail'd, and so all further thoughts of a pre∣sent Peace ended, and left me only to pursue the cold scent of a Medi∣ation in the common Forms, while the Preparations for a warm Sum∣mer on all sides were making in the Field.

The Prince this February went into Gelderland, to establish the new Magistracy there, according to his Office of Stadtholder. Whil'st he was there, the Deputies of that Province by unanimous con∣sent made him an offer of the Sove∣reignty of that Countrey, with the ancient Title of Duke of Gelder∣land, which they pretended had been formerly in some of his An∣cestors. The Prince said, He would give them no answer upon an Affair of such moment, without first advi∣sing with the other Provinces: He immediately writ to those of Hol∣land,

Zeeland, and Vtrecht, to communicate this Offer to them, and demand their Advice upon it. Zeeland return'd theirs against his accepting of it, grounding it upon the Jealousies it might raise in the other Provinces, and incon∣sistence of it with the Constitutions of their Union, which left none of the Provinces at liberty to dipose of their Soveraignty without con∣sent of the rest. Vtrecht return'd their answer with advice to accept it. Holland was longer, depend∣ing upon the delays necessary in running the circle of so many Towns; so that before it was concluded, the Prince upon re∣ceiving the advice of Vtrecht return'd them immediately his Answer, with the notice, that he had excus'd himself to the States of Gelderland, from accepting the offer they had made him.

Nothing could more imploy the busy heads of this time than

the course of this Affair; some attributing it to the ambition of the Prince, and presaging the same design upon the rest of the Provinces; others laying it to the charge of some of his young Coun∣cellors; others to a design of sound∣ing the humour of the Provinces, and of having the honour to refuse it, after they should all have advis'd him to accept it, as 'twas believ'd they would do. For my own part, I can say nothing of it with cer∣tainty, having never seen the Prince while it was upon the Anvil, no discours'd with him upon this Subject either before or after; but if it were an ambition bent upon the Soveraignty of the rest of the Pro∣vinces as well as Gelderland, it was a design very different from all his proceedings in the course of the War, when France had propos'd it to him with all the advantages and support that could be; and as dif∣ferent from what he had ever

seem'd to understand, and to be as much perswaded of as any Man, That a Soveraign Prince in Holland would certainly and soon ruin the Trade, and consequently the Riches and Greatness of that State, and leave a Prince of it without power, or consideration in the world; whereas the Princes of O∣range in the Post they have held for four Generations, have enter'd into Wars and Treaties, with a regard and weight equal to most of the Kings of Christendom. For young Councellors that were thought to have engag'd the Prince in this ad∣venture, I cannot speak with more certainty than of the intention; but I am sure if they were in it, they were not alone; for none doubts of Monsieur Fagel's having been for it; and Monsieur Beverning, who was ever thought as stanch a Patriot as any Man among them, told me himself, that he had advis'd the Prince to accept it, which

I believe he would not have done, if he had foreseen any danger from it to his Countrey. But whether the Prince or his Friends had the part that was commonly thought in the first overture, 'tis certain an Interest of the Deputies and Magistrates, as well as Nobles of Gelderland had a share in it too. For whereas this is the first Province in the Union, and abounds with Nobles more than all the rest, yet by reason of their Poverty from a barran Soil and want of Trade, they are less consider'd than several other Provinces, and their Voice has been in a manner swallow'd up by that of Holland, who, by their Trade and Riches, have a great influence upon those of Gelderland. The Deputies of this Province finding themselves yet less conside∣rable in the Union than they were before the War, which had ex∣treamly impoverish'd their Coun∣trey during the French Conquests,

thought there was no way of reco∣vering such a consideration in the State, as suited with the rank and dignity they held, but devolving the Soveraignty of their Province upon the Prince of Orange. Be∣sides, many of the Nobles there having pretences for themselves or their Friends in the Military im∣ployments, thought to make their Court to the Prince upon whom those Charges depended, by ad∣vancing such a proposition; and this was certainly a great ingre∣dient into the first conception of it; but whether conniv'd at, or se∣conded by the Prince, or his Friends, or with what Aims or Instructions I cannot say, and so leave it as a Mushroom that grew up suddenly, and as suddenly wither'd, and left no sign where it had grown.

At the Prince's return to the Hague in March 1675. I receiv'd a Letter from His Majesty's own

hand, telling me of some advices gi∣ven him, That the Prince intended to come over into England against the approaching Session of Parliament, and Commanding me to hinder it, as if His Majesty believ'd the thing. I adventur'd to assure the King there could be nothing of it, before I saw the Prince; but when I did, I pretended not to have had it from His Majesty, but that I heard such a thing had been whisper'd to him. He said, yes, and he believ'd by the Lord Arlington, who had some times talk'd of that Journey after the Peace should be made. How∣ever it came, he was sorry the King should believe it. That he was His Majesty's Servant, and if he could do him no service, he would at least do him no harm: But if the King would be otherwise possest, he could not help it; yet desired me to assure him, there had never been any ground for such a report. In the Afternoon the

Prince came to me, and told me in great heat, he had, since he saw me, receiv'd the most imper∣tinent Letter from Lord Arlington that ever was upon that Subject, treating it as a resolution certain and intended for raising heats in the Parliament, and commotions in the Kingdom; telling him, 'Twas like to prove but an ill friendship between the King and him, if it was to be made A coup de bastons;* 1.6 and putting him in mind, Qu'il y a de ployes chez vous,* 1.7 qui saigneront encore, si l'on y met la main. The Prince said, he knew well enough what Lord Arlington meant by that expres∣sion; for he had told Monsieur Read in England, when he went over upon the first motions of the last Peace, That the King could make the Prince be serv'd as De Witt was, if he would set himself about

it. Upon this he fell into the grea∣test rage that ever I saw him, against my Lord Arlington, calling this proceeding malicious, and in∣solent, saying, He would write to him what he deserv'd; but never have any thing more to do with him beyond common forms. That since he knew not how to trust the King's Ministers, He would write to the King himself, and desir'd me to convey his Letters so, as they might come to no other hand.

Soon after Count Waldeek went to Vienna to concert the Actions of the next Campagnia, where Count Montecuculi was appointed to command the Imperial Forces instead of Duke Bornonville; and the Count Souches was sent away into a Government in Hungary. In March the Elector of Branden∣burgh came to Cleve, upon the same concert, where he was met by the Prince of Orange, and the Marquess

De Grana the Emperor's Minister; but the main point debated here was thought to be the Defence necessary to be made in Pomerania against the Swede, who began now to throw off the mask, to Ravage the Countrey, and to attack some places necessary for their Quarters. The Moneys likewise paid that Court from France at Hamburgh had been so publick and so avow'd, that none further doubted of a sud∣den and open Rupture from that Crown. Whereupon the States sent to Monsieur Ehernstein (then Swedish Ambassador at the Hague, and who would have kept still the Figure of a Mediator) to put in no more Memorials to the States upon that occasion, since they could not receive them from a Minister of a Prince, who had openly and without cause Attacqu'd one of their Allies.

At this time arriv'd an Ambas∣sador from Denmark at the Hague,

to try what advantages his Master could make of this Present Con∣juncture, by Terms of entring into the Alliance with France and Sweden. And all things being thus in the highest Fermentation, a sudden damp fell upon the whole mass of these great affairs by the Sickness of the Prince of Orange; which show'd him to be the Spring that gave motion to all the other Wheels; for while His Illness lasted, and the event was doubtful, all was in suspence, and none of the Parties engag'd seem to have other Motions or Sentiments than what were rais'd by the Hopes or Fears of so important a Life. After some days Fever, it prov'd the Small-Pox, which had been very Fatal in His Family, and gave the greater Apprehensions to His Friends and His Countrey, who express'd indeed a strange con∣cernment upon this occasion, by perpetual concourse of People to

enquire after every minute's pro∣gress of His Illness. Whilst it lasted, he had taken a fancy hardly to Eat or Drink anything but what came from my House, which the People after took notice of as it pass'd; and tho' perhaps few Fo∣reigners have had the luck to be better thought of or us'd in a strange Countrey than we had ever been in Holland; yet several of our Dutch Friends told us, That in case any thing fatal happen'd to the Prince from this Disease, they be∣liev'd the People would pull down our Houses, and tear us all in pie∣ces, upon knowing what he took in his Sickness came from our hands. God be thank'd all past without any bad accident, tho ill symptoms at first; and his recovery, next to the Blessing of God, was owing to the great evenness of his temper, and constancy of mind, which gave way to no impressions or imaginations that use to be of ill

cons••quence in that disease; so that it pass'd in the common forms, and within twenty days he was abroad, and fell into the present business of the Scene, among which the pre∣paration for the Campania was the chief.

I cannot here forbear to give Monsieur Benting the Character due to him, of the best Servant I have ever known in Prince's, or private Family. He tended his Master, during the whole course of his Disease, both night and day; nothing he took was given him, nor he ever remov'd in his Bed, by any other hand; and the Prince told me, that whether he slept or no, he could not tell; but in Sixteen days and nights, he never call'd once that he was not answer'd by Monsieur Benting, as if he had been awake. The first time the Prince was well enough to have his Head open'd and comb'd, Monsieur Benting, as soon as it was done,

begg'd of his Master to give him leave to go home, for he was able to hold up no longer; He did so, and fell immediately sick of the same Disease, and in great extremity; but recover'd just soon enough to attend his Master into the Field, where he was ever next his person.

The Campania happen'd to be∣gin later than it u'sd to do on the French side, both from the expe∣ctation what the Prince's sickness would end in, and from some Com∣motions succeeding one another a∣bout this time in Guienne and Brit∣tany, upon occasion of the Imposts or Gabels, which drew some of the French Forces into those parts. But when those troubles were en∣ded, as they were by an unusual strain of Lenity and Clemency in composing them, all imaginary en∣deavours were us'd to prepare in France for the Campania: The King intended to Attack Flanders in the Head of all the choice of his

Forces, and with the greatest Vi∣gour and Impression he could make this year upon the Spanish Nether∣lands; yet the King pretended to be but a Volunteer in the Army, of which he declar'd the Prince of Condé General; whether to put the greatest Compliment he could on so great Merit, or to hinder his Brother from making difficulty of Acting under that Prince's Orders. And Monsieur Turenne was to be employ'd in Alsace, to attend, and amuse as much as he could the Ger∣man Army, for fear of giving the King too much diversion in Flan∣ders; and this with Orders to Act by concert with Count Wrangel, General of the Swedish Forces in Pomerania, who gave hopes of Mar∣ching so far into Germany as to con∣cert his Actions, or at least Mo∣tions with those of Monsieur Tu∣renne. On the other side, the Con∣federates were as busy in their pro∣visions against these designs. The

Elector of Mentz was drawn to throw off the remainders of his Neutrality, and to receive the Im∣perial Troops into his Towns, as Strasburgh had done; and practices were set on foot to change the tem∣per of the Court of Bavaria, with hopes of success. Montecuculi pre∣par'd to come down into Alsace with the Army of the Emperor and the adjoyning Circles; and the E∣lector of Brandenburgh came to the Hague after the Prince of Orange's illness, where Treaties were con∣cluded with the King of Denmark's Ministers, and review'd with the Duke of Lunenburgh's. After which the Elector went immediately away to the relief of his own Subjects and Countrey, then invaded and spoil'd by the open hostility of the Swedish Forces. Whil'st he was at the Hague, the Compliments pass'd in form between us, but without visit or interview, tho the Elector desir'd and pursu'd it with more in∣stance

than I well understood: For he sent his Minister at the Hague first to me, and afterwards engag'd the Prince himself to endeavour it, by finding some expedient in the difficulties of Ceremony; or else by proposing a third place. But the French Ambassadors having taken up a form of refusing to visit any Elector, unless they might have the hand given them in those Prin∣ces Houses, and the Electors ha∣ving never consented to it; I told the Prince, I could not go lower than the French Ambassadors did, in that nor any other point; and that meeting in a third place would look like a sort of approving the re∣fusal made by the Electors: And so I never saw this Prince during his stay at the Hague, much to my re∣gret, because I had been possess'd of many qualities very esteemable in him.

In the mean time, how useless soe∣ver for the present, yet the forms of

His Majesty's Mediation went on. After it had been accepted by all parties, the first Point that came to be consider'd on, was the place of Treaty, about which, the Swedes could not surmount the difficulties during the course of the Mediation. The House of Austria propos'd to have the Congress in some of the free Towns of the Empire, as Francfort, Hamburgh, Strasburgh, and some others: France refus'd ever to come into any Town of the Empire, upon the insults they receiv'd and complain'd of so much at Cologn, in the seisure of Prince William of Furstenburg, and a great sum of the French Money there; but offer'd at the same time to come and Treat at Breda, tho' belonging to one of the Parties engag'd in the War, which they would make pass for a great condescention, and te∣stimony of that King's inclination to a Peace.

The Confederates on the other

side would not hear of Breda; they took that proposition as an artifice, first, to ingratiate with the States beyond the rest of their Allies; but next, which was the point of im∣portance, they look'd upon it as design'd to carry on either a sepa∣rate Treaty with the States, or at least Private Measures and Corre∣spondencies with several Towns and Persons of those Provinces, so as to induce, or force the States at last into a separa••e Treaty with France, upon the difficulties or de∣lays that might arise in a General one. And upon this point the Al∣lies were so jealous, that the States Deputies of the Foreign Commit∣tee, who manag'd all these Affairs in the first resort, thought it ne∣cessary to seem as averse against Treating in any of their Domini∣ons, as any of the Allies. Thus all places in Germany, France, and the Low-Countries, seem'd absolutely excluded by one part or other; and

London was dislik'd by all as too re∣mote, and of difficult and uncer∣tain Commerce for Letters, by reason of the Sea. After much per∣plexity upon this Subject in many Conferences I had with the Depu∣ties, and Discourses with the Pen∣sioner, I propos'd two places as the only I could think of left for any at∣tempt, upon all circumstances. The first was Cleve, which could not be said to belong to the Empire, but to the Elector of Brandenburgh, as Duke of Cleve, and not as a Prince of the Empire. The other was Nimeguen, as being the last Town belonging to the States, and upon the Borders of Germany. Both Towns capable of such a reception as was necessary; both in good Airs, and easie of access from all parts; center'd between Spain and Sweden, between the Empire and France, and near England, where the Spiring of this Treaty was con∣ceiv'd to be. I thought France

might not dislike Cleve, even upon those regards the Allies suspected of the vicinity to the States; and the Confederates could not except against it as belonging to one of them. On t'other side, if the Allies approv'd Cleve, and France should refuse it, yet they could not after∣wards disapprove of Nimeguen, which was but three Leagues nea∣rer the Hague or Amsterdam, where they suspected the French practices; and disjoin'd from both by necessa∣ry passage of great Rivers, which made the Commerce more difficult and slow than it would be from other Towns of the States Domi∣nions. Another Reason was, That I knew no other to name that did not seem previously excluded; and upon this the Deputies consented that I should propose both to the King, that he might do the same to all the Parties; but that I should begin with Cleve, which I did.

This France refus'd, upon pre∣tence

of some dependance upon the Empire; but, as was thought, upon picque to the Duke of Bran∣denburgh, with whom they were more offended at this time, than with any of the Allies. After this refusal, and Nimeguen being ad∣vanc'd, France first a••cepted it, and afterwards the Allies, who could not well refuse it, after having express'd they would have been satisfied with Cleve; and so this Place came to be fix'd for the Scene of this Negotiation.

But at the same time that France accepted the Place of Treaty, they declar'd, That they would not however send any Ambass••dors thither till the Emperor had given them satisfaction upon the two Points so long insisted, of Prince William of Furstenburgh's Liberty, and Restitution of the Money seized at Colen, which were Points had been hitherto as obstinately refus'd at Vienna, as demanded by France:

So as these paces towards a Peace, gain'd at present very little ground, but left way for the Actions and Successes of the ensuing Campania to determin the Times, the Methods, and Conditions of their pretended Treaty.

The French began their Action by the Siege of Limburgh, with one part of their Army, whilst the King with the rest lay encamp'd in a Post most convenient to oppose any attempt of relieving it, to which purpose the Prince was upon his march; but after a short and weak resistance, it was taken before he could approach it: For, besides some delays forc'd by his sickness, he began here to feel the weight that hung about him all the course of this War, from the uncertain and slow marches of the German Horse, and the weakness and disorders of the Spanish Troops, which were necessary to make up his Army of strength to

oppose that of France, compos'd of such Numbers, such brave and experienc'd Troops, and under so great a Commander as the Prince of Conde, and so gallant Officers.

After the taking of Limburgh, the French and Confederate Ar∣mies in Flanders fell into no con∣siderable Action or Attempt; Neither daring to sit down before any Place of Strength, while the other Army attended them, and was ready to relieve it; and neither seeming very earnest to come to a Battel (unless with evident Ad∣vantages) upon the loss of which so great Consequences seem'd to depend, as the French entire Conquest of Flanders on the one side, or the Confederates marching directly into France on the other, after any great Victory. Besides, they seem'd to be amus'd by the expectation of what was likely to pass in Germany, both upon the

Rhine between the Imperialists and French, and in Pomerania between the Swede and Brandenburgh, which, without new Successes in the Low-Countreys, were like to decide in a great measure the Fate of this War, whil'st the Confede∣rates equally presum'd of their Suc∣cesses in Alsatia, and the French of those of the Swedes in the North.

About the end of July, the King of France, weary of a dull Campania, left the Army to the Prince of Conde, and return'd with his Court to Versailles; And the same month, His Majesty, seeing the Negotions of the Peace lay'd at present asleep, sent for me to make a short turn into England, and give an Account of all the Ob∣servations I had been able to make abroad upon the present Dispo∣sitions and Conjunctures, as well as receive his Instructions for the fu∣ture progress of his Mediation.

The Parliament in England, tho much pleas'd with the last Peace in Holland, yet were not so with His Majesty's desires of a General One. They thought the Power of France too great since their last Conquest in Flanders, and their Ambition too declar'd, of atchie∣ving it by one means, and at one time or other: They were suspi∣cious of the Court's favouring too much the French Designs, by pursuing a Peace that would break so mighty a Confederacy as was now united against France: They were jealous of the Councels which had made the late Alliance and Kindness between Us and France in the time of the late Cabal; and besides these regards, and the common Notions of balancing the Power of our Neighbours, which were very popular, the ambitious Designs of private, but unquiet or aspring men, fell in to augment and blow up the general ill hu∣mours

upon the more Publick Ac∣counts.

The Lord Shaftsbury, impatient at his fall from so great a share of the Ministry, and hoping to re∣trieve a Game he was forc'd to give over, had run desperately into the popular humour, both in Parlia∣ment and City, of censuring the Court, exclaiming against our partiality to France, but most of all against the Conduct of the pre∣sent Ministry. And Lord Arlington was so enrag'd at the Growth of my Lord Treasurer's Credit upon the Fall of His Own, that he fell in with the common humour of the Parliament, in fomenting those Jealousies and Practices in the House of Commons, which cen∣ter'd in a Measure agreed among the most considerable of them, Not to consent to give the King any Money whil'st the present Lord Treasurer continued. Upon these occasions or dispositions they grew very high

in pursuing the Lord Lauderdale, the only remainder of the Cabal, that had now any credit left at Court; and they pressed the King very earnestly to recal all the English Troops in the French Ser∣vice, tho there was a greater num∣ber in the Dutch: But besides, they fell into so great dissentions between the Two Houses, rais'd upon punctilious disputes, and de∣ductions of their several Priviledges in opposition to one another, that about the end of June the King Prorogued them.

Upon my arrival soon after, His Majesty telling me the several rea∣sons that had mov'd him to it, said, That he doubted much, while the War lasted abroad, it would give occasion or pretence for these heats, that had of late appeared in the Par∣liament, and make him very uneasie in his Revenue, which so much needed their assistance; That some of the warm Leaders in both Houses

had a mind to engage him in a War with France, which they should not do for many reasons; and, among the rest, because he was sure if they did, they would leave him in it, and make use of it to ruin his Ministers, and make him depend upon Them more than he intended, or any King would desire: But besides all this, he doubted an impertinent quarrel between my Lord Treasurer and Lord Chamberlain, did him more disservice in the Parliament than I could imagin; for the last did not care what harm he did His business there, so he could hope to ruin my Lord Treasurer; and had perswaded a great many in the House of Com∣mons, that this would certainly be compass'd, if they were stanch, and declar'd in giving no Money during his Ministry. That he knew they were both my Friends, and therefore desir'd I would try to reconcile them while I stay'd in England. I en∣deavour'd it, but fail'd: my Lord

Danby was very inclinable, being so posted as to desire only to con∣tinue where he was; and that the King's business might go well in his hands; but my Lord Arlington was so uneasie in the posture he stood, which he attributed chiefly to my Lord Treasurer's present Greatness, that he was untreatable upon this Subject: So when I found the Wound was too much wrankled to be cur'd, I gave it over; telling each of them, That since I could not make them Friends, I would at least live with them both as if they were so; and desir'd them not to expect I should sacrifice one Friend to another. My Lord Treasurer was content with this frankness; but Lord Arlington could not bear this neither, grew dry from this time, and stiff in all that pass'd between us, still min∣gling little reproaches or touches of my greatness with the other; and grew so weary of the Scene

at Court, where he found himself left out, that he went into the Countrey for the rest of the Sum∣mer.

Thus the seeds of discontents that had been sown in the Parlia∣ment under the Councels of the Cabal, began to spring fast, and root deep, after their Power and Influence was wholly at an end; and those Heats were under other covers fomented by two of the chief that composs'd that Ministry, and with help of time and accident grew to such flames as have since appear'd. But whatever began or increas'd them, 'tis certain these agitations in England had great effect upon those of the War and Peace abroad. For the Confe∣derates were confident, That the humour of the Parliament and People would at last engage the King in their quarrel, which they knew would force France to such a Peace as they desir'd; and Spain

was so presuming, That England would not suffer the loss of Flanders, that they grew careless of its De∣fence, or of those Orders and Sup∣plies that were necessary to it; trusting for the present to the Dutch to preserve it, and to the King hereafter, whenever he should find it more in danger. And these Considerations made the Allies less inclinable to a Peace, which they might have had cheaper the following Winter, than ever it fell afterwards to their share, by Revolutions that were not fore∣seen, but yet such as were suspe∣cted at this time, by those that knew the weakness of the Spani∣ards, and divisions of the Imperial Court.

While I stay'd in England, which was about six weeks, the News came of a great Insurrection in Bretanny, which, with the Numbers and Rage it began, might have prov'd of ill conse∣quence

to the French Affairs, if it had met with a Head answerable to the Body; but being compos'd of a scum of the mean People, that hated and spoil'd the Nobles of the Province, it was by fair means partly, and by foul, in a little time ap∣peas'd. The Blow which was much more considerable to France, than the loss of Provinces would have been, was the death of Monsieur Turenne, the News whereof came to Court about the same time. This great Captain had for three months together kept the Imperial Army at a bay on t'other side the Rhine; resolv'd not to fight unless with the greatest advantage; his Point being to hinder the German Forces from besieging Philipsburgh, from posting themselves in the Towns of Alsace, but chiefly from entring into Lorain, or the County of Burgundy. All these he per∣form'd; but being press'd by the Imperialists, and straitned in his

Quarters, he suffered much by want of Provisions, and found his Army diminish'd by Sickness and Desertion, which use to follow that condition. At last, being necessitated for want of Forage to force a Post of the Enemies that straitned him most, a warm Skir∣mish began, and with loss to the French, that were gall'd with two Pieces of Cannon rais'd upon an Eminence, and playing upon them with advantage. Monsieur Turenne resolv'd to raise a Battery to dis∣mount them; and going with Saint Hilaire, a Lieutenant Ge∣neral, to chuse a place the most convenient for it, the two small Pieces from the Imperial side fir'd at them almost together; one of the Bullets wounded Saint Hilaire in the Shoulder, and t'other, after two or three bounds upon the ground, struck Monsieur Turenne upon the Breast, and without any apparent Wound, more than the

Contusion, laid him Dead upon the place, and by such a Death as Caesar us'd to wish for, unexpected, sudden, and without pain. The astonishment was unspeakable in the French Camp, upon the loss of such a General; the presumption as great in That of the Imperialists, who reckon'd upon themselves as Masters of the whole French Army, that was straitned between Them and the Rhine, in want, diseas'd, and, above all, discourag'd by the loss of their Captain. All others had the same expectation upon this News, but all were disappointed; and Monsieur de Lorge's taking the Command of the Army, had the Honour of making a Retreat that was worth a Victory; and by the force of Order and Conduct, with the Bravery of the English Troops, who made such bold stands in seve∣ral places that they could not be broken till most of the Army were march'd off, he pass'd the Rhine in

sight of part of the imperial Army, and encamp'd himself on the other side in safety, and so preserv'd it till the Prince of Conde was sent in hast out of Flanders, with a great Enforcement to oppose the Pro∣gress of the Imperialists in Al∣sace.

In the mean time, the Elector of Brandenburgh drawing his Forces with some Imperialists out of Sile∣sia together, fell upon the Swedes in Pomerania with that Bravery and Success, that he soon beat them out of his part of the Country and pur∣su'd them into their own. He had an Interview with the King of Denmark, who was now entred into the Interests of the Confede∣rates, resolv'd to declare War against Sweden, and to that end took his measures with the Duke of Brandenburgh how to pursue it, with the best advantage, the rest of the Season.

When the Prince of Conde left

Flanders to succeed Monsieur Tu∣renne in Alsace, the Duke of Lut∣zenburgh commanded the Army in Flanders, but with Orders not to hazard a Battel, but only to observe the Prince of Orange's Motions, and to cover any Town that was like to be endanger'd; which he perform'd so well, that no further Action pass'd this Summer, besides the Prince's taking and razing of Binch. But to make amends for the unactiveness of this Campania in Flanders, the Confederates, by con∣cert on all sides, fell upon an Enter∣prize of great eclai, and of greater consequence, which was the Siege of Treves. The Imperialists were bent upon it, to open a Passage that way into France, finding so much opposition in their Designs of it by Alsatia: The Spaniards desired it, to make way for their succouring Lut∣zenburgh whenever it should be prest, which was of the last im∣portance to them: The Duke of

Lorain was violent for it, in hopes of finding a way open'd for his en∣trance into Lorain. The Prince Pa∣latine thought it the best prepara∣tion for Besieging and carrying Philipsburg, which was the Thorn in his side. So as all these join'd part of their Troops together, with some of the Elector of Trier's, and a Body of the Lunenburgh Forces under the Dukes of Zell and Osna∣brugh, and sat down before Treves.

The Mareschal de Crequi ga∣ther'd all the Forces he could out of the neighbouring Provinces, and made up a strong Army to relieve it. The Confederates left part of Theirs to maintain their Retrench∣ments about the Town, and mar∣ched with the rest against Monsieur de Crequi, pass'd a River in his sight, attacqu'd him, beat him out of the Field with great slaughter, many Prisoners, and such a disper∣sion of the rest, that the whole Army seem'd to have vanish'd in

one day; and Monsieur de Crequi got into Treves with four or five only in Company: There he made a desperate resistance for near a month against the victorious Army, with great Honour and loss among the English Troops that were in the Town, and without any hopes of Relief; nor would he ever capitulate, after all the extremities he was reduc'd to by the forms of a Siege, till the Garrison mutin'd against his obstinacy, capitulated for themselves, and deliver'd up Monsieur de Crequi and most of the Officers Prisoners to the Germans The Dukes of Lunenburgh had gre••t honour in this Action, and the Old Duke of Lorain; and indeed it was one of the most vigo∣rous that succeeded in the whole course of the War, and carried the compleatest Victory, as well as a very considerable Town: And the Honour of it was very much due to the Marquess de Grana,

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who commanded the Emperor's Forces there, and was esteem'd to have laid the first Design to have concerted the several parts of it, engag'd the several Parties to re∣solve upon the same Adventure, and kept them firm in it till it was archie∣ved. The loss of men was very great on the French side, both in the Fight and the Siege; and added to Monsieur Turenne's Death, and the impression expected upon it on that side, by Count Montecu∣culi, with the loss of the Swedes, made so great a change in the ap∣pearance of Affairs, that his Ma∣jesty in a Letter to me, in September, after my return to the Hague, bid me use it as an Argument to induce the Prince of Orange to be easie in the business of a Peace, That it was now time for him to begin to ap∣prehend again the greatness of the House of Austria, instead of that of France. It was indeed expected that the Imperialists in Alsace would

either enter into Lorain, or at least would take the chief Towns of Alsace, and post themselves so the following Winter, as to be ready for such an Enterprise in the beginning of the next Spring; and Count Montecuculi besieg'd first Haguenau, and afterwards Saberne, which were the most considerable Places, to that end. But after Haguenau had offer'd to Surrender upon Conditions, he rose with his Army to fight the Prince of Conde, who made a motion of his Army as if he intended to relieve it; but so order'd it as the Germans fail'd both of the Battel and the Town. It was never comprehended how Montecuculi afterwards came to rise of a sudden from the Siege of Saberne: Some said, it was upon an express Order from Vienna the night before; others, with design of fighting the French Army, or besieging Philipsburgh; but neither happen'd; and which was worse

than all, he ended the Campania with passing back his whole Army over the Rhine, and leaving Alsace wholly in possession, and at mercy of the French Troops: Nor have I ever known any Action of such publick Concern so unaccountable as this Retreat, since 'tis hard to suspect either Corruption or Court-Faction should go so far, tho' both were accus'd of having part in this great and almost decisive Event.

The resentment of it was thought to have broke the old Duke of Lorain's heart, who died about this time, and left Prince Charles, his Nephew, the succession to that Dutchy. No Prince had met with more misfortunes than this Duke, nor had felt them less or given greater Testimony of what Philo∣sophy teaches, That the good or ill of mens lives comes more from their Humors than their For∣tunes. He was expell'd that

Noble and Lovely Dutchy by the Arms of France in Cardinal Richlieu's time; forc'd to go into the Spanish Service in Flanders with a Body of Lorainers, that would follow his Fortune whatever it was; strugl'd with want of Pay to his Troops, with jealousie and ill usage of the Spanish Governours; was seiz'd and imprison'd by that Crown; restor'd to a shatter'd possession of Lorain by the Peace of the Pyrenees, and in the year 1670. forc'd to escape by night, and almost alone, by a sudden surprize of the French Troops, in the height and security of Peace; after this he never had a home any more for the rest of his life, which was spent in suing for Protection and Relief from the several Princes of Christendom, who resented the in∣justice of his Case, which none pretended to defend, but yet none to concern themselves in it, till upon the last War he fell into his

share of the Confederacy, with the weight of two or three thousand Lorainers, that still follow'd his Fortune, and enter'd into Leagues with the Emperor and most of the Allies for his restitution. He seem'd not to deserve the Fortune of a Prince, only because he seem'd not to care for it; to hate the Con∣straints and Ceremonies that belong to it; and to value no Pleasures in Life, but the most natural and most easie; and while he had them, was never out of humour for wanting the rest; Generous to his Servants and Soldiers when he had it; and when he wanted, endeavouring to make it up by the Liberties he gave them; very much belov'd and familiar among both: And to give his Picture by a small trait, one of his Ministers told me, That not long before he died, all his Family was, a Gentleman of the Horse (as he was call'd) another of his Chamber,

and a Boy that look'd to a little Nag he us'd to ride; one day he call'd for his Horse; the two first told him, the Boy was not to be found. He bid them however get him his Horse. They could not agree which of them should go and Saddle him, till the Duke bid them go, and one or t'other of them do it, or else he swore he would go down and Saddle his Horse him∣self; they were as ham'd, and 'twas done.

About the same time died at the Hague the old Princess Dowager of Orange; a Woman of the most Wit, and good Sense in general, that I have known; and who had thereby a great part in forming the race of the Prince, and the mighty improvement it receiv'd from three very extraordinary Women, as well as three so great Men in the last descents. None has shew'd more the force of Order and Oeco∣nomy than this Princess, who with

small Revenues, never above Twelve thousand pounds a year since her Husband's deash, liv'd always in as great plenty, and more curiousness and elegance than is seen in many greater Courts. Among other pieces of Greatness, She was constantly serv'd all in Gold Plate, which went so far as to great Bottles for Water, and a great Cistern for Bottles, to the Key of her Closet, and every thing of that kind She usually touched, which I mention, because I think 'tis what the greatest Kings of Christendom have not pretended to do, nor any I have heard of on this side Persia.

In November, this year, hap∣pen'd a Storm at Northwest, with a Spring-tide, so violent, as gave apprehensions of some loss irre∣coverable to the Province of Hol∣land, and by several Breaches in the great Digues near Enckhuysen, and others between Amsterdam and Harlem, made way for such Inun∣dations

as had not been seen before by any man then alive, and fill'd the Country with many relations of most deplorable Events. But the incredible diligence and unanimous endeavours of the People upon such occasions, gave a stop to the Fury of that Element, and made way for recovering next year all the Lands, tho' not the People, Cattel, and Houses, that had been lost.

Before the end of the year, the Danes took Wismar from the Suedes; and by an open War those two Crowns came to be engag'd in the common quarrel; and after a great expectation of some extra∣ordinary Successes in the Spanish Affairs from Don John's intended expedition into Italy, to command all the Forces and Provinces of that Crown, both there and in Sicily, when he was ready to go and meet de Ruyter at Barcelona, who attended him there with the Dutch Fleet, de∣sign'd

for Messina, he was by a Court-Intrigue recall'd to Madrid; the King was then arriv'd in his Fourteenth year, and took upon him the Government, as now in Majo∣rity; and by the advice of some near him in favour, writ a Letter to Don John to invite him to Court, to assist him in the Government; he obey'd, but stay'd not there above a Fortnight or three Weeks, till by the Credit and Authority of the Queen Mother, he was forc'd to quit his ground there, and re∣turn to Saragoza; and so vanish'd a mighty expectation that had been rais'd in Spain, and other places, of great effects that were to follow this Prince's coming to the Admi∣nistration of Affairs, and very great Sums of Money were wholly lost that had been employ'd in the Preparations of his Journey and Equipage for Italy. And Sicily was left almost hopeless of re∣covery, from the Successes of

the French, who had taken many Posts about Messina, and threaten'd many more; and other Towns were fear'd to follow the Example of that great Revolt.

After the Prince's return from the Campania to the Hague in Octo∣ber, I had several Conferences with him upon the subject of the Peace, and the Terms that both his Majesty and the States might think reason∣able, between France and Spain, and both those Crowns be in any probability of consenting to. That which France pretended, was the terms of the Peace of Aix, and retaining the County of Burgundy which had been since conquer'd; or if either this Province, or some of the most important Frontier Towns of Flanders should be re∣stor'd; then an equivalent to be made them for such restitution. The Spaniards talk'd of nothing less than the Peace of the Pyrenees; and that they would rather lose the rest

of Flanders by the War, than part with Burgundy by the Peace; and said, both the King and the States were as much concern'd in Flan∣ders, as the Crown of Spain; and had the same Interest to see it safe by a War or a Peace, which could not by such a Frontier as was left by that of Aix.

That which my Lord Arlington had propos'd to the Prince and Pensioner, and which pass'd for his Majesty's Sentiment, tho he pretended no Orders, was the terms of Aix la Capelle; but in re∣gard of the necessity for the Spani∣ards to have a better Frontier in Flanders than was left by that Peace, That the French should give up Aeth, and Charleroy, and Oudenarde for Aire, and St. Omer: And that if they parted with the County of Burgundy, it should be for something in exchange. His Majesty commanded me to assure the Prince, That if a Peace could

be made upon these terms, or any so near them, that he might hope to obtain the consent of France; His Majesty for the security of Flanders would give his own Gaurranty to the Peace, and enter into the strictest Alliance the States could desire for preserving it, or defending Flanders in case of a new rupture. He bid me further assure the Prince, That for his Patrimo∣nial Lands in Burgundy (which were about eight thousand Pounds a year, and Lordships of the greatest Royalty in that County) he would undertake for his secure possessing them, tho that County should remain in the French hands, or for selling them to that King, and at what price the Prince himself could think fit to value them.

The Prince's Answer was, That for his own part, he could be very well content to leave the terms of a Peace to his Majesty himself, and believ'd the States would do so too;

but they were both engag'd by Treaty and Honour to their Allies, and there was no thought of making Peace without them. That he believ'd the Spaniards might be perswaded to it upon the terms of Aix, with restitution only of Aeth, Charleroy, and Oudenarde, towards composing some kind of necessary Frontier on that side; but to part with Aire and St Omer without any further and greater exchange, he believ'd they would not in the pre∣sent posture of things. That for France retaining the County of Burgundy, as Conquer'd in this last War, he was sure neither Spain nor the Emperor would ever con∣sent to it, unless they were beaten into it by disasters they had no rea∣son to expect; tho' for his own part, he should be content with it, provided the French would restore Tournay, Courtray, Lisle, and Doway, with their dependen∣cies, to the Spaniards in lieu of it,

because by that means Flanders would have a secure Frontier on that side, and a reasonable good one by Aeth and Charleroy on the other; and the security of Flanders was the chief interest of the States upon the Peace. That for himself, he thank'd his Majesty for his offer, as to his Lands in Burgundy; but they never came into his thought upon the terms of a Peace, nor should ever hinder it; but on t'other side, he would be content to lose them all, to gain one good Town more for the Spanjards in Flan∣ders.

When I put him in mind, as the King order'd me, of the appre∣hensions He and the States might have of the Greatness of the House of Austria, if their Successes con∣tinued; he told me, There was no need of that, till they should go beyond the Peace of the Pyrenees: when∣ever that should happen, he should be as much a French man as he was

now a Spaniard, but not before. He ended, in desiring, That whatever Plan his Majesty thought fit to pro∣pose for a Peace, he would do it at the Congress at Nimeguen; for the number and variety of Preten∣sions and Interests were grown so great, by all the Parties now engag'd in a war, that it could not be done in any other place; and for his part, he could never consent to any Treaty separate from his Allies. That he believ'd they would be reasonable; and if France would be so too, the Peace might be made; if not, perhaps another Campania might bring them to reason; and that this might have done it, if some differences between him and the Spanjards, in the Actions propos'd, had not hinder'd the successes they hop'd for in Flan∣ders, and if Montecuculi's im∣patience to be at Vienna, and pass the Winter there upon the Factions stirring at Court, had not made

him repass the Rhine, and take his Winter-quarters in the Circles of the Empire there; because if he had done it in Alsace, he doubted his presence with the Army might be thought necessary.

After this Conference, and no return from His Majesty to the account I gave him of it, the Dis∣course ceas'd of Private Measures to be agreed to between His Majesty and the Prince and States, for promoting a Peace; and all thoughts began now to turn upon forming the Congress at Nime∣guen.

I had another testimony given me of the firmness I had always found in the Prince upon the subject of the Peace, by what one of the Spanish Ministers told me had lately pass'd between him and the Duke of Villa Hermosa. His Highness had a long pretence de∣pending at Madrid, for about Two hundred thousand Pounds,

owing to his Family from that Crown since the Peace of Munster. It had ever been delay'd tho' never refus'd; an Agent from the Prince had of late very much press'd the Queen Regent of Spain upon this Subject, and with much ado had obtain'd an Order for Fifty thou∣sand Pounds, and Bills were put into his hands by the Ministers there, which when they arriv'd in Flanders, instead of being paid, they were Protested. The Duke Villa Hermosa was so asham'd of this treatment, that he sent a per∣son purposely to excuse it to the Prince, and assure him the fault was not in the Queen nor Ministers, but only in the choice of hands by which it was transmitted, and desir'd his Highness would not take it ill of the Queen. The Prince answer'd, No, not at all; on t'other side, I have rea∣son to take it well of the Queen, for if she did not think me the honestest Man in the World, she would not

use me so; however, nothing of this kind shall hinder me from doing what I owe to my Allies, or to my Honour.

Notwithstanding all I had writ∣ten from the Prince to His Majesty upon this Subject, yet my Lord Arlington, upon pretended intel∣ligence from his Relations in Hol∣land, endeavour'd to perswade him that he knew not the Prince's mind for want of some body that had more credit with him than I had; and at the same time he pursu'd the Prince by Letters, to desire the King to send over some such person as he might treat with in the last confidence upon all matters be∣tween them. The Prince shew'd me his Letters, and bid me assure the King and my Lord Treasurer, that he could say no more than he had done to me, and would not say so much to any other Man. How∣ever my Lord Arlington upon the former suggestions, prevail'd with

the King to send over Sir Gabriel Sylvius instructed, to know the bottom of the Prince's Mind upon the Subject of the Peace, before the Campania began. He acquainted the Prince with this resolution, and that he was a person they knew His Highness would trust; The Prince shewed me this Letter too, and said, He knew not what he meant; that Lord Arlington knew as well as any Man how far he trusted both Sir Gabriel Sylvius and me; This good usage ended all Correspondence between Lord Arlington and me, which had lasted by Letters to this time, tho' coldly since my being last in England: But upon Sir Gabriel Sylvius's coming to the Hague in January, and my preparation to go for Nimeguen, I ended that scene, having not learn'd enough of the Age, nor the Court I liv'd in, to act an unsincere part either in Friendship or in Love.

When Sir Gabriel came to the Hague, he pass'd for a Man of some great Intrigue, was perpe∣tually at Court, or in Conversa∣tion and Visits with the persons near the Prince, or most imploy'd in the State; but he and Lord Ar∣lington were soon satisfied to how good purpose he came over; for the Prince, who is the sincerest Man in the World, hating all tricks, and those that use them, gave him no mark of the least con∣fidence while he stayed, and sent him away with a very plain one of the contrary, by trusting another hand with all he writ of conse∣quence into England, before he went into the Field. The truth is, the Prince took this Journey of his to have been design'd by my Lord Arlington, both out of spight to me, and to give jealousies to the Confederates, by the suspicion of something in agitation between the King and the Prince, that I

was not thought fit to be trusted with; and indeed several of their Ministers at the Hague were apt to fall into such surmises: But Mon∣sieur de Lyra a Spanish Minister, a person much credited in his own Court, and much in the Prince's Confidence, was ever firm in the belief of His Highnesses Honour and Constancy (which he us'd to say his Master trusted to, more than to any Treaties) and so help'd to prevent all such impressions.

In the mean time, all motions necessary towards forming the Congress at Nimeguen began to be made by the several Parties, and gave appearances of the Ambassa∣dors meeting suddenly there. The great obstruction hitherto had been the point of Prince William of Fur∣stenberg's Liberty, which France had absolutely insisted on before they sent their Ambassadors, and the Emperor had been induced to promise only upon conclusion of

the Treaty. But an Expedient was found out to salve the Honour of France upon this point, rather than the Treaty should be hin∣der'd, which was at that time thought necessary for their Af∣fairs. The Bishop of Strasburg made a formal request to the King of France, That no Private Inter∣ests, or Respects of his Brother, might delay the Treaty of a Peace which was of so much consequence to all Christendom; and this Re∣quest being at this time easily re∣ceiv'd and granted, no further dif∣ficulty was made upon this point.

His Majesty thereupon invited all the Princes concern'd in the War, to hasten away their Mini∣sters to the place of Congress, and acquainted them with his having order'd his own to repair immedia∣tely thither; and having some Months before appointed the Lord Berkly (then Ambassador at Paris) Sir William Temple, and Sir Lionel

Jenkins His Ambassadors, Me∣diators, and Plenipotentiaries for the Treaty of Nimeguen; Sir Lio∣nel was accordingly dispatch'd a∣way, and arriv'd at the Hague to∣wards the end of January 1676. and brought with him our instru∣ctions for that Ambassy; and after some few days stay at the Hague, went away for Nimeguen. But the Expedition of the Pasports, from and to all the Ministers of the seve∣ral Parties, having been for some time under my care, and many of them come to my hands, tho' o∣thers were entangled still in some difficulty or other, we both con∣cluded it necessary for me to con∣tinue at the Hague till this was di∣spatch'd, whilst Sir Lionel should go upon the place of Congress, and by the presence of a Mediator, invite the rest to make more haste than many of them seem'd dispos'd to at this time.

The French Ambassadors were

already come to Charleville, where they stayed for their Pasports only to go on with their Journey; and upon Sir Lionel's arrival at the Hague, the Dutch Ambassadors came to us to acquaint us with the States Orders for their immediate repair to Nimeguen, and for the Magistrates of that City (which they now consider'd as a Neutral Town) to receive all Orders from us the Mediators, and particularly any we pleas'd to give about our reception upon our arrival there.

We told them, His Majesty's thoughts were upon the successes of the Treaty, and that nothing could more obstruct it than the Ceremonies which used to attend those Meetings; and therefore he order'd us to introduce as much as we could the method of all the Ambassadors, living there as much like private men, as could consist with the Honour of their Chara∣cters; and to this end, that we

should make no publick Entries, and give thereby an example to those that came after us.

To avoid all punctilio's about the time of the several Parties dispatching the Passports; it was agreed that all should be sent to the Hague from the several Courts, and there should be put into my hands, to the end, that when I found my self possess'd, I should make the distribution reciprocally to both Parties at the same time. Those of France were early with me, but short in some points of those from the Confederates; the chief whereof was the omission of Liberty granted to the Ambas∣sadors to dispatch Couriers to their Masters Courts upon Passports of the respective Ambassadors, which was thought necessary for the progress of the Treaty. Another was the omission of Passports for the Duke of Lorain's Ministers in the form usual and expected; for

whereas the Crown of France had always treated the former Dukes of Lorain with the Titles of Duke, and Appellations of Brother; their Passports now treated the new Duke only with Cousin, and Prince Charles of Lorain; the rest were minute differences, or mistakes of words, which are not worth the mention, and were easily sur∣mounted. Of all these his Majesty had early notice, and imploy'd his Offices towards France for some months, without answer upon that of Lorain, and with positive refusal of inserting the Clause for liberty of Pasports, tho Monsieur Van Beu∣ningham several times during this pause writ to the States, That the King often assur'd him (their Am∣bassador at London,) That there should be no difficulty in the busi∣ness of Loroin.

About the beginning of February this year 1676. I receiv'd a Letter from Monsieur Pompone, then

Secretary for the Foreign Affairs in France, to tell me, That his Master having been acquainted from His Majesty with the difficul∣ties occurr'd in forming the Con∣gress, had order'd him to let me know his Reasons upon them. As to that of Couriers, That he thought it not fit to have his Coun∣tries and Towns lie open to his Enemies Observations and Dis∣coveries, upon pretext of such Couriers frequent passage; That the inconvenience would be the same to the Confederates; and that he ask'd no more than he gave. As to the Point of Lorain, That his Master could not give Passports with the stile of Duke, which car∣ried that of Brother, pretending that Dutchy belong'd to His Most Christian Majesty by the Treaty in 1662. between Him and the last Duke.

Not many days after, I receiv'd notice from Secretary Williamson,

of the same Account having been given His Majesty by Monsieur Ruvigny, with order to acquaint the States with it; which I had not done upon Monsieur Pompone's Letter, as not thinking fit to make any paces in these matters without Orders from His Majesty. The States and all their Allies were very much surpris'd with this pretence of Lorain, which France had never before advanc'd, or so much as mention'd, either upon the seisure of that Dutchy, or since that time, in the Accounts of it by their Mini∣sters in the several Courts of Christendom; they had only pro∣fess'd to have found such a seisure necessary for preserving the Peace wherein Christendom then was, from the dangerous or uncertain dispositions of that present Duke, with whom His Most Christian Majesty could take no certain Measures, and his Enemies would be practising; but that it was with∣out

any intention of retaining any part of that Dutchy otherwise than for this end of preserving the Peace of Christendom. All this, with many more Circumstances, Mon∣sieur Serinchamps, the Lorain Envoy, alledged at the Conferences with the States and Allies upon this occasion; and for the Treaty of 1662. he seem'd to wonder it should ever be mention'd, as a thing wholly invalid, and, as every body thought, thereupon long since forgotten; That the last Duke had no power to dispose of that Dutchy from his Nephew; because if the Salique Law had place in Lorain, it was unalienable from the next Heir-male: if the Feminine Suc∣cession, then that Duke himself had no Title at all to it, but it belong'd to the present Duke, even in the life of his Uncle. Secondly, That it was invalid, by the French non-performance of the only con∣dition on their side, upon which

the Old Duke pretended to have made it; which was, That the Princes of that Family should be assum'd into the Rank of Princes of the Blood in France; and that upon registring that Treaty of 1662. in the parliament of Paris, without that Clause, the Old Duke had declar'd it void within three weeks after it was made. Thirdly, That a Treaty was concluded the year after, being 1663. at Marsal, between the Most Christian King and the said Duke, by which he was to con∣tinue the possession of all his Ter∣ritories, besides Marsal, in the same manner as he enjoy'd them by the Treaty of 1661. as he did till the seisure of them by France in 1670. during a profound Peace, and with the Professions above-mentioned made by France to His Majesty at that time (as Monsieur Serinchamps averred) as well as to the other Courts of Christen∣dom.

These Arguments were of such force with all the Confederates, that they were unanimous and firm in positively insisting upon the Pasports of that Duke, with the usual forms; and the more, since France had advanc'd a pretence to that Dutchy, which was never thought of before among the Allies. The Austrian Ministers told me frankly, That the Treaty should never be without this allowance of the Duke of Lorain's Title, nor the Peace without his Restitution. The States said, They for their parts would willingly refer his, and any other matters concerning the Treaty, to His Majesty's arbi∣tration; but that they were bound already by other Treaties to their Allies; and particularly, to the Duke of Lorain, and could not break from them upon a Point of such apparent Right as this. The Prince spoke the same Language, and said further, That he was

bound by his Oath of Stadtholder, among other things, to endeavour to the utmost of his power to keep the States to the due observance of their Treaties; and so, by the Grace of God, he would do in This as well as Others.

All this being signified to His Majesty, and by Him to France that Court continued peremptory in the matter; and the Allies per∣sisting in the same disposition, the Congress began to be look'd upon from all sides as a thing ended be∣fore it began. The Allies took this pretence for a Declaration from France of their Resolution there should be no Treaty at present; and grounded it upon some great expectation or design they had upon further progresses in Sicily, or new ones in Naples, or else from hopes of bringing in the Poles to the as∣sistance of Sweden.

But the truth was, That France had been forc'd to discover upon

this Incident what they had always at heart; and I ever observ'd in the course of all these Negotia∣tions, that there were three Points for which France thought the War worth continuing to the last extre∣mity, which were, rather than re∣store Lorain or Burgundy, or leave a good Frontier on both sides of the Spanish Territories in Flanders. The last would hinder the progress of their great Design, whether of extending their Empire only to the Rhine, or beyond it: The two first would hinder their Conquest of Flanders, whenever they pur∣su'd the finishing of that Adven∣ture, by leaving a passage for the Germans to relieve it, and by so great and dangerous a diversion as entring France through Lorain or Burgundy.

His Majesty most certainly dis∣approved, and was surpriz'd with this pretence of France to the Dutchy of Lorain; but yet was

prevail'd with by Monsieur Ruvigny to offer the expedient of His Majesty as Mediator, giving all Pasports necessary to the Con∣gress at Nimeguen. Monsieur Van Beuningham in this matter acted the part rather of a Bourgomaster of Amsterdam, than an Ambassador of the States; and to make court to that Town, who began to ex∣press great impatience for the Peace, he assur'd His Majesty, That his Masters could not fail of consenting to this expedient. I fore∣saw it would be refus'd, and gave his Majesty notice of it before I propos'd it to the States, as think∣ing His Honour and that of the Mediation concern'd in such a refu∣sal; but receiving direct Orders to propose it, I did so. The States told me, They would of themselves consent to this, or whatever else His Majesty should propose; but having communicated it to their Allies, they would not hear of it;

some refusing it with heat, and reflection upon His Majesty's par∣tiality to France; others with sullenness and silence, referring themselves to new Orders from their Masters.

Hereupon the Congress grew wholly desperate, and all Parties prepar'd for the Field, without any other View, for the three months following the first rise of this Pre∣tention. In the mean time, there pass'd a Fight between the French, and Dutch, and Spanish Ships near Messina, wherein de Ruyter was shot in the Heel by a Cannon-bullet, of which he died within few days after, and determined the greatest loss to have certainly hap∣pen'd on that side, by that of the ablest Sea-Captain of his Age, and the best Servant that any Prince or State could have: For the rest, the Advantage was not considerable of either part in this Fight, nor the consequence material in the pro∣gress

of the French Arms in Sicily, or in any prospect of great Enter∣prises upon Naples. On the other side, the Swedish Affairs went very ill in Pomerania, and were threat∣ned with great Invasions the fol∣lowing Campaign; both from Denmark and Brandenburgh. This decry'd the Councels of those Per∣sons that engag'd them in this Quar∣rel. Two Ambassadors, Count Oxenstorn and Olivacrown, were appointed for the Treaty at Nime∣guen, who had been ever of con∣trary Sentiments or Faction, which now began to prevail in the Swedish Court: They grew impatient for a Peace, and for the Treaty in order to it: They declar'd their disapproval of the French Preten∣sion rais'd to Lorain, which seem'd only to obstruct it; and that they would send their Ministers to the Congress, whether the French came or no: and their Commissary at the Hague so well seconded these

new dispositions of his Court, that whil'st the Congress look'd despe∣rate by the declar'd obstinacy of both sides upon the Point of Lorain, Ships and Passports were dispatch'd by the States, with consent of their Allies, to fetch the Swedish Ambassador from Gottenburgh into Holland.

The Confederates were besides, much animated in their hopes, from the dispositions and humours express'd in a late Session of Parlia∣ment in England, which grew so high against the French, or at least upon that pretence, against the present Conduct of his Majesty or his Ministers, that the King Pro∣rogu'd them about Christmas, be∣fore any of the matters projected by the warm Men amongst the House of Commons, were brought into form.

The French were upon their march into Flanders, and that King at the Head of a great and brave

Army, threatning some great Enterprize. The Prince was pre∣paring to go away into the Field, with resolution and hopes of ha∣ving the honour of a Battel at the opening of the Campania; all thoughts of the Congress meeting before the end of it, were laid aside, when about the middle of May I was extremely surpriz'd to receive a Packet from Secretary Williamson, with the French Passports for the Duke of Lorain's Ministers, in the Form, and with the Stiles deman∣ded by the Allies. And hereupon all difficulties being remov'd the Pass∣ports were exchang'd by the end of May.

Some days were lost by a new demand of the Allies for Passports likewise, for the Duke of Nieu∣burgh's Ministers, who was newly entered into the common Alliance; and the same paces were expected likewise from the Duke of Bavaria; (at least, so the Germans

flatter'd themselves or their Friends.) Upon this, some of the Ministers of the Allies at the Hague, whose Masters were very unwilling the Congress should begin before the campania ended, prevail'd with the States to send Deputies to me, to demand Passports for the Duke of Nieuburgh, and any other Princes that should enter into their Alliance; and to declare, That if these were refus'd by France, they would look upon what had been al∣ready granted, as void.

I was something surpris'd at so unexpected a Message from the States; and told their Deputies, That such a Resolution was un∣practicable; That His Majesty had undertaken to procure Passports for the Parties engag'd in the War, and all the Allies they had nam'd on both sides, which was done, and thereupon the Congress ready to begin, and such a delay as this would occasion, was both a dis∣respect

to His Majesty, and that could not be consented by France, nor the Reciprocal of it by any of the Allies that foresaw the Conse∣quences which might happen upon it; That some Allie of France might fall off to the Confederates, or some of the Confederates to France, and with such Circum∣stances, as it could not be expected either of them should think fit to give Passports, or treat with them at the Congress: nor was it a thing in any form, to demand Passports, without naming for whom they should be. After several other ex∣ceptions, the Deputies desir'd me to let them represent my reasons against it, to the States, and to expect their Answer till the next afternoon; and one of them told me as he went out, That I had all the reason in the world, and that they had been too easie in it upon the instances of some Allies. Next day the Deputies came to let me

know, the States had alter'd their resolution, and desir'd only, That His Majesty would procure Pass∣ports for the Duke of Nieuburgh's Ministers, which I easily under∣took. This Change had not pass'd without violent heats between the States Deputies and the Ministers of some Allies, who press'd them so far, as one of the Deputies an∣swer'd him, Que pre∣tendez vous donc,* 1.8 Mes∣sieurs, de nous faire, deschirer par la Canaille? Which shows the dispo∣sition that run so gene∣rally at this time throughout the Trading Provinces towards a Peace.

There remain'd now but one Preliminary undetermin'd, which was, To fix some extent of Neu∣tral Countrey about the Place of Congress: France would have ex∣tended it two leagues, round; the Allies would have it bounded of one side by the River of the Waal,

upon which Nimeguen stood, and was divided by it from the Betow, a part of the Province of Holland, and through which lay the strait Road into the rest of that Coun∣trey. Both these Proposals were grounded upon the same reason: That of France to facilitate the Commerce of their Ambassadors with the Towns of Holland, incite the desires, and enter into Practi∣ces of Peace distinct from the mo∣tions of the Congress; That of the Allies, to prevent or encumber the too easie and undiscover'd passage of the French Emissaries upon this occasion. However, both were positive in their Opinions; so as this matter came not to be deter∣min'd till some time after the Con∣gress began, and but lamely then.

Notes

• * 1.1

  In troth, I think you love us as you do yours.
• * 1.2

  That a King of England who will be the MAN of People, is the greatest King in the world; but if he will be some∣thing more — he is nothing at all.
• * 1.3

  And I will be the MAN of my people.
• * 1.4

  Birdlime ne∣ver catches great Birds.
• * 1.5

  Whence come you? It answer'd, From Marinn••n. The Prince, to whom do you belong? The Parrot, To a Portugez. Prince, What do you there? I look after the Chickens. The Prince laugh'd, and said, You look after the Chickens? The Parrot answered, Yes, I, and I know well enough how to do it.
• * 1.6

  With Blows.
• * 1.7

  That there are some wounds among you, that will bleed still, if there be not care taken of them.
• * 1.8

  What do you intend then, Sirs, to make us be torn in pieces by the Rabble?