The general history of England, as well ecclesiastical as civil. Vol. I from the earliest accounts of time to the reign of his present Majesty King William : taken from the most antient records, manuscripts, and historians : containing the lives of the kings and memorials of the most eminent persons both in church and state : with the foundations of the noted monasteries and both the universities / by James Tyrrell.

THE General History OF BRITAIN, NOW CALLED ENGLAND: As well Ecclesiastical, as Civil. BOOK VI. Containing the General History of England from the Reign of King EDGAR, to the Death of King HAROLD; being One hundred and seventeen Years. (Book 6)

King EDGAR.

I Have begun this Period with this Prince's Reign; for though it does not exactly divide the Space of Time between King Egbert and the coming in of King William, sirnamed the Conqueror, in∣to two equal parts, yet will it much better suit with the Propor∣tion of the Books into which we have divided this Period: Be∣sides, King Edgar by again reuniting the Kingdom, and enjoying by his Valour as well as his good Fortune, a happy and peaceable Reign, though he was not the first Prince who took upon him the Title of Monarch of all Albion or England, as hath been already shewn, yet since all the Kings of this Island did willingly submit themselves to his Dominion, he seems to have best deserved that Title, of any I can find.

King Edwy being now dead, as our Annals have related, King Edgar his Brother began to reign, not only over the Mercians and Northumbers, but also over all the West-Saxon Kingdom; that is, (as the Manuscript Author of St. Dunstan's Life relates) he succeeded in his Brother's Kingdom as Heir, and was elected by the Clergy as well as Laity, over both Kingdoms: Which is also confirmed by Florence of Worcester,

and R. Hoveden, who expresly tells us he was elected King by the whole English Nation, in the Sixteenth Year of his Age: So that (as the Annals observe)

In his days all things succeeded prosperously, God giving him Peace as long as he lived, because he loved his Law, and consulted the Good and Peace of his People, beyond all the Princes that had been in the memory of man before him; and therefore that he had greater Honour in all Nations round him, as well as in his own; and he was by a peculiar Blessing from above so assisted, that Kings and Princes every where submitted themselves to him; inso∣much that he disposed of all things as he pleased, without fighting.

But one of the first things (that we find in the said Author of St. Dunstan's Life) he did, was, That a great Council being held at a place called Bradanford (now Bradford in Wiltshire) Abbot Dunstan was by the general consent of all there present, chosen Bishop of Wor∣cester, for his great Piety and Prudence. And also King Edgar being now well instructed by the said Bishop and other Wise Men of the Kingdom, in the Arts of Government, began to discountenance the Wicked and Vicious, and to favour and advance the Good; as also to repair the decay'd and ruined Monasteries, and then to replenish them with God's Servants, (i. e. the Monks); and in short, to undo what∣soever his Brother had done before.

This year, according to our Annals, Odo, Archbishop of Canterbury, dying,* 1.1 Dunstan, Bishop of Worcester, succeeded in the Archbishoprick: But in this the Author of these Annals is mistaken; for William of Malmesbury, as well as other Authors, assure us, That it was not Dun∣stan, but Elfin, Bishop of Winchester, who by the means of some Cour∣tiers whom he had gained over to him by the prevailing Power of his Presents, procured King Edgar's Precept to make him Archbishop. From whence we may observe, That notwithstanding the former Decrees of Synods and Councils in England, yet those Elections which were called Canonical, were neither then nor a long time after this observed.

But as for Bishop Elfin, he is said by our Authors to have trampled upon the Tombstone of that Pious Archbishop, Odo, his Predecessor, and to have uttered opprobrious Language against his Memory; which his Ghost (it seems) so far resented, that appearing to the new Arch∣bishop in a Vision, it threatned him with a speedy destruction; but he looking upon it only as a Dream, made what haste he could to Rome, to get the Pope's Confirmation, by receiving of his Pall; but in his Jour∣ney over the Alpes he was frozen to death, being found with his Feet in his Horse's belly, which had been killed and opened, to restore heat to them.

But no sooner did the News arrive of Elfin's death, when (accord∣ing to Florence) Brythelm, Bishop of Wells, was made Archbishop; But because neither of these last Archbishops ever received their Palls from Rome, which was then counted essential to that Dignity, I suppose these two last were omitted in our Annals: But this Brythelm being not found sufficiently qualified for so great a Charge, he was (as Osbern re∣lates) commanded by the King and the whole Nation to retire; where∣upon he quietly submitted, and returning again to his former Church, Dunstan, now Bishop of London, (who also held the See of Worcester in Commendam) was by the general Consent of the King and all his Wise Men in the great Council of the Kingdom, elected Archbishop

of Canterbury, for his supposed great Sanctity:* 1.2 Of which the Monks of that Age relate so many Miracles, that it is tedious to read, much more to repeat such stuff; insomuch, that one would admire, (were it not for the extreme Ignorance of that Age) how men could ever hope they should be believe in so short a time after they were supposed to be done.

Such are those of this Bishop's Harp being hung against the Wall, and playing a whole Psalm without any hands touching it; nay, the Monks can tell us, not only the Tune, but the very Words too. Then the stopping of King Edmund's Horse, when he was just ready to run down a Precipice, at that King's only pronouncing of St. Dunstan's Name to himself. Next, his often driving away the Devil with a Staff, troubling him at Prayers sometimes in the shape of a Fox, sometimes of a Wolf or a Bear. But above all, his taking the Devil by the Nose with a Pair of red hot Tongs; who (being, it seems, an excellent Smith) was once at work in his Forge, when the Devil appeared in the shape of a Handsome Woman, but met with very rough entertain∣ment; for going about to tempt his Chastity, he took his Devilship by the Nose with a Pair of red hot Tongs, till he made him roar. Now if such Grave Authors as William of Malmesbury are guilty of relating such Fictions, what can we expect from those of less Judgment and Honesty?

But this must be acknowledged, that this Archbishop was a great Propagator of Monkery; many Monasteries being either new built or new founded in his time; and the Clerks or Secular Canons of divers Churches being now to be turned out, were put to their choice, either to quit their Habits or their Places; most of whom rather chose the former, and so gave place to those who being of William of Malmesbu∣ry's own Order, our Author calls their Betters.

Archbishop Dunstan also exercised Ecclesiastical Discipline, without respect of persons, imposing upon King Edgar himself a Seven Years Pennance, part of which was, to forbear wearing his Crown during all that time; and this was for taking a Nun out of a Cloyster at Wilton, and then debauching her. From all which we may observe, how ne∣cessary it was in those days for a Prince's Quiet as well as Reputation, to be blindly obedient to that which was then called the Church-Disci∣pline; since King Edwin having to do but with one Woman whom they did not like, is branded as one excessively given to Women; whilst King Edgar, who gave many more Instances of his Failings in this kind, is reckon'd for a Saint. But as for this Nun, whom they call Wilfrede, William of Malmesbury tells us, that tho she were bred in that Monastery, yet was she not then professed, but took upon her the Veil, only to avoid the King's Lust, which yet, it seems, could not secure her from it; for he begot on her that beautiful Lady Editha, who be∣came also a Nun in the same Monastery of Wilton, where her Mother had been professed before; and of which this Young and Virtuous La∣dy being made Abbess, died in the flower of her Age, as William of Malmesbury informs us.

The same Year also, according to the Welsh Chronicle, North Wales was sorely harass'd by the Forces of King Edgar: The Cause of which War, was the Non-Payment of the Tribute due from the King of Aber∣fraw to the King of London: But in the end, as John Beaver informs

us,* 1.3 a Peace was concluded on this condition, That King Edgar hearing the great Mischief which both England and Wales then received by the vast multitude of Wolves which then abounded, especially in Wales, released the Tribute in Money, which the King of North-Wales was hitherto obliged to pay, and instead thereof engaged the Prince of Wales to send him a Yearly Tribute of so many Wolves Heads, in lieu of that Tribute; which the said Prince performed, till within some Years, there being no more Wolves to be found either in England or Wales, that Tribute ceased.

But to proceed with our Annals:

This Year deceased Aelfgar, Cousin to the King, (and Earl also of Devonshire) whose Body lies buried at Wilton. Sigeferth likewise (here called a King, though he was indeed no more than Vice-King, or Earl of some Province) now made him∣self away, and was buried at Winborne. The same Year was a great Mortality of Men, and a very Malignant Feaver raged at London: Also the Church of St. Pauls (at London) was this Year burnt, and soon after rebuilt; and Athelmod the Priest went to Rome, and there died.

I have nothing else to add that is remarkable, under this Year, but the Foundation of the Abby of Tavistock, by Ordgar Earl of Devon∣shire, afterwards Father-in-law to King Edgar; though it was within less than fifty years after its foundation burnt down by the Danes in the Reign of King Ethelred; but was afterwards rebuilt more stately than before.

This Year Wolfstan the Deacon deceased, and afterwards Gyric the Priest.* 1.4

These, I suppose, were some men of remarkable Sanctity, in that Monastery, to which this Copy of these Annals did once belong.

The same Year also, Abbot Athelwald received the Bishoprick of Winchester, and was consecrated on a Sunday, being the Vigil of St. An∣drew: The second year after his Consecration, he repaired divers Mo∣nasteries, and drove the Clerks (i. e. Canons) from that Bishoprick, because they would observe no Rule, and placed Monks in their stead. He also founded two Abbies, the one of Monks, and the other of Nuns; and afterwards going to King Edgar, he desired him to be∣stow upon him all the Monasteries the Danes had before destroyed, be∣cause he intended to rebuild them; which the King willingly granted: Then the Bishop went to Elig, where St. Etheldrith lieth buried, and caused that Monastery to be rebuilt, and then gave it to the care of one of his Monks, named Brightnoth, and afterwards made him Abbot of the Monks of that Monastery, where there had been Nuns before: Then Bishop Athelwald went to the Monastery which is called Mede∣shamstead, which had also been destroyed by the Danes; where he found nothing but old Walls, with Trees and Bushes growing among them; but at last he spied hidden in one of these Walls, that Charter which Abbot Headda had formerly wrote; in which it appeared, that King Wulfher, and Ethelred his Brother, had founded this Monastery; and that the King with the Bishop had freed it from all secular servi∣tude; and Pope Agatho had confirmed it by his Bull, as also the Arch∣bishop Deus Dedit.

Which Charter, I suppose, is that, the Substance of which is already recited in the Fourth book, Anno 656. and which I have there pro∣ved to be forged; for the Monks had then a very fair opportunity to

forge that Charter,* 1.5 and afterwards to pretend they found it in an old Wall: But letting that pass, thus much is certain from the Peterburgh Copy of these Annals,

That the said Bishop then caused this Mo∣nastery to be rebuilt, placing a new Set of Monks therein; over whom he appointed an Abbot called Aldulf: Then went the Bishop to the King, and shewed him the Charter he had lately found; whereby he not only obtained a new Charter of Confirmation of all the Lands and Privileges formerly granted by the Mercian Kings, but also many other Townships and Lands there recited; as particularly Vndale, with the Hundred adjoining, in Northamptonshire, which had formerly been a Monastery of it self, as may be observed in the account we have already given of the Life of the Archbishop Wilfrid.

The King likewise granted, That the Lands belonging to that Mo∣nastery, should be a distinct Shire, having Sac and Soc, Tol and Team, and Infangentheof, (* 1.6 which terms I shall explain in another place); the King there also grants them a Market, with the Toll thereof; and that there should be no other Market between Stamford and Hunting∣ton; and to the former of these the King also granted the Abbot a Mint.

But as for the Names of the Lands given, together with the Limits and the Tolls of the Market there mentioned, I refer the Reader to the Charter it self. Then follows the Subscription of the King with the Sign of the Cross, and next the Confirmation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, with a dreadful Curse on those that should violate it; as also the Confirmation of Oswald Archbishop of York, Athelwald Bishop of Winchester, with several other Bishops, Abbots, Ealdormen, and Wisemen, who all confirmed it, and signed it with the Cross: This was done Anno Dom. 972. of our Lord's Nativity, and in the sixteenth year of the King's Reign; which shews this Coppy of the Annals to be written divers years after these things were done; as does also more par∣ticularly that short History concerning the Affairs of this Abby, and the Succession of its Abbots for many years after this time. As how

Abbot Adulf bought many more Lands, wherewith he highly en∣riched that Monastery, where he continued Abbot, till Oswald Arch∣bishop of York deceased, and he succeeded him in the Archbishoprick; and then there was another chosen Abbot of the said Monastery, named Kenulph, who was afterwards Bishop of Winchester; he first built a Wall round the Monastery, and gave it the name of Burgh, which was before called Medeshamested; but he being sometime after made Bi∣shop of Winchester, another Abbot was chosen from the same Abby, called Aelfi, who continued Abbot fifty years: He removed the Bodies of St. Kyneburge, and St. Cynesuith, which lay buried at Castra; and St. Tibba, which lay entomb'd at Rehala, (i. e. Ryal in Rutlandshire) and brought them to Burgh, and dedicated them to St. Peter, keeping them there as long as he continued Abbot.

I have been the more par∣ticular in the Account of this so Ancient and Famous Monastery, as having been the Episcopal See of the Bishops of Peterburgh almost ever since the Dissolution of that Abby in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth.

This Year also (according to Simeon of Durham) King Edgar mar∣ried Ethelfreda, the Daughter of Ordgar Earl of Devonshire, after the Death of her Husband Ethelwald, Earl of the East-Angles: Of her he begot two Sons, Edwald and Ethelred, the former of whom died in his

Infancy,* 1.7 but the latter lived to be King of England. But before he married this Lady, it is certain he had an Elder Son by Elfleda, sir∣named The Fair Daughter of Earl Eodmar; of whom he begot King Edward, called the Martyr: But whether King Edgar was ever lawfully married to her, may also be doubted; since Osbern, in his Life of St. Dunstan, says, That this Saint baptized the Child begot∣ten on Ethelfleda the King's Concubine; with whom also agrees Nicho∣las Trevet, in his Chronicle; though, I confess, the Major part of our Historians do make her to have been his Lawful Wife. And it was upon this Pretence of Illegitimacy, that Queen Elfleda, and those of her Party, would have afterwards put by Prince Edward her Son, from being chosen King; as shall be further related in its proper place. But Florence of Worcester, and R. Hoveden, place King Edgar's Marriage with this Lady, under the next year.

* 1.8This year King Edgar expelled the Priests (or Chanons) both from the old and new Monastery of Winchester; as also from Ceortesige, (or Chertsy) and Middletune, and put Monks in their rooms; he also or∣dained Aethelgar Abbot of the new Monastery, and Ordbryght Abbot of Ceortesige, and Cyneweard of Middletune. But as soon as Dunstan was made Archbishop, he went to Rome, and there obtained his Pall of the Pope.

This Year also, the Irishmen (according to the Welsh Chronicles) landed in Anglesey, and destroyed Aberfraw, and also slew Rodoric, one of the Sons of Edwal Voel, late Prince of Wales.

* 1.9King Edgar (according to R. Hoveden, and Simeon of Durham) placed Nuns in the Monastery of Rumsey in Hampshire, which his Grand∣father King Edward had founded, and made his Daughter Merwina Abbess over them.

About this time (as Caradoc's Chronicle relates) there arose a great Quarrel between the two Brothers, Princes of North-Wales, Jevaf and Jago, who had governed jointly ever since the death of Howel Dha, till then; when Jago seizing upon his Brother Jevaf by force, kept him cruelly in Prison for near six years; about which time also Eneon the Son of Owen, Prince of South Wales, taking advantage of these Civil Dis∣sentions, made War upon North-Wales, and subdued all the Coun∣try of Gwyn: So that it is no wonder if the English were too hard for these British Princes, since they never could agree amongst them∣selves.

* 1.10

King Edgar this year commanded all the Countrey of Thanet to be laid waste.

As Bromton's Chronicle informs us, the King did not do as an Insulting Enemy, but as a King, who punished one Evil with ano∣ther, because the Inhabitants of that Island had despised his Royal Laws. But Matthew Westminster's account of the reason of the King's se∣vere proceeding with them, seems far more satisfactory; viz. That it was because certain Merchants coming with Goods from York, and touching upon this Island, the Inhabitants seized the men, and plunder'd them of what they brought.

This Year also, (according to the History of the Abby of Ramsey) Aylwin the Ealdorman, by the persuasion of Oswald Archbishop of York, and with the consent of King Edgar, founded the Abby of Ramsey, to the Honour of St. Mary and St. Benedict, as appears by the Charter of

King Edgar, which you will find at large in * 1.11 Monast. Anglican. AIR King Edgar, at the persuasion of Bishop Athelwald, now caused the Cha∣nons to be driven out of all the greater Monasteries in Mercia, and Monks to be put in their places.

This Year Archbishop Oskitel deceased, who was first consecrated Bishop of Dorcester,* 1.12 and afterwards by the consent of King Edward and all his Wise-Men, consecrated Archbishop of York. He was Two and twenty years Bishop, and deceased on the Vigils of All-Saints, at Thame; but Thurkytel being his Kinsman, carried the Bishop's Body to Bedford, because he was Abbot there at that time.

But there is certainly a mistake in the King's Name; and instead of Edward, it should be Edred; for King Edward the Elder was dead long before this Bishop's Consecration.

Eadmund Etheling, Son to King Edgar, died this year,* 1.13 whose Body lies buried at Rumseig, i.e. Rumsey in Hampshire.

Oskytel Archbishop of York deceasing,* 1.14 his Kinsman Oswald, Bishop of Worcester succeeded him, (as Florence of Worcester relates.)

About this time also, Godfred, the Son of Harold the Dane, subdued the whole Isle of Anglesey; which yet he enjoyed not long.

This year, Edgar, Ruler of the English,* 1.15 was with great Honour crowned King, in the Ancient City called Akmanceaster, which the Inhabitants called Bathan; so that there was great Joy among all men that happy Day, being that which is commonly called Pentecost; where was a frequent Assembly of Priests and Monks, as also a great Council of the Wites, or Wisemen. This happen'd in the Thousandth Year of Christ, wanting but 27; and in the Thirtieth Year of this King's Age.

Also about this time, (according to Caradoc's Chronicle) Howel the Son of Jevaf, having raised great Forces against his Uncle Jago above-mentioned, to deliver his Father out of Prison, and having vanquish'd his Uncle, and driven him out of the Countrey, restor'd his Father to his Liberty, though not to his Dominion; for he took upon him∣self the sole Government of all North Wales.

But Mr. Vaughan, in his Additional Notes to this Chronicle, farther relates from some other Welsh Annals, That Jago being thus expelled, fled to King Edgar, and prevailed so far, that he brought an Army into North Wales, to restore him; but coming as far as Bangor, Howel met him, and at the King's request consented that his Uncle Jago should en∣joy that part of the Countrey which he had in his Father Jevaf's time; so King Edgar having founded a new Church at Bangor, and dedicated it to the Virgin Mary, returned with great Honour to Chester, having these two Welsh Princes in his Company; where also met him by his appointment, Six other Princes; as shall be farther related by and by.

It hath been much questioned, what should be the reason that this King should thus long defer his Coronation: Some of the Monks im∣pute it to the Pennance imposed upon him by Archbishop Dunstan, for debauching the Nun above mentioned; but that is not at all likely, since that Penance was but for Seven Years, whereas he had now reign∣ed twice as long since that Sin was committed. But I do rather suppose, that he was Crowned long before, in the very beginning of his Reign, though our Monkish Chroniclers have either forgot to mention it, or else have omitted it on purpose, to add the greater Lustre to Archbishop

Dunstan:* 1.16 For it is very certain, that neither in this King's time, nor long after the Conquest, was it ever known, that the King Elect took the Title of King, till after his Coronation.

Now that our Kings did upon some great occasion repeat the Cere∣mony of their Coronation, I shall prove from the Examples both of King Ethelred, as well as of King Richard the First, and Henry the Third; and why it might not be so in the Reign of this King, as well as in either of them, I can see no reason; though the occasion of it is not any where expressed, as I know of.

But to return to our Annals:

After this the King sail'd with all his Fleet to Legancester, (i.e. West-Chester) where met him Six Kings, who all making a League with him, promised to be his Assistants both by Sea and Land.

And now we have spoke of this King's Fleet, it is fit we give a larger Relation of it, as also of these Princes that here met him, from William of Malmesbury, Florence of Worcester, and other Authors, who increase their Number to Eight Thousand; which being so glorious for our Nation, I shall here set down at large.

This King was the first who was truly Lord of our Seas; for every Summer (saith William of Malmesbury) immediately after Easter, com∣manding his Ships from every Shore to be brought into one collected Body, he sailed usually with the Eastern Fleet to the Western part of the Island; and then sending it back, sailed with the Western Fleet unto the Northern; and thence with the Northern he returned to the Eastern Coasts; sailing in this manner quite round the Island; being exceeding diligent to prevent the Incursions of Pyrates, and couragious in the de∣fence of his Kingdom against Foreigners, and diligent in the training up of himself and his People for Military Employments.

Each of these Fleets (as we are told) consisted of One thousand and two hundred Ships, and these also very stout ones for those times: So that the number of all must have amounted to Three thousand and six hundred Sail, as some of our Author expresly relate, but others, Four thousand Vessels; and there are some also that add to these Three, a Fourth Fleet; by which means the Number will be increased to Four thousand and eight hundred Sail; as may be seen in Mathew Westmin∣ster. To sustain which Charge, besides the private Contributions of his Subjects, he had also (in the latter end of his Reign) Six Petty Kings under him, who were bound by Oath to be ready at his Com∣mand, to serve him both by Sea and Land; which Oath they took at Chester, (as the Annals relate) where he had given them order to meet him, as he sailed about the North of Britain with a great Navy. Their Names are Kened or Kineth, King of the Scots; Malcolm King of Cum∣berland, (who at this time, it seems, were so called, though, as we said, the Cumbrians had now thrown off that Title, and taken that of (Earls); Maccuse, Lord of the Isles; with five Princes of Wales, the Names of whom were, Dusnal, Griffyth, Huuald, Jacob, and Judethil; who all meeting him at his Court at Chester, to set forth the Splendor and Greatness of his Dominion, one day he went into a Galley, and caused himself to be rowed by these Petty Princes, he himself holding the Stern, and steering the Vessel along the River Dee, was waited on by all his Nobles in another Barge; so he sailed to the Monastery of St. John Baptist; where an Oration being made to him, in the same State and

Pomp he retutned to his Palace: Where when he arrived,* 1.17 he is said to have told his Nobles about him, That then his Successors might boast themselves to be truly Kings of England, when they should be (like him) attended by so many Princes his Vassals; as Florence of Worcester, and William of Malmesbury relate it. As for these Petty Kings above-mentioned, Maccuse, by the said Florence, Matthew of Westminster, and R. Hoveden, is called a King of Man, and many other Islands; but William of Malmesbury stiles him an Arch-pirate; by which word a Robber is not to be understood, but (as Asser, and others of that Age use that Appellation) one skilled in Sea Affairs, or a Seaman; so called from Pira, which in the Attique Tongue, signifies a Craft or Art; but afterward it came to be applicable only to such as without any Right infested the Seas.

Another of the Kings, and that of Wales, was Huual or Hewal, who tho he be not placed the first in order, yet if we follow the account of some Authors, must have been the chief of them all, the Prince to whom all the rest performed Obedience: The Book of Landaff bids us take notice, that at the same time with Edgar lived Howel Dha, and Morgan Heu, (which two yet were the Subjects of King Edgar.) But in this, either that Author, or the Chronicle of Caradoc must be mistaken, who places the Death of Howel Dha under the year 948: And therefore it is more likely that the Howel here mentioned, was not Howel Dha, but Howel the Son of Jevaf, who had the year before expell'd his Uncle, and taken upon himself the Principality of Wales, notwithstanding his Father was then alive.

But as for all the rest of these Welsh Princes, I do not know how to make them out from their Chronicles, (which give no account of this Action); only I take Dufnal to be the Son of Howel Dha, and as Mat∣thew of Westminster says, was then Prince of South-Wales. As for Jacob and Judethel, I suppose they must have been the same with Jevaf and Jago, as they are called in the Welsh Chronicles: But as for this Prince Gryffith, I can find none such among any of the Welsh Princes ruling at that time. But to return to our Annals.

This year Eadgar King of the English, changed this frail Life,* 1.18 for another more Glorious, on the 18th. day of July: But his Body was buried with great Solemnity at the Abby of Glastenbury, to which he himself had been a great Benefactor; as appears by his Charter, recited at large by William of Malmesbury in his Treatise of the Antiquity of that Monastery; in which Charter he also stiles himself, Totius Bri∣tanniae Basileus, i. e. King of all Britain.

But since our Historians are so very large and full in their Commenda∣tions of his Prince, as that he was most Religious, Valiant, and Wise, and exceeded all his Predecessors (except King Alfred, and King Athel∣stan) it will not, I hope, be amiss to shew you how partial these Monks were to the Memory of this Prince; who though they will needs have to be a Saint, because the either built or repaired so many Mona∣steries, yet was certainly (if the same Monkish Writers are to be believed) guilty of as great Excesses of Lust and Cruelty, as any of his Predecessors; for William of Malmesbury tells us, that Ordgar Duke of Devonshire had a Daughter named Elfreda, fam'd for an extraordinary Beauty, which caus'd the King to have great Inclinations for her, upon the bare Report made of her to him; but to be more certain, he sent a

Knight called Athelwold,* 1.19 his Confident to see her, resolving to marry her, if she were found to be handsome as she was reported. Athel∣wold made haste, and got a sight of her, wherewith he was so smitten, that he concealed the Errand on which he came, and resolved to obtain her for himself; which being easily done, he lessened her to the King, as a Woman but very ordinary, and of so small a Stature, as would misbecome his Royal Bed; so that he married her with the King's con∣sent, whose Thoughts were now diverted to other Objects: But at last, the Earl's Enemies discovered the Intrigue, and told the King how he had deceived him; and whom the more to enrage, they omitted no words whereby to set out and enhance the extraordinary Beauty of the Lady: Upon which, the King concealed his Anger, but was resolved by another Stratagem to over-reach him. And the better to effect what he intended, he one day told him pleasantly, that at such a time he would come and see whether his Wife was so fair as she was represented to be. This unexpected Surprize so exceedingly struck him, that he earnestly begg'd of her to consult his Preservation, by putting on her worst Cloaths, and deforming her self by what other means she thought best; for she had now perceived, that instead of a King she had married a Subject, though an Earl; which raised such a Female Indignation in her, that against the coming of King Edgar she dressed her self in the most Gay and Charming manner her Pride and Resentment to be thus cheated, could devise; which had such powerful effects upon him, that, his Love being so much the more inflamed, as it had been so long de∣frauded, he for a Blind appointed a day of hunting in the Forest called Warewell, (now Harwood Forest) and there slew Athelwold with a Dart. The Earl's Son coming by when the Fact was just committed, and looking upon his Father's dead Body, the King asked him, How he liked this Game? To which he answered, That whatsoever pleased the King, ought not to displease him: With which flattering Reply, the King's angry Mind was so appeased, that he ever after highly favoured the Youth; and expiated the Crime committed upon the Father, by the great kindness he shewed to the Son. But a•• Ancient Manuscript cal∣led Brutus (now in the Archbishop's Library at Lambeth) relates the latter end of this Story somewhat more for King Edgar's Reputation; which since I meet with no where else, I shall here give you: It is, That King Edgar, not long after, sending this Athelwold (now made an Earl) to secure the Coast of Northumberland against the Danes, then like to invade it, as he was in his way thither he was set upon by certain un∣known Soldiers, who there slew him, but whether by the King's Order, or no, is not said. As soon as the Earl was dead, the King made Love to his fair Widow, and marrying her, caused her to be crowned Queen, though it much displeased Archbishop Dunstan, who could never after this en∣dure her: But William of Malmesbury adds, that to expiate the Murther of her first Husband, she built a Nunnery in the place where he was slain.

Another thing laid to this charge, and which shews him to have been more constant in his Love, than could be expected from a Young Prince, so universally addicted as he was to the Fair Sex, of which you have se∣veral Instances in Story; one of them here shall suffice. It seems, coming one time to Andover, (a Town not far from Winchester) he would have had the enjoyment of a certain Ealdorman's Daughter,

mightily celebrated for her Beauty,* 1.20 and commanded her to be brought to his Bed: The Mother of the Virgin not daring flatly to deny, yet ab∣horring to be a Bawd to her own Daughter, resolved to put a Trick on him by the favour of the Night, and so sent a Waiting-Maid she had, in her room, one that was Handsome enough, and not Unwitty, as she quickly made to appear; for as soon as it was morning she offering to get up, the King asked her, Why she would make such haste from him? She replied, she could no longer have the Happiness of his Company, because her Lady had set her some Work to do. He startling at this, wonder'd what she meant (for he did not in the least question, but that his Bedfellow had been the Earl's real Daughter); she then most passionately besought him to set her free from the hard and cruel Service of her Lady, as a Reward for her lost Virginity: But the King being confounded at his disappointment, was for some time divided between Compassion for the poor Maid, and Anger at his being thus abused; but at last he put it off with a Jest, and setting her free, carried her along with him, and loved her to that degree, that he kept himself to her alone, until such time as he married Elfreda above-mentioned.

These were the Stories commonly told in those days of King Edgar, and of which more noise had been made by the Monks, if he had not built so many Monasteries, which stopp'd their mouths from saying much ill of one so devoted to their Order, and who perhaps admired Chastity in others, though he could not practise it himself.

But it's certain England highly flourished under his Government, being a Man so truly answering Homer's Description of a King, that not only secured his people from Foreign Enemies, but Savage Beasts, by laying a Yearly Tribute of Three hundred Wolve's Heads on the Prince of Wales, as hath been already related.

What his Employment was in Summer, we have already seen; in Winter he hunted, but in the Spring he usually rode a kind of Circuit round the Kingdom, to administer Justice to his People, and take care that his Officers did the like. He was small of Stature, and Slender, yet of such mighty Courage and Strength, that he would challenge the most Robust to wrestle with him, forbidding them to spare him out of respect to his Person.

It happen'd one time, that Kened King of the Scots, came to his Court, to whom (as Matthew Westminster relates) he gave Rich Pre∣sents, with the whole Countrey of Lothian, on condition that he and his Successors at his Festivals should come and attend on the Kings of England when they sate Crowned; besides, he assign'd certain Lodg∣ings for them by the way, which to ease them in their Journey, were till the time of King Henry the Second, held by the Kings of Scotland.

This Kened, as he once sate at his Cups with his Courtiers, said jestingly to them, It was very strange that so many Provinces should obey such a Little, Contemptible Figure of a Man, as this Edgar was. These Words soon reach'd the King's ears; upon which he presently sends for Kened, and as if he had a mind to consult him about some Important Affair, carries him into a Wood, where none being present besides themselves, he delivers into his hands one of the two Swords he had brought along with him, and then tells him, That as they were now alone, so they had a very good opportunity to try their Strength and Skill; and therefore he was resolved to have it forthwith

determined which of them ought to Rule,* 1.21 and which to Obey, com∣manding him not to stir a foot, but decide the Controversy with him; for it was a base and pitiful thing for a King to vapour loud at a Feast, and not to be as forward to shew his Courage at a Fray. Kened being struck out of countenance at these words, fell down at his feet, and earnestly begged his Pardon for what he had spoken in Jest, without any design of Malice in the least. Upon which the King being as Gene∣rous as he was Couragious, freely forgave him.

But though this King Edgar was certainly a very Great and Heroick Prince, yet questionless that Charter which makes him to have subdued the greatest part of Ireland, with the City of Dublin, and to be Lord of all the Isles as far as Norway, is fictitious, and nothing but a piece of Monkish Forgery, no Author of that Age making mention of any such thing; and instead of a Great Warrior, he is usually stiled Edgar the Peaceable; for he never made any Foreign Wars, that we can learn. However, such was his mighty Fame, that if he did not go himself to Foreigners, they came to him, out of Saxony, Flanders, Denmark, and other places: Though William of Malmesbury observes, their coming over did much detriment to the Natives; who from the Saxons, learned Rudeness; from the Flemings, Effeminacy; and from the Danes, Drun∣kenness; the English being before free from those gross Vices, and con∣tented themselves to defend their own with a natural Simplicity, and not given to admire the Customs and Fashions of other Nations: Here∣upon the Monk tells us he is deservedly blamed in Story for his too great Indulgence to Strangers.

This Noble Prince died when he had Reigned about Sixteen Years, in the very flower of his Age, being scarce Two and thirty years old, and with him fell all the Glory of the English Nation; scarce any thing henceforth being to be heard of among them, but Misery and Disorder.

He had by Egelfleda, sirnamed the Fair, the Daughter of Earl Ord∣mer, (it's uncertain whether his Wife or Concubine) a Son named Ed∣ward, who succeeded him: By Wilfrida the Nun he had a Daughter named Editha, who was also a Nun, as hath been already related: And by Elfreda the Daughter of Duke Ordgar, a Son called Edmund, who died five years before his Father; and another, called Ethelrede, who reigned after him; but was wholly unlike him in Prudence and Courage.

I have nothing else to add that is considerable, under this year, but the death of the Noble Turketule, Abbot of Croyland, whom from Chan∣cellor to King Edred, was (at his own desire) by him made Abbot. He repaired and much enriched that Abby, after its being ruined by the Danes; and was the first that by adding to the Two Great Bells of that Monastery, Six more, made the first Tuneable Rings of Bells in Eng∣land; as Ingulph at the end of the account he gives of his Life, in∣forms us.

But before I dismiss this King's Reign, it is fit I give you a short ac∣count of the chief Laws he made; which since neither the time nor place of their enacting are any where mention'd, I refer to this place.

The Preface of these Laws is thus;

This is the Decree or Law which King Edgar made, with the counsel (or consent) of his Wites or Wisemen, for the Honour of God, the Confirmation of his Royal Dig∣nity, and for the Good of his People.

The Laws themselves begin with some Ecclesiastical Canons,* 1.22 the first of which is concerning the Immunities of the Church, and about paying Tythes out of the Lands of the Thanes, as well as of those of Ceorles, or Countrey-men.

The Second is concerning payment of Tythes and First fruits, as well where a Thane had a Church with a Burying-place, as also where he had not.

The Third appoints the times the Tythes should be paid at; and what Remedy was to be had, in case they were not paid at the time when they were due.

The Fourth ordains at what time of the year Peter-pence should be paid; and the Penalty that should be incurred by those that should neglect to pay them in accordingly.

The last ordains every Sunday to be kept holy, and to begin at Three a Clock in the Afternoon on Saturday, and to end at break of day on Monday, upon the penalty appointed by the Judiciary Book.

From which last Law you may observe, how early keeping the Sunday like the Jewish Sabbath, began in England.

Then follow the Secular, or Temporal Laws.

The First of which enjoins, that every man poor or rich enjoy the be∣nefit of the Law, and have equal Justice done him; and for Punish∣ments he would have them so moderated, that being accommodated to the Divine Clemency, they may be the more tolerable unto men.

The Second forbids Appeals to the King in Suits,* 1.23 except Justice cannot otherwise be obtained. And if a man be oppressed he may betake himself to the King for relief; and in case a Pecuniary Mulct be inflicted for a fault, it must not exceed the value of the man's head.

The Third imposes a Mulct of an Hundred and twenty Shillings to the King, upon a Judge that passes an unjust Sentence against any man, except such Judge will take his Oath that he did it not out of any ma∣lice, but only from Unskilfulness, and Mistake in Judgment; and in such case he is to be removed from his Place, except he can obtain fa∣vour of the King longer to retain it; and then the Bishop of the Dio∣cess is to send the Mulct imposed upon him to the King's Treasure.

The Fourth commands, That whosoever maliciously shall defame another man, whereby he receives any damage either in his Body or Estate, so that the defam'd Party can clear himself of those Reports, and prove them false, then the Defamer's Tongue shall either be cut out, or he shall redeem it with the value of his Head.

The Fifth is to the same effect as in another Law we have formerly cited, commanding every one to be present at the Gemote, or Assem∣bly of the Hundred; and further ordains, That the Burghmotes, or Assemblies of the great Towns or Cities, be held thrice a year, and the Shiregemotes, or general Meeting of the whole County twice, whereat were to be present the Bishop and the Ealdorman, the one to teach the people God's Law, and the other Man's.

From whence you may observe the Antiquity of our Charges at our Assizes and Sessions, which no doubt do succeed those Discourses which the Ealdorman and Bishop then made to the people upon the subjects above-mentioned.

* 1.24

The Sixth requires, that every man find Sureties for his Good Beha∣viour; and in case any one commit a Crime, and fly for it, the Sureties should undergo what should be laid upon him. If he stole any thing, and be taken within a Twelvemonth, he should be brought to Justice, and then the Sureties should receive back what they had paid on his account.

Hence we may also take notice, not only of the Antiquity of Frank-Pledges, which had been long before instituted by King Alfred, but also the continuation of this Law by King Edgar; from whence it appears, that it was no Norman invention, introduced to keep under the English Commonalty, as some men have without any just cause imagined.

The Seventh ordains, That when any one of evil report is again accused of a Crime, and absents himself from the Gemotes, or publick Meetings, some of the Court shall go where he dwells, and take Sureties for his Appearance, if they may be had; but if they cannot get them, then they should take him alive or dead, and seize on all his Estate; whereof the Complaining Party having received such a share as should satisfy him, the one half of the remainder shall go to the Lord of the Soil, and the other half to the Hundred: And if any of that Court (being either akin to the Party, or a stranger to his Blood) refuse to go to put this in execution, he should forfeit 120 shillings to the King: And farther, That such as are taken in the very act of stealing, or betraying their Masters, should not be pardoned during life.

The Eighth and last ordains, That one and the same Money should be current throughout the King's Dominions, which no man must re∣fuse; and that the measure of Winchester should be the Standard; and that a Weigh of Wool should be fold for half a Pound of Money, and no more.

The former of those is the first Law whereby the Private Mints to the Archbishops and several Abbots being forbid, the King's Coin was only to pass.

But to return to our Annals:

Ten days before the Death of King Edgar, Bishop Cyneward departed this life.

King EDWARD, sirnamed the Martyr.

KING Edgar being dead,* 1.25 (as you have now heard) Prince Edward succeeded his Father, though not without some dif∣ficulty, for (as William of Malmesbury, and R. Hoveden re∣late) the Great Men of the Kingdom were then divided, Archbishop Dunstan, and all the rest of the Bishops, being for Prince Edward, the Eldest Son of King Edgar; whilst Queen Aelfreda, Widow to the King, and many of her Faction, were for setting up her Son Ethelred, being then about Seven Years of Age, that so she might go∣vern under his Name: But besides, the pretence was, (which how well they made out, I know not) That King Edgar had never been lawful∣ly married to Prince Edward's Mother. Whereupon the Archbishops, Dunstan and Oswald, with the Bishops, Abbots, and many of the Eal∣dormen of the Kingdom, met together in a Great Council, and chose Prince Edward King, as his Father before his Death had ordained; and being thus Elected, they presently Anointed him, being then but a Youth of about Fifteen Years of Age.

But it seems, not long after the Death of King Edgar, though before the Coronation of King Edward, Roger Hoveden, and Simeon of Dur∣ham, tell us, that Elfer Earl of the Mercians, being lustily bribed by large Presents, drove the Abbots and Monks out of the Monasteries, in which they had been settled by King Edgar, and in their places brought in the Clerks (i.e. Secular Chanons) with their Wives; but Ethelwin, Ealdorman of the East-Angles, and his Brother Elfwold, and Earl Brythnoth, opposed it; and being in the Common Council or Synod, plainly said, They would never endure that the Monks should be cast out of the Kingdom, who contributed so much to the Maintenance of Re∣ligion; and so raising an Army, they bravely defended the Monasteries of the East-Angles; so it seems that during this Interregnum, arose this Civil War about the Monks, and the above-mentioned Dissention amongst the Nobility, concerning the Election of a new King.

But this serves to explain that Passage in our Annals, which would have been otherwise very obscure; viz.

That then there was (viz. upon the Death of King Edgar) great Grief and Trouble in Mercia, among those that loved God, because many of his Servants, (that is, the Monks) were turned out, till God being slighted, shewed Mira∣cles on their behalf; and that then also Duke Oslack was unjustly ba∣nished beyond the Seas; a Nobleman, who for his Long Head of Hair, but more for his Wisdom, was very remarkable: And that then also strange Prodigies were seen in the Heavens, such as Astro∣logers call Comets; and as a Punishment from God upon this Nation, there followed a great Famine.

Which shews this Copy of the Annals was written about this very time: And then the Author concludes with Aelfer the Ealdorman's commanding many Monasteries to be spoiled, which King Edgar had

commanded Bishop Athelwold to repair.

All which being in the Cot∣tonian Copy, serves to explain what has been already related. But the next year

* 1.26'Was the great Famine in England, as just now mentioned. About the same time, (according to Caradoc's Chronicle) Aeneon, the Son of Owen Prince of South-Wales, destroyed the Land of Gwyr the se∣cond time.

* 1.27This year, after Easter, was that great Synod at Kirtlingtun, which Florence of Worcester, and R. Hoveden, call Kyrleing; but where that place was is very uncertain; Florence places it in East-England, but Sir H. Spelman acknowledges, that he does not know any place in those parts, that ever bore that name, but supposes it to have been the same with Cartlage, (now the Seat of the Lord North): But had not Flo∣rence placed it in East-England, that Town whose name comes nearest to it, is Kyrtlington in Oxfordshire; which is also the more confirmed by that which follows in these Annals, viz. That Sydeman the Bishop of Devonshire (i. e. of Wells) died here suddenly, who desired his Body might be buried at Krydeanton, his Episcopal See; but King Ed∣ward and Archbishop Dunstan order'd it to be carried to St. Ma••ies in Abingdon, were he was honourably Interr'd in the North Isle of St. Paul's Church: Therefore it is highly probable, that the place where this Bishop died, was not far from Abingdon, where he was bu∣ried, as Kirtlington indeed is: But what was done in this Council can we no where find; only it is to be supposed that it was concerning this great Difference between the Monks and the Secular Chanons, as the former Council was.

The same year also were great Commotions in Wales; for Howel ap Jevaf, Prince of North-Wales, with a great Army both of Welsh and Englishmen, made War upon all who defended or succoured his Uncle Jago, and spoiled the Countries of Lhyn, Kelynnoc, Vawr; so that Jago was shortly after taken Prisoner by Prince Howel's men, who after that enjoyed his part of the Countrey in peace.

Nor can I here omit what some of our Monkish Writers, and particu∣larly John Pike in his compendious Supplement of the Kings of England, (now in Manuscript in the * 1.28 Cottonian Library) relates, That there being this year a Great Council held at Winchester again to debate this great Affair concerning the turning out of the Monks, and restoring the Secular Chanons, and it being like to be carried in their favour, a Crucifix which then stood in the room, spoke thus, God forbid it should be so; This amazing them, they resolved to leave the Monks in the con∣dition they then were. But whether these words were ever spoke at all, or if they were, whether it might not be by some person that stood un∣seen behind the Crucifix, I shall leave to the Reader to determine as he pleases.

* 1.29

Next year all the Grave and Wise Men of the English Nation being met about the same Affair, at Calne (in Wiltshire) fell down together from a certain Upper Room, (where they were assembled in Coun∣cil) unless it were St. Dunstan the Archbishop, who fixed his foot up∣on a certain Beam; but some were sadly bruised and hurt, whilst others were killed outright.

But since William of Malmesbury hath given us a larger account of this Council, and what was done in it, I shall give it you in his words:

But mens minds being not yet settled,* 1.30 another Council was summoned at Calne in Wiltshire, (but the King was absent by reason of his Youth) where the same Affair was again debated with great Heat and Conten∣tion: But when many Reproaches were cast upon Archbishop Dunstan, that Bulwark of the Church, who could by no means be shaken, upon a sudden the Floor of the Chamber fell down, all there present being very much bruised, except Dunstan, who escaped upon a Beam; all the rest being either hurt or killed. This Miracle, says he, obtained quiet for the Archbishop and all the Monks of England, who were for ever after of his opinion.

This Accident is also related by Mat. Westminster, and copied by Cardinal Baronius into his Annals, and is likewise mentioned by other Authors. But it is very probable, that this Misfortune did not happen with∣out the fore-knowledge (if not the Contrivance) of Archbishop Dunstan, since he had now persuaded the King not to be there, though he was present at the last Council. But H. Huntington would have it be a sign from Heaven, that they should fall from God's love, and be oppress'd by Foreign Nations; as followed not long after.

And (according to Florence of Worcester) there was a Third Sy∣nod at Ambresbury; but what was done there, he does not tell us.

But to return to our Annals;

The same year King Edward was kil∣led at Corfesgeate, now Corfe-Castle in the Isle of Purbeck, on the 15^th of the Kalends of April, and was buried at Werham, without any Royal Pomp. There was not since the time that the English Nation came into Britain, any thing done more wickedly than this: But though men murthered him, yet God exalted him; and he that was an Earthly King, is now a Saint in Heaven; and though his Relations would not revenge his Death, yet God perform'd it severely.

The rest to the same effect in these Annals I omit, because I would not be tedious. But I shall give you a more particular account of the manner of this Prince's Death, from William of Malmesbury, and the Chronicle called Bromton's; the former of which relates it thus; That as for King Edward, he was of so extraordinary Religious and Mild a Nature, that for quietness sake, he let his Mother-in-Law order all things as she pleased, giving her all Respects, as to his own Mother, and regarding his Younger Brother with all the tenderness imaginable: She on the contrary, from his Kindness and Love, conceives greater and more im∣placable Malice against him; and with the Sovereignty she already en∣joyed, was so ill satisfied, that she must needs take from him the very Title also: This Design she covered with notable dissimulation, till a convenient opportunity presented it self for the execution of it: At length the poor Innocent Prince being one day wearied with hunting, and being very thirsty, (while his Companions followed the Game, and minded not what became of him) knowing that the Queen's House was not far off, rode thither all alone, fearing nothing, because of his own Innocence, and supposing every one meant as honestly as himself.

Whereupon the Queen receives him with all the seeming kindness imaginable, and fain would have had him to light from his Horse, but he refusing that, and only asking to see his Brother, she caused some Drink to be presently brought him; but whilest the Cup was at his mouth, one of her Servants, privately before instructed, stabbed him

with a Dagger in the Back.* 1.31 He, exceedingly astonished at this unexpected ill treatment, clapp'd Spurs to his Horse, and fled away as fast as he could towards his Company; but the Wound being Mortal, and he spent with loss of blood, fell to the ground, and having one foot in the Stirrup, was dragged through By-ways; but being trac'd by his Blood by those she sent after him, they brought back the Dead Corps, which they buried privately at Werham, where they imagin'd they had also buried his Me∣mory as well as his Body; but the place of his Sepulture (as it's said) soon grew famous for Miracles.

Queen Elfreda was upon this so convinced of her Wickedness, that from her Courtly and Delicate Way of Living, she betook her self to very severe Penances, as wearing Hair-cloath, sleeping on the ground without a Pillow, with such other Austerities as were used in that Age; and herein she continued all her life.

So fell this good King Edward, after he had only born the Name of King Three years and an half; who for his Innocence, and the Mira∣cles supposod to be wrought after his Death, obtained the Sirname of Martyr: Which opinion of his Sanctity was the more confirmed by other great Miseries which shortly after befel the Land; which the people did verily believe were inflicted on them for his Murther.

This year (according to Florence) a strange Cloud appeared about Midnight all over England, being first seen of the Colour of Blood, then of Fire, and then like a Rainbow of divers Colours.

King ETHELRED.

IMmediately after the unfortunate Murther of King Edward,* 1.32 there being no other Male Issue of King Edgar left alive, Ethelred his Brother was without any difficulty Elected, as the Ancient Annals of Thorney Abby, preserved in the * 1.33 Cottonian Library, relate; and was also Crowned King by the Archbishop Dunstan and Oswald, and ten other Bishops, at Kingston, the 8^th Kal. May; he being (as R. Hoveden describes him) a Youth of a most Comely Aspect, but not being above Twelve Years of Age, William of Malmesbury gives us this short Character of Him and his Reign: That he rather distressed than governed the Kingdom for Seven and thirty years; that the course of his Life was cruel at the beginning, miserable in the middle, and dishonourable in the conclusion: To Cruelty he attributes the Death of his Brother, which he seemed to approve of, because he did not punish; he was remarkable for his Cowardice and Laziness; and miserable in respect of his Death. His Sluggishness was predicted by Archbishop Dunstan, when at his Christening he superadded his own Water to that of the Font; and thereupon Mat. Westminster makes him to swear, By God and St. Mary, this Boy will prove a Lazy Fellow: But all this looks like a Monkish Story, invented by those who did not love his Memory; since the same thing, though of somewhat a grosser nature is likewise related of the Emperor Constantine, from thence named Copronymus.

Yet sure it was no sign of ill nature, if what William of Malmesbury, and Bromton's Chronicle relate, be true, That when he wept at the News of his Brother's Death, it put his Mother into such a violent Passion, that having not a Rod by her, she beat him so unmercifully with a Wax Taper which she then light upon, that he was almost dead; which caused in him such an aversion to Wax-Lights ever after, that he could never endure any such to be brought before him. But this sounds too Romantick, and therefore I leave it to the Reader's discretion what credit to give it.

But to come to somewhat more certain and material; all Authors agree, that Archbishop Dunstan crown'd this King with great reluctan∣cy; yet he was forced to do it, as not having any of the Blood Royal fit to set up: But because the Monks will have their St. Dunstan to have had the Spirit of Prophecy (like the Prophets in the Old Testa∣ment) they relate, that denouncing God's Judgments against this King at his Coronation, he said thus, Because thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the Death of thy Brother, thus saith the Lord God, The Sin of thine Ignominious Mother shall not be expiated, neither the Sin of those that were her Counsellors, but by great Bloodshed of thy miserable People; for such Miseries shall come upon England, as it never underwent since it had that name. But this Doom was very unjust; for it is certain that the King never knew of, nor desired his Brother's Death; and it was very hard to denounce God's Judgments upon the whole Nation, for the Contri∣vance of one wicked Woman, and which was put in execution by but a few of her Accomplices: So that if the Nation was guilty of any fault,

it was only in so far conniving at the Crime,* 1.34 as out of fear or partiality, to permit the Authors of it to pass unpunished; and for this the Bishops, they having then so great a sway in the whole Council of the Nation, had as much to answer for, as any of the Laity: But passing by God's Judgments, which are too deep for us to fathom, About this time (as the Welsh Chronicles relate) Custenyn Dhu (i. e. Constantine the Black) Son to Prince Jago (then a Prisoner) hired Godfryd the Dane to bring his men against his Cousin Howel ap Jevaf, Prince of North-Wales; so joining their Forces together, they destroyed Anglesey and Lhyn: Whereupon Prince Howel gathered an Army, and setting upon the Danes and Welshmen (who assisted them), at a place called Gwayth Horborth, routed them, and Constantine was slain. I shall now return to our Annals, which under the next year relate, That

* 1.35

Archbishop Dunstan and Elfer the Ealdorman, having taken up the Body of King Edward, which lay buried at Werham, they carried and buried it at Scaeftesbyrig, (i. e. Sbaftsbury) with great Funeral Pomp.

The occasion of which Removal by Elfer, Earl of the Mercians (ac∣cording to Bromton's Chronicle) was that old sign of an English Saxon Saint (so often repeated in this History) whether true or false, I shall not affirm; viz. a Column of Light streaming down from Heaven, over the place where his Body lay buried; as also, that when it was taken up out of the Grave, it was as whole and uncorrupt as when it was first buried three years before; whereupon having washed and dres∣sed it in new Cloathes, they buried it with great Solemnity at the Mo∣nastery above-mentioned, where his Sister Edith, the Daughter of King Edgar by Wulfritha the Nun, was then her self professed. But as for the strange Miracles which are here related to have been done at his Tomb, I willingly omit them. But William of Malmesbury further adds about this Queen Elfreda, That she took upon her the Habit of a Nun at Werewell, a Nunnery which she lately founded, and there passed the rest of her days in great Austerities and Devotions: She also about the same time built another Nunnery at Ambresbury in Wiltshire; this being the usual way to expiate the most horrid Murthers in those dark times.

This year came seven Danish Ships (full of Pyrates) and destroy∣ed Southampton;* 1.36 and (as Florence adds, though under the year before) plundered the Town, and either killed or carried away the Townsmen Prisoners.

William of Malmesbury also takes notice of this, because they were so much talked of, as being the first that had invaded England after above 60 years intermission, and were only the forerunners of many more that follow'd: To which we may also refer that which is added by Simeon of Durham under the year before, but should be put under this; That the same Fleet also wasted Taenetland, (that is, the Isle of Thanet); and the same year also the Province of Chester was much spoiled by the Norwegian Pyrates.

The same year the Danish Pyrates landed in Cornwal, and burnt the Church and Monastery of St. Petroc. Also Godfryd the Son of Harold the Dane, landed with a great Army of his Countreymen in West-Wales, where spoiling all the Land of Dyvet, with the Church of St. Davids, he fought the Battel of Lhanwanoc; though who had the Victory, the Welshmen or the Danes, Caradoc's Chronicle (which gives us this relation) does not tell us.

This year, according to R. Hoveden,* 1.37 Three Ships of these Pyrates landed in Dorsetshire, and spoiled the Isle of Portland: The same year also the City of London was miserably destroyed by Fire.

About this time also, according to the same Author, Alfred and Eal∣dorman, or English Earl, joining (as the Welsh Manuscript Annals re∣late) with Howel the Son of Edwal, destroyed Brecknock, and spoil'd a great part of the Lands of Owen Prince of South-Wales; against whom Eneon the Son of the said Owen, and Howel King of North-Wales, rai∣sing an Army, met with them, and totally defeated them; so that the greatest part of Earl Alfred's Army was slain, and the rest put to flight.

Also about this time the Churches of Wales began first to acknow∣lege the Superiority of the Archbishops of Canterbury, Gacon Bishop of Landaffe being now consecrated by Dunstan Archbishop of Canter∣bury.

This year Aelfer the Ealdorman deceased,* 1.38 and Aelfric his Son took his Government; some of the Monks further add, That he was eaten up with Lice; the reason is plain, for this Aelfer had not long before turn'd the Monks out of their Cloysters (as you have heard), and they seldom fail'd to revenge such an Affront upon those that did so, either alive or dead.

And the same year the Gentlemen of Gwentland in Southwales rebelled against their Prince, and cruelly slew Eneon the Son of Prince Owen, though he came only to appease them: This Eneon was a Gallant Young Prince, that did many brave Actions for the Defence of his Countrey in his Father's life time; he left behind him Two Sons, Edwyn and Theo∣dore, from whom descended the Princes of South-Wales.

This year deceased Athelwald that good Bishop of Winchester,* 1.39 who was the Father of the Monks.

And well might they call him so; for he rebuilt or repaired above a dozen great Monasteries; so that (as William of Malmesbury observes) it is a great wonder how a Bishop's Purse could afford to do that in those days, which a King could scarce perform when he wrote; but the wonder will be much abated when we consider that he had the King's Purse at his command, besides those of other people, who then looked upon such Works as meritorious. But to return to our Annals.

Elfeage, whose sirname was Goodwin, succeeded Athelwald, and was consecrated 14. Kal. Novemb. but was enthron'd at Winchester, at the Feast of St. Simon and Jude R. Hoveden tells us, he was first Abbot of Bathe, and then Archbishop of Canterbury; but at last was killed by the Danes, being a man of great Sanctity of Life.

Also the same year Howel ap Jevaf, Prince of North-Wales, came into England with an Army, where he was fought with and slain in Bat∣tel; but the place is not mentioned. This Howel having no Issue, his Brother Cadwalhan succeeded him.

This year, according to the Saxon Annals,* 1.40 Aelfric the Ealdorman was banish'd the Land.

Mat. Westminster stiles him Earl of Mercia, and says he was Son to Earl Alfure; but neither of them inform us of the Crime for which he suffered that Punishment.

King Ethelred laid waste the Bishoprick of Rochester; and also there was a great Mortality of Cattel in England.

William of Malmesbury, and R. Hoveden, do here add much light to our Annals; That the King

because of some Dissentions between him and the Bishop of Rochester, besieged that City, but not being able to take it, went and wasted the Lands of St. Andrew, (i. e. those belonging to that Bishoprick); but being commanded by the Archbishop to desist from his Fury, and not provoke the Saint to whom that Church is dedicated, the King despised his Admonition, till such time as he had an Hundred Pounds sent to him, and then he drew off his Forces; but the Archbishop abhorring his sordid Covetousness, is there said to have denounced fearful Judg∣ments against him, though they were not to be inflicted till after the Archbishop's death.

This year, as the Welsh Chronicles relate, Meredyth, Son to Owen Prince of South-Wales, entred North-Wales with what Forces he could raise, and slew Cadwalhon ap Jevaf in a Fight, together with Meyric his Brother, and conquered the whole Countrey to himself: Wherein we may observe how God punished the wrong which Jevaf and Jago did to their eldest Brother Meyric, who being disinherited, had his eyes put out; for first Jevaf was imprisoned by Jago, as Jago himself was by Howel the Son of Jevaf, and then this Howel, and his Brethren Cadwal∣hon and Meyric were slain, and lost their Dominions.

This year Weedport (that is, Watchet in Somersetshire) was destroy∣ed by the Danes.* 1.41

About this time (as appears by the Charter in the Monast. Angl. p. 284.) the Abby of Cerne in Dorsetshire, was founded by Ailmer Earl of Cornwall, near to a Fountain, where it was said that St. Au∣gustine had formerly baptized many Pagans. And where also long after, Prince Edwold, Brother to St. Edmund the Martyr, quitting his Coun∣trey, then over run by the Danes, lived and died an Hermit. But it seems from the Manuscript History of Walter of Coventry, this Abby was only enlarged by this Earl Ailmer, having been built some years be∣fore by one Alward, his Father, a Rich and Powerful Person in those Parts.

* 1.42Goda a Thane was killed, and there was a great Slaughter. But the same Author last mentioned, writing from some other Copy of An∣nals, relates this Story another way; That this Goda being Earl of Devonshire, together with one Strenwald a valiant Knight, marching out to fight the Danes, they were both there killed; but there being more of them destroyed than of the English, the latter kept the field. But to return to our Annals;

This year Dunstan, that Holy Archbishop, exchanged this Terre∣strial Life for a Heavenly one; and Ethelgar (Bishop of Selsey) suc∣ceeded him, but lived not long after, (viz.) only One Year and Three Months.

This is that Great Archbishop, called St. Dunstan, who was the Re∣storer of the Monkish Discipline in England; and who made a Collecti∣on of Ordinances for the Benedictine Order, by which he thought the Rule of that Order might be more strictly observed in all the Monaste∣ries of England.

* 1.43

Edwin the Abbot (I suppose, of Peterborough) deceased; and Wulf∣gar succeeded him. The same year also Bishop Syric was consecrated Archbishop, in the room of Ethelgar abovementioned; and afterwards he went to Rome, to obtain his Pall.

This man is commonly written Siricins; but his Name in English Saxon was Syric, or Sigeric.

About this time, according to the Welsh Chronicle, Meredyth,* 1.44 Prince of North Wales, destroyed the Town of Radnor; whilst his Nephew Edwin, (or, as some Copies call him, Owen) the Son of Eneon, assist∣ed by a great Army of English, under Earl Adelf, spoiled all the Lands of Prince Meredyth in South-Wales, as Cardigan, &c. as far as St. Davids, taking Pledges of all the Chief Men of those Countries; whilst in the mean time Prince Meredyth with his Forces spoiled the Countrey of Glamorgan: So that no place in those parts was free from Fire and Sword: Yet at last, Prince Meredyth and Edwin his Nephew, coming to an agreement, were made Friends. But whilst Meredyth was thus taken up in South-Wales, North-Wales lay open to the Danes, who about this time arriving in Anglesey, destroyed the whole Isle.

This year Gipiswic was wasted by the Danes (this was Ipswich in Suffolk);* 1.45 and shortly after Brightnoth the Ealdorman was slain at Mal∣dune.

All which mischief Florence of Worcester tells us was done by the Danes, whose Captains were Justin and Guthmund, when the Per∣son abovementioned, fighting with them at Maldon, there was a great multitude slain on both sides, and the said Earl or Ealdorman was slain there; so that the Danes had the Victory.

The same year also (according to the Annals) it was first decreed, that Tribute should be paid to the Danes, because of the great Terror which they gave the Inhabitants of the Sea-Coast: The first Payment was Ten thousand Pounds; and it is said Archbishop Syric first gave this Counsel

To which also R. Hoveden adds, That Adwald and Alfric the Ealdor∣men, join'd with him in it; but which (as William of Malmesbury well observes) served only to satisfy for a time the Covetousness of the Danes; and being a thing of infamous example, a generous Mind would never have been prevailed upon by any violence to have submitted to; for when the Danes had once tasted the sweetness of this Money, they never left off exacting still more, so long as there was any left; but they now met with a weak and unwarlike Prince, most of whose No∣bility were no better than himself; and so, as the same Author farther observes, they were fain to buy off those with Silver, who ought to have been repell'd with Iron.

This year Oswald, that blessed Archbishop of York,* 1.46 departed this life; as also did Ethelwin the Ealdorman.

The former of them, Simeon of Durham tells us had the year before consecrated the Abby Church of Ramsey, which the latter had newly founded; and as Florence adds, was buried in the Church of St. Mary in Worcester, which he had newly built.

The same year also the King and all his Wise and Great Men de∣creed, That all the stronger Ships should be got together at London; and the King made Ealfric and Thorod the Ealdormen, Admirals of this Fleet; as also Aelfstan and Aestwig, Bishops; commanding them that they should endeavour, if it were possible, to encompass the Danish Fleet; but Ealfric sent to them underhand, to take care of themselves; and the Night before they were to give Battel, he (to his perpetual Infamy) secretly withdrew himself from the King's to the Danish Fleet; so that all the Danes escaped by flight.

But Florence is more plain than the Annals in the Relation of this Flight; and tells us, that the King's Fleet immediately pursued them, and took one of their Ships,

all the rest escaping;* 1.47 only the Londoners meeting with the Ships of the East-Angles by chance, and fighting with them, killed many Thou∣sands of the Danes, and took the Ship wherein Earl Ealfric was, with all the men, himself hardly escaping.

The same year the Inhabitants of the Isle of Anglesey, having been cruelly harass'd by the Danes, and finding no Protection or Defence from Meredyth their Prince, then employed in other Wars (as you have already heard) they cast him off, and received Edwal ap Meyric, the right Heir of North-Wales, for their Prince, who better defended his Subjects from Foreign Invasions; for not long after, Meredyth, Prince of North-Wales, resolving again to recover so considerable a part of his Dominion, entring Anglesey, Prince Edwal with his Forces met him at Lhangwin, and routed him in a set Battel; so Theodor, or Tewdor Mawr, Nephew to Prince Meredyth, was there slain, and he himself forced to fly.

* 1.48

This year also (according to our Annals) Vnlaf, (or Anlaf) the Dane, came with Ninety three Ships as far as Stane, (now Staines up∣on the River Thames), and there wasted the Countrey round about; and from thence they went to Sandwic, and from thence to Gypswic, and spoiled all that Countrey.

But I suppose this is a Mistake in the Cambridge Copy of these An∣nals; which repeat that Action of the Danes, together with the Death of Duke Bryghtnoth, which had been already said in the Laudean and Cottonian Copies to have happened Anno 991; and therefore what fol∣lows, seems likewise misplaced in this Copy, concerning the Receiving and Baptizing of this King Anlaf, which it makes to be the effect of the Victory now obtain'd; for Anlaf was not baptized till the year follow∣ing; as will by and by appear.

But this is more certain which comes after; viz.

That this year the Town of Bebanburgh (i.e. Banborow in Northumberland) was destroy∣ed by the Danes, and a great Prey there taken; after which the Danes came up the River Humber, and did much mischief as well to those of Lindsige, as the Northumbers: Then were muster'd together a great number of Soldiers, but when they were going to give them Battel, they fled, the first Encouragers of their flight being their own Captains, Fraena, Godwin, and Frithegist; (all Three of the Danish Race.)

This year also (according to the same Copy) King Ethelred com∣manded the Eyes of Ealfric the Ealdorman's Son, to be put out: But it does not tell us for what:

But William of Malmesbury is more express, and says it was a Punishment for his Father's Perfidiousness; which if done now, was not only very unjust, to punish the Son for the Father's faults, but also ill tim'd, to do it so long after the Crime had been com∣mitted: But he further tells us, that he not only revolted once, but again; and so perhaps it was for this last Rebellion, that the King in∣flicted this cruel Punishment upon his Son; for had the Father been in his power, it is most likely he would have made him to have suffer'd himself: But this being so much in the dark, I shall leave it to the Rea∣der to make what he please on't.

There having been for some time great Enmity between Richard Duke of Normandy, which it seems had broke out into open War, Pope John sent Leo Bishop of Treve, as his Nuncio, first to the King of Eng∣land; who having received the Pope's Letters, called a Council of all

the Great and Wise Men of the Nation; who agreed,* 1.49 That upon the Pope's Admonition, Ambassadors should be sent to the Marquess of Normandy, (for so he called) to treat of a Peace; and when they were there, the said Marquess agreed to a lasting Peace, upon the Pope's Admonition; so that none for the future should receive each other's Ene∣mies: All which appears in the Epistle of the said Pope John concern∣ing this affair; which is recited at large in William of Malmesbury, in his Reign of this King, to which I refer the Reader.

About this time, according to the Welsh Chronicles, Sweyn, the Son of Harold the Dane, having destroyed the Isle of Man, enter'd North-Wales, and slew Edwal ap Meyric in Battel: This Prince left behind him one Son, an Infant, who at last came to be Prince of Wales: So that it seems there was an Anarchy in North Wales for some time; unless Owen, formerly expell'd, now recover'd his Principality; which my Author does not mention.

This year Sigeric (or Syric) Archbishop of Canterbury, deceased,* 1.50 and Aelfric Bishop of Winchester was elected in his stead, on Easter-Day, at Ambresbyrig, by King Ethelred and all his Wise Men. This same year also, Anlaf and Sweyn came to London, on the Nativity of St. Mary, with Ninety four Ships, and assaulted the City very sharp∣ly, endeavouring to burn it; but here they received much more da∣mage than they believed it to be in the power of the Citizens ever to have done them; for the Holy Mother of God out of her great mercy took care of the Citizens, and delivered them from their Enemies:

Or, as William of Malmesbury more plainly tells us, the Besiegers de∣spairing of taking the City, (because the Citizens made so vigorous a defence) were forced to march away.

But as they went off, they did as much mischief as any Army ever did, by burning and wasting the whole Countrey thereabouts, and killing all the Inhabitants in Essex, Kent, and Sussex, as also in Hamp∣shire:

And, as Florence relates, sparing neither Man, Woman, nor Child.

But at last they provided themselves with Horses, and riding where∣ever they pleased, did unspeakable Mischiefs: Whereupon it was or∣dained by the King and his Wise Men, That Messengers should be sent to them, promising them both Tribute and Provisions, if they would desist from their Spoil and Rapine: To which request they consented; and so the whole Army came to Hamtune, and there took up their Winter-Quarters; and in the mean time the West-Saxon Kingdom was forced to maintain them; and Sixteen thousand Pounds were given to them, besides their maintenance.

Then the King sent Bishop Elfeage to King Anlaf, as also Aethelward the Ealdorman; and leaving Hostages at the Ships, they brought Anlaf with great Honour to the King to Andefer, (that is, Andover in Hamp∣shire); then King Aethelred received him at his Confirmation, from the Bishop's hand; whereupon Anlaf promised him (which he also performed) that he would never again infest the English Nation.

And as Florence farther adds, he now returned into his own Countrey.

So it seems the Kingdom was rid of Anlaf; but what became of Sweyen or Sweyn, the Annals do not tell us; for we hear no more of him till Anno 1004, as you will find by and by: So that whether he went away with Anlaf, or commanded those who infested the Kingdom the

next year,* 1.51 is uncertain. But perhaps we may to this time refer that which Adam of Bremen relates of this King Sweyn, who having made

War upon his Father Harwold the Great, whom he outed of his King∣dom and Life together, was afterwards himself overcome, and ex∣pelled his Kingdom by Aerick King of Sweden; thus justly rewarded for his horrid Crimes, he wander'd up and down without relief. Thrucco the Son of Haco, then Prince of the Normans, rejected him as a Pagan; and Ethelred the Son of Edgar (he calls him Adalred) remembring what mischiefs the Danes had brought on England, with scorn repell'd him: So that at length he was entertained by the King of the Scots, who taking compassion on him, gave him free Quarter for Fourteen years together. But so enraged was he at the repulse given him by the King of England, that ever after he studied all he could how to plague and afflict that Countrey, one while by his own particular Forces, and another by the assistance of others.

How true this Story is, we cannot affirm; the Affairs of the Northern Nations, as to those Times, being involved in so great an obscurity: However, we thought it not amiss to give it you, as suiting with the Fortunes and Inclinations of this man, which proved so great a Plague to this our Countrey, that he seems to have been acted by some extraor∣dinary Passion, whether of Ambition or Revenge, or both together. But to return to our Annals.

This year also Richard the Elder (Duke of Normandy) died; and Richard his Son succeeded him, and reigned One and thirty years.

'This year appeared a Comet. Also the same year, as Simeon of Durham relates,* 1.52 Aldune Bishop of Lindisfarne, removed the Body of St. Cuthbert, which had for above an Hundred years remained at Cune∣caeaster, that is, Chester, in the Bishoprick of Durham, to the place where the City of Durham was afterwards built, it being then altoge∣ther uninhabited. Here Bishop Aldune built a small Church of Stone, dedicating it to St. Cuthbert; and a Town being here shortly after built, it was called Durham.

'The Kingdom had rest this year, as also the next; but

The Danes sail'd round about Devonshire, to the mouth of the River Severne,* 1.53 and there took much Plunder, as well among the North Welsh, as in Cornwall and Devonshire.

Yet here it seems that North-Wales was mis-put in these Annals, in∣stead of the South; for no part of the Severn Sea borders upon North-Wales.

But after this, the Danes going up as far as Wecedport, (or Watchet) they did much hurt, both by burning the Houses, and killing the Inha∣bitants whereever they came. After this they sail'd round Penwith∣steort, (i. e. the Point called the Land's-End) toward the South Coast, and sailing up the River Thames, went with their Ships as far as Hildaford (now Lideford) burning and killing whatever they met, as they passed along: They also burnt the Monastery of Ordulph, which had been lately built by him at Aetesingstoce (now Tavistock in Devonshire) and carried a very great deal of Plunder along with them to their Ships. This year also Aelfric the Archbishop went to Rome to obtain his Pall.

Then the Danes turned toward the East up the mouth of the River Frome, and there marched as far as they would into Dorseta,* 1.54 (i. e. Dorsetshire) where an Army got together against them; but as often as the English fought with them, so often were they by some misfortune or other put to flight; so that the Danes still obtain'd the Victory: After this they quarter'd in the Isle of Wight, but fetch'd their Provisions from Hamptunseire and Southseax.

Also this year, according to Caradoc's Chronicle, the Danes landing again in South-Wales, destroyed St. Davids, and slew Vrgeney Bishop of that See: And now Meredyth ap Owen, Prince of North-Wales, decea∣sed, leaving one only Daughter, who was married to Lewelyn ap Sitsylt, afterward in her Right Prince of North-Wales: But after the death of this Prince Owen, Edwin his Nephew, above-mentioned (as the Manu∣script Chronicle relates) possessed himself of South-Wales, and reigned there some years.

This year the Danes sail'd up the River Thames,* 1.55 and from thence went into the Medway to Rofceaster, where the Kentish Forces met them, and there was a very sharp Dispute; but alas! they presently gave place to their Enemies, and fled, because they had not assistance enough; so that the Danes kept the field; and then getting Horses, rode whereever they pleased, spoiling and laying waste all the Western part of Kent: Then it was ordained by the King and his Wise Men, that an Army should be forthwith raised against them both by Sea and Land; but when the Ships were ready, they delayed the time from day to day, oppressing the poor people that served on board; and if at any time the Fleet was ready to sail, it was still put off from one time to another, so that they suffered the Enemies Forces to increase; and when the Danes retired from the Sea-Coast, then our Fleet was wont to go out; so that at the last these Naval Forces served for no other end, but to harass the People, spend their Money, and provoke the Enemy.

This year (as Simeon of Durham relates) Malcolm King of the Scots with a great Army wasted the Province of the Northumbers, and be∣sieged Durham: At that time Waltheof Earl of the Northumbers, being very old, and unable to fight with the Enemies, enclosed himself in Bebbanburgh; whilst Vthred his Son, a Valiant Young Man, assem∣bling an Army out of Northumberland and Yorkshire, fought with the Scots, and destroyed in a manner their whole Army, insomuch that the King himself very hardly escaped: After this he made choice of a certain number of slain Scotchmen's Heads, the best adorn'd with Hair he could get, and gave them to an Old Woman to wash, allowing her for each Head a Cow for her pains; these Heads when wash'd, he set upon high Poles round about the Walls of Durham.

King Ethelred being informed of this Action, sent for the Young Man, and as a Reward for his Valour, not only gave him his Father's Countrey, but added to it that of Yorkshire: Upon this Vthred return∣ing home, dismissed his Wife the Daughter of Aeldhure Bishop of Dur∣ham; but because he cast her off contrary to his Promise, he surrender'd up to her Six Mannors which the Bishop her Father had given him with her. Then Vthred married Siga, the Daughter of Styre, the Son of Vlfelme.

* 1.56

The King marched into Cumerland, (i. e. Cumberland) and laid it almost waste; but neither our Annals, nor any other Author, tell us wherefore he made this War, nor upon whom it was made; but John Fordon in his Scotch History gives us this Account of it; That King Ethelred having paid great Tributes to the Danes, sent to Malcolm then Prince of Cumberland, under Gryme King of the Scots, commanding him that he should make his Subjects of Cumberland pay part of this Tribute, as well as the rest of the People of England; which he deny∣ing, sent the King word, That neither he nor his Subjects ought to pay any Tribute, but only were obliged to be ready at the King's Com∣mand, to make War, together with the rest of the Kingdom, whenever he pleased; for he said it was much better to fight manfully, than only to buy Liberty with Money:

For this cause, as well as for that the King affirmed that the Prince of Cumberland favoured the Danes, King Ethelred invaded that Countrey, and carried away great spoils from thence; but presently after, the two Princes being reconciled, they en∣tred into a firm Peace for ever after.

But to proceed with our Annals:

After the King had thus wasted Cumberland, he commanded his Ships to sail round by Legceaster (i. e. Chester) to meet him there; but they could not do it, by reason of the contrary Winds; so they wasted the Island Manige (now called An∣glesey); for the Danish Fleet was turned this Summer upon the Duke∣dom of Normandy. But the next year,

* 1.57

Their Fleet being now returned into England, there arose great Troubles in this Island, by reason of this Fleet, which every where spoiled the Countries, and burnt the Towns; and landing, they marched in one day as far as Aetheling gadene (which is supposed to be Alton in Hampshire); but there the Forces of that County marched against, and fought with them; and there Aethelweard the King's High Sheriff, and Leofric, Gerif of Whitcircan, (i. e. Whitchurch in Hampshire) and Leofwin the King's High-Sheriff, and Wulfer the Bishop's Thane, and Godwin the Gerif, were all slain at Weorthige, (the place is now unknown); as also Aelfsige the Bishop's God-son, and of all sorts of men, Eighty one; yet many more of the Danes were slain there, though indeed they kept the Field of Battel: But from thence their Fleet sail'd toward the West, until they came to Devonshire, where met him Pallig with what Ships he could gather together: He had revolted from King Ethelred divers times▪ notwith∣standing his Faith plighted to him, and though the King had largely rewarded him both with Lands and Money. Then they burnt Teng∣ton (i. e. Taunton) and many other good Towns, more than we can now name; which being done, there was a League clapt up with them: After this they went to Exanmuthan (i. e. Exmouth) from whence they marched in one day to Peanhoe (now Pen in Somerset-shire), where Cola the King's High-Sheriff, and Eadsig the King's Gerif, met them with what Forces they could; but they were put to flight, and many of them slain, and the Danes kept the Field; so the next morning they burnt the Towns of Peanho, and Clistune, (or Clifton) and several other good Towns. Then the Danes returned to the Isle of Wight, and there one morning burnt the Town of Wel∣tham, with divers other Villages; and presently after a League was made with them, and they hearken'd to Terms of Peace.

But the Laudean and Cottonian Copies differ very much from that of Cambridge, in the telling of this story;* 1.58 for they make the Danes to have first sailed up the River Exe, as far as Eaxcester, and to have besieged the City, but not being able to take it, they raised the Siege, and then marched all over the Countrey, killing and destroying whatever they met with; and that then a strong Army of the Devonshire and Somer∣setshire men fought with them at Peanho, with the success above-men∣tioned. The rest differs but little from the Printed Copy; but this last relation seems most likely to be true.

The year following it was decreed by the King and his Wise Men, That a Tribute should be paid to the Danish Fleet,* 1.59 and Peace should be concluded with them, upon condition that they would cease from doing mischief: Then the King sent Leofsig the Ealdorman to the Fleet, who treated with them on the behalf of the King and his Council of Wise Men, proposing that they would be content with Provisions and Money, which they agreed to: Then, not long after, they paid them Four and twenty thousand Pounds. In the mean time Leofsig the Ealdorman killed Aelfric the King's High Sheriff; upon which the King banished the other the Kingdom. And the Lent after∣wards came hither Aelgiva, Daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy, to be married to the King.

The same Summer Eadulf Archbishop of York deceased: And this year also the King commanded all the Danes in England to be slain at the Feast of St. Brice, because it was told the King that they endea∣voured to deprive him and all his Great and Wise Men of their lives, and to seize the Kingdom to themselves without any opposition.

Matthew of Westminster casts the Odium of this Action from the King, and lays it upon one of his Evil Counsellors, whom he calls Huena, General of the King's Forces, ••o manage the chief Affairs of the Kingdom: He seeing the Insolencies of the Danes, and that after the late Agreement they were grown insupportable to the Kingdom; for they violated the Wives and Daughters of Persons of Quality, and committed divers other Injuries not to be endured: Thereupon he came in great seeming trouble to the King, making most dismal Complaints of these unspeakable Outrages; at which the King was so incensed, that by the Counsel of the said Huena he sent private Let∣ters into all parts of the Kingdom, commanding all his Subjects with∣out exception, That upon a certain Day they should every where pri∣vily set upon the Danes, and without mercy cut them off. In these Letters was also signified, that the Danes had a design to deprive him of his Life and Kingdom, and to destroy all the Nobility, in order to bring the whole Island under their subjection. And thus the Danes, who a little before by a League solemnly sworn on both sides, had been ad∣mitted quietly to inhabit among the English, were most treacherously and barbarously murthered, not many of them escaping; even the very Women were put to death, and their Children's Brains dash'd out against the Walls; particularly at London, when this Bloody Decree was to be executed, many of the Danes fled into a certain Church of that City, but for all that it proved no Sanctuary to them, for they were all there cruelly murthered even at the very Altar.

H. Huntington moreover adds, That he himself being a Child, had heard it from certain Old Men, that by the King's Command Letters

were privately dispatch'd all over England,* 1.60 to make away the Danes in one Night.

But so much Innocent Blood being thus perfidiously shed, cry'd aloud to Heaven for Vengeance, and the Clamours of it likewise quickly reached as far as Denmark: And Walsingham hath given us in his History a particular Account of the manner of it; for on the day when this barbarous Decree was executed at London, certain young men of the Da∣nish Nation being too nimble for their Pursuers, got into a small Vessel then in the Thames, and by that means escaped and fled to Denmark; where they certified King Sweyn of what had passed in England; who being moved with indignation at this treatment, thereupon called a great Council of all the Chief Men of his Kingdom, and declaring to them this Cruel Massacre, desired their Advice what was best to be done: and they being inflamed with Rage and Grief for the loss of so many of their Friends and Kindred, decreed with one consent, That they ought to revenge it with all the Forces of their Nation: Upon which, great Preparations were made in the several Provinces, and Messengers sent to other Nations, to desire their Alliance with him, promising them their share in the Spoils of that Countrey which they were going to conquer: So King Sweyn having got ready a vast Fleet of above Three hundred Sail, arrived in England: But as Bromton's Chronicle relates,

* 1.61

The year following, Sweyn King of Denmark, hearing of the Death of his Subjects, sail'd with a mighty Fleet to the Coast of Cornwall, where he landed, and marched up to Eaxceaster, which, (as our Annals tell us) by the Carelesness or Cowardise of a certain Norman, one Count Hugh, whom the Queen had made Governor there, the Pagans took, and quite destroyed the City, and carried thence a great Booty. Then a Numerous Army was raised from Wiltshire and Hampshire, and being very unanimous, they all marched briskly against the Danes; but Aelfric the Ealdorman, who commanded in chief, here shewed his wonted tricks; for as soon as both Armies were in sight of each other, he feigned himself sick, and began to vomit, pretending he had got some violent Distemper, and by that means betray'd those whom he ought to have led to Victory; according to the Proverb, If the Gene∣ral's heart fails, the Army flies.

But though this was very ill done of Aelfrick thus to betray his trust, yet certainly the King was no less to be blamed himself, for trusting a man that had so often betray'd him, and whom he had already suffici∣ently provoked, by putting out the Eyes of his Son, as you have alrea∣dy heard.

But to return to our Annals:

Sweyn now finding the Cowar∣dise or Inconstancy of the English, marched with his Forces to Wil∣tune, which Town he burnt; from thence he marched to Syrbi∣rig, (i. e. Old Sarum) which they also burnt; and from thence to the Sea-side to their Ships.

After the death of Edwal ap Meyric, and Meredyth ap Owen, Princes of North-Wales, as you have already heard, North-Wales having for some years continued under a sort of Anarchy, without any Prince, Meredyth leaving behind him no Issue Male, and Edwal but one Son an Infant, it gave occasion (as the Welsh Chronicles relate) to great di∣sturbances; for one Aedan ap Blegored (or Bledhemeyd, as the Cottonian

Copy of the Welsh Annals call him) tho an absolute stranger to the British Blood-Royal,* 1.62 about this time possessed himself of the Princi∣pality of North-Wales, and held it about twelve years; but whether he came in by Election, or Force, is not said; only that one Conan ap Howel, who fought with this Aedan for the Dominion, was this year slain in Battel: So that Aedan for a time held that Countrey peaceably, since we do not read of any other Wars he had, till the last year of his Reign.

This year Sweyn came with his Fleet to Northwick, i. e. Norwich,* 1.63 (the River it seems being navigable up to it in those days) and whol∣ly destroyed and burnt that City; then Vlfkytel the Ealdorman con∣sulted with the Wise and Great Men of East-England, and by them it was judged most expedient to buy Peace of the Danish Army, to prevent their doing any more mischief; for the Danes had taken them unprovided, before they had time to draw their Forces together: But these Danes not valuing the Peace which they had newly made, stole away with all their Ships, and sailed to Theatford; which as soon as Vlfkytel had learnt, he sent a Messenger with Commands to break or burn all their Ships (which notwithstanding, the English neglected to do), whilst he in the mean time tried to get together his Forces with what speed he could: But the Danes coming to Theodford three Weeks after the destruction of Norwich, stayed within the Town of Theodford only one night, and then burnt and laid it in ashes: But the next morning as they returned to their Ships, Vlkytel met with them, and there began a very sharp Fight, which ended in a very great slaughter on both sides, and abundance of the English Nobility were there killed; but if all the English Forces had been there, the Danes had never reached their Ships.

But notwithstanding these cruel Wars in the Eastern and Southern Parts of England, Wulfric Spot,* 1.64 an Officer in the Court of King Ethel∣red, now built the Monastery of Burton in Staffordshire, and endowed it with all his Paternal Inheritance, which was very great, and gave that King Three hundred Mancuses of Gold, to purchase his Confirma∣tion of what he had done. This Monastery, though its Rents at the Dissolution were somewhat below the Value of Five hundred Pounds per Annum, yet being an Abby of great Note in those Parts, and also render'd more famous from its Annals publish'd at Oxford, I thought good to take particular notice of it.

This year Aelfric Archbishop of Canterbury deceased; and Aelfeag (Bishop of Winchester) was made Archbishop.* 1.65]

But the Laudean and Cottonian Copies place this under the next year.

So cruel a Famine also raged here, as England never suffer'd a worse.]

Florence relates the Famine to be so great, that England was not able to subsist.

The same year also King Sweyn with the Danish Fleet sail'd into Den∣mark; but in a short time return'd hither again.

This year Aelfeage was now consecrated Archbishop of Canter∣bury, and Brightwald took the Bishoprick of Wiltonshire;* 1.66 as also Wulfgeat was deprived of all his Honours, and Wulfeath had his Eyes put out. (These were Noblemen who suffered under the King's displeasure; but what the cause of it was, I find not.) And this year Bishop Kenwulph deceased: Then after Midsummer, the Danish

Fleet came to Sandwic,* 1.67 and did as they used to do, killing, wasting, and plundering whatever they met with: Therefore the King com∣manded all the West Saxon and Mercian Nations to be assembled, who kept watch all the Autumn by Companies, against the Danes; but all this signified no more than what they had done often before; for the Danes made no less Incursions, but went whereever they pleased; and this Expedition did the people more damage than any Army could do.

Winter coming on, the English Forces return'd home, and the Danes about Martinmass retired to their old Sanctuary, the Isle of Wight, whither they carried whatever they had need of; and afterwards about Christmass they marched out to seek for fresh Provisions in Hamp∣tunshire and Berrocseire, as far as Reading; and havocking according to their usual custom, burnt the Beacons whereever they found them; and from thence they marched to Wealingaford, (i. e. Wallingford) which Town they wholly destroyed: Then marching to Aescesdune, (now Aston, near Wallingford) they came to Cwicchelmeslaw, (now Cuckamsley-hill in Berkshire) without ever touching near the Sea; and at last return'd home another way.

About the same time an English Army was mustered at Cynet, (i. e. Kennet in Wiltshire) where a Battel was fought, but the English Troops were immediately worsted; after which the Danes carried off all their Booty to the Sea-side. There might one have seen the Wilt∣shire men (like a Cowardly sort of people) suffer the Danes to return to the Sea-side, even just by their doors, with their Provisions and Spoils. In the mean time the King marched over Thames into Scrob∣besbyrigscire, (i. e. Shropshire) and there kept his Christmass. At that time the Danes struck so great a Terror into the English Nation, that no man could devise how to get them out of the Kingdom, nor how well to maintain it against them, because they had destroyed all the Countries of the West-Saxons with Burnings and Devastations. Then the King often consulted with his Wise Men about what was best to be done in this case, whereby they might save the Countrey before it was quite ruined; and after mature deliberation, it was at length decreed by them all, for the Common Good of the Nation, (though much against their wills) That Tribute should be again paid to the Danes. Then the King sent to their Army, to let them know, that he was contented to enter into a Peace with them, and to pay them Tribute, and also find them Provisions during their stay: To which Terms all the Danes assented: So it seems the whole English Nation was forced to maintain them.

And the beginning of the year following,

* 1.68

This Tribute was again paid to them; to wit, Thirty thousand Pounds. Also the same year Aedric was made Ealdorman over all the Kingdom of Mercia.

This Aedric, though he had married the King's Daughter, is cha∣racterized by all our Historians, for a Proud, False, and Unconstant Man; and who by his Treachery proved the Ruin of his Countrey, as well as of many particular Persons of great Worth: For not long be∣fore, (as Florence relates) he made away Athelme that Noble Ealdor∣man at Shrewsbury, inviting him to a Feast, and afterwards carrying him out a hunting, where he hired the City-Hangman to set his Dog upon him, called Porthund, which tore him to pieces: And not long after his two Sons Walfheage and Vflgeat had their Eyes put out by the King's Order at Cotham, where he then resided.

But we may hence observe,* 1.69 to how sad a state the Nation was redu∣ced under a Voluptuous and Cowardly King, and a Degenerate Nobi∣lity: And the reason why the Annals say, That the People's being kept in Arms all the Winter, did them as much harm as the Enemy; was, because having then no standing Forces, the Countrey Militia were fain to be kept upon Duty at their own Charges, whilst their Families were ready to starve at home: So impossible a thing it is to maintain any long War either at home or abroad, without a Standing Army.

But now the King having too late perceived his Error, viz. That the greatest Cause of his Ruin proceeded from the want of a good Fleet,

He then commanded Ships to be built all over England;* 1.70 (to wit) to every Hundred and ten Hides of Lands, one Ship; and of every Eight Hides a Helmet and Breast-plate:

And so by the next year,

His Ships were all finished,* 1.71 and they were both so many and withal so good, that (as our Histories affirm) England never saw the like before: Then after they were all well mann'd and victual'd, they were brought to Sandwic, and there remain'd, in order to defend the King∣dom against the Invasion of Strangers; yet notwithstanding all those Preparatives, the English Nation was so unhappy, that this great Fleet met with no better success than often before; for it happen'd about this time, or a little sooner, that Brightric (a false and ambitious man) the Brother of Aedric above mentioned, accused Wulfnoth a Thane of the South Saxons, (and Father of Earl Godwin) to the King; upon which Wulfnoth saving himself by flight, got together twenty Ships, and with them turning Pyrate, took Prizes all round the Southern Coast, and did a world of mischief; but as soon as it was told the King's Fleet, that they might easily surprize him if they would but cruise about that place, Brightric upon this taking Eighty Sail along with him, had mighty hopes by seizing of him either alive or dead, to make himself signally famous; but as he was sailing thither, so great a Tem∣pest arose, as never had been in the memory of man, by which all his Fleet was shipwrack'd, or stranded on the shore; and Wulfnoth coming thither presently after, burnt all the rest that were left. Now when this News came to that part of the Fleet where the King was in Person, the whole Action seem'd to be undertaken very precipitately, without any good Advice at all. And thereupon the King with all his Ealdor∣men and Great Men return'd home, leaving both the Ships and Men to shift for themselves: But those that were in them, carried them up to London. And thus did all the Labour and Expence of the whole Na∣tion come to nothing, without in the least diminishing the Power of their Enemies as the people hoped they would have done.

When all these Naval Preparations were thus defeated, there arrived presently after Harvest a mighty Fleet of Danes at Sandwic; and af∣ter they were landed they immediately marched to Canterbury, which City they would forthwith have destroyed, had they not humbly be∣sought a Peace of them: Upon which all the East Kentish men came and clapt up a Peace with the Danes, and purchased it at the Price of Three thousand Pounds: But these Heathens presently afterwards sail'd round again, till they came to Wihtland, (i. e. the Isle of Wight) and there, as also in Southseax, Hamtunscire, and Bearruscire, they plunder'd and burnt Towns as they used to do: Hereupon the King

commanded the whole Nation to be summoned,* 1.72 that every Province should defend it self against them: But for all this, they still marched whereever they pleased, without any body's disturbing them: But one time when the King had hemm'd them in with his whole Army, as they were going to their Ships, and all his Forces were just ready to fall upon them, Aedric the Ealdorman hinder'd them, as he always did.

For, as R. Hoveden relates, he over persuaded the King by his cun∣ning and plausible reasons, not to run the hazard of a Battel, but to let them go off if they would; and so they return'd to their Ships with a great deal of joy that they had so well got themselves out of that Toil.

Then after Martinmass they return'd again into Kent, and took up their Winter-Quarters near the Thames, fetching their Provisions from Essex, and those Provinces that lay nearest, on each side the River; and they frequently threatned the City of London, but (thanks be to God it had hitherto kept it self safe), there they met with always but an ill reception.

After Christmass they made an excursion through Cyltern, (that is, the Chiltern, or Woody Countrey of Bucks, and Oxfordshire) and so to Oxnaford, and burnt that City, and having plunder'd on both sides the Thames, they return'd to their ships; but when they heard that an Army was prepared ready against them at London, they again passed over the River at Stanes, and thus rambled about the Countrey all this Winter; yet about Spring they came again into Kent, and there refitted their ships.

* 1.73

But presently after Easter the Danish Army marched out against the English, and going on shore at Gypeswic (i. e. Ipswich) went di∣rectly thither, where they knew Earl Vlfkitel was encamp'd with his Forces; this happen'd on Ascension day in the morning; so the East-Eng∣lish presently fled, and there were on the spot slain Ethelstan the King's Son-in-Law, as also Oswi and his Son, and Wulfric the Son of Leofwin, with many other Noble Thanes, and common Soldiers not to be num∣bred: One Thurkytel, sirnamed Myranheafod, (that is, in our present Language, Ant's-head) first began to fly, whereby the Danes kept the field; and having provided themselves with Horses, they subdued all East-England, spoiling and burning for three Months together, where they went; then marching into the Fens, they there destroyed both Men and Cattel, and burnt the Towns of Theodford and Grantabyrig, (i. e. Cambridge): Then turning Southward toward the Thames, they rode on Horseback to their ships; and presently coming out of them again, they marched towards the West into Oxnafordscire, and from thence into Buckinghamscire, and so along the River Owse, till they got as far as Bedanford; and thence to Temesanford (now Temsford), burning all the Towns in their way.

Then again they returned to their ships with all their Plunder, and there divided it amongst them. But as for the King's Forces, when they should have stopped their passage, they e'en returned home; and when the Danes were in the East, they were taken up in the West; and whilst they were in the South, the others were in the North.

And Florence farther adds, That in this Expedition into Oxfordshire, the Danes not only took, but burnt the City of Oxford.

All which Destructions must needs have proceeded from hence,* 1.74 that the Danes making War by Sea as well as by Land, could upon the ap∣proach of the King's Army sail away to any other part of the King∣dom, and from thence march off again before the King's Army could ever come at them; which proves how absolutely necessary it is for an Island to maintain a powerful Fleet, if ever they mean to be safe. But to re∣turn to our Annals.

At last all the Wise Men of the Kingdom were again summoned by the King, to consult how they might better defend the Kingdom; but, it seems, whatsover was there resolved on, did not continue a month without alteration, till at last there were no Commanders that would raise any Forces, but every one fled away as fast as they could, neither would any one Shire help its Neighbours: Insomuch that be∣fore the Feast of St. Andrew, the Danish Army came to Hamtune, which Sea-Town they burnt, and took what Plunder they pleased in the Neighbourhood, and from thence again passed over the Thames into West-Seax, and thence into the Marshes of Kent, all which they wholly burnt and destroyed: And when they had thus marched where∣ever they would, about Midsummer they returned again to their Ships.

Oxford and Cambridge being both burnt this year by the Danes, all Studies ceased at each of these Places, till long after, as Thomas Rudburn re∣lates, one Robert Bolean began to read his Lectures on the Scriptures, Anno 1133. From which time (says he) the Scholars have still con∣tinued both at Oxford and Cambridge.

But no wonder that things succeeded no better, if what Caxton in his Chronicle relates, were true concerning those Times; That when the Nobles met in the Great Council of the Kingdom, instead of consult∣ing for the good of it, they fell to impeaching one another, and spent their whole time in their own private Quarrels; the Church-men stand∣ing upon their Privileges, refused to assist the King, or to contribute any thing considerable to the Publick Necessities: To all which mischiefs were likewise added Robberies, and Scarcity of Bread; which still en∣couraged the Danes, as they perceived the Kingdom grow weaker and weaker, to demand greater Tribute to buy their Peace; till at last the Kingdom was quite exhausted of all its Treasure.

This year the King and his Wise Men sent again to the Danish Army with desires of Peace, promising them both Provisions and Money;* 1.75 for they had then subjected to them all East-England, East-Seax, Middle-Seax, Oxnaford, Grantebiryge, Heortford, Buckingaham, Bedanford, and Huntandun Scyres, and on the South-side of Thames; and all the Kentish-men, and South-Saxons, with the Town of Haestings; and besides all these, Suthrig, (i. e. Surrey) Bearruc, and Hamtune Scires, and great part of Wiltunscire; all which miseries happen'd to us through evil Council, because the Tribute was not paid them time enough, and not till they had done all the mischiefs they could. Then was a Peace clapp'd up with them: Yet nevertheless this League being soon broken, they marched about every where in Troops, carrying off a world of Booty with them, either taking these poor people Pri∣soners, or else slaying them outright.

Also this year, between the Nativity of the Virgin Mary and Mi∣chaelmas, they besieged Canterbury, and took it by Treachery; for one Aelmer (an Archdeacon) whose Life Archbishop Aelfeage had for∣merly

saved,* 1.76 betrayed it to them (after twenty days Siege); then they took Prisoners Archbishop Aelfeage, and Aelfwold the King's She∣riff, and Leofwin the Abbot, and Godwin the Bishop of Rochester; but Aelmer, Abbot of St. Augustine's they let go.

They likewise took all in Holy Orders, both Men and Women; nor can it be told how many these were; after which they remain'd in the City as long as they pleased: But as soon as they had plunder'd it, they went back again to their Ships, carrying the Archbishop along with them; and he was now become a Captive, who but a little be∣fore was the Spiritual Head of the English Nation: One might there have seen Misery at its full stretch, where used to be Joy and Prospe∣rity; even in that City from whence was first brought to us the joyful Tidings of the Gospel: But they detain'd the Archbishop Prisoner (near Seven Months) till such time as they martyr'd him.

Osbern in his Life of St. Elfeage, relates, That this Archbishop sent to the Danes when they came before the Town, desiring them to spare so many innocent Christians lives; but they despising his request, fell to battering the Walls, and so throwing Firebrands into the City, set it on fire; so that whilst the Citizens ran to save their Houses, Aelmeric the Archdeacon let the Danes into the City.

Florence here adds, That the Monks and Laity were decimated after a strange manner; so that out of every Ten Persons, only the Tenth was to be kept alive; and that only Four Monks and about Eight hun∣dred Laymen remain'd after this Decimation: And that not long after, above Two thousand Danes perished by divers inward Torments; and the rest were admonish'd to make satisfaction to the Bishop, but yet they obstinately refused it.

Florence of Worcester, and R. Hoveden also relate, That the Danes destroyed many of the Prisoners they had taken, with cruel Torments, and various Deaths.

This year Eadric the Ealdorman (sirnamed Streon), and all the Wise and Chief Men,* 1.77 both Clerks and Laicks of the English Nation, came to London before Easter (which fell out then the day before the Ides of April) and there stayed until such time as the above-mentioned Tribute could be paid, which was not done till after Easter, and was then Eight thousand Pounds: In the mean time (being about Six Months after) upon a Saturday the Danish Army being highly incen∣sed against Archbishop Aelfeage, because he would neither promise them Money himself, nor yet would suffer any body else to give them any thing for his Ransom; for which, as Osbern in his Life relates, they demanded no less than Three thousand Pounds in Silver, (a vast Sum in those days); which being denied them, and many of them being got drunk, they laid hold on the Archbishop, and led him to their Council on the Saturday after Easter, and there knocked him on the head (as the Annals relate) with Stones and Cows Horns, till at last one of them striking him with an Axe on the Head, he fell down dead with the Blow.

Florence says, that this was done by one Thrum a Dane, whom he had the day before confirmed, being thereunto moved by an Impious Piety. But John of Tinmouth in his Manuscript History of Saints, called Hi∣storia Aurea now in the Library at Lambeth, relates that when Archbi∣shop Elfeage was thus killed, the Danes threw his Body into the

River,* 1.78 which was soon taken out again by those whom he had con∣verted.

But our Annals here farther,

That the Bishops Eadnoth and Aelfhune, (the former of Lincoln, and the latter of London) took away his sacred Body early the next morning, and buried it in St. Paul's Minster, (where God now shews the power of this Holy Martyr.) But as soon as the Tribute was paid, and the Peace confirmed by Oath, the Danish Army was loosely dispersed abroad, being before closely compacted together; then Five and forty of their Ships submitted to the King, and promised him to defend the Kingdom, provided he would allow them Victuals and Apparel.

The year after Archbishop Aelfeage was thus martyr'd,* 1.79 the King made one Lifing Archbishop of Canterbury: Also the same year, be∣fore the Month of August, King Sweyn came with his Fleet to Sand∣wich, and soon after sailing about East-England, arrived in the Mouth of Humber; and from thence up the River Trent, till they came to Gegnesburgh (now Gainsborough in Lincolnshire).

Which mischief, according to William of Malmesbury, proceeded from Turkil a Dane, who was the great Inciter of the Death of the Archbishop, and who had then the East-English subjected to his will. This man sent Messengers into his own Countrey to King Sweyn, letting him know, that he should come again into England; for the King was given so much to Wine and Women, that he minded nothing else; wherefore he was hated by his Subjects, and contemned by Strangers; that his Commanders were Cowards, the Natives weak, and who would run away at the first sound of his Trumpets. Though this seems not very probable, for Earl Turkil was then of King Ethelred's side, as you will see by and by.

King Sweyn being prone enough to slaughter, needed no great Intrea∣ties to bring him over; he had been here eight years before, and why he stayed away so long, I wish our Authors would have told us: But Wil∣liam of Malmesbury further adds, That one chief end of his coming over, was to revenge the death of his Sister Gunhildis, who being a Beautiful Young Lady, had come over into England with Palling her Husband, a powerful Danish Earl, and receiving the Christian Reli∣gion, became her self a Hostage of the Peace that had been formerly concluded: But tho the unhappy Fury of Edric had commanded her to be beheaded together with some other of her Countreymen, yet she bore her Death with an undaunted Spirit, having seen her Husband, and a Son, a Youth of great and promising hopes, slain before her face. But to come again to our Annals:

So soon as King Sweyn arrived in the North, Earl Vhtred and all the Countrey of the Northumbers, with all the people in Lindesige, and the people of the five Burghs or Towns (but what these were we now know not) lying on the other side Waetlingastreet, submitted them∣selves to him. There were also Hostages given him out of every Shire; but when he found that all the people were now become sub∣ject to him, he commanded them to provide his Forces both with Horses and Provisions, whilst he in the mean time marched toward the South with great expedition; committing the Ships and Hostages to Knute his Son: And after he had passed Waetlingastreet, they did as much mischief as any Army could do: Then they turn'd to Oxnaford,

whose Citizens presently submitted themselves to him;* 1.80 from thence he went to Wincester, where the Inhabitants did the same; and from thence they marched Eastward towards London, near which many of his men were drown'd in the Thames, because they would not stay to find a Bridge; but when they came thither, the Citizens would not submit, but sallying out, had a sharp Engagement with them, because King Ethelred was there, and Earl Turkil with him: Wherefore King Sweyn departed thence to Wealingaford, and then over Thames Westward to Bathe, and there sate down with his whole Army, whither came to him Aethelmar the Ealdorman of Devonshire, with all the Western Thanes, who all submitted themselves to him, and gave him Hostages.

When he had subdued all these places, he marched Northwards to his Ships, and then almost the whole Nation received and acknowledg∣ed him for their real King: And after this the Citizens of Lon∣don became subject to him, and gave him Hostages, because otherwise they fear'd they should be utterly destroy'd; for Sweyn demanded that they should give full Pay and Victuals to his Army; and that Winter Thurkil demanded the same for King Ethelred's Forces, which lay at Grenawic, (i. e. Greenwich). But both the Armies refrain'd not a jot the less from plundering where they pleased; so that the Nation both as well in the North as in the South, was no longer able bear it.

After this the King stayed some time with his Fleet which lay then in the Thames, whilst the Queen retired beyond Sea to her Brother Earl Richard (in Normandy); and Elsige Abbot of Burgh went along with her; the King also sent thither the Princes Eadward and Aelfred, with Bishop Aelfune to be their Governor. Then the King went with his Fleet about Christmass into Wihtland, and there kept the Festival; and afterwards passed over to Earl Richard, and there stayed with him till Sweyn died.

There is in the Peterburgh Copy of these Annals, this following Re∣lation; That whilst the Queen thus remained beyond Sea, Elsige Abbot of Burgh, who was then with her, went to the Monastery called Boneval, where the Body of Saint Florentine lay buried: This place he found almost wholly deserted, and the poor Abbot and Monks in a miserable condition, having been robbed of all they had; then he bought of the Abbot and Monks the whole Body, except the Head, for Five thousand Pounds,* 1.81 and at his return into England dedicated it to Christ and St. Peter, that is, he placed it in the Church of Peter∣burgh, of which he was then Abbot.

This was a vast Sum of Money in those days, to be given for the Bones of one dead Carkass, and not entire neither; but such was the Superstition of that Age.

This year King Sweyn ended his Life about Candlemas: Then all the Danish Fleet and Army chose Cnute his Son to be their King:* 1.82 But all the Wise or Chief Men of the English Nation, as well of the Clergy as Laity, sent to King Aethelred, to let him know that there was no Prince dearer to them than their own Natural Lord, provided he would govern them better than he had hitherto done. Upon this the King sent Prince Edward his Son, and several others, Attendants, into this Kingdom, with Orders to recommend him to the whole Nation in his Name, promising them to be a faithful and kind Lord to them; and that he would redress whatever Grievances they had suffer'd, and would

also pardon whatsoever had been done against him either by Words or Deeds, provided they would all sincerely return to their Allegiance.* 1.83

Then a full and firm Amity being concluded on both by Words and Deeds, and Hostages being given on both sides, they decreed the Da∣nish King for ever banished England: After which King Ethelred re∣turn'd about Lent into his own Countrey, and was chearfully received by all men.

The Bodleian Copy of Florence here adds, That Queen Elfgiva (or Emma) with the Two Young Princes her Sons, remained still in Nor∣mandy, until she was (after the Death of her Husband) sent for over by King Cnute, and the Common-Council of the Kingdom, and being married to him, was solemnly crowned at Westminster, in the presence of all the Bishops and Great Men of England.

After Sweyn was dead, Cnute his Son staid with his Army at Geg∣nesburgh until Easter, and there agreed with the people of Lindesige, that they should provide his Army with Horses, and then that all of them should march out together to plunder; but King Ethelred came thither with a strong Army before they were ready to execute their Design, and spoiled and burnt all places, killing all the men they could meet with; therefore King Cnute departed thence with his Fleet, leaving the poor miserable people to shift for themselves, and sail'd Southward till he came to Sandwic, and there put the Hostages on shore which had been given to his Father, having first cut off their Hands and Noses. But for an addition to all these Calamities, the King commanded Twenty one thousand Pounds to be paid to the Ar∣my that then lay at Grenawic.

Also this year on the Vigil of St. Michael, happen'd a great Inunda∣tion of the Sea all along this Coast, insomuch that it spread further than ever it had yet done, so that it drowned many Towns, and an in∣numerable company of men.

We have nothing further to add under this year, more than to ob∣serve the various Relations of our Monkish Writers concerning the sud∣den death of King Sweyn, which they will needs have to be a Judgment upon him for wasting the Lands belonging to the Monastery of Badri∣cesworth, and for giving opprobrious language against the Memory of St. Edmund, who was then enshrin'd. But because their Relation of this matter is very remarkable, I shall give you both Florence of Wor∣cester, and Simeon of Durham, their Account of it; which is thus, That King Sweyn lying then at Gainsborough, there held a General As∣sembly of his Great Officers; and when it grew toward evening, being encircled with his Armed Men, he cast out Threats, that he would send and spoil that Monastery; whereupon he presently thought he saw St. Edmund coming all Armed toward him, which made him cry out vehemently, Help, help, Fellow-soldiers, look here, King Edmund comes to kill me; and as he uttered these words, he received a Mortal Blow by the Saint's hands, and so fell from his Horse, and lying till the dusk of the evening in great torment, he expired on the second of February, and was carried to York, and there buried: So these Writers report from the Legend of St. Edmund: Yet John of Tinmouth makes St. Edmund's Ghost to have stabbed him with his Dagger as he sate in his Chair. But William of Malmesbury tells us, That St. Edmund appeared to him in his sleep, and smote him whilst he was in bed, because he answered him

rudely:* 1.84 But they all agree that he died of the Blow which St. Edmund had given him: But I do believe that there may be so much Truth in this story, that King Sweyn being mortally wounded by some unknown hand, who had the good fortune to make his escape, gave occasion to the Monks of St. Edmundsbury to invent this Legend for the Honour of their Saint, and also to deter others from daring to violate that place, which was then accounted sacred.

But is seems King Ethelred was not much better'd by Affliction, nor did he long observe his Promise of governing according to Law; for the next year,

A Mycel Gemot (or Great Council) being now held at Oxnaford, Earl Eadr••c there betray'd Sigeferth and Morcar,* 1.85 two (Danish) Thanes, of the Seafenburghs (that is the Seven Towns, but where they lay, we know not) and inviting them all into his Chamber, they were there treacherously slain: Then the King seized upon all their Goods, and commanded the Widow of Sigeferth to be secured, and carried to Meadelnesbyrig, (i. e. Malmesbury): But some short time after, Ed∣mund Aetheling coming thither, married this Woman against his Fa∣ther's will:

For the Prince going (as William of Malmesbury relates) to see her, upon the great fame of her Beauty and Virtue, having seen her, and presently falling in Love with her, he there married her. Florence, and Mat. Westminster, do also farther relate, that not only these two Noblemen, but also divers of the Nobility appeared there, who though they were of Danish Blood, yet stood firm to King Ethel∣red's Interest; the chief of these were Sigefert and Morchar, (above-mentioned) men of great Riches and Power in the Northern Parts, and that perfidious Earl Edric, who gaping after their Estates, accused them secretly of Treason to King Ethelred, by whose Order the Earl invited them all with great shew of kindness to a Feast, where he caused them to be treacherously murther'd. But their Dependants, who went about to revenge their Lords death, were repulsed, and forced to fly into the Tower of St. Frideswide's Church in Oxford, from whence, when they could not easily be driven, the Tower was set on fire, and they consu∣med with it: But presently after, the King repenting of his Cruelty, caused the Church to be cleansed and repaired.

This year also Lhewelyn ap Sitsylt, who was married to Angharat, only Daughter to Meredyth Prince of Wales, (as you have already heard) raised great Forces against Aedan ap Blegored, the usurping Prince of North Wales, and fighting a bloody Battel with him, there slew him with his four Sons; but the place is not mentioned where this Fight was: After which, Lhewelyn took upon him the Principality of North Wales (for one Kynan, or Conan, then held South-Wales); but though this Lhewelyn was descended by his Mother's side from Howel Dha, yet notwithstanding he was not the Lawful Heir of North-Wales, but Jago Son to Prince Edwal above-mentioned, who after the death of this Lhewelyn succeeded him, as you will hear in due time.

After this, about the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, Edmund Aetheling marched toward the Five Burghs (places in the North of England to us unknown) and presently invading the Lands of the said Sigeferth and Morchar, subdued all that Countrey. About the same time King Cnute arrived at Sandwic, and forthwith sail'd round about Kent, to the West-Saxons, till he came to the mouth

of the River Frome, and there landing, plunder'd all about Wiltshire, Dorsetscire, and Sumersetscire. At the same time King Ethelred lay sick at Cosham (in Wiltshire) and then Earl Eadric got together an Army, and Edmund Aetheling another in the Northern parts; but when they came near one another, the Ealdorman lay in wait to en∣trap Prince Edward, and cut him off, but was not able to effect it, (for his Design was discovered); whereupon they shiered off without fight∣ing at all, and by that means yielded the field to their Enemies. Then Eadric having first gained over to him Forty of the King's Royal Navy, submitted to Cnute, as did also the West-Saxons, and gave him Hostages, and provided Horses for his Army, and there he stay'd among them till Christmass.

This year King Cnute came with his Fleet of a Hundred and sixty Sail, and with him Eadric the Ealdorman,* 1.86 over the Thames into Mer∣cia, as far as Crecilade (on the North-side of Wiltshire); and then towards Christmass they turned about to Waeringscire, (i. e. Warwick∣shire), where they plunder'd without mercy, burning Towns, and killing all that came in their way. Upon this Aedmund Aetheling be∣gan to raise an Army against them; but when his Forces were got to∣gether, they were but of little service to him, because that neither the King was present there, nor did the Citizens of London come up to his assistance; so that Expedition was utterly lost, and every man went home again about his own business.

But after the Holidays were over, another Expedition was appoint∣ed, under a great Penalty upon every one that should not appear at the Muster, though he lived never so far off: And a Messenger was sent to the King at London, humbly beseeching him to come and meet the Prince's Army with all the Forces he could raise; but (it seems) when they were all got together, they signified no more than what they had often done formerly; for it was told the King that some in the Army conspired against him, whereupon he dismissed his Forces, and so re∣turn'd to London.

So that whoever reads this History, may perceive that this King through his own Cowardise or Ill Fortune, was constantly attended with ill success where ever he went.

Then Prince Edmund rode down to the Northumbers to Earl Vhtred, and all men thought they were about to raise another Army against King Cnute, but they went into Staeford, and Scrobbesbyrig, and Legacester¦scires, plundering in all places where they came; whilst Cnute did the like in his Quarters, marching through Buckingahamshire, and from thence into Bedafordshire, and so through Huntingtonshire over the Fens to Stan∣ford, and from thence into Lincolnescire, and afterwards into Nottingham∣shire, and so into Northumberland, towards Eoforwic (i.e. York); which when Vhtred had heard, he desisted from spoiling the Northern Parts; and so being compell'd through necessity, submitted himself, together with all the Northumbers; and tho he gave Hostages, yet he was short∣ly after slain (by King Cnute's Orders), as was also Thurkytel the Son of Nafan (as Florence relates) by Thorebrand a certain Noble Dane; but, according to Malmesbury, it was done at the Command of Cnute himself.

After this, Cnute appointed Yric to be Earl of the Northumbers, in∣stead of Vhtred, and then returned Southward another way by the We∣stern Coasts, so that his whole Army arrived at their Ships before

Easter;* 1.87 but Edmund Aetheling returned to London to his Father. After the Holidays King Cnute with all his Ships sail'd towards Lon∣don; but it happened that before the Danish Fleet arrived there, King Ethelred deceased on the Feast of St. George, after he had suffer'd many Afflictions and Miseries in this life.]

And was buried at St. Paul's in London.

This Prince has the Ill Character from William of Malmesbury, and the rest of our Historians, of being given to Wine and Women; and that neglecting the Company of the Queen his Wife, he debased the Royal Majesty by frequenting Mistresses of mean Quality, which very much alienated his Consort's Affections from him; though she had two Children by him, viz. Elfred and Edward. He is also said to have been Tyrannical to his own Subjects, taking away their Lives and Estates only for pretended Crimes. That he was also both Cowardly and Cruel, appears by that Barbarous Massacre of the Danes in time of Peace. But William of Malmesbury says it was a wretched and miserable time; for every one was obliged to give up or murther his dearest Guests; nay, those whom a nearer Relation had yet render'd dearer to him. That this King was likewise Timerous and Unfortunate in all his Underta∣kings, appears through the whole course of his Reign; from whence he has the Title among our English Historians, of Ethelred the Vnready, because his Preparations were always either ill-tim'd or unsuccessful; but as he was a mean-spirited Prince succeeding a Magnanimous Father, so Prince Edmund his Son and Successor equall'd his Grandfather King Edgar in Courage, tho not in good Fortune.

But though King Ethelred was no Great or Worthy Prince in his own Person, yet with the Assistance of his Wites or Wise Men of his Great Council, he made divers excellent Laws and Constitutions. There are in Bromton's Chronicle four several Bodies of these Laws, made at as many several times, and in divers places, whereof there are only two extant among the Saxon Laws published by Mr. Lambard.

The Laws comprized in the first Division are Six, there said to have been made at Woodstock in Mercia, for the restoration of Peace according to the Law of England.

The first is, That every Freeman shall find Sureties to be bound for him, that he shall do right in case he be accused.

The second I shall omit, since it hath been already mentioned in the Laws of King Edgar; only the latter end of it is very remarkable; to wit, The Lord shall answer for his whole Family, and be Surety for the appearance of every Person in it. And if any of his Servants after they are accused, run away, the Lord or Master shall pay his man's Were to the King: And if the Master be accused as the Adviser to, or Pro∣moter of his Escape, he shall purge himself by five Thanes; and if he do it not, he shall pay to the King his Were, and his man shall be an Outlaw.

The Third ordains, That a Bondman being cast by the Ordeal, shall be marked with a Hot Iron for the first Offence; and being cast in the same manner the second time, shall be put to Death. Which Law bears some resemblance to our present Law or Custom, whereby Clergy is allowed for the first Crime committed.

By the fifth the King's Reeve or Officer is obliged to require Sureties for the good behaviour of such as are of ill fame amongst all men;

which if such a one obstinately refuses to give, he is to be put to death,* 1.88 and to be buried in an unhallowed place with Malefactors: And if any use force in his behalf to further his Escape, he is to undergo the same Punishment.

As for the next Set of Laws, they are said to have been made at Vene∣ting, or Wanating (now Wantage in Berkshire), and for the increase of common Peace and Happiness by King Ethelred and his Wise Men.

The first of them is concerning the keeping of the King's Peace, as it was in the days of his Predecessors, and for the punishment of the breach of it, in case of Manslaughter: If it were in a Gemot or Assembly of five Boroughs, with the forfeiture of five Pounds weight in Silver: If in an Assembly of a Borough or Town, by a Mulct of Seven hun∣dred (Shillings). [But how much this was, is not known; for we have not now any true account of the Standard of Money at that time.] If in a Wapentake, by One hundred; and if in an Ale-house a man be killed, with six half Marks; if he be not killed, with twelve Oares; for the Value of which, Vid. Sir Hen. Spelman's Gloss.

From hence (but especially from the Laws of King Ina) we may observe, how Ancient the Liquor of Ale, and Ale-houses, have been in England, as also (what commonly follows it) quarrelling, and break∣ing of the Peace in such places.

The fourth commands, That Publick Meetings be observed in every Hundred or Wapentake; and that Twelve Thanes, (says Bromton) or Twelve Men of free condition, (as Lambard reads it) being Elderly Men, together with their Praepositus (or Chief) shall swear upon the Gospels or Holy Reliques, That they will neither condemn an Innocent Person, nor acquit a Guilty One.

From whence we may observe the Antiquity of Trials by a Grand Inquest of more than Twelve Men, even in the English Saxon times, and was not introduced by William the Conqueror, as Polydore Virgil, an Ita∣lian, not much skill'd in the Antiquities of this Island, hath delivered in his History.

And to confirm what we have here said, the Third Chapter of the League betwixt King Alfred, and Guthrun the Dane, very much maketh out, which orders, That if the King's Thane or Servant be accused of Homicide, he shall purge himself (if he dare) by twelve other Thanes: Which you may see at large in those Laws themselves; and besides these the Reader throughout the whole Collection of Saxon Laws may ob∣serve, there is frequent mention made of clearing and purging by so many men summoned for that purpose, as sometimes by twelve, some∣times by fewer, and sometimes by more.

As for the Trial by Ordeal, it grew more in request in the Reign of King Cnute, and his Successors, being indeed originally a Danish Custom.

The rest of the Laws of King Ethelred made at Wantage, having many of them relation to this way of Trial by Ordeal, and containing many obscure terms, I omit. But since several of them may very well be referred to other former Laws, I shall only select from amongst them, such as are most worthy to be taken notice of here.

The twenty third appoints what Custom should be paid by Ships and Vessels of all sorts that unladed at Billinggesgate; from whence it ap∣pears that this was the Ancient Port of London, Wines and all other Commodities being here unladed.

* 1.89The twenty sixth imposes the same Punishment upon such as witting∣ly receive, as well as on those that make Bad Money.

Whereby we may observe, That though the Coining of Bad Money was not as yet made Treason, yet it was punishable at the King's discretion, either by Fine or Death, as you will see in the following Law.

The twenty eighth puts it into the King's power, whether to fine or put to death such Merchants as import Counterfeit Money: And further imposeth upon all Port-reeves that shall be accessary, the same Punish∣ment as upon those that coin false Money, except the King think fit to pardon them.

There are also other Laws which we cannot certainly affirm to have been made in his time, though the general Conjecture is that they were. These are comprised in an Agreement or Act which the Wise Men of England and the Counsellors of Wales made, concerning the Inhabi∣tants of the Mountains of that Countrey: But as for the particular Laws made in this Common-Council of both Nations, since they only concern Cattel or other Goods taken away on either side, or else the man∣ner of giving Testimony both by Welsh and English Witnesses in such cases, I refer the Reader to the Laws themselves; and shall only desire him to take notice, That Justice was to be equally administred by Twelve Judges, Six Welsh and Six English men, much after the same manner as the Commission for the Borders of England and Scotland is now executed.

But that we may see how great a distance there was then between these two Nations (which, God be thanked, are now united into one) the sixth Article of these Laws expresly forbids the Welsh to come into England, or the English to enter Wales, except received at either Bank by the Borderers, who shall take care for their safe conduct and return: And in case any Borderer be accused of false dealing herein, and cannot by witness disprove it, he should be fined.

King EDMUND, sirnamed Ironside.

AFter the Death of King Ethelred,* 1.90 all the Wise and Great Men who were then at London, together with the Citizens of that place, elected Eadmund the Eldest Son of that King to reign over them, who held it but a short time, and that with great difficulty. William of Malmesbury says he was born of a Woman whose name he did not know; but * 1.91 Ethelred Abbot de Rievallis, saith she was the only Daughter of Toret a Noble Earl, whom the Chronicle of John of Wallingford calls Ethelred's first Wife: But Mat. Westminster relates otherwise, that he was not born of Queen Emma, who was his only Wife, but of a certain Ignoble Woman; yet besides the Obscurity of his Birth, he was a Man without all exception, both for Strength of Body and Mind, and therefore called by the English, Ironside. He would have made amends both for his Father's Cowardise, and his Mother's want of Birth, had he been but allowed some longer time to have lived. So that it appears by these Authors, that this King Edmund was born of a Concubine.

But to come to our History:

When King Edmund was thus declared King at London (as Simeon of Durham tells us) with great Acclama∣tions of Joy, he also relates, That many of the Bishops, Abbots, and Noblemen of England coming to Southampton, abjuring the Progeny of King Ethelred, at the same time chose Cnute for their King; who (accord∣ing to our Annals) immediately came with his Fleet to Grenawic, about Lent, and within a short time after marched up to London,* 1.92 where they dug a great Trench on the South-side of the River, and drew their Ships to the West-side of the Bridge, and besieged the City, inso∣much that none could go in or out, making such frequent Assaults upon it; yet the Citizens resisted them vigorously: But King Eadmund was marched out before into West-Saxony, where all that Nation willingly submitted themselves to him. Not long after, he fought with the Danes at Peonnan (now Pen) near Gillingam (in Somersetshire.)

But Cnute not being there, they do not tell us who commanded in his stead, for he was then with his Fleet at the Siege of London.

'After Midsummer King Eadmund fought another Battel at Sceorstan (which place is supposed to be a Stone that now parts the four Counties of Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, and Warwickshire): But our Annals do not mention who had the Victory; only,

That there were many kill'd on both sides, and that the two Armies marched off from each other of their own accord; for Eadric the Ealdorman, and Aelmer, then joined with the Danes against King Edmund.

But as William of Malmesbury tells us, Eadric the Traytor was the cause of the King's Soldiers running away; for holding up his Sword dipped in the Blood of some mean person, (or as Simeon says, his Head, which was very like King Edmund's) whom he had newly killed, he cried out to the English, to fly, for their King was dead: Yet R. Hove∣den adds, That the Fight was very bloody, and both Parties were forced to leave off, being quite tired.

* 1.93

Our Annals do then thus proceed, That King Edmund having gather∣ed an Army the third time, march'd to London, and raised the Siege, driving the Danes to their Ships, and within two days after the King passed over at Brentford, and there fought the Danes, and put them to flight; but many of the English were drrown'd by their own ne∣gligence, as they ran before the Army, being greedy of spoil.

After this the King marched down toward the West-Saxons, and there reinforced his Army; whilst in the mean time the Danish Forces returned to London, and besieged that City, assaulting it both by Land and Water, but God at that time also delivered it; whereupon the Danes departed from London with their Ships into Arwan, and there landing marched up into Mercia, killing and burning all they met with, according to their old custom, and there furnished themselves with Provisions, and then drew all their Ships with their Spoil up the Medway.

But where this Arwan abovementioned lay, is very uncertain; That it could not be the River Arrow in Warwickshire (as some fancy) is plain, that being no where Navigable: Therefore the Ingenious Editor of these Annals, in the explication of the Proper Names of Places at the end of the Book, does very probably guess, that this River was either that which we now call Orwell, which divides Essex from Suffolk; or else that there is an Error in the Saxon Copy, and instead of into Arwan, it should be read to Waran, that is, they went up the River Lee as far as Ware: But this I leave to the Reader's Judgment, and shall again re∣turn to the Annals themselves.

Then King Eadmund assembled the whole English Nation a fourth time, and passed the Thames again at Brentford, and from thence went into Kent, and there put the Danish Horse to flight in Seapige, and killed as many of them as they could meet with: But Eadric the Eal∣dorman by his subtle Artifices persuaded the King to stay at Aeglesford, which was the most perfidious advice that could be given him.

Florence of Worcester, and William of Malmesbury are more particular in this Transaction; and say, That the Traitorous Earl above-mention∣ed so over-persuaded the King by his plausible Insinuations, that he did not pursue the Danes, when almost routed, or else he might have ob∣tained an absolute Victory.

Then (according to our Annals) the Danes turned against the West-Saxons, and marched into Mercia, killing all before them; but when the King understood that the Danes were gone thither, he drew all the English Forces together the fifth time, and following them him∣self in the Rear, overtook them near a Hill called Assandun (now Ashdown in Essex), where they had a very sharp Engagement; but there Eadric the Ealdorman playing his old pranks, first of all be∣gan the flight with the Magesaetons, by Cambden supposed to be the Radnorshire men; and so once more deceived his Natural Lord, and the whole Nation.

But here, though I cannot but admire the wonderful Courage and Constancy of this Brave Prince, yet can I not commed his Prudence, who could thus trust a known Traytor, that had not only betrayed him∣self, but his Father before him: But I need make no long reflections up∣on this, since we find few Princes guilty of the like Easiness in later Ages.

But this is certain from our Annals,* 1.94 That Cnute now obtained the Victory against the greatest part of the English Nation; and there were slain on the spot Eadnoth the Bishop, and Wilfsige the Abbot, Aelfric and Godwin the Ealdormen, and Wulfkytel Earl of East-England, and most of the English Nobility.

William of Malmesbury highly commends this Wulfkytel, and says that he deserved perpetual Honour, because he was the first in the time of Sweyn, who set upon the Danish Pyrates, and gave some hopes that they might be conquered. But as for Eadnoth Bishop of Lincoln, and the Abbot above-mentioned, they came not to fight, but as Simeon says, to pray to God for those that did; so that the English Nation never yet received a greater Blow.

But King Edmund being left almost alone, got to Gloucester, and there rallied and recruited his shatter'd Troops; but thither (according to our Annals)

King Cnute with all his Army pursued him: Then Eadric the Ealdorman, and all the Great Men on both sides advised the Two Kings to come to Terms of Peace: Whereupon they both met toge∣ther at Olanege (an Island in the River Severn, now called the Eighth) and there concluded a League between them (Hostages and Oaths being mutually exchanged) and agreed, That the Danish Army should be paid.

A Peace being thus concluded, the two Kings parted from each other, Eadmund going into West-Saxony, and Cnute to the Mercians.

But since other Authors have more particularly related the Cause and Manner of making this Peace, I shall give you a larger account of it from Simeon of Durham, and R. Hoveden; the first of whom says, That the Traytor Edric and some others, when King Edmund would have fought again with Cnute, would by no means suffer him to do it; but advised him rather to make a Peace, and divide the Kingdom with him; to whose Persuasions the King at last (though unwillingly) consented; and Messengers passing between them, and Hostages being interchanged, the two Kings (or rather, their Commissioners, as Bromton's Chronicle relates it) met at a place called Deorhurst, on the Severne, and there concluded a Truce. Then King Edmund with his men being on the West side Severne, and Cnute with his Followers sitting down on the East side thereof, they passed over in Ferry-boats to the Island above-mentioned, where they met, and agreed upon the Terms of Peace.

But Ethelred Abbot of Rieval, tells the Story somewhat different, viz.

That both Armies growing weary of the War at last, compelled the Great Men on each side to come to a Conference, where one of the most Elderly among them is brought in making a long Speech, (I sup∣pose to shew the Wit of those Authors); and therein he very pathe∣tically represents the Mischiefs the Soldiers lay under, in thus exposing their Lives and Fortunes for Two Princes of equal Courage; and so advised them before it was too late, That since King Edmund could not endure a Superior, nor Cnute an Equal, they should leave it to them two to fight by themselves for that Crown which they both so much desired to wear; left by this desperate way of fighting, the Soldiers should be all kill'd, and then there would be none left to defend the Nation against Foreign Invaders.

Which Speech being highly appro∣ved of by all there present, both Armies cried out with one voice,

Let them either Fight,* 1.95 or Agree: This Sentence of the Chief Com∣manders and Soldiers being brought to both the Kings, pleased them so well, that they met in the Island above-mentioned, and there fought singly in the sight of both Armies; where having broken their Spears, and then drawn their Swords, there follows in these Authors a long and Tragical Relation of this mighty Combat, which yet it seems happened without any Wounds on either side; but Cnute beginning at last to be out of breath, and fearing the greater Strength and Youth of King Ed∣mund, proposed a Peace to be made by division of the Kingdom between them; and they give us also the fine Speech made by King Cnute upon this Subject; which Proposal being willingly received by King Edmund, they kissed and embraced each other, both Armies wondering and weep∣ing for joy at this so happy and unexpected agreement. So mutually changing both their Arms and Apparrel in token of Friendship, they each return'd to their own men, and there drew up the Conditions of the League; viz. That King Edmund should enjoy West-Saxony, and Cnute the Kingdom of Mercia; but what was to become of the rest of England, they do not speak one word.

But tho so many of our Writers seem pleas'd with this Romantick Story, yet I rather assent to the Testimony of our Annals, and the Encomi∣um Emmae, as also William of Malmesbury, Florence of Worcester, and several Manuscript Authors in the Cottonian Library, who all agree this Peace to have been made at the place aforesaid, without any Combat at all be∣tween the two Kings: Only William of Malmesbury relates, that when King Edmund had challenged Cnute to fight with him single, to save the further Effusion of their Subjects Blood, this Challenge being carried to King Cnute, he utterly declined it, saying, Though he had as great a Courage as his Antagonist, yet he would not venture his own small Body against a man of so great Strength and Stature; but since both their Fathers had enjoyed a share of the Kingdom, it was more agree∣able to prudence to divide it between them: Which Proposal being joy∣fully received by both Armies, as a thing most just and equal in it self, and which most tended to the good of both Nations, now harass'd out by long and cruel Wars, King Edmund accepted of, and agreed (though with some reluctancy) to a Peace, upon the terms above-mentioned. Thus we find what a great uncertainty there is in most of the Relations of those times. But to proceed with our Annals:

The Danes as soon as this Peace was concluded, went to their Ships with all the Plunder they had taken, and from thence fail'd to London, and there took up their Winter-Quarters.

For that City, as being part of the Mercian Kingdom, had now sub∣mitted it self to them.

Not long after this, viz. at the Feast of St. Andrew, King Eadmund departed this life, and was buried with his Grandfather King Eadgar at Glaestingabyrig. The same year also deceased Wulfgar in Abbandune, whereof he was Abbot, and Aethelsige succeeded him.

But since our Annals tell us only of the sudden Death of this Prince, without relating the manner of it, we shall give it you more at large from other Authors, who almost generally agree, that he was murthered by that Traytor Edric, though they differ somewhat in the Actors or In∣struments by whom it was committed; some will have him to be taken off by Poyson; others, with an Arrow shot by an Image made on pur∣pose,

which discharged it self upon the King as soon as he touched it;* 1.96 but this is too improbable to beget any credit: And therefore what Wil∣liam of Malmesbury, and Bromton, relate, is most likely to be true, viz. That this Aedric above-mentioned suborned two of this King's Servants to lye under the House-of-Office, and to thrust up a sharp piece of Iron into his Fundament, as one night he sate down to ease himself. Tho the Chronicle last-mentioned says this Murther was committed at Ox∣ford by one of Edric's Sons, who at the command of his Father stabbed him in the Hinder Parts with a long sharp Knife, and left the Weapon sticking in his Body. But H. Huntington, and Alred Abbot of Rievalle, say that Edric was the first who saluted Cnute Sole King of all England; to whom when he had told all the matter, the King answer'd Well, for so great a Good Turn, I will advance thy Head above all the Lords in Eng∣land; and thereupon commanding him to be beheaded, order'd his Head to be set upon the Tower of London: But this being related by no other Author besides Mat. Westminster, is not probable; for all others make him to have been alive some time after this. But Si∣meon of Durham and R. Hoveden, do with greater certainty relate, That as soon as he received the News of Edmund's Death, he order'd all the Bishops, Ealdormen, and Chief Men throughout England, to be summoned to London, and when they appeared before him, he cun∣ningly asked them, If they were Witnesses of the Agreement which had been made between him and King Edmund, concerning the Divisi∣on of the Kingdom; and whether there was any Condition inserted, That either his Sons or his Brethren should succeed him in the Kingdom of the West-Saxons? Then they all began with one accord to say, They did not know that King Edmund had left any part of the Kingdom to his Brethren, either living or dying; but as for his Sons, they knew very well that Edmund would have left him to be the Protector of his Children, till they should come of fitting age to reign: But they like∣wise add, that they bore false witness, and lied grosly, because they hop'd to make King Cnute the more favourable to them, and should thereby receive the greater Rewards for their pains: But some of them had a just Recompence for their Perjury, by being not long after put to death. Hereupon King Cnute after he had thus taken their Testimonies, recei∣ved the Oaths of Fidelity from the said Great Men and Bishops, who all swore that they would chuse him for their King, and willingly raise Taxes to pay his Army; and at the same time also they renounced the Sons of King Edmund, (Edward and Edmund) from ever being Kings of this Nation.

But King Cnute growing jealous of these Young Princes, sent them to the King of Sweden, that they might by him be made away; which he out of compassion not only refused, but generously sent them to Solomon King of Hungary, to be educated; and being there kindly received for some time, Edmund the elder of them died, but Edward the younger marrying Agatha the Queen's Sister, had by her Edgar, sirnamed Aetheling, Chri∣stina a Nun, and Margaret, afterwards married to Malcolme King of Scotland; of whom we shall have occasion to speak further, before we come to the end of this Book.

King CNUTE.

* 1.97

THis year (according to our Annals) Cnute King of Denmark began to reign over all England, which he divided into four Parts or Governments, reserving West Saxony to himself, committing East-England to Earl Thurkyl, Mercia to Eadric, and the Northumbers to Yric; but not long after, the said Eadric the Ealdorman was killed:

The manner of which Bromton's Chronicle thus relates, That at Christmass the King being at London, in a certain upper room on the other side of the Thames, it happened that the Tray∣tor Eadric upbraided the King with his services, How that for his sake he had betrayed King Ethelred, and also made away Edmund his own King, and yet he had received no very extraordinary advantage or be∣nefit thereby, according to his Merits, (to be sure, as he himself thought); at which Cnute being highly enraged, answered, Out of thy own mouth shalt thou be judged, who plainly confessest thy self a Traytor against both thy former Kings, therefore thou shalt certainly dye: So he im∣mediately commanded him to be tied hand and foot, and flung out of the Window into the River; though some other Authors relate that he was first strangled: But we cannot find for certain which way it was done; for William of Malmesbury and R. Hoveden only say this, That the King commanded Eadric, sirnamed Streon, to be slain in the Palace, because he was afraid of being circumvented by his Treacheries; and ordered likewise his Body to be flung over the Wall of the City, and there to lye unburied.

The Annals do here further add,

That Northman Son to Earl Leofwin, and Aethelward Son to Aethelmaer the Great, and Brihtric Son to Aelf∣ger Earl of Defenanscire, were also put to death; but their Crimes are not set down:

Therefore R. Hoveden supposes them to have been only the King's Jealousy of their too great Power, being all English Noble∣men, though I suspect they were guilty of somewhat more than what we find related.

The same year also the King banished Eadwig Aetheling, called Ceorles Cyng, (i.e. King of the Clowns) Brother to King Eadmund.

But the Annals seem to make this Eadwig two persons, though for what rea∣son I know not; but however he was not immediately banished after Cnute came to the Crown, as some Writers suppose; neither yet was he put to death, as Simeon of Durham, and Bromton, relate; for the latter tells us this Story of him, That Cnute not thinking himself safe so long as Edwig was alive, consulted with Earl Eadric how to have him dispatch∣ed out of the way; by whose advice the King sent for one Ethelward, and tempted him privately with large Rewards; but he abhorring in his heart so foul a deed, however promised to do it as soon as he found a fitting opportunity, and by this means still deferred it. But then the same Author adds, That having by the said Eadric's Counsel ba∣nished Prince Edwin, the year following, under a feign'd Reconciliation, he was by King Cnute's Order made away; which is contrary to what

William of Malmesbury relates; for he says that this Prince,* 1.98 having been long tossed about both by Sea and Land, and being broken as well in Body as in Mind, secretly return'd into England, and lay conceal'd till he died, and then was buried at Tavistock.

But the Annals further say,

That before the Kal. of August, the King commanded Queen Emma, Widow of the late King, his Predecessor, to be brought over to him, and some time after took her for his Consort.

This he did to gain the Friendship of the Duke of Normandy her Fa∣ther; but she is highly censured for marrying the sworn Enemy of her Husband and her Children: Though this only let us see that it is no new thing for Princes to prefer the wearing of a Crown even before their own Honour.

Now again (according to our Annals) was paid that Tax or Tri∣bute called Danegelt, throughout all the English Nation, to wit,* 1.99 Se∣venty two thousand Pounds; besides that which the Citizens of Lon∣don paid, viz.

Eleven thousand Pounds more. Which Tax being raised when there seemed to be no more fear of the Danes, it looks as if King Cnute 〈◊〉〈◊〉 took upon him to govern as a Con∣queror. From which also you may observe the flourishing Trade and Wealth of that City in those days, since it could even at that time pay above a Seventh of this excessive Taxation.

Then also a great part of the Danish Army return'd into Denmark, and only forty Ships remain'd with King Cnute; the Danes and Eng∣lish were likewise now reconciled and united at Oxnaford:

Bromton says it was done at a Great Council or Parliament at Oxford, where King Cnute ordained the Laws of King Edgar (i. e. of England) to be observed.

The same year also Aethelsige, Abbot of Abbandune deceased, and Aethelwin succeeded him.

This year King Cnute returned into Denmark,* 1.100 and there stayed all the Winter.

Bromton's Chronicle says he went over to subdue the Vandals, who then made War against him, and carried along with him an Army both of English and Danes; the former being commanded by Earl Godwin, set upon the Enemies by surprize, and put them to flight; after which the King had the English in as much as esteem as his own Danish Subjects. But the year following,

He returned into England, and then held a Mycel Gemot,* 1.101 or Great Council at Cyrencester, where Ethelward the Earldorman was outlaw'd. The same year also King Cnute went to Assandune (the place where he had before fought the great Battel with King Edmund) and there caused a Church to be built of Lime and Stone for the souls of those men that had been slain there:

Which being (as R. Hoveden relates) consecrated in the King's presence by Wulstan Archbishop of York, and divers other Bishops, was committed to the care of his Chaplain, whose Name was Stigand.

Also Archbishop Living deceased, and Ethelnoth a Monk and Dean of Canterbury, was consecrated Bishop by Wulstan Archbishop of York.

But before we proceed farther, I will give you some account of the Affairs of Wales in these times: Where after the death of Kynan, or Conan, the Usurping Prince of South-Wales above-mentioned, Lewelyn Prince of North-Wales had, according to Caradoc's Chronicle, possessed

himself of South-Wales,* 1.102 and had for some years governed both those Countries with great Peace and Prosperity, so that from the North to the South Sea, there was not a Beggar in the whole Countrey, but every man had sufficient to live of his own, insomuch that the Countrey grew daily more and more populous.

But this year produced a notable Impostor: for a certain Scot of mean Birth came now into South-Wales, and called him self Run, or Reyn, (as the Manuscript Copies have it) the Son of Meredyth ap Owen, late Prince of Wales, as you have already heard: Upon which the Nobility of that Countrey, who loved not Lewelyn, set up this Run, or Reyn, to be their Prince; But Lewelyn hearing of it, assembled all the Forces of North-Wales, and marched against this Run, who had now also got all the strength of South-Wales together; and going as far as Abergwily (i. e. the mouth of the River Gwily) there waited the coming of Lewe∣lyn; but when he arrived, and both Armies were ready to join Battel, Run, full of outward confidence, encouraged his men to fight; yet no sooner was the Battel begun, but this Impostor soon discovered what he was, by withdrawing himself p••••••ly out of the fight; where∣as on the contrary, Lewelyn like a Couragious Prince standing in the Head of his Army, called out aloud for this base Scot, Run, who durst so belye the Blood of the British Princes: Both Armies then meeting, fought for a while with great Courage, and Malice to each other; but it seems the South-Wales men being not so resolute in the Quarrel of this Impostor, as those of North-Wales were to defend the Right of their Lawful Prince▪ the latter being also encouraged by the Speeches and Prowess of their Prince, put the former to the Rout, and pursued this Run so closely, that he had much ado to escape; Prince Lewelyn having got thus a great deal of Spoil, return'd home, and for a short time govern'd these Countries in Peace. But to return to our Annals;

* 1.103

This year, about Martinmass, King Cnute outlaw'd (i. e. banished) Earl Thurkyl:]

But they tell us not the Crime. Yet William of Malmesbury makes it a Judgment, for being the principal Promoter of the Murther of Archbishop Aelfeage; and that as soon as he return'd into Denmark, he was killed by some Noblemen of that Nation.

This year also, according to an Old Manuscript belonging to St. Ed∣mundsbury, and cited by the Lord Chief Justice Coke, in the Preface to the 9^th Book of his Reports, King Cnute held a Parliament at Winchester, wherein were present the two Archbishops, and all the other Bishops, as also many Ealdormen and Earls, with divers Abbots, together with a great many Knights, and a vast multitude of People; and there, in pursuance of the King's desires, it was decreed, That the Monastery of St. Edmund the King should be free and for ever exempt from all Ju∣risdiction of the Bishops and Earls of that Country.

But Sir H. Spelman here very well observes, that this Manuscript could be no Ancienter than the Reign of Henry the Third, because the word Parliament was not in use before that time.

Though thus much is certain, That King Cnute the year before found∣ed this Monastery, afterwards called St. Edmundsbury, (but then known to the Saxons by the name of Beadrichesworth) where there had been a Church built before; and King Edward the Elder, in the year 942, had also given several Lands to it, and upon which Foundation King Cnute had lately built and endowed the said Abby, which was one of the Lar∣gest and Richest in all England.

Lewelyn ap Sitsylt, Prince of Wales,* 1.104 but a short time enjoyed the fruits of his late Victory; for this year the Welsh Chronicles tell us, he was slain by Howel and Meredyth, the Sons of Prince Edwin, or Owen, above-mentioned, who yet did not succeed in the Principality; for J••go, Son to Edwal late Prince of Wales, was now advanced to the Throne as Lawful Heir, having been long debarr'd of his Right: But it seems he could not do the like in South-Wales, which one Rytheric ap Justin seiz'd upon, and held by force.

This year King Cnute sail'd with his Fleet to the Isle of Wight;* 1.105 but upon what account, our Annals do not shew us: Also Archbishop Aethelnoth went to Rome, and was there received by Pope Benedict with great Honour, who put on his Pall with his own hands, and being so habited, celebrated Mass, as the Pope commanded him; and then after he had dined with him, return'd home with his Bene∣diction.

Also Leofwin the Abbot, who had been unjustly expell'd from the Monastery of Elig, was his Companion, and there cleared himself of those Crimes of which he had been accused, before the Pope: the Arch∣bishop and all the Company that were there present, testifying on his behalf.

Wulstan Archbishop of York deceased, and Aelfric succeeded,* 1.106 Edel∣noth the Archbishop consecrating him at Canterbury. Also this year the same Archbishop translated the Reliques of St. Aelfeage (his Pre∣decessor) from London to Canterbury.

The King himself, as William of Malmesbury tells us, removed them with his own hands, paying them all due Veneration; and further adds, that his Body remain'd as uncorrupt as if he had been but lately kill'd.

Richard the Second, Duke of Normandy died,* 1.107 and Richard his Son ruled after him one year; and then Rodbert his Brother succeeded him, and ruled eight years.

This year King Cnute sail'd with his Fleet into Denmark,* 1.108 to a Plain near the Holy River, but where that was, I know not; and there came against him Wulf and Eglaf, with a very powerful Army out of Sweden both by Land and Sea; and many on King Cnute's side were there killed, both Danes and English, the Swedes keeping the field of Battel.

After which Cnute returning into England, I find no mention made of any Action here in any Author, for the two succeeding years. But then,

King Cnute sail'd with fifty Ships of English Thanes into Norway,* 1.109 and drove King Olaf out of that Countrey, and conquer'd it for him∣self.

Bromton's Chronicle relates, That this Olaf being a Soft and Easy Prince, was already in a manner driven out by his own Subjects; and so Cnute only went as it were to receive the Kingdom from the Nobility and People, who submitted themselves presently to him.

'King Cnute came back into England.* 1.110] And (as R. Hoveden adds) upon his Return banished Hacun a Danish Earl, that had married his Niece Gunhilda, who was his Sister's Daughter, sending him away un∣der pretence of an Embassy; for the King was afraid lest otherwise he might deprive him both of his Kingdom and Life.

* 1.111

King Olaf return'd again into Norway, to regain his Right; but the People rising up against him, he was there slain.

This is he who was afterwards canoniz'd under the Title of King Olaf the Martyr.

About this time (as Guil. Gemeticensis, and John of Waling∣ford, do both relate) Robert Duke of Normandy pitying the long Exile of his Nephews Edward and Alfred, sent Ambassadors to King Cnute, requiring him to restore them to their Right; but he not at all valuing his threatning, sent the Ambassadors back with a Re∣pulse; whereat the Duke conceiving great indignation, assembled his Nobles, and by their Advice caus'd a great Navy to be prepar'd, which in a short time came to Anchor at Fescam; then the Duke with his Ar∣my put to Sea, but by Tempest was driven into the Isle of Guernsey, and so shatter'd, that he was forced to return home, where they were de∣tain'd a long time by contrary Winds, which was an extreme mortifica∣tion to him.

But not long after, Ambassadors came over to him from King Cnute, signifying, That he was contented to resign to the Young Princes half the Kingdom, which they should peaceably enjoy during his life, (and that was not like to be long) for he then laboured under a languishing Distemper: Wherefore the Duke thought good for some time to defer his Expedition till he should be come back from Jerusalem, whither he had vowed to undertake a Pilgrimage. And when he had recommend∣ed to Robert Archbishop of Rouen, and other Nobles, his Son William, then a Child of Seven Years old, and received from them Assurances of their Fidelity to him, he began the said Voyage; and having perform'd it; as he was returning homewards the next year, he fell sick, and died about the Alpes. But of this William his Son, by Harlotte his Concu∣bine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not only succeeded his Father, but was also afterwards King of England; as you shall hear when we come to his Reign.

* 1.112

This year, as soon as King Cnute return'd into England, he gave the Port of Sandwic to Christ's Church in Canterbury, with all the Issues and Profits arising from thence on both sides the Haven, according to an Extract from his Charter (preserved among the * 1.113 Evidences of that Church); and that as far as, when the Tide of Flood was highest, and a Ship lying near the Shore, a man could from thence cast a little Axe on land, so far the Christ-Church Officers should receive all Rights and Dues.

This year also, according to † 1.114 Monast. Angl. King Cnute founded ano∣ther Monastery for Benedictines in Norfolk, which from its being seated in a Woody Place, was called by St. Bennet's in Holme; the Lands and Scite of which Abby being by King Henry the VIII^th, after the Disso∣lution of the Monasteries, exchanged with the Bishop of Norwich for other Lands; he is the only Bishop of England who has still the Title of an Abbot.

Also under this year I find a Charter in the Manuscript Copy of Flo∣rence of Worcester, in the Bodleian Library, made to the Monastery of St. Edmundsbury, granting and confirming all its Lands and Privileges; the beginning of which Charter being somewhat remarkable, I shall here recite: Cnute, Rex Totius Albionis Insulae, aliarumque Nationum adjacenti∣um, in Cathedra Regali promotus, cum Consilio & Decreto Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Abbatum, Comitum, omniumque meorum Fidelium elegi san∣ciendum,

& perpetuo stabilimento ab omnibus confirmandum,* 1.115 quod Monaste∣rium, quod Badriceswerde nuncupatur, &c. which is also printed from the Original, at the end of Mr. Petyts Treatise of the Rights of the Com∣mons, &c.

King Cnute having performed these great Deeds of Charity and De∣votion, not long after (in the same year, as our Annals inform us) 'began his Journey to Rome.

But since our Annals do not tell us what he did there, I shall give it you in short from his own Letter, as I find it in William of Malmesbury, which upon his return from Rome, he wrote and sent into England, by Living Abbot of Tavistock; and begins thus:

Cnute, King of Denmark, Norway, and all Swedeland, to Ailnoth (or Egelnoth, the Metropolitan), and to Alfric of York, with all the Bi∣shops and Primates, and to the whole English Nation, as well Noble∣men as Plebeians, Health: Wherein he gives an account of his Jour∣ney, as also the reason of his undertaking it; then how honourably he was received at Rome, and what he had there negotiated for the benefit of his Subjects: Then he gives Directions and Commands to his Officers to do all Justice and Right to the People in his Absence, a thing to which he resolved on (as he says) long before, but never could till now accomplish what he had designed for the Pardon of his Sins and the Safety of all his Subjects; he further signifies, that he was received by all the Princes, who at that time were with Pope John; solemnizing the Feast of Easter, with extraordinary Respect and Ho∣nour, but especially by Conrade the German Emperor; that he had dealt with them all about the concernments of his people both English and Danes, that their Passage to Rome might be more free and open; and had obtained, that as well Merchants as others should with all safety pass and repass without any Toll or Imposition: He had also com∣plained to the Pope, that his Archbishops paid vast Sums of Money before they could obtain their Palls, which Grievance was by the Pope's Decree taken off. All these Immunities procured from the Pope, the Emperor, Rodolph King of France, and all other Princes throughout whose Territories he travelled, were confirmed by Oath, under the Testimonies of Four Archbishops, and Twenty Bishops, with an innumerable Company of Dukes and other Noblemen there present. Then follows a Thanksgiving to Almighty God, for giving him such Success in what he had undertaken. After this, he desires it might be published to all the world, that having devoted his Life to God••s service, he resolved to govern the People subject to him in all Piety, Justice, and Equity; And in case any thing blameworthy had been done by him in his Youth, by the help of God he was now ready to make full amends for it. Therefore he charges all his Mini∣sters whatsoever, as well Sheriffs as others, That for fear of him they should not pervert Justice, because there was no necessity that Money should be raised by any unjust exactions. And at last, after great Asseverations how much he studied the Profit and Conveniency of his People, he adjures all his Ministers before he arrived in England, that they should procure all Dues to be paid according to the ancient Cu∣stom; as the Alms of the Plow, the Tythes of all Cattel brought forth in the same year, Peter-Pence in August, with the Tythes of Corn, and at Martinmass the First fruits of the same, called Curcescot, or

Cyrescot (i.e. Money given to the Church);* 1.116 in case this was not paid before his Return, he threatens severely to animadvert upon every one according to the Laws.

William of Malmesbury further adds, That at his Return he was as good as his word; for he commanded all the Laws which had been made by former English Kings, and chiefly by Ethelred his Predecessor, to be observed under great Penalties; for the true observation where∣of, our Kings (says he) are at this very day sworn under the name of the Good Laws of King Edward; not that he only ordain'd them, but because he observed them.

So that from hence we may take notice, That Kings who have the least of Hereditary Title, if they mean to reign happily, ought in Po∣licy, as well as Conscience, to observe the Laws of that Kingdom to which they have been advanced without any Right of Blood.

But to return again to our Annals; they further tell us,

That upon the King's return from Rome (where it seems he staid not long after) he marched into Scotland, and there King Malcolm became subject to him, with two other Kings (of the Isles) called Maelbaerth and Jehmarc.

The same year also Robert Earl of Normandy went to Jerusalem, and there died; and William who was afterwards King of England, began to reign, being an Infant.

From whence we may plainly see, that the Cottonian Copy of these Annals was wrote in the form we have them, after the Conquest; and though the other Copies do not expresly call him King of England, yet they give him the Title of King William, which is all one.

About this time (as the Welsh Chronicles relate) the Irish Scots in∣vaded South-Wales, by the means of Howel and Meredyth, the Sons of Edwin above-mentioned, who hired them against Rythaerch ap Jestyn, the Usurping Prince of that Countrey, whom by the assistance of these Scots they slew in Battel, and by that means got the Government of South-Wales, which they ruled jointly, but with small quiet; for the Sons of Rythaerch gathered together a great number of their Father's Friends, to revenge his death; with whom Prince Howel and Meredyth meeting at Hyarthwy, after a long Fight routed them, and made them fly; but the year following Prince Meredyth himself was slain by the Sons of Conan ap Sitsylt, Brother to Prince Lewelyn, to revenge their Father's death, whom Meredyth and his Brother Howel had slain.

* 1.117

This year appeared a strange kind of Wild-Fire, such as no man ever remembred, and did a great deal of mischief in divers places. The same year also deceased Aelfsige Bishop of Winchester, and Aelfwin the King's Chaplain succeeded in that See.

* 1.118

Merehwit Bishop of Somersetshire (i. e. Wells) deceased, and was buried at Glastingabyrig.)

* 1.119'Aetheric the Bishop died (the Annals tell us not of what See): But Simeon of Durham, and R. Hoveden add, That Malcolm King of Scots died this year, to whom succeeded Mactade.

* 1.120The same Authors farther tell us, That King Cnute before his Death appointed Swane his Eldest Son to be King of Norway; and Hardecnute, his Son by Queen Aemma, to be King of Denmark; and Harold, his Son by Aelgiva, a Hampshire Lady, to be King of England after him∣self.

This year King Cnute deceased at Scaeftesbyrig,* 1.121 and was buried at the new Monastery at Winchester, having been King of England almost twenty years.

There is no King that can deserve a more various Character than this; since none who came in so roughly, after govern'd more mildly: He was naturally Cruel, and very Ambitious, and stuck not at any thing to gain a Kingdom, as appears by his dealing with his Predeces∣sor's Children, and Brothers; but more particularly with Olaf King of Norway, whom Simeon of Durham relates to have been turn'd out of it by the secret Practices and Bribes which he liberally bestow'd upon the Great and Factious men of that Kingdom; but however, toward his latter end he reigned both prudently and moderately; and we may say of him what a Roman Author does of one of his Emperors, That it had been well for this Kingdom if he had never reign'd at all, or else had continued longer; none of his Sons resembling him either in Va∣lour or Wisdom.

But to let you see that this King was really sensible before his death, of the Vanity of Worldly Empire, I shall, to divert the Reader, give you this story of him, out of H. Huntington, who thus relates it, viz. That King Cnute being once at Southampton, caus'd his Royal Seat to be plac'd on the shore, while the Tide was coming in; and with a Ma∣jestick Air said thus,

Thou Sea belongest to me, and the Land where∣on I sit is mine; nor hath any one unpunished resisted my Commands; I charge thee therefore come no further upon my Land, neither pre∣sume to wet the Feet of thy Sovereign Lord.

But the Sea, as before, came rowling on, and without any Reverence at all not only wet but dashed him; whereupon the King quickly rising up, bade those that were about him to consider the weak and bounded Power of Kings; and how none indeed deserved that Title, but He whose Eternal Laws both Hea∣ven, and Earth, and Seas obey. A Truth so evident of it self,* 1.122 that were it not to shame his Court-Flatterers, (who would not else be convinced) Cnute needed not to have gone wet-shod home. From thenceforth he would never afterwards wear his Crown, but com∣manded it to be put upon the Head of the Crucifix at Winchester.

From whose Example, as Petrus Pictaviensis relates, arose that cu∣stom of hanging up the Armour of Great Men in Churches, as Offer∣ings made to God, by whose assistance they had attained any Honour to themselves, or Benefit to their Countrey, either by Victory, or an Honourable Death.

I shall conclude his Reign with his Laws, which since we have not the time when they were made, I have reserved to this place: They begin thus:

This is the Law (or Decree) which Cnute King of all England, Denmark, and Norway, hath ordained with the Consent of his Wise Men at London, as well for the Maintenance of his own Royal Dignity, as for the Benefit of his People, and were made at Winchester in Mid∣winter, (i.e. at Christmas) which, you must note, was one of the stated times when all the Great Men of the Kingdom, both Clergy and Laity, used of course to attend upon the King, whether he summoned them, or not.

But since these Laws are very long, and contain a Repetition and Confirmation of divers Laws formerly made by his Predecessors, I shall only here extract some of them, and refer the Reader to Mr. Lambard for the rest.

* 1.123

The first of Civil Concernment commands Justice to be faithfully and indifferently administred both to Poor and Rich, and abolishes all unjust Laws.

The second requires Mercy to be used, and that no man be put to death for a small offence.

The eighth ordains, that all people keep the Peace; and orders one and the same good Money to be current, and no man to refuse it. If any one embase the Coin, his hands shall be cut off without any Re∣demption: And if a Reeve or Magistrate be accused that it was done by his consent, he shall purge himself by a treble Purgation; and if he be cast, incur the same Punishment with the Offender.

The twelfth is remarkable, since it comprizes all those Forfeitures which the King challenges as due to himself, in the Counties of West-Saxony, except he please to confer them upon any other; (viz.) the Penalties incurr'd for the breach of the Peace, for breaking into a House, stopping up a Passage, and forsaking a man's Colours. If also for any Crime a man be outlaw'd, the Restitution of him to his for∣mer state belongs to the King. He also that possesseth Bocland (i. e. Land convey••d by Deed) forfeits to the King, let his Lord be who he will; as also whoever relieves or Harbours a Fugitive.

The fourteenth Law appoints Mulcts for divers Offences, and parti∣culary, That if any Judge have out of Hatred or Lucre perverted Ju∣stice, by the Law of the English he is to pay to the King the value of his Head; and also to be removed from his Place, or redeem it as the King shall please, except he plead that what he did was from Igno∣rance, and then he must confirm this Assertion by Oath: And by the Law of the Danes he is to incur the Mulct of the breach of that Law, except he can plead Ignorance.

The Nineteenth renews the former Laws of King Alfred, com∣manding every one of free condition to enter himself into some Hun∣dred or Tything; that being in a condition to purge himself, he may also be in a capacity to claim from another the value of his Head, otherwise none that exceeds twelve years of age, in case he receive any wrong, shall be capable of enjoying the same privilege with a Free∣man; and be he a Master of a Family, or a Retainer, he must be entred into some Hundred or other, and must find Pledges or Sureties for his appearance, in case he be accused of a Crime. Some Great Men (says the King) if they can do it, will protect their Servants, giving out sometimes that they are Free, other times that they are Slaves; but we not enduring any such unjust practises, enjoin, That every one of twelve years of age shall give Security by Oath, that he will neither steal himself, nor be accessary to the Theft of any other.

Thus doth he revive what King Alfred had before ordained, That no Freeman should be out of Tything, or live at random, without this most efficacious Tye of Suretyship; and to what was enacted before, adds this caution of twelve years, beyond which, for the Publick Peace and Security, none were to live without being admitted and received into some Hundred and Tything.

The twentieth Law of King Cnute so far indulges a man unblame∣able and of good Repute, who never brake his Oath in the Hundred, nor was cast by the Ordeal, that his single Purgation shall be accepted. But a man of the contrary Reputation, shall either be compelled to take

his single Oath in three Hundreds, or a threefold one,* 1.124 according to the custom of that Court, or be put to the Ordeal; but a single Pur∣gation is to be made with a threefold preparatory Oath.

By virtue of the fifty fourth Law, whosoever conspires against the King, or his Lord, shall forfeit Life and Fortunes, except he purge himself by the threefold Ordeal.

The sixty first declares breaking down or burning Houses, as also Theft, manifest Murthers, and betraying of ones Lord, according to Human Laws, to be Crimes for which there is no Bote or Satisfaction to be made, by way of Mulct or Compensation: Which is altera∣tion of the former Laws, by which all these Crimes were redeemable by Money.

The next wills, That Mercy be shewn, as much as may be, to such as truly and unfeignedly amend their ways.

And by that which follows, the King declares he will put a differ∣rence betwixt Small and Great, Rich and Poor, Young and Old, In∣firm and Healthful; forasmuch as some men may offend out of a kind of necessity; and that a distinction is to be made betwixt a forced and a voluntary act: Therefore he promises to succour where there is most need of his help.

The sixty seventh contains an Act of Grace of the King to his Subjects, whereby he relieves such as were formerly oppressed: He also enjoins all his Officers, that they make provision for his House out of his own Lands and Tillage, and that they compel no man to furnish him with any Provisions in this kind, upon pain of paying the value of their heads, if they impose any Mulct upon Refusers.

The sixty eighth ordains, That in case any man by neglect, or sud∣den Death, depart this world intestate, his Lord shall take nothing of his Goods, except what is due to him as an Herriot; but all is to be distributed by his Judgment to the Wife, Children, and next Kindred; justly, according to their several Rights.

The sixty ninth settles the rates of all Herriots to the King, ordering that the Herriot of every one be according to his dignity; as first, That of an Earl eight Horses, whereof four with Furniture, and four without; four Helmets, as many Corslets, eight Spears, and as ma∣ny Shields; four Swords, and two hundred Mancuses of Gold. That of the King's chief Thane four Horses, whereof two with Furniture, and two without; two Swords, four Spears, and as many Shields; one Helmet, one Corslet, and fifty Mancuses of Gold. The Herriot of an inferior Thane, an Horse with Furniture and Arms; or amongst the West-Saxons the Sum of Money that is paid, called Halfange; in Mercia and East-England, two Pounds: But amongst the Danes the Herriot of a King's Thane, who hath free Jurisdiction, is four Pounds; and if he be nearer to the King, his Herriot is two Horses, whereof the one with Furniture, and the other without; a Sword, two Spears, as many Targets, and fifty Mancuses of Gold. But the Herriot of a Thane of the lowest condition, is two Pounds.

This word Herriot, (or as the true Saxon word is written) Herë∣geate, signifies Furniture for War, given by the Vassal to his Lord, probably at first designed for the driving away Thieves and Robbers, which abounded when the Danish or Northern Nations so frequently in∣vaded the Land: For though the word Here does in the Saxon Lan∣guage

signify an Army,* 1.125 yet it is in our Saxon Authors (when without composition) generally taken in the worst sense, for Invaders and Spoil∣ers: A Lawful Army collected by the King for the defence of the Nation being called by the name of Fyrd.

The seventy first requires Widows to continue in Widowhood for the space of Twelve Months, and then permits them to marry: If a Woman marry before her Twelve Months be out, she shall lose her Dower, with all that her Husband left her, which is to come in such case to the next of kin; and he that marries her, shall pay the value of his Head to the King, or to whomsoever he assigns it.

The seventy fifth Law deprives him of Life and Estate, who either in an Expedition by Land or Sea deserts his Lord, or his Fellow-Sol∣dier; and in such case the Lord is to have back the Land he gave him; or if it was Bocland, it goes to the King. But in case any one dye in Fight in the presence of his Lord, either at home or abroad, his Herriot shall be remitted, and his Children shall succeed both to his Goods and Lands, and equally divide them.

The seventy sixth gives him liberty that hath defended his Land, and cleared it from all doubts and incumbrances in the Sciregemote, or County-Court, to possess it quietly whilst he lives, and to leave it to whom he pleases when he dies.

From whence we may observe, that before the Conquest men might bequeath their Lands by their Last Will.

The seventy seventh gives liberty to every man to hunt in his own Grounds, but forbids all men under a Penalty to meddle with the King's Game, especially in those places which he had fenced by Pri∣vilege.

By those places thus privileged, he means those which afterwards the Normans called Forests, being Ground Desart and Woody, lying open to the King's Deer, not fenced about with any Hedge or Wall, but cir∣cumscribed and privileged, or (as here he words it) fenced with cer∣tain Bounds, Laws, and Immunities, under Magistrates, Judges, Offi∣cers, &c. Concerning these Forests, the King published certain Con∣stitutions (Thirty four in number), which you may see at large in Sir Hen. Spelman's Glossary, tit. Foresta. But because he mentions them not in this nor any other of his Laws, they seem to have been made afterwards: But the Thirtieth Article is therein almost the very same with this Law, forbidding all men to meddle with his Game; and yet permitting them to hunt in their own Grounds, sine Chasea; but what that signifies, unless it be following their Game out of their own Grounds, I will not take upon me to determine.

King HAROLD, sirnamed Harefoot.

NOT long after the Death of King Cnate, our Annals relate,* 1.126

That there was a great Witena Gemot, or Council of the Wise Men, held at Oxnaford, where Earl Leofric, and al∣most all the Thanes on the East part of Thames, with the Seamen of London, chose Harold for King of all England, whilst his Brother Hardecnute was in Denmark: But Earl Godwin and all the Great Men of the West-Saxons, withstood it as much as they could, though they were not able to prevail against them. Then was it also decreed, That Elgiva (or Emma) the Mother of Hardecnute, should reside at Winchester, with the Domes••ick Servants of the late King, and should possess all West-Saxony, where Earl Godwin was Governor, or Lord Lieutenant. It is said also by some concerning this King Ha∣rold, that he was the Son of King Cnute, and of Aelgiva the Daughter of Aelfhelm the Ealdorman; but that seems scarce probable to many, however, he was full (or Real) King of all England.

That which gave cause to this suspicion, was (as Florence of Wor∣cester and Radulph de Diceto relate) That this Aelgiva not being able to have Children by King Cnute, commanded the Son of a certain Shoo∣maker, then newly born, to be brought to her, and feigning a formal Lying in, to have imposed upon the credulous King her Husband, that she was really brought to bed of a Son; which, if true, shews that it is no new or strange thing for a Queen of England to impose a suppositi∣tious Birth upon the King her Husband, and the whole Nation.

But this Contention about the Election of Harold, gives us great rea∣son to doubt the Truth of the Relation in Simeon of Durham, and other Authors, of this Harold's being appointed by his Father's Will to suc∣ceed in the Kingdom of England; such a Nomination or Recommen∣dation seldom or never failing to be observed by the States of the King∣dom without any dispute, at the Election of a New King: And be∣sides, Queen Aemma his Mother, who had then the greatest power with King Cnute, would sure much rather have had her own Son Hardecnute to have succeeded him in the Kingdom of England, than Harold, at best supposed to be her Husband's Son by another Woman: So that if Ha∣rold was now chosen King, it is most likely that it was not in pursuance of King Cnute's Will, but purely from the prevailing Faction of the Danes and Londoners; who, as William of Malmesbury tells us, were by their long conversation with them, become wholly Danish in their In∣clinations.

But if Ingulph may be believed (who lived as well before as after the Conquest), there was then so great a Dispute about the Election of a King, that many fearing a Civil War would ensue, it caused multi∣tudes of people to quit their Habitations, and betake themselves into Waterish and Fenny Places, where they thought the Enemy could not, or would no easily pursue them; and particularly to the Monastery of Croyland, where they caused such a disturbance, that the Monks of that

place could neither meet in the Church nor in the Refectory:* 1.127 When at last, to avoid the Effusion of Christian Blood, it was agreed at the aforesaid Council at Oxnaford, That the Kingdom should be divided be∣tween the two Brothers, Harold and Hardecnute, so that the former should have all the Countries lying Northward from the Thames, together with the City of London, and Hardecnute enjoy all the Southern Provinces. But Hardecnute having received his share of the Kingdom, went into Denmark, where making unnecessary delays, Harold seized the whole Kingdom to himself. Which is in part confirmed by an Ancient Manu∣script Chronicle in the * 1.128 Cottonian Library; which relates, That Ha∣rold King of the Northumbrians and Mercians, was elected King of all England; and Hardecnute, because he staid in Denmark, was cast off. To which may be added certain old † 1.129 Manuscript Annals, now in the same Library (part of which is supposed to be written by Henry of Hun∣tington), That Harold was elected by the Chief Men of the East-Angles (i. e. the Danes of that Countrey) together with the Londoners; so that he usurped the Kingdom of his Brother Hardecnute, being then in Denmark. And Simeon of Durham relates, That by the Consent of the Great Men of England, Harold began to reign as true and just Heir, but not so indisputably as King Cnute his Father had done; because Harde∣cnute, who was a truer Heir than he, was then expected; yet that in a short time the Kingdom became divided after the same manner as In∣gulph hath related. But it seems very unlikely, that Hardecnute, if he had been chosen King of any part of England, would have left it, and gone over into Denmark, before he was well settled at home. It is there∣fore more likely (what Florence of Worcester asserts), That Harold was at first elected King only of the Mercians and Northumbers, Hardecnute being to enjoy all the rest; but that not coming out of Denmark in due time, Harold got himself chosen King of the whole Kingdom the year following.

But leaving this matter concerning Hardecnute's Succession, which must be confessed is much in the dark, the Author last mentioned does say, That Harold after he had obtained the Royal Dignity, sent his Guards speedily to Winchester, and there tyrannically seized on the greater part of the Treasures of the King his Father, which had been bequeath∣ed by Cnute to the Queen his Mother-in-Law.

But I cannot omit taking notice of the most Cruel and Bloody Treat∣ment of Prince Alfred (Brother to King Edward) and his Followers; which because many of our Best and most Ancient Historians, as well Printed as Manuscript, refer to this year, and that too not long after King Harold's coming to the Crown, I shall here set down, since it seems most likely to have happened now, rather than at any other time: For though our Authors differ much about it, yet seeing most of the Ancient Manuscript Annals in the Cottonian Library, (as also that old Treatise called Encomium Emmae, being a Panegyrick wrote on that Queen by a Monk of her own time) agree in relating the Circum∣stances of this horrid Action, I shall from thence transcribe this fol∣lowing Account of it; viz.

That King Harold seeking by Treachery how to get those two young Princes, (Sons to the late King Ethelred) into his power, forged a Letter in the Name of Queen Emma their Mother, inviting them into England; wherein, personating her, she seemed to chide them gently

for their delay, in not coming over to look after their own concerns;* 1.130 seeing they could not but know that it procured the daily confirming of the Usurper in his power, who omitted no arts or means whatso∣ever, to gain the chief Nobility over to his Party; yet also assures them, that the English Nation had much rather have one of them to be their King; and in conclusion, desires they would come as speedily and as privately as they could, to consult with her, what course was best to be taken.

This Letter was sent to the Princes, then in Normandy, by an express Messenger, with Presents also, as from their Mother; which they joy∣fully receiving, returned word by the same hand, That one of them would be with her shortly, naming both the Time and Place. * 1.131 Alfred who was the younger (for so it was thought best) at the appointed time, with a few Ships, and some small number of Normans about him, appeared on the Coast, and no sooner came ashore, but fell into the Snare that Earl Godwin had laid for him, being sent on purpose to be∣tray him; and being cajoll'd into a belief that he was sent for by the King then at London, he was in the way met at Guilford by Earl Godwin, who with all seeming Friendship at first kindly entertained him, but in the night surprized the Prince, and made him Prisoner, with all his Company, most of whom (in all about Six hundred men) were put to various kinds of cruel deaths, and being twice decimated, every Tenth man suffered without mercy. The Prince was brought to London; and by the King sent bound to Ely, and had his eyes put out as soon as he landed there; and being delivered to the Monks to be kept, died soon after in their Custody; but whether of the Pain, or Grief, or some other In∣disposition, is left uncertain.

Yet though this Author makes no mention of Prince Edward his Brother's coming over with him; but rather asserting the contrary, that he never came at all; however, several other Historians will have this Prince to have either come over then, or some time before; and that being with his Mother when his Brother was thus treated, she im∣mediately sent him back into Normandy; which I must confess seems very improbable, since Harold had it then in his power to destroy them both.

But though it is certain that this unfortunate Prince was made away, yet since our Annals are wholly silent in it, there is nothing about which our Historians so much vary, as concerning the time when it was done. William of Malmesbury and Bromton place it after the death of Harold; and before the coming over of Hardecnute; when they say that Prince Alfred arrived, with some expectations of the Kingdom; but the for∣mer plainly confesses, that he related this story only upon common fame; yet because the Chronicles (i. e. the Saxon Annals) are silent, he will not affirm it for truth; so it seems he had never seen the above-mention'd Encomium Emmae. But that Prince Alfred was made away by the means of Earl Godwin, we shall further make out when we come to the Reign of King Edward the Confessor.

And the reason that some of our Historians give for Godwin's cruel usage of Prince Alfred, whilst he let his Brother escape, is, that God∣win was afraid of the High Spirit and Wit of this young Prince; be∣cause he knew that if ever he came to be King, he would never be go∣verned by him, nor marry his Daughter; both which he hoped for from Edward, in case he should be chosen King by his means (as after∣wards

happen'd). This, whether true or not, I will not determine; yet it suits well enough with the Interest of that Politick Earl. I shall say no more of this, only we cannot but hence observe the great Uncer∣tainty of Traditional Accounts, though of no long standing, since this Story, transacted not many years before the Conquest, is told so many several ways.

This year (according to our Annals) Aelgiva the Widow of King Cnute,* 1.132 and Mother of King Hardecnute and King Edward, was ba∣nished; but going over to Baldwin Earl of Flanders, he assign'd her Bricge (i. e. Bruges) for her Retirement, where he protected her, and provided for her as long as she staid there.

But the Reader is to take notice, that this Queen, who is here called Aelgiva in the English-Saxon, is the same with Emma in the Norman-French Dialect, and who was now banished England by King Harold, as all Writers agree. But the reason why this Queen did not retire into Normandy, her own Countrey, was, that her Father and Brother were both dead; and though William her Nephew then succeeded in the Dukedom, yet he was but an Infant, under the Tutelage of the King of France.

This year also produced a great Revolution in Wales; for Griffyth ap Lewelyn ap Sitsylt, sometimes Prince of Wales, raised a great Army against Prince Jago, who now enjoyed the Principality of North-Wales (as you have already heard); and Jago also provided for himself as well as he could; but the greater part, and the better Soldiers were of Griffyth's side, for the love they bore to his Father, as plainly appeared when it came to a trial; for after the Battel was joined, Jago, his Sol∣diers deserting him, was soon overthrown and slain; and then Griffyth reigned in his stead. From whence we may observe the strange fickle∣ness of the Welsh Nation in those times, who notwithstanding their seeming Affection to this Prince the Right Heir, yet left him as soon as ever they met with one of the same Race whom they liked better. From which evil custom these Countries were never long without Civil Wars, till the total Conquest of them by the English.

But Griffyth ap Lewelyn, after he had thus slain Prince Jago, govern∣ed North-Wales very well, following his Father's steps; and in the very first year of his Government he fought with the Englishmen and Danes at Crosford upon Severne; and from thence he led his Army to Lhanpa∣darn vawr in Caerdiganshire, and destroyed that place; and thence pas∣sing into South-Wales, totally subdued it; Howel ap Edwin, at that time Prince thereof, being forced to fly his Countrey; and when he had thus reduced South-Wales, he returned home again with Honour. But the next year,

* 1.133Howel Prince of South-Wales (as the English as well as Welsh Chronicles relate) having now procured Edwin the Brother of Leofric Earl of Mercia to assist him, marched with a great Army of English and Danes against Prince Griffyth, who meeting them in the field, over∣came them, and slew Edwin at Pencadair, and pursued Howel so closely, that though he escaped himself, yet his Wife was taken Prisoner; whom Griffyth like so well, that he kept her for his Mistress.

But though Howel after this made several Attempts to regain his Countrey, yet he could never succeed, for that Prince Griffyth held it all his time. But the Cottonian Chronicle relates, that fighting after∣wards

with Griffyth at a place called Paldiwach, he obtained the Victory, and again made himself Prince of South-Wales: But this I leave to the Reader's Judgment. To return again to our Annals:

Ethelnoth Archbishop of Canterbury deceased,* 1.134 and a little after Ethelric Bishop of the South-Saxons; and also a little before Christmas Bryteh Bishop of Worcester; and a little after, Aelfric Bishop of the East Angles: Then Aeadsige was made Archbishop, and Grymkytel Bi∣shop of the South-Saxons; and Living succeeded in the Bishopricks of Worcester and Gloucester.

This year King Harold deceased at Oxnaford, 16. Kal. April,* 1.135 and was buried at Westminster. He governed England Four Years, and Sixteen Weeks.]

But there is certainly an Error in this Copy of the Annals; for either he deceased not till the next year, as the Cambridge Copy and Mat. Westminster place it; or else he could reign but Three Years, and perhaps so many odd Weeks as these Annals mention.

In his time was again paid a great Tax for the setting out Sixteen Sail; to wit, Eight Marks to every Rower (which shews it consist∣ed of only Gallies, and not Ships); and as Florence also adds, Twelve Marks more to every Master, which he order'd to be rais'd through all England; as was before done in the Reign of King Cnute.

But it seems every Port was bound to pay such a proportion, to set out these Sixteen Sail (as H. Huntington relates) whereby nevertheless he so much incensed the minds of the English against him, that the Welsh perceiving it, or else for some other reason, began to be very unruly; insomuch that some Insurrections happened thereupon, wherein many of the English Nobility were slain; as Edwin, Brother to Earl Leofric; Turketil and Algeat, the Sons of Effi, both of them Great Persons; and several others.

And to this time (I suppose) we may refer what Caradoc in his Welsh Chronicle relates, That Griffyth ap Lewelyn, Prince of North-Wales, in the first year of his Reign, fought with the English and Danes at Cross∣ford upon Severne, and put them to flight; and from thence he led his Army to Lhanpadan vawr in Caerdiganshire, and destroyed the place ut∣terly; and from thence passed all over South-Wales, receiving the peo∣ple into his subjection, for Howel ap Edwin their King fled before him, and forsook the Land.

As for the Character of this King Harold, and the reason why he was called Harefoot, they are very uncertain: H. Knighton in his Chro∣nicle writes very oddly, That he had a Body like a Hare, sure he means hairy like that Creature, and from thence was called Harefoot; which is very improbable. But others with more appearance of truth, derive it from his Swiftness of Foot. Bromton gives him this Character, That in all respects he degenerated from the Worth of his Father King Cnute (insomuch that divers suspected him not to have been his Son), for he was altogether careless both as to matters of War and Peace; only he would pursue his own Will and Pleasure, and what was very unbecoming his Royal Estate, chusing rather to go on foot, than ride; whence, for the lightness and swiftness of his Feet, he seems to have been called Harefoot.

As for his Laws, we have only this one mentioned by Mr. Sel∣den in his Janus Anglorum, which was, That whatever Welsh∣man, coming into England without leave, was taken on this side Offa's Ditch, should have his Right Hand cut off by the King's Officers.

King HARDECNUTE.

* 1.136

KING Harold dying thus suddenly, the Chief Men of Eng∣land, with whom also the Londoners now joined, sent Messen∣gers to Hardecnute (who was then at Bruges with his Mother) intreating him to come and receive the Crown; whereupon he hasted into Denmark, there to settle his Affairs; which when he had done, with Forty (or as some say, Sixty) Ships, well mann'd with Danish Soldiers, according to our Annals, he arrived at Sandwich seven days before Midsummer, being joyfully received both by the Danes and English; (and as H. Huntington relates, was by both of them elected King); though afterwards the Great Men that did it, paid dearly for it; for not long after, it was decreed, That a Tax of Eight Marks should be again paid to the Rowers in Sixty two Sail of Ships. The same year also a S••ster (i. e. a Horse-load) of Wheat was sold for Fifty five Pence, and more.

This year Eadsige the Archbishop went to Rome; and also another Military Tax was paid,* 1.137 of Twenty nine thousand twenty nine pounds: And after this, was paid Eleven thousand forty eight pounds for two and thirty Sail of Ships.

But whether these Taxes were raised by Authority of the Great Council of the Kingdom, our Authors do not mention; but I believe not; for this Danegelt was now by constant usage become a Prero∣gative.

The same year came Eadward the Son of King Aethelred into this Kingdom from Wealand (by which our Annals mean Normandy):

After which time Prince Edward returned no more thither, but staid in England till his Brother died.

But the same year, not long after his Coronation, he sent Alfric Archbishop of York, and Earl Godwin, and divers Great Men of his Court to London, attended by the Hangman, and out of Hatred to his Brother Harold, and Revenge of the Injuries done to his Mother (as he pretended) commanded his Body to be dug up, and the Head to be cut off and flung into the Thames; but some Fishermen afterwards pul∣ling it up with their Nets, buried it again in St. Clement's Church-yard, being then the Burying-place of the Danes.

The same year also (according to Bromton's Chronicle) King Harde∣cnute sent over his Sister Gunhilda to the Emperor Henry, to whom she had been in her Father's life-time betroth'd: But before she went, the King kept the Nuptial Feast with that Magnificence in Cloaths, Equi∣page, and Feasting, that as Mat. Westminster relates, it was remembred in his time, and sung by Musicians at all great Entertainments. But this Lady was received and treated by the Emperor her Husband with great kindness for some time; till being accused of Adultery, she could find, it seems, no beter a Champion to vindicate her Honour, than a certain little Page she had brought out of England with her, who un∣dertaking her defence, fought in a single Combat against a man of a vast

Stature, named Rodingar,* 1.138 and by cutting his Hamstrings with his Sword, and falling down, he obtained the Victory, and so cleared his Lady's Honour; of which she yet received so little satisfaction, that she forsook her Husband, and retired into a Monastery, where she ended her days.

About this time also (as Simeon of Durham, Bromton's Chronicle, and other Authors inform us) King Hardecnute was highly incensed against Living Bishop of Worcester, and Earl Godwin, for the death of his Half Brother Alfred, Son to King Ethelred; Alfric Archbishop of York accusing them both of having persuaded King Harold to use him so cruelly as you have already heard: The Bishop and Earl being thus accused before King Hardecnute, the former was deprived of his Bishoprick, and the latter was also in very great danger. But not long after, the King being appeased with Money, the Bishop was again re∣stored; and as for Earl Godwin, he had also incurred some heavy Pu∣nishment, had he not been so cunning as to buy his peace (as these Authors relate) by presenting the King with a Galley most magnifi∣cently equipp'd, having a gilded Stern, and furnished with all Conve∣niences both for War and Pleasure, and mann'd with Eighty choice Soldiers, every one of whom had upon each Arm a Golden Bracelet weighing sixteen Ounces, with Helmet and Corslet all gilt, as were also the Hilts of their Swords; having a Danish Battel-Axe adorned with Silver and Gold, hung on his Left Shoulder, whilst in his Left Hand he held a Shield, the Boss and Nails of which were also gilded, and in his Right a Launce, in the English-Saxon Tongue called a Tegar: But all this would not serve his turn, without an Oath, That Prince Alfred had not his eyes put out by his Advice, but he therein merely obeyed Harold's Commands, being at that time his King and Master.

This year (according to Simeon of Durham) King Hardecnute sent his Huisceorles (i. e. his Domestick Servants,* 1.139 or Guards) to exact the Tax which he had lately imposed: But the Citizens of Worcester, and the Worcestershire men rising, slew two of them, called Feadar and Tur∣stan, having fled into a Tower belonging to a Monastery of that City. Thereupon Hardecnute being exceedingly provoked to hear of their deaths, sent to revenge it, Leofric Ealdorman of the Mercians, Godwin of the West-Saxons, Siward of the Northumbrians, and others, with great Forces, and orders to kill all the men, plunder and burn the City, and waste the Countrey round about. On the evening preceding the thirteenth of November, they began to put his Commands in execu∣tion, and continued both wasting and spoiling the City and Countrey for four days together; but few of the Inhabitants themselves could be laid hold of, the Countrey-men shifting for themselves every man as well as they could, and the Citizens betaking themselves to a little Island in the Severne, called Beverege, which they fortified, and vigorously stood upon their Defence, till their Opposers being tired out and spent, were forced to make Peace with them, and so suffered them to return quietly home. This was not done till the fifth day, when the City being burnt, the Army retreated, loaded with the Plunder they had got.

Simeon next after this cruel Expedition, places the coming over of Prince Edward; but our Annals with greater probability put his Return under the year before.

* 1.140

This year also King Hardecnute deceased at Lambeth (6. Id. Junii). He was King of England two years, wanting seven days, and was buried in the New Monastery (of Winchester); his Mother giving the Head of St. Valentine to pray for his Soul.

But since our Annals are very short in the Relation of his Death, we must take it from other Authors; who all agree, That the King being invited to a Wedding at the place above-mentioned, which with great Pomp and Luxury was solemnized betwixt Tovy, sirnamed Prudan, a Danish Nobleman, and Githa the Daughter of Osgod Clappa, a great Lord also of that Nation; as he was very jolly and merry, carousing it with the Bridegroom and some of the Company, he fell down speech∣less, and died in the Flower of his Age.

He is to be commended for his Piety, and Good Nature to his Mother, and Brother Prince Edward: But the great Faults laid to this Prince's charge, are Cruelty, Gluttony, and Drunkenness: For the first of these you have had a late Example; and for the latter, take what H. Hun∣tington relates, That Four Meals a day he allowed his Court; and it must be then supposed he loved eating well himself; though this Author attributes it to his Bounty; and how he rather desired that the Meat should be taken away untouched from such as were invited, than that those who were not invited, should complain for want of Victuals; whereas, saith he, the custom of our time is (either out of Covetous∣ness, or, as they pretend, because their people cannot eat) for Great Men to allow their Followers but one Meal a day; which shews, that the custom of Set Suppers hath had divers Vicissitude••, being not common∣ly used in England in Great Mens Families at the time when H. Hun∣tington wrote, and therefore is an English Custom prevailing since that time; the Norman Fashions being then most used.

John Rouse also, in his Manuscript Treatise de Regibus Ang. already cited, relates, That the day of King Hard••cnute's Death was in his time kept by the English as an Holiday, being called Hock-Wednesday; on which they danced, and drew Cords cross the way, as they do in seve∣ral Parishes in England even at this day, to stop people till they will pay them some Money.

King Edward (called) the Confessor.

BEfore King Hardecnute was buried,* 1.141 all the People chose Edward Aeth••ling King at London; who reigned as long as God per∣mitted him.

But William of Malmesbury with greater probability says, That this King did not come to the Crown without some difficulty; for when he had received the News of his Brother Hardecnute's Death, he was in great perplexity what was most advisable for him to do; at last, after mature deliberation, he thought it the safest course to trust his Fortune to Earl Godwin's Advice; who being sent for to a friendly Con∣ference, for some time he was considering whether he should come to him or not; but at length he agreed to speak with him; and upon the Enterview Edward was about to lay himself at his Feet, but that he would by no means suffer; Then the Prince earnestly desired he would assist him in his safe return to Normandy; when immediately Godwin gave him this unexpected answer, That he had better live gloriously King of England, than dye ignominiously in Exile: That the Crown did of Right belong to him as Son of Ethelred, and Grandchild of Edgar: That he was one of mature Age, inur'd to Labour, and who had learnt by experience how to order Publick Affairs with Justice; and had been taught by his own late Afflictions how to remove and prevent the Miseries of the People: That to bring this about, there would be no great Obstacle; for if he would but trust himself to him, he should find that his Inte∣rest was very powerful in the Nation, and that Fortune would be fa∣vourable to his just Pretensions; and if he would accept of the Royal Dignity, he was confident there would be none to oppose it; but on condition that he would establish a firm Friendship with him and his Family, by promising to prefer his Sons, and marry his Daughter, that then he should soon find himself a King.

Edward's case at this time was such, as not to reject so fair Proposals, but rather agree to any Conditions, and comply with the present state of Affairs; whatsoever therefore Godwin required, he promised and swore to perform. Now the Earl was a Man fitted by Nature for managing such an Intrigue, having a very smooth and plausible Tongue, so Eloquent, that he could move and charm the Affections of the Peo∣ple, insinuate into them whatsoever he pleased, and bring them entirely over to his Interest and Service. Upon this he procures a Great Coun∣cil to be summoned at Gillingham (some Copies have it, at London); and there he influenced some by his own Authority, gain'd over others by his Promises; and those who were inclined before to Prince Edward's Cause, he fully settled and confirmed to his Party; the rest, that made opposition, being over-power'd, were first of all turn'd out of their Places, and then banished the Land.

The Annals of the Abby of Winchester (printed in the Monast. Ang. from the Manuscript in the Cottonian Library) not only agree with William of Malmesbury in this Relation, but are also much more parti∣cular; viz. That Prince Edward coming to Godwin one morning in

disguise to London,* 1.142 fell at his Feet, begging him to preserve his Life; but the Earl taking him up, promised to use him like his Son; and also gave him farther Encouragements and Assurance; so that Edward re∣turning again to Winchester to his Mother, Godwin shortly after sum∣moned all the Great Men of the Kingdom to meet there, to consult about making a New King. Then these Annals proceed to relate the manner of this Election; Viz. That Earl Godwin raising the Prince from the place where he sate at his feet (being then incognito, having his Hood over his Face), said thus, Behold your King: This is Prince Edward, the Son of King Ethelred and Queen Emma: This is He whom I Elect, &c.; and so first did him Homage: Then after some Debates among themselves, they all at last consented to his Election; so that if it displeased any there, they durst not shew their Discontent, since Earl Godwin would have it so; and Edward being thus Elected, was, not long after, crown'd at Westminster.

Which is also confirmed by an Ancient Chronicle * 1.143 in the Cottonian Library (already cited), ending with this Prince, which saith, That Hardecnute being dead, Eadward was advanced to the Crown by the endeavours chiefly of Earl Godwin, and Living Bishop of Worcester.

Bromton's Chronicle farther adds, That at this Grand Council all the Great Men of England agreed and swore with one consent, That no Danes should reign over them any more, because of the great Affronts and Contempts they had received from that Nation: For they held the English in such servile subjection, That if an Englishman had met a Dane upon a Bridge, he was obliged to stand still till the other had passed by; and if he had not bowed to the Dane, he was sure to be well basted for his neglect; so that as soon as King Hardecnute was dead, the English drove all the Danes out of the Kingdom.

But notwithstanding the great happiness the English now received by having a King of their own Nation; yet it seems,

This year was un∣fortunate for the Intemperance of the Season, which (as our Annals relate) destroyed the Fruits of the Earth; so that a great number of Cattel died. Also about this time Aelf—, Abbot of Burgh decea∣sed, and Arnwi a Monk was chosen Abbot, being a mild and good man.

About the same time also, according to the Welsh Chronicle, Prince Conan the Son of Jago, who had fled into Ireland to save his life, and coming now over from thence, being assisted with the Forces of Al∣fred the Danish King of Dublin, entred North-Wales by surprize, took Prince Griffyth Prisoner, and was carrying him away to his Ships: But the people of the Countrey hearing of it, they immediately rose and pursued the Irishmen, and at last overtaking them, rescued their Prince, and made a great flaughter among them, the rest with much difficulty got to their Ships, and returned with Conan into Ireland.

* 1.144

But notwithstanding K. Edward had been elected King ever since the last Summer, yet was he not Anointed or Crowned till this year, when (as our Annals relate) that Ceremony was performed on Easter-day with great Solemnity, by Eadsige the Archbishop, who also preached before the people, and instructed them for the King's good, as well as their own advantage.

This is the first Discourse or Sermon that we can find was ever made of this nature at any King's Coronation.

The same year also Stig and the Priest was consecrated Bishop of the East-Angles;* 1.145 and presently after the King ordered all the Lands his Mother held from him to be surveyed, taking from her whatsoever Gold and Silver she had, with many other things, because she had been too severe to him, as well before he was King, as after; and as Roger Hoveden observes, had given him less than he expected from her.

So that in this Undutifulness to his Mother, he does not shew himself so great a Saint as the Monks represent him: But they say for his excuse, that he did it by the Advice of the Earls Leofric, Godwin, and Syward, by whom this Weak and Easy Prince was chiefly managed.

This year also, according to the Welsh Chronicles, Howel ap Edwin late Prince of South-Wales, with all the Forces he could raise of his own Countrey-men, and the English, entred South Wales, and began to spoil and havock it; of which when Prince Griffyth was informed, he ga∣thered his People together in North-Wales, and came courageously to meet his Enemies (whom he had twice before discomfited), and over∣came and chased them the third time, as far as the Spring of the River Towy; where after a long and dangerous Battel, Howel was slain, and his Army routed, and was so closely pursued, that few or none escaped alive: After whose Death Rytherch and Rees, the Sons of Rythaerch ap Jestyn, aspiring again to the Rule and Government of South-Wales, which their Father had once before acquired, gathered a great Army as well of strangers, as out of Guentland and Glamorgan, and meeting with Griffyth Prince of Wales, he courageously animated his men with the remembrance of their former Victories under his Standard, and joined Battel with his Enemies, whom he found disposed to try if they could regain the Honour which before they had lost: Wherefore when they were come up to engage, the Fight was so bloody and desperate, that it continued till night parted both Armies, and then being quite spent, they retreated. But still each being fearful of one another, they thought it their best way to return to their own Countries to raise fresh Recruits.

About this time was founded a Noble Monastery near Coventry in Warwickshire, by Leofric Earl of the Mercians,* 1.146 and the Lady Godiva his Wife, who was not only one of the most Beautiful, but most Pious Women of that Age; they also enriched this Monastery with great Presents both of Gold and Silver.

By reason of which Monastery the Town adjoining became much more flourishing, and took the name of Coventry from this Convent: And we farther read in Bromton's Chronicle, That this worthy Lady Godiva being desirous to exempt the said Town from the grievous Taxes and Tolls imposed on it, she earnestly and frequently sollicited her Husband to take them off, but yet was still denied: However, she ceasing not to renew her request, he told her jestingly at last, That if she would be content to ride naked through the Town, he would grant her Petition; which she readily undertook to do, and so commanding all people at that time to keep within doors, she covered her Body with her own Hair, of which she had so great a quantity, that it served in∣stead of a Mantle.

Thus did she generously free the Citizens from those heavy Exactions which they then lay under, though by the no-very-decent exposing of her self; and afterwards gave them a Charter of Exemptions, affixing

her Husband's and her own Seal to it.* 1.147 Now how the Episcopal See came afterwards to be removed hither from Litchfield and Chester, we shall in its due place declare.

The Charter of the Foundation of this Monastery, dedicated to our Blessed Lady, St. Peter, and all the Saints, is printed in * 1.148 Monast. Angl. though without any date; wherein are named all the Mannors given by the said Munificent Founder; and the same is ratified by the Charter of King Edward, and a Bull of Pope Alexander, bearing date Anno Dom. 1042. Neither did the Piety of these Liberal Persons rest here, for Earl Leofric, with the Assent of his Lady Godiva, repaired also the Mona∣steries of Leon (or Lemster) near Hereford; of Wenlock; of St. Were∣burga in Chester; of St. John in Worcester; and lastly, that of Evesham.

* 1.149

This year Archbishop Eadsige resigned his Archbishoprick, by reason of great Bodily Infirmities; and by the King's leave, and the advice of Earl Godwin, he consecrated Syward Abbot of Abbandune to succeed him; which thing was known but to few, till it was actually done, because the Archbishop was afraid lest some other, less Learned and Able, would either by Money or Interest obtain that See, if so be it was once divulged before it was done.

But of this Syward, * 1.150 William of Malmesbury tells us, That though he was thus consecrated Archbishop, yet notwithstanding he was soon after deposed for his Ingratitude to his Predecessor, in that he defrauded the weak Old Man of his necessary maintenance: But however to make this Syward some amends, he was translated to the Bishoprick of Roche∣ster; which was a great Fall indeed from the See of an Archbishop, to that of his principal Chaplain; but it seems he was resolved to be a Bi∣shop, though a mean one, comparatively.

The Annals also relate,

That this year there was so great a Famine in England, that a Sester of Wheat (which, as Roger Hoveden tells us, was then a Horse-load) was sold for Sixty Pence and more.

Which was then a great deal of Money, considering the scarcity of Silver in those times, and that every Penny then weighed Four Pence of our Money.

Also the same year the King sail'd to Sandwic with Five and thirty Ships.]

And as R. Hoveden informs us, it was to meet Magnus King of Norway, then designing to invade England; but a War break∣ing out with Sweyn King of Denmark, it put an end to that Expedition.

Also Aethelstan the Oeconomus, or Steward of the Abby of Abbing∣don, was made Abbot; and Stigand again received his Bishoprick of the East-Angles]; from which, it seems, by the cunning and Simonia∣cal practices of Bishop Grymkytel, he had been before deprived.

The same year King Edward married the Daughter of Earl Godwin, whose Name was Edgitha, or Editha.]

A Woman (as William of Malmesbury says) not only of great Beauty and Piety, but also Learned above what Women usually were in that Age wherein he lived; insomuch that Ingulph tells us, when he was but a Boy, and lived at Court with his Father, she was wont to meet him as he came from School, and took delight to pose him in Verses; and would also, passing from Grammar, argue with him in Logick, in which she was well skill'd; and when she had done, would order her Waiting-Woman to give him some Money.

But as King Edward had till now deferr'd the performance of his Pro∣mise in marrying this Lady ever since he came to the Crown,* 1.151 so it had been no great matter whether he had married her or not, because he never enjoyed her.

But notwithstanding the temptation of so fair a Lady, he not only kept his own Virginity inviolable, but also persuaded her to do the like; and this,* 1.152 (as the Abbot of Rieval in his Life relates) he did not do out of any hatred to her Father, (as is commonly reported by several of our other Historians) but because the English Nobility, being desi∣rous that one from his Loins should succeed him, had importun'd him to marry, which he could not well refuse (for then the secret Reso∣lution of his dying a Virgin, would have been disclosed); there∣fore he wedded her, both to secure himself against her Father, as also to make the Virtue of his Continence appear more conspicuous; which, as this Author tells us, was no Secret, being then divulged, and be∣lieved all over England; and divers Censures passed concerning the motives why he did so.

The same year Brightwulf Bishop of Scirebone deceased, who had held that Bishoprick Thirty eight years; and Hereman the King's Chaplain succeeded to that Bishoprick.

Also Wulfric was consecrated Abbot of St. Austin's at Christmas, with the King's good Consent, because of the great Bodily Infirmity of Aelfstan (the former Abbot.)

This year deceased Living Bishop of Devonshire (i.e. of Exeter),* 1.153 and Leofric the King's Chaplain succeeded thereunto. The same year Aelfstan Abbot of St. Augustin's in Canterbury deceased; and also Os∣got Glappa, the Danish Earl, was expelled England.

The same year likewise, (according to Simeon of Durham, and Wil∣liam of Malmesbury) Alwold Bishop of London, who had been before Abbot of Evesham, being by reason of his great weakness unable to perform his Episcopal Function, would have retired to his old Mona∣stery; but the Monks not permitting it, he resented it so ill at their hands, that taking away all the Books and other Ornaments which he had conferred upon them, and retiring to the Abby of Ramsey, he be∣stowed them all upon them, and there within a short time after ended his days; and then King Edward made one Robert, a Norman Monk, Bishop of London.

Also the same year the Noble Matron Gunhilda, Niece to King Cnute, was banished England, together with her two Sons.

This year likewise, in a great Council held at London, (as Florence relates) Wulmar a Religious Monk of Evesham was chosen Abbot of that Monastery, and was ordained the 4^th of the Ides of August fol∣lowing.

About this time, according to the Welsh Chronicles, Prince Griff••th having ruled in Peace ever since the last great Battel above-mentioned, till now, the Gentlemen of Ystrad Towy did by Treachery kill a Hundred and forty of his best Soldiers; so that to revenge their deaths, the Prince destroyed all those Countries.

Grymkitel Bishop of the South-Saxons (i. e. Selsey) deceased;* 1.154 as did also the same year, Aelfwin Bishop of Winchester, and Stigand, who was before Bishop in the North-East parts (i. e. of Helmham) succeeded in that See: And Earl Sweyn the Son of Godwin, went over

to Baldwin Earl of Flanders to Brycge, and staid there all Winter, and at Summer departed; (being it seems at that time in disgrace at Court for deflow'ring an Abbess whom he loved).

* 1.155

This year Aethelstan Abbot of Abbandune deceased; to whom succeeded Sparhafock, a Monk of St. Edmundsbury. Whence you may observe, that the Abbots were at that time seldom chosen out of Monks of the same Abby.

Also this year Bishop Syward deceased; and then Archbishop Ead∣sige retook that Bishoprick.]

Which is contrary to what William of Malmesbury hath already related.

The same year likewise Lothen and Yrling, Danes, came to Sandwic with Twenty five Ships, and there landing, committed great havock, and carried away abundance of Booty, as well of Gold as Silver; so that no man can tell how great it was: From whence they sailed about Thanet, and attempting there to commit the like Outrages, the people of that Countrey vigorously resisted them, and hindred their landing, and so made them to direct their course towards Essex, where they committed the like Barbarities, carrying away all the men they could lay hold on; and then passing over into the Territories of Earl Baldwin, and there selling all their Plunder, they sail'd towards the East, from whence they came.

Also the same year (according to Simeon of Durham) Harold, sir∣named Hairfax, Brother to the late King Olaf, having put Sweyn King of Denmark to flight, subdued that Kingdom. King Sweyn being thus driven out of his Countrey, sent Ambassadors to King Edward, desiring his Assistance with his Fleet against the King of Norway; which Earl Godwin much approved of, but the rest of the Great Men dissuading him from it, nothing was done; but the King of Norway dying soon after, Sweyn recovered his Kingdom. But Florence of Worcester places this Transaction two years later; but which of them is in the right, I will not dispute.

Also this year (according to our Annals, as well as other Authors) was the great Battel of Vallesdune in Normandy, between Henry King of France, and the Nobility of that Dukedom, because they refused to receive William the Bastard for their Duke: But when he afterwards got them into his power, he beheaded some of them, and others he banished.

I have mentioned this, to let you see with how great difficulty this young Duke (who was afterwards King of England) was settled in that Dutchy, which he could never have obtained without the Protecti∣on and Assistance of the King of France.

About this time also the Welsh Chronicles tell us South-Wales was so infested by the Danish Pyrates, that the Sea-Coasts were almost quite deserted.

The same year, or else in 1048 (as it is in the Cottonian Copy of the Annals) was held the great Synod or Council at St. Remy, where were present Pope Leo, and the Archbishop of Burgundy (i. e. of Be∣sanson, tho they are here mentioned as two several Archbishopricks) as also the Archbishop of Treves, and Remes, with many other Wise Men both of the Clergy and Laity; and thither King Edward sent Bishop Dudoce, and Wulfric Abbot of St. Augustine's, with Abbot Aelfwin, that they might acquaint the King what was there decreed concerning the Christian Faith.

This year King Edward sail'd to Sandwic with a great Fleet,* 1.156 and there met Earl Sweyn, who came with seven Ships at Bosenham (i.e. Bosham in Sussex) where he made a League with the King, and received a Promise from him to be restored to all his possessions; but Earl Harold his Brother, and Beorne, very much opposed him, saying, He was ut∣terly unworthy of those Favours the King had promised him; so he had only four days allowed him to go back again to his Ships.

In the mean time a Report was brought to the King, That a Fleet of Enemies were landed on the Coast of the East-Angles, and there taking of Prey: Then Earl Godwin sail'd about toward the East with two of the King's Ships, one of which his Son Harold commanded, and the other Earl Totsige his Brother, and also Two and forty Sail of the people of the Countrey: Then was Earl Harold with the King's Ships driven by a Storm into Pevensee, and there detain'd by contrary Winds; but within two days after, Earl Sweyn came thither, and had Conference with his Father, Earl Godwin, and Earl Beorne, whom he intreated to accompany him to the King at Sandwic, and there use their interest to make his Reconciliation with him; but whilst they were on their way, Sweyne begged of Beorne (his Cousin) that he would go back along with him to his Ships, saying, He feared lest his men would desert him, unless he speedily returned; whereupon complying with him, they went back to the place where the Ships rode, and there Sweyn was very importunate with him to go on Ship∣board; but he utterly refusing that, the Mariners bound him, and then put him into a Pinnace, and so carried him on board by force; then hoisting up Sail, they steered Eastward to Axamutha, and there kept him till they had made him away.

Then they took his Body, and buried it in a certain Church; but afterwards his Relations and the Mariners of London came, and dig∣ging up his Body, carried it with them to the old Church of Winche∣ster, where they buried it near his Uncle King Cnute: Then Sweyn sailing Eastward towards Flanders, staid there a whole Winter in Brycge, with Earl Baldwin's good leave. The same year deceased Eadnoth; Bishop in the North parts; and one Vlf was consecrated Bishop in his stead.

This year was a great Council held at London in Midlent, and there were sent out Nine Ships well mann'd with Seamen,* 1.157 Five only being left in Port; also this very year Earl Sweyn return'd into England.

For Aldred Bishop of Worcester had by his Intercession made his Peace with the King.

The same year was a Great Synod assembled at Rome, whither King Eadward sent the Bishops Hereman and Aldred, who arrived there on Easter-Eve; after which the Pope held a Synod at Vercelle, whither was sent Bishop Vlf, who was afterwards like to be deprived, because he could not perform his Function as he ought, had he not paid a good round Sum of Money. This year also deceased Eadsige the Archbi∣shop, (4^o Kal. Novemb.)

King Edward now appointed Rodbyrd Bishop of London, to be Archbishop of Canterbury in Lent,* 1.158 who immediately went to Rome to obtain his Pall: Then the King bestowed the Bishoprick of London on Sparhafoc Abbot of Abbandune, and gave that Abby to Bishop Rothulf his Kinsman.

* 1.159

About the same time the Archbishop, returning from Rome the day before the Vigil of St. Peter, was Installed in the Episcopal Throne at Christ-Church, on St. Peter's Day: Then came to him Sparhafoc with the King's Letters and Seal, commanding that he should conse∣crate him Bishop of London; but the Archbishop refusing it, said, The Pope had forbad him to do it: After which, the Abbot return'd to the Archbishop, and desired his Episcopal Orders, but he pe∣remptorily denied them, saying, The Pope had strictly charged him not to do it. Then the Abbot went to London, and held the Bishoprick nothwithstanding all that Summer, and the Autumn following.

Then Eustatius (Earl of Boloigne, the King's Brother-in-Law) came from beyond the Seas, and having been with the King, and told him his Business, he return'd homewards; and when he came to Can∣terbury, he refreshed himself and his Company, and so went on to Dofra (i. e. Dover), but when he was within a Mile of this side thereof, he and his Retinue put on their Breast-plates, and so entred the Town: As soon as they were come thither, they took up their Quarters in what Houses they liked best; but one of his Followers re∣solving to quarter in the House of an Inhabitant there whether he would or no, because he told him he should not, he wounded him; whereupon the Master killed him: At which News Earl Eusta∣tius being very much incensed, mounted to Horse, with all his Fol∣lowers, and setting upon the Good Man of the House, killed him even within his own doors; and then going into the Town, they killed partly within, and partly without, more than Twenty men. But the Townsmen (to be even with them) killed Nineteen of their men, and wounded many more.

Upon this Earl Eustatius making his Escape with a few Followers, went to the King, and told him what had happen'd, so much as made to his purpose; at which the King being highly provoked with the Townsmen, sent Earl Godwin, and commanded him to march to Dofra in a Hostile manner; for Eustatius had only insinuated to the King, as if what had happen'd had been wholly through the Townsmens fault, though indeed it was quite otherwise: But the Earl was very unwil∣ling to go into Kent, because he looked on it as an odious thing for him to destroy his own people.

For as William of Malmesbury farther relates, he plainly saw the King was imposed on, and had passed sentence upon them, when he had only heard one side: And indeed the Earl was much concerned to see Stran∣gers find greater favour with the King, than his own Subjects; for Eu∣statius had got a Friend near the King, who had very much exasperated him against them; therefore though the King continually press'd Earl Godwin to go into Kent with an Army, to be revenged of the men of Dofra, yet he still declined it, which much displeased the King; yet ne∣vertheless the Earl's Proposal seem'd but just and reasonable, That the Officers of the Castle (who it seems had a hand in this business) should be first summoned to answer in the King's Curia or Court, concerning this Sedition; and that if they could clear themselves there, they might be discharged; but if not, that they might make satisfaction to the King and the Earl with their Bodies and Estates; for Earl Godwin told the King, that it would seem very unjust to condemn those unheard, whom he ought chiefly to protect and defend.

And so far no doubt the Earl was in the right,* 1.160 and behaved himself like a true Englishman, in thus declining to execute the King's unjust Commands; though not in what he did afterwards. But to return again to our Annals.

The King hereupon summoned all his Chief and Wise Men to ap∣pear at Gloucester, a little after the Feast of St. Mary; for the Welsh∣men had in the mean time built a Castle in Herefordshire, upon the Lands of Earl Sweyn, and had done a great deal of mischief to the King's Liege-People in the Neighbourhood: Then Earl Godwin (with Sweyn and Harold, his Sons) met at Byferstane (i. e. Beverston in Gloucestershire) together with a great many in their Retinue, to attend on the King their Natural Lord, and all the Chief and Wise Men that waited on him, whereby they might have the King's Con∣sent and Assistance, as also that of his Great Council, to revenge the Affront and Dishonour which had been lately done to the King and the whole Nation: But the Welshmen getting first to the King, highly accused the Earls, insomuch that they durst not appear in his presence, for they said they only came thither to betray him: But then there came to the King the Earls Syward and Leofric, with many others from the North parts, being (as William of Malmesbury relates) al∣most all the Nobility of England, who had been summoned by the King to come thither: But whilst (according to our Annals) it was told Earl Godwin and his Sons, that the King and those that were with him were taking Counsel against them, they on the other side stood resolutely on their own defence; though it seem'd an hard thing for them to act any thing against their Natural Lord.

But William of Malmesbury adds farther, That Earl Godwin commanded those of his Party not to fight against the King; yet if they were set upon, that they should defend themselves; so that there had then like to have happen'd a Cruel Civil War, if calmer Counsels had not pre∣vailed.

By this you may see the great Power of Earl Godwin and his Sons, who could thus withstand the King, and all the Nobility that were with him. But to proceed with our Annals:

Then it was agreed by the chief men on both sides, that they should desist from any further violence; and thereupon the King gave them God's Peace, and his own Word.

After this, the King and his Great Men about him resolved a second time to summon a Witena Gemot, or Great Council at London, at the beginning of September: He also commanded an Army to be raised, as great as ever had been seen in England, both from the North and South side of Thames. When this Council met, Earl Sweyn was declared outlaw'd, and Earl Godwin and Earl Harold were cited to appear at the Council with all speed. As soon as they were come there, they desired Peace (i. e. Security) and also Pledges to be given them, whereby they might have safe ingress and regress to and from the Council: But the King required all the Earl's Servants to deliver them up into his hands; after which the King sent to them, commanding them to come with Twelve men to the Great Council; but the Earl again demanded Securities and Pledges to be given him, and then he promised to clear himself from all Crimes laid to his charge: But the Pledges were still denied him, and there was only granted him a five

days Peace (or Truce) in which he might depart the Land:* 1.161 Then Earl Godwin, and Earl Sweyn his Son, went to Bosenham (in Sussex) and their Ships being brought out of the Harbour, they sail'd beyond the Seas, and sought the Protection of Earl Baldwin, staying with him all that Winter; but Earl Harold sailed Eastward into Ireland, and there took up his Residence, under that King's Protection: Soon after this the King sent away his Wife, who had been crown'd Queen, and suffer'd all her Money, Lands, and Goods, to be taken from her, and then committed her to the Custody of his Sister, at the Nunnery of Werwell.

But note, that Florence of Worcester places this Quarrel with Earl Godwin and his Sons, three years later, viz. under Anno 1051; and farther adds, That the reason why Earl Godwin fled thus privately away, was, that his Army had forsook him, so that he durst not plead the mat∣ter with the King, but fled away the night following with his five Sons, carrying away all their Treasure with them into Flanders.

This is the Relation which Florence and the Printed Copy of these Annals give us of this great difference between the King and Earl God∣win and his two Sons; in the carriage of which both Parties are to be blamed; the King in yielding so easy an ear to the false Accusations brought against them, and they in refusing to stand to the Determina∣tion of the Great Council of the Kingdom, without Pledges first given them by the King, which is more than any Subject ought to require from his Prince: But certainly the King shewed himself a very Weak Man, in being persuaded to deal thus severely with his Innocent Queen, for the Faults of her Father and Brothers, which it was not in her power to help.

But to conclude the Affairs of this unhappy year; our Annals proceed to tell us, That

About the same time the Abbot Sparhafoc was deposed from the Bi∣shoprick of London, and William the King's Chaplain ordained to that See. Also Earl Odda was appointed Governor of Defenascire, Somer∣setscire, and Dorsetscire, and of all the Welsh; and the Earldom which Earl Harold lately held, was given to Aelfgar the Son of Earl Leofric.

* 1.162About this time the Bishoprick of Credington in Cornwal, was (as we find in the * 1.163 Monasticon) at the Request of Pope Leo removed from thence to Exeter, where the Monastery of St. Peter and St. Paul was made a Bishop's See, the Monks being removed from thence to West∣minster, and Secular Chanons placed in their stead: Which shews that the humour of Monkery did not so much prevail now, as in the days of King Edgar. And this year Leofric Bishop of that Diocess was en∣thron'd at Exeter, after a solemn Procession, where the Bishop walked to Church between King Edward, and Queen Editha his Wife.

* 1.164This year, according to Florence of Worcester, the King released the Nation from that cruel Burthen of Danegelt, under which it had for so many years groaned: but I will not pass my word for the truth of the occasion why he did it, though related by Ingulph; viz. That King Ed∣ward going into his Treasury, where this Tax had been laid up, saw the Devil capering and dancing upon the Money-bags (which it seems no body else could see but himself); at which he was so concerned, that he ordered all the Money to be restored to the right Owners, and forbad its being gathered any more.

Not long after, according to the same Author,* 1.165 William Duke of Nor∣mandy, the King's Cousin, coming over into England, was honourably received here, and had Noble Presents made him; and as some relate too, that King Edward promised to make him his Successor in the Kingdom.

This year also, according to Florence of Worcester, Alfric Archbishop of York deceased, and Kinsing the King's Chaplain succeeded him.

This year deceased Aelgiva (alias Ymma) the Mother of King Ead∣ward and King Hardecnute.* 1.166

She hath a various Character given her by our Historians; William of Malmesbury represents her to be very Covetous, and Unkind to her first Husbands Children; which seems to have been true enough: But then she was very Devout, and had a great Respect for the Bishops and Monks, from whom she was sure to have their good word; yet how∣ever she did not escape Scandal, for she had several Enemies that in∣censed the King against her, but especially Archbishop Robert the Nor∣man, who had accused her some years before her death, of being too familiar with Alwin Bishop of Winchester: Whereupon she was sent to the Abby of Werewell, having first of all her Goods taken from her, whilst the Bishop was committed to Prison, Archbishop Robert crying out, That such Villany ought not to go unpunished, for fear it should be an encouragement for others to do the like; but she not being kept very strictly, wrote to all the Bishops of England whom she knew to be her Friends, professing that she was more troubled at the Disgrace offered to the Bishop, than that which was done to her self; and that she was ready to clear his Innocency by the Fire Ordeal.

Upon this the Bishops met, and had easily prevailed with the King to put up the business, had not Archbishop Robert stifly opposed them, de∣manding of his Brethren,

How they could have the confidence to take upon them the Defence of that Beast rather than Woman, (meaning the Queen Mother) who had so detracted from the King her Son, and yet had called her Paramour, The Anointed of the Lord? But (said he) this Woman will purge the Bishop, but who shall purge her that consented to the Death of her Son Alfred, and prepared Poyson for his Brother (now King) Edward? But if she desires to be acquit∣ted, let her accept of her own Proposal, and walk barefoot over Nine Red-hot Plowshares, four for her self, and five for the Bishop, and then if she escape untouch'd, let her pass for Innocent.

Upon this the Day for Trial was appointed, and she having the night before at his Shrine earnestly invoked the Assistance of St. Swithin, she came to the place, where the King and all the Bishops (except Robert) were present; and there passed unhurt over all the Red-hot Plowshares, to the great Joy and Wonder both of her self and all the Spectators, especially of the King her Son, that she had so well cleared her self; then he was very sorry that he had been so credulous as to admit those Calumnies against his own Mother, whose Pardon he now begged, as also the Bishops; and (as divers of the Monkish Writers relate) re∣ceived Penance from them on his bare back.

Queen Emma for this signal Deliverance gave to St. Swithin Nine Mannors, and the Bishop of Winchester as many, the Innocency of them both being hereby absolutely cleared. Moreover the King is said to have bestowed on the Church of Winchester the whole Isle of Portland▪ and other Possessions.

* 1.167The substance of this Story is both delivered by John Bromton and Henry de Knighton; but Dr. Harpesfield hath embellished it with divers other trivial Circumstances, whilst our more Ancient Authors, as Malmesbury and others, say nothing of it. But methinks that which follows spoils all the rest, viz. That Archbishop Robert (whom some will have Bishop, and others Archbishop at this time) thereupon fled out of the Land; whereas indeed he continued here much longer, and fled out of England upon another occasion, as we shall shew hereafter. But to return again to our Annals:

The same year it was also decreed by the King and his Chief Men, That Ships should be sent to Sandwich, and that Earl Rolfe and Earl Odda should command them; in the mean time Earl Godwin departed from Brycge with his Ships to Ysera (a place we know not), and then landing the next day but one to Midsummer-Eve, he came to the Head or Point lying on the South side of Rumenea (now Rumney in Kent) which when it was told the Earls at Sandwic, they immediately sail'd out in pursuit of him, and also commanded the Land-Forces to be in a readiness to join them: But is seems Earl Godwin had timely no∣tice of it, and so he fell back to Pevensea (i. e. Pensey in Sussex); and then so violent a Tempest arose, that the Earls could not inform them∣selves which way Godwin was gone; but afterwards he returned and came to Brycge, and the King's Ships went to Sandwic, and from thence they were order'd back to London, and other Captains to com∣mand them; but the matter was so long delay'd, that all the Seamen left their Ships, and returned to their own homes.

As soon as Earl Godwin heard this, he set out his Fleet again to Sea, and sail'd directly Westward to the Isle of Wight, where his men going ashore, plundered so long till at last the people would give them what Contributions soever they demanded. Then they sail'd further West∣ward till they came to the Isle of Portland, and there going again on shore they did all the damage they could to the Inhabitants. In the mean time Harold return'd from Ireland with Nine Ships, and landed at Portloc Bay (in Somersetshire) where much people were got toge∣ther against him; but he not being at all afraid of them, marched out to seek Provisions, and there killed all before him, taking Men, Cat∣tel, and Money, whatsoever he met with. From thence he sail'd Eastward towards his Father, whom having met, they went together to the Isle of Wight, and there plunder'd whatsoever was left; and thence coasted to Pevensea, where they took all the Ships that were in that Harbour; afterwards they went to the Naesse Point, and carried away all the Ships that were in Rumenea, Hythe, and Folcestane, (now Folcston in Kent). Thence they sail'd Eastward again to Dofra, and going on shore, took there as many Ships and Hostages as they could; and then went to Sandwic, where also they did the like; so that they had Hostages and Provisions given them where ever they came, as much as they required; then again they sail'd to Northmuthe (suppo∣sed to be that which we call now the Buoy in the Nore) and thence up towards London; they also sent some Ships to Scepige, and there did a great deal of mischief; then they turn'd to Middle-tune, a Town of the King's (in Essex) and burnt it down to the ground; and after∣wards the Earls went towards London, but when they came thither, they found the King with all his Great Men ready to receive them with Fifty

Sail. Then the outlaw'd Earls sent to the King, beseeching him,* 1.168 that they might be restor'd to their Estates, of which they had been un∣justly deprived; but for a long time the King would not hearken to them by any means, till at last the men who were with the Earl were so enraged against him and his people, that the Earl had much a-do to appease them.

Then were assembled by God's assistance Bishop Stigand and other Prudent Men, as well within the City as without, and there they agreed upon a Peace to be made, Hostages being first given on both sides; which when Archbishop Rodbert and the other Frenchmen understood, they took Horse, and fled some Westward to Pentecost's Castle, (but where it was we do not now know) and others Northward to a Castle of Archbishop Rodbert's, who together with Bishop Vlf and all their Party, going out at the East Gate (I suppose of London) kill'd and wounded many young men (who I suppose went about to seize them); thence they went directly to Ealdulphe's-Naese (now the Nesse-Point in Essex) where the Archbishop going on board a small Vessel, left his Pall and Bishoprick behind him (as God would have it) since he had attain'd that Honour without God's Approbation.

From all which Transactions we may draw these Observations, That all this Contest between the King and Earl Godwin, seems to have been chiefly from the two great Factions, that of the Normans whom the King brought over with him, and that of his English Subjects; and which happening under a Weak and Easy King, that had neither the Prudence nor Courage to keep the Balance even, it produced this Py∣ratical War, made by Earl Godwin and his Sons, to force the King to re∣store them to their Estates. All which not only shews the great Power of this Earl and his Partizans, but also that those who have the Com∣mand at Sea, may force a King of England to what Terms they please. It is also evident, that these Annals were wrote by some Monk of the English Party, who was wholly of Earl Godwin's side. But to return again to them.

Then was appointed a Great Council without London, where all the Earls and Chief Men then in England were present; and there Earl Godwin pleaded for himself, and was acquitted before the King and the whole Nation; and affirmed that he and Harold his Son, with the rest of his Children, were innocent of the Crimes whereof they stood accused: Whereupon the King received the Earl and his Sons, with all those of his Party, into his full Grace and Favour, restoring him to his Earldom, and whatsoever else he before enjoyed, as like∣wise to every one his own again. And then too the King restored to the Queen his Wife (who had been before sent away) whatsoever she had been possessed of; but Archbishop Rodbert and all the Frenchmen were outlaw'd and banish'd, because they were those who had been the chief Incendiaries of this Quarrel between the King and the Earl; and Bishop Stigand was then made Archbishop of Canterbury.

Though our Annals are in the Relation of what passed at this Great Council much more particular than most of our Historians, yet in the Account of this War between the King and Earl Godwin, there are some things to be further taken notice of; as what Simeon of Durham re∣lates, That Earl Harold when he came out of Ireland, first entred the Mouth of Severne, and there spoiled the Coast of Somersetshire, plun∣dering

both the Towns and Countrey round about;* 1.169 and then coming back to his Ships loaden with Prey, he presently sail'd round Penwith∣st••ot (i. e. the Land's-End) and met his Father, as you have heard be∣fore; and when it was told King Edward that Earl Godwin was come to Sandwic, he commanded all those who had not revolted from him, to make haste to his Assistance; but they delay'd so long their coming up, that in the mean while Godwin with his Fleet sail'd up the River Thames as far as Southweork, and there lay till the Tide, but yet not without sending Messengers to some of the chief Citizens of Lon∣don, whom he had before drawn over to his Party by fair Promises, and so far prevailed with them, that they absolutely engaged themselves to be at his service, and do whatever he would command them: Then all things being thus prepared, the next Tide they weighed Anchor, and sail'd Southward up the Stream, no body opposing them on the Bridge. From whence we may observe, that those Ships he had, were only small Galleys, with Masts to be taken up and down at pleasure, much like our Huoys at this day.

Then came the Earl's Land-Army, and flanking themselves all along the side of the River, made a very thick and terrible Body, insomuch that he turned his Fleet toward the Northern Shore, as if he were re∣solved to have encompassed that of the King's (which it seems then lay above-Bridge, over-against London): And though He had at that time both a Fleet, and a Numerous Land-Army of Foot-Soldiers, yet they being all English, abhorred to fight against their own Kinsfolks and Countreymen; and therefore the wiser sort of both sides laid hold on this Opportunity, and became such powerful Mediators between the King and the Earl, as made them mutually to strike up a Peace, and so dismiss their Armies.

The next day the King held a Great Council, and restored Earl God∣win and his Sons to their former Honours and Estates, except Sweyn; who, being prick'd in Conscience for the Murther of his Cousin Beorn, was gone from Flanders barefoot as far as Jerusalem, and in his return homeward died in Lycia of a Disease contracted through extreme Cold.

A firm Concord and Peace being thus concluded, both the King and the Earl promised right Law (i. e. Justice) to all people, and banished all those Normans that had introduced unjust Laws, and given false Judgments, and committed many Outrages upon the English; though some of them were permitted to stay, as Robert the Deacon, and Ri∣chard Fitzscrob, his Son-in-Law, as also Alred the Yeoman of the King's Stirrup, Anfred sirnamed Cocksfoot, and some others who had been the King's greatest Favourites, and always faithful to him and the People; all the rest were sent away, and amongst them was also Willi∣am Bishop of London; but he being a good honest man, was called back again in a short time: Osbern, sirnamed Pentecost, (from whom the Castle above-mention'd was so called) and his Companion Hugh, sur∣render'd their Castles; and by the License of Earl Leofric, passing through his Earldom of Mercia, went into Scotland, and were there kindly received by King Macbeth.

Mr. Selden in his * 1.170 Titles of Honour refers that Relation in Brom∣ton's Chronicle, to this Great Council held this very year; in which the manner of King Edward's Reconciliation with Earl Godwin is more par∣ticularly

set down;* 1.171 viz. That the King having summoned a Great Council, as soon as he there beheld Earl Godwin, immediately accused him before them all, of having betrayed and murthered his Brother Prince Alfred, in these words;

Thou Traytor Godwin, I accuse thee of the Death of Alfred my Brother, whom thou hast traitorously murthered; and for the Proof of this, I refer my self to the Judg∣ment of Curiae Vestrae, (i. e. your Court.)

Then the King proceeded thus, 'You, most Noble Lords, the Earls and Barons of the Kingdom (where note, That by Barons are to be understood Thanes, for they were one and the same before the Conquest)

You who are my Liege-men, being here assembled, have heard my Appeal, as also the Answer of Earl Godwin; I will that you now give a Right Sentence between us in this my Appeal, and afford due Justice therein.

Then the Earls and Barons having maturely debated this matter among themselves, some were for giving Judgment for the King; but others differed from them, saying, That Earl Godwin had never been obliged to the King by either Homage, Service, or Fealty, and therefore could be no Traytor to him; and besides, that he had not kill'd the Prince with his own hands. But others replied, That no Earl, Baron, nor any other Subject of the King, could by Law wage Battel against him in his Appeal, but ought upon the whole matter to submit himself to the King's Mercy, and offer him reasonable Amends. Then Leofric Earl of Chester, who was an upright and sincere man both with respect to God and the world, spoke thus: Earl Godwin, who next to the King is indeed a Person of the best Quality in England, cannot deny but that by his Counsel Alfred the King's Brother was killed; and therefore my opinion is, That both he himself and his Sons, and Twelve of us Earls that are his Friends and Kinsmen, should appear humbly before the King, each of us carry∣ing as much Gold and Silver as he can bold in his Arms, and offering it to him, most humbly supplicate for his Pardon; and then the King should remit to the Earl all Rancor and Anger whatsoever against him, and having received his Homage and Fealty, peacebly restore him to all his Lands. To this the Assembly agreed; and those that were appointed, loading themselves with Treasure after the manner aforesaid, went unto the King, shewing him the order and manner of their Judgment, which he being unwilling to contradict, complied with, and so ratified whatever they had before decreed.

This, tho written a long time after the Conquest, as appears by the Words there used, viz. Parliament, Baron, Homage and Fealty; yet it might be true in the main, as being transcribed out of some Ancient Re∣cords of the Great Councils of those times, which are now lost; and if so, would be a Notable Precedent of the large Authority of the Witena Gemot, or Great Council of the Nation, not only in assenting to new Laws, but also of their Judicial Authority in giving Judgment upon all Suits or Complaints brought before them, as well in Appeals be∣tween Subject and Subject, as also where the King himself was a Party; and if Authentick, would also shew, not only that this Tenure of the King by Homage and Fealty was in use before the Conquest, but also (ac∣cording to the Judgment of this Great Council) that there was no Al∣legiance due by Birth, nor until a man had actually performed his Ho∣mage, or sworn Fealty to the King; and lastly, that a satisfaction made by Money, was looked upon as sufficient for the Death even of the

King's own Brother.* 1.172 Yet to deal ingenuously with the Reader, not∣withstanding this fair story, Bromton himself seems to doubt the truth of it; for after he hath there told us from some nameless Author, that Earl Godwin (out of fear of some of the English Nobility, who had sworn to be revenged of him for the murther of Prince Alfred) retired into Denmark, during the Reign of King Hardecnute; but returning in the beginning of King Edward's Reign, he ap∣peared at a Parliament at London, where the King impeached him of the Death of his Brother in the manner as you have already heard; and if so, this could not fall out as Mr. Selden supposes in this Great Council, after this last return of Earl Godwin, which happen'd not in the begin∣ning, but the middle of this King's Reign. With which Relation also agree two Ancient Chronicles in French, written in the time of Edward the Third, and are both in the Cottonian Library.

And Bromton himself acknowledges, that according to most Authors Earl Godwin never went into Denmark at all, nor left England during the Reign of King Hardecnute; so that this Transaction (if it ever hap∣pen'd at all) seems most likely to have fell out in the Reign of King Hardecnute, when that King charged Earl Godwin with his Brother's Death, and made him redeem it with a great Present, as we have above told you.

But to conclude this year; From the Peterburgh Copy of these Annals, it appears that about this time Arnwy Abbot of Burgh resigned his Dig∣nity, by reason of his bad Health, and conferred it with the King's Li∣cense, and the Consent of the Monks, upon Leofri•• a Monk of that Abby: But Abbot Arnwy lived eight years after: During which time Abbot Leofric so adorned that Monastery with rich Guildings, that it was called the Golden Burgh; he also endowed it very much with Lands, as well as other Treasures.

This year, according to Florence of Worcester, Griffyn Prince of Wales entring England, spoiled great part of H••refordshire; against whom many Inhabitants of that County marched, together with the Norman Garison of Hereford Castle; but Prince Griffyn meeting with them, killed a great many, and putting the rest to flight, carried away a great deal of Booty.

* 1.173

This year Earl Godwin deceased (17^th Kal. of May) and was bu∣ried in the Old Monastery of Winchester.

Of the manner of whose Death, though our Annals are silent, yet I shall here set down what I find concerning it by almost all our Historians, and it is thus; That King Edward celebrating the Feast of Easter at Winchester (or at Windsor, as some will have it) Earl Godwin, as his Custom was, sitting at Table with him, was suddenly seized with so violent a Distemper, that it struck him speechless, and made him fall off from the Chair on which he sate; and his Three Sons Harold, Tosti, and Gyrth, being present, they immediately removed him into the King's Chamber, hoping it was but a sudden Fit, and would be speedily over; but he lay in that languishing condition four days, and died on the fifth. This is the account of his Death; to which the Nor∣man Monks, and such as write in favour of them, add other Circum∣stances, which shew either his Guilt, or their Malice; since they relate, That mention being made by somebody at the King's Table, of Alfred his late Brother, he thereupon looked very angrily at Earl Godwin, when

he to vindicate himself told King Edward,* 1.174 He perceived that upon the least mentioning of that Prince, he cast a frowning Countenance upon him; But (saith he) let not God suffer me to swallow this Morsel, if I am guilty of any thing done either toward the taking away his Life, or against your Interest: After which words, being presently choaked with the Bit he had just before put into his Mouth, he sunk immediately down, and never recovered more. But let the manner of his death be as it will, he was a Man of an Active and Turbulent Spirit, not over-nicely conscientious either in getting or keeping what he could; not to be ex∣cused for his too much forcing his Sovereign to whatever he listed: But had he not been so great a Lover of his Countrey, and an Enemy to Strangers, those that wrote in the Norman times (and who durst not write any thing but what they knew would please their Masters) would have passed him over without this Story, and have given him a fairer Character.

His first Wife was the Sister of King Cnute, by whom he had a Son; but in his Infancy happening to mount an unruly Horse that was pre∣sented him by his Grandfather, he was run away with into the Thames, and there drowned. His Mother was kill'd by Thunder, which (as then was believed) fell upon her as a Judgment, on the account of her great Cruelty; for she made a Trade of selling handsome English Boys and Girls into Denmark.

After her Death Earl Godwin married another Wife, and by her had Six Sons, viz. Harold, Sweyn, Wined, Tosti, Gyrth, and Leofwin: His Earldom of West-Sea•• was given to his Son Harold; and the Earldom that Harold had before, viz. Essex, was conferred on Alfgar the Son of Leofric, Earl of Mercia; which is also confirmed by our Annals.

And the same year, according to Simeon of Durham, Rees the Bro∣ther of Griffyn King of South-Wales, being taken Prisoner, for the many Insolences he had committed against the English, was by the Command of King Edward put to death at a place called Bulendun, and his Head sent to the King then lying at Gloucester, on the Vigil of Epiphany: But this is omitted in the Welsh Chronicles, as commonly every thing is that makes to the disadvantage of their own Nation.

This year Leo, that Holy Pope of Rome, deceased,* 1.175 and Victor was elected in his stead. And there was also so great a Murrain of all sorts of Cattel in England, that none could ever remember the like.

And now, according to the Welsh Chronicles, Griffyth the Son of Ratherch ap Justin, raised a great Army both of Strangers and others, against Griffyth Prince of North Wales, who delaying no time, but getting all the Forces of that Countrey together, and meeting the other, Griffyth fought with him and slew him on the place, though none of these Chronicles have told us where that was. This was the last Re∣bellion or Welsh Civil War that happened in this Prince's Reign.

The same year (according to Simeon of Durham, and Roger Hove∣den) Siward, that Valiant Earl of Northumberland, at the Command of King Edward, being attended with a powerful Army and a strong Fleet, marched into Scotland, to restore Malcolm the Right Heir to the Crown of that Kingdom, where joining Battel with Macbeth, the then Usur∣ping King of Scots, many both of that Nation, and of the Normans who took their part, were slain, and the Earl put the Usurper to flight. But in this Battel the Earl's Son, and several of the English and Danes were slain.

* 1.176H. Huntington further adds, That when the News was brought to the Earl, of the Death of his Son, he presently asked, Whether he had received the Wound behind or before? And being told it was before, he on∣ly replied, I am glad to hear that, for so it became my Son to dye. He says also, That this Son of his (whom he does not name) had been sent into Scotland before his Father, and was there killed; and that Earl Siward did not subdue Macbeth till the second Expedition; in which he differs from all the rest of the English and Scotish Historians.

Buchanan indeed acknowledges, that this Prince Malcolm having ta∣ken Refuge in the Court of England, obtain'd of King Edward the Assistance of Ten thousand men under the Conduct of Earl Siward, and that the rest were raised for him by Macduf and others of his Party that took Arms on his behalf. But John Fordun in his History writes much more improbably; and though he allows that King Edward offered Mal∣colm an Army sufficient to place him on the Throne, yet that he refused it with Thanks, and only took Earl Siward of all the English Lords along with him; as if this Earl's single Might, though he was a Man of great Strength and Stature, signified any thing against the Forces of Macbeth, unless he had also brought a powerful Army along with him.

Mat. Westminster also adds, That Scotland being thus conquered by the Forces of King Edward, he bestowed it upon King Malcolm, to be held of himself: But since this is not found in any of our Ancient Hi∣storians, and this Author does not acquaint us from whence he had it, I do not look upon it as worthy of any great Credit.

About this time (according to Simeon) Aldred Bishop of Wor∣cester was sent Ambassador to the Emperor with Noble Presents; and being received with great Honour by him, as likewise by Herman Arch∣bishop of Cologne, he staid in Germany a whole year, to prevail with the Emperor on the King's behalf to send Ambassadors into Hungary, to bring back Prince Edward the King's Cousin, Son of King Edmund Iron∣side, into England.

The same year also, according to the Latin Copy of the Annals, 'Was a Battel at Mortimer in Normandy.] But though they do not tell us by whom it was fought, yet from others we learn it was between William Duke of Normandy, and the King of France; where the for∣mer obtain'd a most signal Victory.

* 1.177

This year Siward Earl of Northumberland deceased; and the King gave that Earldom to Tostig, Son of Earl Godwin.

Of this Siward's death, our Historians give us divers remarkable Cir∣cumstances; That being near his End by a Bloody-Flux, he said, He was asham'd to dye thus like a Beast; so causing himself to be com∣pleatly Armed, and taking his Sword in his hand (as if he would have fought even Death it self) he in this Posture expired, as he suppo∣sed, like a Man of Honour.

King Edward not long after this summoned a Witena Gemot (or Great Council) seven days before Midlent, wherein Earl Aelfgar was outlaw'd upon a Charge of being a Traytor to the King and the whole Nation; and of this he was convicted before all there assembled. Then Earl Aelfgar went to the Castle of Prince Griffyn in North-Wales; and the same year they both together burnt the City of Hereford, with the Monastery of St. Aethelbert, (once King of the East-Angles, whose Bones were here enshrin'd.)

This Earl had the greater reason to do what he did,* 1.178 having been un∣justly banish'd, as most of our Historians write. Simeon of Durham is somewhat larger in his account of this Affair; and says, That this Earl Aelfgar first went to Ireland, and there procuring Eighteen Pyrate-Ships, sail'd with them into Wales to assist Prince Griffyn against King Edward, where joining with the Welshmen, they laid waste the Countrey about Hereford with Fire and Sword; against whom was sent that Cowardly Earl Rodolph, King Edward's Sister's Son; who gathering an Army, and meeting with the Welshmen about two miles from that City, he commanded the Englishmen (contrary to their custom) to fight on Horseback; but so soon as they were ready to join Battel, Rodulph with all his Frenchmen ran away; which the English seeing, quickly followed: By which you may see, that it is no new thing for a Cowardly General to make Cowardly Soldiers.

The Victory being thus easily obtained, the Prince and the Earl entred Hereford, and having killed seven of the Chanons that defended the doors of the Church, they burnt it, together with the Monastery above-mention'd, with all the Reliques of St. Aethelbert, and the Rich Ornaments that were in it; and so having slain divers of the Citizens, and carried away great Numbers of them Prisoners, they returned home laden with Booty: But as soon as the King was acquainted with it, he presently commanded an Army to be raised through all England; which being mustered at Gloucester, He appointed the Valiant Earl Harold to be Commander in chief; who obeying the King's Orders, immediately pursued Prince Griffyn and Earl Aelfgar, and entring the Borders of Wales, pitched his Camp beyond Straetdale, as far as Snow∣don; but they who knew him to be a Brave and Warlike Commander, not daring to engage him, fled into South-Wales; which Harold percei∣ving, left there the greater part of his men, with Orders to fight the Enemy if they could come at them; and with the rest he returned to Hereford, which he fortified by drawing a new Trench about it. But whilst he was thus employed, the two Captains on the contrary side thinking it best for them to make Peace, sent Messengers to him, and at last procuring a Meeting at a place called Byligeseage, a firm Peace and Friendship was there concluded; in pursuance whereof Earl Aelfgar sent his Ships to Chester till they could be paid off, and he himself went up to the King, from whom he received his former Earldom.

Henry Emperor of the Germans now died;* 1.179 and Henry his Son suc∣ceeded him.] This is only mentioned in the Latin Copy of these Annals.

But the same year (according to Simeon of Durham, and R. Hove∣den) Leofgar, who was lately ordained Bishop of Hereford in the room of Bishop Athelstan, deceased, being together with his Clerks and the Sheriff Agelnoth set upon by Griffyn Prince of Wales, at a place called Glastbyrig, and was there slain with all his followers; after which Aldred Bishop of Worcester (to whom the King had committed the Bishoprick of Hereford), as also the Earls Leofric and Harold, mediated a Peace between King Edward and the said Griffyn.

This year Edward Aetheling, Son to King Edmund,* 1.180 returned into this Kingdom (together with his Children) and shortly after decea∣sed, whose Body lies buried in St. Paul's Church at London. Also Pope Victor now dying, Stephanus Abbot of Mountcassin was consecrated in

his stead.* 1.181]

But the Cottonian Copy of these Annals, as also Florence of Worcester, place the death of this Pope under the year preceding.

Earl Leofric also deceased, and Aelfgar his Son received the Earldom which his Father enjoyed.

This is that Leofric Earl of Mercia, who together with his Wife Godiva built the rich and stately Monastery of Coventry (as hath been already related) in which Church he was buried: He died this year in a good Old Age; whose Wisdom and Counsel was often profitable to England.

* 1.182

This year Pope Stephanus deceased, and Benedict was consecrated in his stead:

This Pope sent the Pall to Archbishop Stigand.

Upon whom William of Malmesbury is here very sharp, saying, That Stigand was so intolerably Covetous, that he held both the Bishoprick of Winchester and that of Canterbury at the same time; but could never obtain the Pall from the Apostolick See, until this Benedict, an Intruder, (as he calls him) sent it to him, either as first being brib'd by Money, or else because (as is observed) evil men love to favour one another.

The same year also (according to the Annals) deceased Heacca Bishop of the South-Saxons, (i. e. of Chichester) and Archbishop Stigand consecrated Aegelric a Monk of Christ-Church, Bishop of that See; as also Syward the Abbot, Bishop of Rochester.

Also this year, according to Simeon of Durham, and Florence of Worcester, Earl Aelfgar was the second time banished by King Edward, but by the help of Griffyn Prince of Wales, and of a Norwegian Fleet which came to his assistance, he was soon restored to his Earldom again, though it was by force.

In so deplorable a condition was this poor King Edward, that those of his Nobility who were strong enough to make any Resistance, were sure to be pardoned.

The same year also (according to the above-mentioned Authors) Aldred Bishop of Worcester, having newly rebuilt the Church of St. Pe∣ter in Gloucester, went on Pilgrimage through Hungary to Jerusalem, (as says Simeon of Durham); which no English Archbishop or Bishop was ever known to have done before.

* 1.183

This year Nicholaus Bishop of Florence was made Pope; and Bene∣dict was expell'd, who was Pope before him.

* 1.184

Kynsige Archbishop of York deceased, the xi. Kal. Jan. and Bishop Ealdred succeeded in that See:

(This was that Aldred Bishop of Wor∣cester, who had been lately at Rome.)

Also Walter was now made Bishop of Hereford.]

And in the Latin Copy of the Annals it is rela∣ted,

That Henry King of France now dying, Philip his Son succeeded him.

* 1.185

This year also deceased Duduc Bishop of Somersetshire (i. e. Wells) and Gisa was his Successor. The same year also deceased Bishop God∣win at St. Martins (vii Id. Martii.) Also Wulfrick Abbot of St. Au∣gustine's in Canterbury, deceased in the Easter Week (xiv. Kal. Maii.) Which News being brought to the King, he appointed Aethelsige a Monk of the old Church at Winchester, to be Abbot, who was conse∣crated by Archbishop Stigand at Windlesore (i. e. Windsor) at the Feast of St. Augustine.

And this year (according to Simeon of Durham) Aldred Archbishop of York went with Earl Tostige to Rome, and there received his Pall

from Pope Nicholaus: But in the mean time Malcolm King of Scots en∣tred Northumberland, and depopulated the Earldom of Tostige, formerly his sworn Brother.

This year (according to the Latin Copy of our Annals) the City of Man was taken by William Duke of Normandy.* 1.186

Also about this time Earl Harold, afterwards King of England, found∣ed the Abby of the Holy Cross at Waltham (in Essex), so called from a certain Crucifix said to be found (by a Vision to a Carpenter) at a place called Montacute; which Crucifix being brought to Waltham, and many Miraculous Stories told there of it, one Tovi the Stallere, or Chief Standard-Bearer to King Cnute, built here a Church for two Priests to keep it; which place coming into the hands of Earl Harold, he built this Church anew, together with a Noble Monastery for a Dean and Twelve Secular Chanons (which in the time of Henry the Second were turned to Chanons Regular): This Abby being richly endow'd, the Foundation was confirmed by King Edward; as may be seen by his Charter, bearing date Anno 1062. All which appears from an Ancient Manuscript History of the Foundation of this Abby, now in the * 1.187 Cot∣tonian Library.

This year (according to our Annals) Earl Harold,* 1.188 and Earl Tostige his Brother, marched with a great Army both by Land and Sea into Brytland (i. e. Wales) and subdued that Countrey; so that the Inha∣bitants giving them Hostages, became subject [to King Edward.] Afterwards marching farther, they slew King Griffyth, and brought his Head to Harold, who placed another King there.

All this, though done in the two following years, is here related all at once: But Simeon of Durham, and Florence of Worcester, are much more large in their Account of these Welsh Affairs, which they give us under the following year, viz.

Griffyn Prince of Wales having by his frequent Inroads highly exaspe∣rated King Edward, being then at Gloucester,* 1.189 he after the Christmas Ho∣lidays from thence dispatch'd Earl Harold against him with a strong Party of Horse, if possible, to surprize him; yet he got timely notice of his coming, and by that means made a shift to escape; but left behind him most of his Ships, which the Earl taking, commanded to be burnt, and so returned into England: But about Rogation Week, Harold having got a Fleet in readiness, he set sail from Bristol, and compassing the greatest part of Wales, joined himself to the Horse, with which his Brother Tostige met him, and did so much mischief in Wales, that tho Prince Griffyn had mustered up an Army to oppose them, yet the Welsh∣men being thus hard put to it, at last yielded themselves to Earl Harold, delivering up Hostages, and consented to pay him Tribute, and absolutely renounced Griffyth their Prince. So that not long after, Prince Griffyth being betrayed by his own People, was by them murthered; and his Head being cut off, was sent to Earl Harold, together with the Gilded Stern of his Ship; all which the Earl immediately caused to be carried to the King.

Thus fell Griffyth ap Lhewelyn, to whom the Welsh Chronicles give a Noble Character, of a Valiant and Generous Prince, who had been hi∣therto for the most part victorious in all his Undertakings, till now he perished by the Treachery of his own Servants.

* 1.190After this, King Edward (as Simeon of Durham relates) made Ble∣chen and Rithwalla (whom the Welsh Chronicles call Blethyn and Rith∣wallen) Joint-Princes of North-Wales, being Half-Brethren to Griffyth the last Prince on the Mother's side, as being Sons to Angharat Daugh∣ter to Meredyth Prince of Wales.

Florence of Worcester also adds, That these Welsh Princes above-mentioned, when they received from the King this Grant of North-Wales, swore Fealty not only to Him, but also to Earl Harold, who it seems delivered it to them; swearing to perform their Commands both by Sea and Land, and to pay those Tributes which had been formerly paid to King Edward's Predecessors. Which, if true, shews that Earl Ha∣rold was already adopted and declared Heir of the Crown. But this being not found in our Annals, nor in any other Historian, I cannot pass my word for the Truth of it.

This year also (according to the Annals) the Northumbers took Arms against Tostige their Earl, and slew as many of his Servants as they could lay hold on, as well English as Danes; they also seized upon all his Arms that were in York, and his Treasure where ever they could find it, and then sent for Earl Morchar, the Son of Earl Aelfgar, and chose him for their Earl; who then marched Southward with all that Province, as also all the men of Snotingaham, Deorbie, and Lincolna∣scires, till they came even to Northamtune, where his Brother Eadwin with all his Company met him.

But there Earl Harold came against them, to whom they sent a Mes∣sage, which they desired might be conveyed to the King, as also the Messengers, by whom they besought to let them have Morchar for their Earl: The King hereupon granting their Request, afterwards sent Earl Harold to them to Hamtune, at the Feast of St. Simon and Jude, farther assuring them of it; and he also at their request confirmed and renewed the Laws of King Cnute. But the Northern men had done much damage to the Countrey about Hamtune, whilst their Message was thus transacting; for they slew their Men, and burnt the Houses and Corn, and took away several Thousand Head of Cattel, toge∣ther with some Hundreds of Men, whom they carried Captives into the North-Parts; so that this Country; and the others adjacent, felt the damage for many years after. But Earl Tostige, with his Wife and as many as were of their Party, went over to Earl Baldwin, where they tarried all that Winter.

The occasion of which Insurrection (as Florence and Simeon of Durham inform us) was this; There was one Gospatrick a great Officer in Northumberland, with whom Earl Tostige having a Quarrel, his Sister Queen Edgitha caused him to be murthered at Court the Christmas be∣fore; though this seems very unsuitable to the Meek and Pious Temper of this good Queen: Yet however, so much is certain, That this Gospa∣trick being slain, the Earl also killed in his own Lodgings two of his Friends, viz. Gammel the Son of Orne, and Vlf the Son of Dolphin, having treacherously drawn them thither; and had besides laid intole∣rable Impositions on the People; all which so incensed them against him, that three or four of the principal Thanes of that Countrey, viz. Gammelbearne, Dimstan the Son of Agelnoth, and Gloincorn the Son of Eardulf, with Four hundred (Florence says Twenty thousand) men in Arms, entred York a little after Michaelmass, and there first slew two

of the Earl's Huisceorles (i. e. Domestick Servants) Amund and Ra∣vensheart, though fled out of the City;* 1.191 and the day following above Two hundred more of his men, on the North-side of the River Hum∣ber: Tostige hereupon made loud Complaints to the King, and at his Re∣quest Harold his Brother and others were appointed to take up the bu∣siness; but as they were going down into the North for this purpose, the whole Countrey in a manner rose, and met them at Northampton, where (as also afterwards at Oxford) they strenuously refused to receive Earl Tostige, and by no means would admit of a Reconciliation: And so violent were they, and resolute, that after the Feast of All-Saints, they caused both him and his Adherents to be banished the Land.

William of Malmesbury also adds the reason which the Northumbers gave to justify this their Rising, viz. That they were Freemen born, and as freely educated; and that they would not endure the Insolence of an Earl; for they had learned from their Ancestors to chuse either Liberty or Death. In short, if the King meant to have them still his Subjects; he should set Earl Morchar over them, and then he should soon find they could, if kindly used, willingly submit.

This was the most probable occasion of Tostige's Banishment: Tho H. Huntington (who lived after the Conquest, and had heard many Tales of the Hatred which Earl Godwin's Sons bore to each other) tells us another story of this matter; viz. That as the King sate at Dinner at Windsor, he commanded Earl Harold to serve him with the Cup: To∣stige his Brother being present, and not able to endure that his younger Brother should be preferred before himself, in the King's very presence flew in his face, and catching him by the hair, flung him on the ground: The Scuffle being ended, the King foretold that their Destruction was nigh, and that the Wrath of God would not much longer be deferred: For, says this Author, they were come to that height of Barbarism and Cruelty, that if they but liked the House or Possessions of any one, they would by night procure the Owner to be murthered, with all his Children, to get his Estate; and these were at that time the chief Ju∣sticiaries of the Kingdom. But this seems to have been a story invented long since out of hatred to the Memory of Harold, afterwards King, for he hath the Character of a Valiant and Worthy Prince; and who (as William of Malmesbury relates) in this Quarrel with the Northum∣bers, preferred the Peace of his Countrey to his Brother's private In∣terests.

But Tostige in a great Rage leaving the Court, went to a House at Hereford, where at that time he heard his Brother Harold had order'd mighty Preparations for the Entertainment of the King, and there made a most terrible havock of his Servants; divers of whom being killed, he flung their mangled Members into all the Vessels of Wine, Mead, Ale, and other Liquors, and then sent word to his Brother, That he need take no care for Pickled Meats, but as for all other sorts he might bring them down along with him: And it was therefore for this most horrid Villany, that the King commanded him to be banished; which the Northumbers understanding, for this as well as several other Murthers he had committed, they expell'd him their Countrey, as hath been already shewn. But this does not well agree with what Simeon of Durham hath already with more probability related of him; for if Earl Tostige had been found guilty of so great an Insolence, and that he was there∣upon

banished the Kingdom,* 1.192 it had certainly been very needless for the Northumbers to have rose up against him, and to have driven him out of the Countrey, or at least to have desired another Earl in his room; since the King would have appointed them a new one, without giving them so just an Occasion for a Rebellion against him.

To this year also we may refer Earl Harold's going over into Norman∣dy, which some of our Historians place a year or two sooner; but they differ much more about the manner and occasion of it, some making it to be a meer Casualty, others saying it was on purpose: But William of Malmesbury's account of it is thus; That Harold being at his House at Bosenham in Sussex, near the Sea-side, he for his Recreation with some of his Retinue, took a Fisher-boat, meaning only to row up and down; but sailing a little further to Sea than they were aware, a Tempest rose and carried them cross the Channel to the French Coast, where (glad to be safe any where) they were forced to land in the Territories of the Earl of Ponthieu; the men of that Countrey (according to their custom, and that barbarous practise which is in use in most places, to make a Prey of the distressed and shipwrack'd) presently fell upon them, and being many and well arm'd, they easily seiz'd upon Earl Harold and his Followers, who were without Weapons; so that they not only took them Prisoners, but also fetter'd them. Then Harold consi∣dering with himself what was to be done, hired a Messenger to go to Duke William, and acquaint him how he was sent over by the King of England, by his Word and Presence to confirm what other lesser Envoys had only whispered; but that he was kept Prisoner, and hinder'd from the discharge of his Message by Gwido Earl of Ponthieu; and that it would become a man of so great Honour as himself, not to suffer a Villany so derogatory to his Authority, to go unpunished, since he had appealed to his Justice: But if his Liberty was to be purchased with Money, he would willingly pay the Price to Earl William, but not to such a mean-spirited man as Gwido. Upon this Harold by the Com∣mand of Duke William was soon set at liberty, and sent to Court; where being honourably received, he was also invited to an Expedition into Little-Britain, where at that time the Norman Duke made War: But by his Wit and Valour he so well approved himself to the Duke, that he was very much taken with him; to whom, that he might also the more endear himself, he promised by Oath, That in case King Edward died, he would deliver up to him the Castle of Dover, which was then un∣der his Command, and procure him to succeed in the Kingdom of Eng∣land: Hereupon the Duke's Daughter, as yet too young for Marriage, was betrothed to him; and so he was sent home with very rich Pre∣sents.

This is William of Malmesbury's, and divers other Historians Rela∣tion of it; but Bromton's Chronicle, as he is singular in many things, so he is in this, and relates the Cause of Harold's Voyage into Normandy thus; viz. That he had asked leave of King Edward to go over to Duke William, to procure him to set his Brother Wulnoth, and his Ne∣phew Hacune free, who were there detain'd as Hostages; whereupon the King told him he might go with his Leave, but not by his Advice; for (said he) I foresee that nothing but Damage and Ruin can happen to England thereby; for I know Earl William will not be so ignorant and impolitick as to grant their Delivery, unless it shall tend to his own ad∣vantage:

So Harold going on Shipboard, and intending for Normandy,* 1.193 was driven by a Tempest on the Coast of Picardy, and there seized by the Earl of Ponthieu, and by him at last was sent to Duke William, as hath been already related. The rest of the Story is much the same with the former, and needs no Repetition; only this is added, That Earl Harold at his Return home, having told the King all that had happened to him in France, the King is said to reply thus, Did not I tell thee that this Voyage would prove neither for thy Profit, nor that of the Kingdom. But one may plainly perceive this Story to have been feigned by one of the later Monks, to prove that King Edward had the Spirit of Pro∣phecy, and would not have been omitted by William of Malmesbury, if he had known it, or thought it to have been true.

This year also, as Florence of Worcester tells us,* 1.194 Harold Earl of West-Saxony, having built a House in South-Wales, at a place called Portascith, and made great Preparations for the King's Entertainment, who was to come thither a hunting; when Caradoc, or Cradoc, Son to Griffyn Prince of South-Wales (whom Griffyn Prince of North-Wales had slain some years before) came to this place about St. Bartholomew-day, and there not only slew all the Workmen and Servants, but carried away all the Goods that had been brought thither.

This year was consecrated the Monastery of Westminster,* 1.195 on the Feast of the Holy Innocents.

This Church, as the Abbot of Rievalle (in his Life of King Ed∣ward) informs us, had been begun some years before, in performance of a Vow the King had formerly made, to go to Rome; but being dis∣suaded from it by the Chief Men of his Kingdom, he sent thither Aldred Archbishop of York, and Herman Bishop of Winchester, to ob∣tain Pope Leo's Dispensation from that Journey, who by the said Bi∣shops returned it him upon these terms, That he should bestow the Money he would have spent in that Voyage, in building a Stately Church and Monastery in Honour of St. Peter: Whereupon the King chose out a place near his own Palace, where had anciently stood a Church and Monastery, built by Sebert King of the West-Saxons, and Mellitus Bishop of London, but it being destroyed by the Danes, had ever since lain in Ruins.

But an Ancient Epitome of English Chronicles, written by a Monk of Westminster, and now in the * 1.196 Cottonian Library, relates, That Archbishop Dunstan had here before erected a small Monastery for Twelve Monks, which was vastly augmented by King Edward: Though whether this were so or no, is as uncertain, as it is incredible what these Monkish Wri∣ters tell us, of its being anciently consecrated by St. Peter himself; which not being mentioned by Bede, looks like a Fable invented only to gain a greater Veneration for that Place.

Here also, in the Author above-mentioned, follows the King's Letter to Pope Nicholaus, That he would please not only to confirm what his Predecessor had done, but also grant him new Privileges for the said Monastery; and then comes the Pope's Bull or Privilege for that purpose, in which is recited this Legend of that Church's having been anciently consecrated by St. Peter.

But though Simeon of Durham places the Consecration of this Church on the day above-mentioned, yet he refers it to the end of the year 1065, and perhaps with more Exactness; since the English-Saxon year

began then not at Lady-day,* 1.197 as it does now, but New-years-tide: And after this Author farther adds, That upon Christmass-day preceding, the King held his Curia, or Great Council, at Westminster; where were present King Edward, and his Queen Edgitha, and Stigand the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Aldred Archbishop of York, with the other Bishops and Abbots of England, together with the King's Chaplains, Earls, Thanes, and Knights: Which Council (* 1.198 as Sir. H. Spelman informs us) was summoned to confirm the King's Charter of Endowment of the said Monastery; but though it be there imperfect, yet you may find it at large in Monast. Anglican.; wherein, after the Recital of the Bull of Pope Leo, follows this Clause, viz.

That the King, for the Expia∣tion of his own Vow, and also for the Souls of the Kings his Prede∣cessors, as well as Successors, had granted to that place (viz. West∣minster) all manner of Liberty, as far as Earthly Power could reach; and that for the Love of God, by whose Mercy he was placed in the Royal Throne, and now by the Counsel and Decree of the Arch∣bishops, Bishops, Earls, and other of his Great Men, and for the Be∣nefit and Advantage of the said Church, and all those that should belong to it, he had granted these Privileges following, not only in present but for future times: Then follows an Exemption from all Episcopal Jurisdiction; as also another Clause, whereby he grants it the Privi∣lege of Sanctuary; so that any one, of whatsoever condition he be, for whatsoever cause, that shall fly unto that Holy Place, or the Precincts thereof, shall be free, and obtain full Liberty. And at last concludes thus, I have commanded this Charter to be written and seal'd, and have also signed it with my hand, with the Sign of the Cross, and have ordered fit Witnesses to subscribe it for its greater Corroboration: Then immediately follows the King's Subscription, in these words, Ego Edwardus, Deo largiente, Anglorum Rex, signum venerandae Crucis impressi. Then follows the Subscription of Queen Editha, with those of the two Archbishops seven of the Bishops, and as many Abbots; and so comes on the Subscriptions of the Laity, viz. of Raynbald the Chancellor, and of the Earls Harold and Edwin, who write themselves Duces, and six Thanes, besides other of inferior Order.

This Charter bears date on St. Innocents day, Anno Dom. 1066. which how it could be so dated four days before New-years-day, when the year then began, I do not understand.

Here also follows a Third Charter, which is much the same with the former, only it contains the King's Letter to Pope Nicholaus, and his Bull, reciting the Privileges granted to the said Church; all which are there at large inserted. Then follows the Subscriptions of the King, Queen, Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, &c. almost in the same order as the for∣mer; only Osbald and another of the King's Chaplains do here subscribe before any of the Lay-Nobility; and besides the Thanes, there are se∣veral who subscribed with the Title of Milites added to their Names.

I have been the larger upon this Foundation, not only because it was the Greatest and Noblest of any in England, but also for that it still con∣tinues, though under another Title, to be a Collegiate Church for a Dean and Eight Prebends, with an excellent School belonging to it, which hath hitherto furnished both the Church and State with as great a number of Learned and Considerable Persons, as any in the whole Nation.

But to return again to our History (as it is related by the aforesaid Abbot of Riev••lle)▪* 1.199 King Edward having at this Great Assembly of the Estates of his Kingdom appeared solemnly with his Crown on his Head according to custom, was a day or two before Christmass in the night-time, taken with a Feaver, which very much damped the Jollity of that Festival; yet he concealed it as much as he could for two or three days, still sitting down at Meals with his Bishops and Noblemen, till the third day perceiving the time of his Dissolution drew near, he commanded all things to be got ready for the Consecration of his New Church, which he resolved should be solemnized the next day, being the Feast of the Holy Innocents; whereat all the Bishops and Great Men of the Kingdom as∣sisted, and the King as far as his Health would permit; but presently after, the King growing worse and worse, he was forced to take his Bed: the Queen, Bishops, and the Nobility, standing weeping about him; and whilst he lay speechless, and almost without life for two days, and the third awakening as if it were from a Trance, both William of Malmes∣bury and the Abbot above-mentioned relate, That after a devout Prayer he told them, That in a Vision he had lately seen two holy Monks, whom he had in his youth known in Normandy to be men of meek and pious Conversation, and whom he therefore had very much loved, and now appeared to him as sent from God, to tell him what should happen to England after his decease, shewing him,

That the Iniquity of the English being now full, had provoked the Divine Vengeance; for that the Priests despising God's Law, treated Holy Things with corrupt hearts and polluted hands; and not being true Pastors, but Mercenaries, ex∣posed the Sheep to the Wolves, seeking the Wool and the Milk more than the Sheep themselves: That the Chief Men of the Land were In∣fidels, Companions of the Thieves and Robbers of their Countrey; who neither feared God, nor honoured his Law; to whom Truth was a Burthen, Justice a Maygame, and Cruelty a Delight: And that therefore since neither the Rulers observed Justice, nor the Ruled Discipline, the Lord had drawn his Sword, and bent his Bow, and made it ready, for that he would shew this People his Wrath and Indigna∣tion, by sending Evil Angels to punish them for a year and a day, with Fire and Sword. But when the King replied to them, That he would admonish his People to repent them of the evil of their ways and doings, and then he hoped God would not bring these dread∣ful Judgments upon them, but would again receive them into his Mercy: To this they answered, That now it could not be, because the hearts of this people were hardened, and their eyes blinded, and their ears stopped, so that they would neither hear those that would instruct them, nor be advised by those that should admonish them, being neither to be terrified by his Threatnings, nor melted by his Be∣nefits. And the King asking them when there would be an end of all these Judgments, and what comfort they might be like to receive un∣der all these great afflictions? those holy men only answered him in a Parable of a certain Green Tree, that should be cut down, and remo∣ved from the Root about the distance of Three Acres; and when without any human hand the Tree should be restored to its Ancient Root, and flourish and bear Fruit, then, and not till then, was there any Comfort to be hoped for.

* 1.200But this Author's application of the Tree that was to be cut down, to the English-Saxon Royal Family's being for a time destroyed; and its Separation to the distance of three Acres, to Harold and the two first Norman Kings; and its Restitution again, to King Henry the first, by his marrying of Queen Mathildis, and its flourishing again in the Em∣press her Daughter; and then its bearing Fruit, to the Succession of Henry the second; do sufficiently shew that great part of this Vision was made and accommodated for the Reigns of these Princes. William of Malmesbury indeed recites the same Vision, though in fewer words, but without any Interpretation of the Parable. But be this Vision true or false, I think we may have reason to pray to God that neither our Clergy nor Laity, by falling into the like wicked and deplorable state above described, may ever bring the like Judgments upon this Nation.

But when the Queen, Robert the Lord Chamberlain, and Earl Ha∣rold, who are said to have been present at the Relation of this Vision, seemed very much concern'd, Archbishop Stigand received it with a Smile, saying, That the good Old Man was only delirous by reason of his Distemper; But (says Malmesbury) we have too dearly tried the Truth of this Vision, England being now made the Habitation of Strangers, and groaning under the Dominion of Foreigners; there being (says he) at this day (i. e. at the time when he wrote) no Englishman either an Earl, a Bishop, or an Abbot; but Strangers devour the Riches, and gnaw even the very Bowels of England; neither is there a prospect of having any End of these Miseries.

This, it seems, was written in the beginning of the Reign of Henry the First, and before he had seen the more Happy Times that succeeded in that of Henry the Second; when the Abbot above-mentioned tells us, That England had then a King of the Ancient Blood Royal, as also Bi∣shops and Abbots of the same Nation, with many Earls, Barons, and Knights, who as being descended both from the French and English Blood, were an Honour to the One, and a Comfort to the Other.

But to come to the Death and Last Words of this most Pious King: The Abbot above-mentioned gives us an Excellent Discourse which he made before his Death, recommending the Queen to her Brother, and the Nobility there present, and highly extolling her Chastity and Obe∣dience; who though she appeared publickly his Wife, yet was privately rather like a Sister or Daughter; desiring of them, That whatsoever he had left her for her Jointure, should never be taken from her. He also recommended to them his Servants who had followed him out of Nor∣mandy, and that they should have their free choice either of returning home to their own Countrey, or staying here. After which he ap∣pointed his Body to be buried in St. Peter's Church at Westminster, which he had so newly dedicated; and so having received the Blessed Eucharist, and recommended his Soul to God, he quietly departed this Life, having reigned Three and twenty Years, Six Months, and Seven and twenty Days.

It is very observable, That this Abbot does not tell us that he said any thing concerning who should be his Successor; whereas many of the Monks of those Times make him to have bequeathed the Crown at his Death to his Cousin William Duke of Normandy; and Ingulph further says, That King Edward ••••me years before his Death had sent Robert Archbishop of Canterbury as an Ambassador to him, to let him know

that he had design'd him his Successor, both because he was of his Blood,* 1.201 and also Eminent for his Virtue.

What Pretences the Duke might have to the Crown by the latter, I know not, but it is certain the former could give him no Title to it, since all the Relation that was between King Edward and Duke William, was by Queen Emma, who was Mother to the King, and Aunt to the Duke; so that it is evident on the score of this Relation, that Duke William could have no pretence by Blood to the Crown of England.

But it is very suspicious, that this Story of Archbishop Robert's being sent into Normandy upon this Errand, was but a Fiction, since he sate but three years in that See before his Expulsion, and that happened near ten years before; after which King Edward sent over for his Cousin Edward, sirnamed The Outlaw, to make him his Heir.

King Edward being dead, they made great haste to bury him, for his Funerals were performed the next day with as great Solemnity as the shortness of that time would admit of; but it was sufficient that all the Bishops and Nobility of the Kingdom attended his Body to the Grave in the Church aforesaid, where his Tomb is at this day to be seen behind the Altar; and his Body was afterwards preserved in a Rich Shrine of Gold and Silver, till the Reign of Henry the Eighth.

As for the Character which the Writers of the following Age give this Prince, it is such as they thought was due to One whom they took to be a Saint, yet they give him the Title of Confessor, which had been in the Primitive Times bestowed only on those who suffered for Christ, though not unto death: but how he could claim that Title upon this Account I know not, unless his resisting the ordinary motions of the Flesh, may be looked upon as such a kind of suffering; having been (as is already related) so chaste, that he never knew his own Wife, though a very Beautiful Lady; for which, as well as his other Virtues, and particu∣larly his Charity to the Poor, he is commonly stiled St. Edward the Con∣fessor.

But he was indeed but a Weak and Easy Prince, and so the more lia∣ble to be drawn away by the false suggestions of those about him; as may be observed in his severe proceedings against his Mother and his Wife: though that very Weakness and Easiness of Nature is in him reckoned for a Virtue, as you may see by this Story, which is related by Abbot Ailred; (viz.) That this King Edward being one Afternoon laid down upon his Bed to repose himself, and no body left in the Chamber with him, and the Curtains close drawn round about him, there came in by chance a Boy that was employed in the meaner Offices of the House, who seeing no body in the room, and finding there a cer∣tain Chest open, in which the Chamberlain kept the Money for the King's ordinary Expences, and which had been through negligence forgot to be lock'd, the Boy ran hastily to it, and filling his Pockets, went away with the Money; But the King perceiving him through the Cur∣tains, said nothing, but let him go. The Boy finding he had sped so well, re∣solved to go again to make the best of his time, and having laid by the Mo∣ney he had stolen, came again to fetch more; whereupon the King think∣ing him then a little too bold, called out to him, saying, Sirrah, you had best be contented with what you have got, for if Hugolin come (for so was the Chamberlain call'd) he will not only whip you soundly, but likewise take away all you have purloined already. The Boy hearing a Voice, but seeing no body, ran

away in a great fright,* 1.202 and the King concerned himself no fur∣ther about it; but Hugolin coming in not long after, and finding both the Chest open, and a good deal of Money taken out of it, was in a great Passion; which the King taking notice of▪ bid him rest contented; For, said he, the Poor Rogue that hath it, wants it more than we do.

So that, upon the whole, I think we may safely rely upon William of Malmesbury's Character of this Prince▪ That if you consider his Simpli∣city, he seemed very unfit for Government; yet by reason of his Virtue, and Piety towards God, he was so directed by him, that the most Poli∣tick and Couragious Kings have scarce ruled more happily: For during his Reign the Kingdom was never i••vaded by Foreign Enemies; nor were there any Civil Disturbances, but what were immediately sup∣pressed.

But though the Abbot of Rievalle, who hath wrote his Life, hath also given us a long Bed-roll of his Miracles, which I shall not take upon me to relate, yet cannot but take notice of one or two of them; how it is said, that he cured some blind People, by only washing their Eyes with fair Water, in which his own Fingers had been first dipped; and that he also healed a Woman who had been grievously over-run with those Swellings we now call the King's Evil, by his bare washing the Sores with his own hands; and from whose Blessing, or Example (I will not dispute) the Touch of our Kings of England have ever since been thought very effectual for curing the King's-Evil. But among these Miracles, this seems not the least, That this Author makes him to have been Elected King by his Father's Command, and that in a Great Coun∣cil, whilst he was yet in his Mother's Belly.

As for his private Recreations, he loved Hawking and Hunting above all the rest; and would be in a Passion, if he had been crossed in his Game: For a Countrey Clown once spoiling his Sport, the King riding up to him, as if he would have beat him, only said, By God's-Mother, I would be even with you if I could. He is said not to be excessive at his private Meals, nor at solemn Festivals was he at all elated with the Costly Robes he wore, which his Queen curiously embroidered for him with Silk and Gold. And being thus Mild, Charitable, and Beneficent to all his People, it was no wonder if his Death was so deeply lamented by all his Subjects. But this they grant to be his Fault, that he brought too many Normans over with him into England; and they having great Offices and Preferments bestow'd upon them, soon corrupted the then English Simplicity by their Norman Customs: So that as Ingulph well observes, the English Nobility growing as it were ashamed of their own, began to imitate the French Manners; the generality of the No∣blemen speaking the French Tongue in their Houses, (as being then most modish) and made their Charters and other Writings after the French way; and this humour still more and more prevailed, till at length they became as it were Slaves and Vassals to those they before so extremely admired. So true a Maxim is it, generally speaking, that where a Fo∣reign Tongue prevails, it is reckoned half a Conquest.

As for this King's Person, he is described to be Tall and Comely, of a very Fair and Ruddy Complexion; and in his latter years Venerable for his long and white Beard, as you may see in his Seals and Pictures: And which is most remarkable, he was the first English King whose Seals we can find affixed to his Charters, as you may see in Mr. Speed:

Yet perhaps other Kings might have Seals to their Charters before him,* 1.203 however they are now defaced.

But though this King made many excellent Laws, which being wrote in the Saxon Tongue, are now almost quite lost; yet since some Heads or Extracts of them are to be found in R. Hoveden, and Mr. Lambard's Collections, I shall give you such of them as are necessary for the clear∣ing of our Ancient Constitution, and for shewing what liberty the Eng∣lish Subjects enjoyed before the Conquest; which Laws were also con∣firmed by King William the First, in the Fourth Year of his Reign; but they not specifying any time when they were made, I have referr'd them to this place.

The first of these Laws establishes the Goods and Possessions of all Clerks and Scholars.

The second appoints the times and days of the King's Peace; making it more Penal to violate it from the Advent of our Lord, to the Octaves of the Epiphany; and in like manner from Lent to the Octaves of Easter, (i. e. eight days after that Feast); and from our Lord's Ascension, to the Octaves of Pentacost; and also on all Saturdays, from Nine a Clock, to the Monday morning following; likewise on the Vigils of all Holidays, as well as on the Holidays themselves; as also in Parishes, when the Feast of the Saint (to whom the Church is dedicated) is kept; so that if any one come devoutly to the Cele∣bration thereof, he was to have security in going, staying, and re∣turning home; and besides in many other cases, too long here to set down.

From whence we may observe the Antiquity of those Parish Feasts, called in several parts of England, Wakes.

The fourth appoints, That where ever the King's Justice, or any other Person shall hold Civil Pleas, if the King's Deputy or Attorney comes thither to open any Cause concerning Holy Church, that shall be first determined; for it is just God be served before all others.

The fifth ordains, That whosoever holds any thing of the Church, or hath his Mansion on the Church's Land, he or they shall not be compell'd to plead out of the Ecclesiastical Courts, for Contumacy or otherwise (nay, though he forfeit) unless Justice be wanting in those Courts, which (says the Law) God forbid.

By which all the Tenants of the Church were exempted from plead∣ing or appearing at the King's Courts; which though a strange and un∣reasonable Privilege, yet (it seems) it continued in the time of William the First.

The sixth confirms the Laws of Sanctuaries, ordaining, That no man shall be taken out of any Church to which he hath fled for any offence, unless it be by the Bishop or his Officers: The like Privi∣lege is also allowed to the Priest's House, provided it stand upon the Ground of the Church; but if a Thief went out of the Sanctuary to rob, he was to forfeit that Privilege.

The seventh leaves those to the Justice of the Bishop who violate the Peace of Holy Church; and if any Offender shall despise his Sen∣tence, either by flying or contemning it, and Complaint thereof be made to the King after forty days, he shall give Pledges to reconcile himself to God, the King, and the Church; and if he cannot be found, he shall be outlaw'd; and if then he be found, and can be laid

hold on,* 1.204 he shall be delivered up to the King; if he defends himself, he shall be slain: For from the day of his Outlawry he is said in English to have Wulfsheofod (i.e. a Wolfs-head), or as we now commonly say in Latin, gerere Caput Lupinum: This is the common Law of all Outlaws.

The eighth and ninth appoint what things small Tythes should be paid out of; and recites, that they had been granted long before, a Rege, Baronibus, & Pop••lo, that is, by the King, the Barons, and the Peo∣ple: And though the word Barons was not commonly used till the time of King William the First, when these Laws were drawn up in the form we now have them, upon an Inquisition granted to the Ancient and Wise Men of all the Counties in England, as Rog. Hoveden informs us; yet is this but a Recital of the Ancient Law of Tythes in the Dialect of those times, when the word Baron came to be used instead of Thane.

The tenth appoints after what manner the Ordeal, or Judgment by Fire or Water, should be executed by the Bishop's Officer, and the King's Justice, upon those that deserved it.

From which you may observe, that this Law of Ordeal was in force some time after the coming in of the Normans. This Law also ordains in what Cases, and over what Persons, the Courts Baron should have Jurisdiction; but it being somewhat large, I refer you to it.

The Eleventh again reinforces the payment of Romescot, or Peter-pence, which i•• denied, the King's Justice shall compel the payment, because it is the King's Alms.

From whence we may observe, how much those Romish Writers are mistaken, who will needs make these Peter-pence to have been a Tribute from the Kings of England to the Pope.

The twelfth shews what Danegelt was, and on what occasion it was first imposed: That the payment of Danegelt was first ordained because of the frequent Invasions of the Danish Pyrates; to repress which, there was Twelvepence imposed upon every Hide of Land throughout England, to be paid yearly: Which also shews us about what time these Laws were collected into the form we now have them by this Clause, viz. That the Church was excused from this pay∣ment until the time of William Rufus, who (as is here recited) asking an Aid of his Barons for the obtaining Normandy from his Bro∣ther then going to Jerusalem, there was granted to him (not by any standing Law, but only for the present necessity.) Four Shillings upon every Hide of Land, the Church not excepted.

The thirteenth sets forth, That the Peace of the King is manifold, as sometimes it is given by his own hand, which the English call Cy∣ninges honde sealde gryth.

This Protection was granted not only to Persons, but Places also, by way of Privilege, as likewise to Churches or Churhmen within their own Walls, as appears by the League betwixt King Edward and Guth∣rum, in which it is termed Cyninges honde gryth.

Another sort of Peace was on the Coronation-day, which lasted eight days; that at Christmass, which held also eight days; and so on the Feast of Easter and Whitsuntide. Another sort was given by his Brief or Letters; and another there was belonging to the Four great Highways, viz. Watlingstreet, Foss, Hickenildstreet, and Erming∣street; whereof two are extended to the Length, and two to the Breadth of the Kingdom. Another still there was belonging to

the Rivers of Note,* 1.205 which conveyed Provisions to Towns and Cities.

From whence it appears, that this Peace of the King was a Pri••ilege or Exemption granted to Persons, not to be sued or answer at Law, in any Action▪ ••rought against them, during certain solemn, and stated Times, and in certain of the most famous and frequented Highways of the Kingdom.

The fourteenth declares, That all Treasure prove should be the King's, unless it were found in a Church or Church-yard; in which case, if it were Gold, it was all the King's; but if Silver, one half was to go to him, and another to the Church.

The fifteenth treateth of Murther, and declares if any one was murthered, the Murtherer should be enquired after in the Village or Town where the Body was found; and if he was discovered, to be delivered up to the King's Justice within eight days after the Fact committed; and in case he could not be found, a month and a day was allowed for search after him; within which term, if he could not be seiz'd on, forty six Marks were to be collected out of that Town; and if it was not able to pay so much, then the Hundred was liable to make it good: And forasmuch as this Payment could not be made in the Towns, and great inconveniences arose; the Barons (i.e. the Freeholders of the County) took care that six and forty Marks should be paid out of the Hundred; which being seal'd up with the Seal of some one Baron of the County, they were to be sent to the Treasurer, and by him so kept seal'd up for a year and a day; within which time if the Murtherer was found out, upon his being delivered to the King's Justice, they were to be repaid; but in case within that time he could not be discovered, then were the Kindred of the Murthered Party to have six of the said Marks, and the King the other forty; if he had no Kindred, his Lord was to receive it; and if he had no Lord, then his sworn Friend and Companion; but if there were none of these, then the King should have the whole Sum to himself.

The sixteenth Article shews us, how this way of discovering Mur∣ther, and punishing the Hundred, came to be in use where the Mur∣therer could not be found; viz. That King Cnute, when he had gotten England, and settled it in Peace, and at the request of the English Ba∣rons had sent back his Army into Denmark, those Barons became Sureties, that all the Danes that staid behind with him, should in all things enjoy perfect Peace; so that in case an Englishman kill'd any of them, if he could not clear himself by the Judgment of God, (that is, by Water or Iron, meaning the Ordeal) Justice was to be execu∣ted upon him; and in case he ran away, Payment was to be made as is aforesaid.

This Law, to prevent the killing of the Normans, was likewise conti∣nued by King William the Conqueror; for in case a man were found slain, he was to be taken for a Norman, and his Death to be more grie∣vously punished than that of an Englishman, unless the Englescherie of him that was killed could be made out before the King's Justices; that is, that he was an Englishman, as Bracton hath particularly shewn us. But I shall reserve the speaking further of this Law to the next Volume.

* 1.206

The seventeenth declares the Office of a King in these words; The King, who is the Vicegerent of the Supreme King, is appointed to this very end, That he may Govern and Defend his Earthly King∣dom, and the People of the Lord, and above all things should reve∣rence his Holy Church, and extirpate evil doers out of it; which un∣less he shall do, not so much as the Name of a King shall remain to him, but he shall utterly lose it, as Pope John witnesses.

Then follows the occasion of this opinion of Pope John's, viz. His having given it in answer to the Letter which Pepin and Charles his Son wrote, concerning a foolish King of France, whether they should still continue him on the Throne, or not; which being no material part of the Law, I omit.

And then there is somewhat concerning Barons, which have Courts and Customs of their own, in these words,

The Archbishops, Bi∣shops, Earls, Barons, and all those who have Sac, Soc, Thol, Team, and Infang••heof, shall have their Knights, Servants, and all other sorts of Dependants under their Friburg; that is, should either have them forth- coming (or else should answer for them), that if they shall forfeit to any one, and a Complaint be made by the Neighbours against them, they must bring them forth to have Justice done them in their own Court.

The eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, and one and twentieth, are explanations of the Saxon terms in the above-mentioned Law; which being explained already in the Introduction, I thither refer you.

The two and twentieth declares all Jews that were in the Kingdom to be under the Protection of the King, so that none of them could put himself in the service of any great man without the King's leave; for that the Jews and all that are there, are the King's.

By the three and twentieth King Edward forbad all Usurers to con∣tinue in his Kingdom; and if any one were convicted that he exacted Usury, he should forfeit his Goods, and be looked upon as out∣law'd.

After which follows in Mr. Lambard's Copy another Law, decla∣ring the King's Power by Virtue of his Royal Dignity, to pardon Life and loss of Member, but with this Proviso, That the Male-factor make satisfaction to such as he hath injured, according to his power; and besides, find Sureties for his good Behaviour, which if he did not, he was to be banished.

From whence you may observe, That this Prerogative of pardoning in the King, was not to extend to the prejudice of the Party injured, or his Kindred, to whom an Appeal was hereby reserved.

Concerning which, The nineteenth in like manner declares his Royal Prerogative to be such, that the King may set at liberty any Captive or Prisoner, whenever he comes in any City, Borough, Castle, &c. or if he meet him in the way, by his mere Word or Command. Yet was he that was thus set at liberty, bound to make satisfaction to the injured Party: But a Murtherer, Traytor, or one guilty of such like Crimes, altho the King should pardon him as to Life and Member, according to Law, he shall in no wise stay in the Countrey, but shall swear that he will depart to the Sea-coast within a stated time set him by the Ju∣stice, and pass over as soon as he can get opportunity of a Ship and Wind; and in case any such prove perjured, and shall stay in the Land

beyond the time, any one that meets them,* 1.207 may do Justice upon them, i. e. take away their lives.

From whence you may observe the Antiquity of the Law for abjuring the Realm for such great Offences to which the King's Pardon did not then absolutely extend. The rest of this Law, which only recites the Penalties for the harbouring or favouring such Malefactors, I omit.

The twenty seventh Article gives leave to harbour a Stranger or Foreigner (whom in English they termed Couth, or Vncouth, that is, known or unknown) as a Guest for two nights; in which space if he transgress, he that harboured him shall not be answerable for him; but if any one be injured, and complaint is made, that it was by the Counsel and Advice of him that lodged him, he shall with two honest Neighbours by Oath purge himself as to the Advice and Fact, or otherwise shall make satisfaction.

The reason whereof was, because after the third night the Law then was such, that this stranger was to be looked upon as one of the Family, and the Master of it was to answer for him if he transgressed.

The twenty eighth appoints how Money or Cattel brought into a Town (and said by him who brought them, that they were found) shall be disposed of, and who shall have the Custody of them.

The thirtieth enjoins, That those who have the King's Peace either by his Hand or Letters, shall take care not to injure others, under a double Penalty.

The thirty first declares the particular Mulcts or Penalties of those who shall violate the King's Peace above-mentioned, and especially that of the eight days of his Coronation, or of any of the Feasts aforesaid, and who should have the Forfeitures arising from thence; how much the King, and how much the Earl, and how much the Dean or the Bishop in whose Deanry the Peace was broken.

The thirty sixth Article directs, how that after a man is killed as a Thief or a Robber, if any Complaint be made by his nearest Relation, to the Justice, that the man was wrongfully put to death, and lies bu∣ried among Thieves, and that such Relations offer to make it good, in such case they shall first give security for so doing; and then it follows in what manner the Party slain may be cleared in his Reputation, and what satisfaction shall be made to his Friends for it, in case it appears he was killed unjustly.

These are the Laws which bear the Name of Edward the Confessor, though they are not properly so, because many of them were made long before his time, and there are so many things in the Latin Original which are rather Explanations of Laws, than Laws themselves, that they more truly seem to have been collected and written by some igno∣rant Sciolist, or pretender, about Henry the First's time: For though Roger Hoveden hath given us this Collection of those Laws which we now have, yet it is plain that there was no Original of them extant at the time when Hoveden wrote, nor long before; or else he need not have told us that King William the Conqueror in the fourth year of his Reign summoned so many Noble and Wise Men of the English Nation, only to enquire into, and acquaint him what those Laws were. But Bromton's Chronicle gives us a short History of the several Laws that had been used in England; and tells us of three sorts of Laws then in use, viz Merchenlage, West-Saxonlage, and Danelage; and that King Ed∣ward

made one Common Law out of them all,* 1.208 which are called the Laws of King Edward to this day; yet of these he gives us no more than the bare Explanation of some Words or Terms frequently used in them, but without setting down any of the Laws themselves; which whether he did out of ignorance, or on purpose, I will not determine; though the former is most likely, seeing he had before given us all the Laws he could meet with of the precedent English-Saxon Kings. So that when the Reader hears the Laws of St. Edward, so much talked of, and so much contended for after the Conquest, he must not understand these here set down to have been the only Laws above-mentioned; For those are but some parts of them recited and commented upon by after-Writers. And indeed these Laws were first said to be the Laws of Edward the Confessor, after the Normans coming over, not because King Edward made them, but renewed the observance of them; as William of Malmesbury expresly tells us of one of those that King Cnute also revived, being in substance the same with that formerly ordained by King Alfred; Commanding every one above Twelve years old, to be entred into some Decenary, Tything, or Hundred: But Bracton also ascribes it to King Edward: So likewise this Interpolator or Noter him∣self tells you, That those Laws of St. Edward so much desired, and at length obtained from William the Conqueror, were ordained in the time of King Edgar his Grandfather, but after his death were laid aside for sixty eight years; but because they were just and honest, King Edward revived them, and delivered them to be observed as his own.

By these and other circumstances we may gather, That the whole Body of these Laws we have now recited, were such as were approved and confirmed by King Edward, who was a Prince of great Mercy and Indulgence to his People; so that such written Laws as were in force in his time, and such Customs as had been all along observed in the Saxon times, and had been still kept on foot in his days, were after the Norman Conquest (when both the People of the Norman as well as English Extraction so earnestly contended for their Liberties) called by the name of the Laws of St. Edward, thereby being indeed meant the English-Saxon Laws, which then received Denomination from him, being in effect the last King of that Race, and one whose Memory the People reverenced in an especial manner for the high Reputation he had gained for his great Sanctity and Clemency to his Subjects.

King HAROLD.

KING Edward's Funerals being over,* 1.209 our Annals proceed to tell us, how that Earl Harold succeeded in the Kingdom, as King Edward had appointed, and that the People elected him to that Dignity; as also that he was anointed King on the Feast of Epiphany; but he held the Kingdom only forty weeks and one day.

Thus the Laudean or Peterburgh Copy relates it; being written by some Monk that favour'd King Harold's Title to the Crown.

But R. Hoveden, with other of the English Writers, tell us expresly; That King Edward being buried, Earl Harold, whom the King had be∣fore his decease declared his Successor, being by all the Chief Men of England elected to the Throne, was the same day anointed King by Al∣dred Archbishop of York: Which is also confirmed by the Manuscript Chronicle of one Henry de Silgrave, who wrote about the Reign of King Edward the First, and is now in the * 1.210 Cottonian Library. And the relation of this Affair being found no where else, I shall here recite, leaving the Credit thereof to the Reader's Judgment; which is thus: That King Edward lying on his Death-bed, Earl Harold came to him, and desired him to appoint him for his Successor; to which the King replied, That he had already made Duke William his Heir: But the Earl and his Friends still persisting in their Request, the King turning his Face to the Wall, replied thus, When I am dead, let the English make either the Duke or the Earl their King: Which, if true, shews that it was but a Consent in part, and was also extorted from him. But this Relation being found in no other Author, I shall not pass my word for the Truth of it.

But William of Malmesbury, and such Writers as prefer the Title of King William, tell another story, and say, That King Harold on the very day of the King's Funeral having extorted an Oath of Fidelity from the Chief Men, snatch'd up the Crown of his own accord; al∣though the English say it was bequeathed him by King Edward; which yet he says he believes to be rather asserted by them out of partiality, than by any true judgment or knowledge of the thing.

H. Huntington does not mention any such Election of Harold, but says on the contrary, that divers of the English would have advanced Edgar Aetheling to be King. But Ingulph is more cautious, and does not determine one way or other of this matter; only says in general, That the day after the King's Funeral, Harold wickedly forgetting his Oath which he had formerly made to Duke William, intruded himself into the Throne, and was solemnly Crowned by Alred Archbishop of York.

As for Edgar Aetheling, the only surviving Male of the Ancient Royal Family, he was but Young, and being a Stranger born, had nei∣ther Friends nor Interest sufficient to oppose so great a Party as Harold had amongst the Lay-Nobility, and especially among the Bishops, who were all to a man for him.

* 1.211And that which made more against Prince Edgar, was, That he want∣ed the Nomination of King Edward to recommend him to the Election of the Wittena Gemot, or Great Council of the Kingdom, which either Duke William or Harold certainly had, and perhaps both of them, though at different times, according as they had the opportunity of making their Interest with that Easy King, who certainly was very much to blame, not to have better ascertained that great Point of the Successi∣on to the Crown in his own life-time; for had he declared either Duke William or Edgar his Heir, and procured the Estates of the Kingdom to confirm it in his life-time, he might have prevented that Calamity which afterwards fell upon the English Nation from Duke William, when he came to be King.

But to return to our History; Harold being thus advanced to the Throne, took that course which all Wise Princes who can claim no Right by Blood, but only by Election of the People, have always ta∣ken; and that was The abolishing of all unjust Laws, and the making good ones in their stead; the seizing upon and punishing all Thieves, Robbers, and Disturbers of the Publick Peace, and indeed wholly made it his business to defend the Kingdom from Foreign Invaders both by Sea and Land; and that he might become truly popular, he was a great Patron of the Churches and Monasteries, yielding much Reverence to the Bishops and Abbots, shewing himself humble and affable to all that were virtuous and good, as he was severe to all others of a contrary Character.

On the 24^th day of April, after his Coronation (as Simeon of Dur∣ham tells us) appeared a Dreadful Comet, which was visible in all these parts of the world; not long after which, followed the Invasion of To∣stige, who having been banish'd chiefly by his Brother's procurement, and now no longer able to digest the Preferment of his Younger Brother to the Royal Dignity, in exclusion to him, was moved with so much Envy and Indignation as to endeavour all ways possible to dethrone him; for which purpose he sailed to Duke William, and thence out of Flan∣ders with some Ships to the Isle of Wight, where after he had forced Money from the Inhabitants, he departed, and played the Pyrate upon the Coasts till he came to Sandwich.

King Harold being then at London, upon notice thereof got in readi∣ness both a strong Fleet and a good Party of Horse, with which he re∣solved in Person to go to Sandwich and fight him: But Tostige having intelligence of it, took along with him all the Seamen he could find, and went to the Coast of Lindisse, where he burnt several Villages, and killed a world of men: But Edwin Earl of Mercia, and his Brother Morcar Earl of Northumberland, hastening to those parts with an Army, soon forced him to quit that Countrey. And, as Florence relates, not being able to return into Normandy by reason of contrary Winds, he sail'd into Norway, and there join'd his Fleet with that which King Ha∣rold Harfager was now preparing for the Invasion of England.

In the mean time King Harold lay at Sandwich, expecting his Fleet, which when it was got together, he sail'd to the Isle of Wight; and be∣cause William Duke of Normandy was now expected to invade England with an Army, he waited his coming over all that Summer and the Au∣tumn following, lining all the Sea-Coasts with Land-Forces, in order the better to receive him. This seems indeed more probable, than what

William of Malmesbury relates,* 1.212 That King Harold did not believe Duke William would undertake so hazardous an Expedition, being at that time engaged in Wars with his Neighbouring Princes, and had now wholly given himself up to his Ease and Pleasure; so that had it not been for his hearing that the King of Norway likewise threaten'd an Invasion, he would never have raised any Army at all; which seems a very impro∣bable story, since he was (as you have already heard from Simeon of Durham) forced to get out his Fleet and raise an Army, to prevent the Incursions of his Brother Tostige.

But it is fit we now give you some account of the Reasons of these great Preparations made by Duke William to invade England; for In∣gulph and the Author last mentioned both assure us, That so soon as he had heard of King Harold's taking upon him the Crown of England, contrary to the Oath he had given him, and that he was actually crowned, he sent over Ambassadors to put him in mind of the breach of his word; threatning to force him to perform it, if he would not do it by fair means, and that before the year came about.

Harold's Answer to these Ambassadors (as William of Malmesbury relates it) was very plausible, being to this effect,

That what he had promised concerning marrying the Duke's Daughter, she being dead, it could not now be performed; but that if he had promised him any thing concerning the Kingdom, it was very rashly done of him, to have given away that which was not his own, without the General Consent and Decree of the Great Council of that Kingdom; therefore that a rash Oath was to be broken; for if the Oath or Vow of a Vir∣gin, made without the consent of her Parents, was by the Law of God declared void, how much more ought that Oath to be accounted so, which he being then under the Authority of his King (but com∣pell'd necessity) had made concerning the Kingdom, who was at that time wholly ignorant of what had been transacted? And that the Duke was very unjust in requiring him to resign that Crown which he had so lately received by the General Favour and Consent of the People.

Bromton's Chronicle further adds, That Duke William sent another Message to King Harold, whereby he acquainted him, That although he had not observed his Faith in other things, yet if he would marry his Daughter, he would pass by all the rest; or otherwise would vindi∣cate his Succession by force of Arms. All which is very improbable, since most Historians relate the young Lady to be then dead; and it is very unlikely, that a Man of King William's Ambition would quit his Pretentions to the Kingdom, for so slight a satisfaction as the Marriage of his Daughter.

But this Author does with more probability reduce the Duke's Quar∣rel against Harold, to these Three Heads.

First, To revenge the death of Prince Alfred his Cousin, who had been long since murthered by Earl Godwin the Father of Harold.

Secondly, To restore Archbishop Robert, Earl Odo, and the rest of the Normans, who had been unjustly banished in the late King's life-time.

Thirdly, Because Harold had contrary to his Oath possessed himself of the Kingdom, which as well by the Right of Consanguinity, as by that of a Double Promise, ought to be his.

* 1.213But the Ambassadors of Duke William being return'd without any satisfactory Answer from King Harold, the Duke employed the rest of the year in preparing all things necessary for his Expedition, hiring Sol∣diers out of his own Countrey with large Pay, and inviting Strangers from abroad with greater Allowances; so that upon the Muster of his Forces he found that they did not only excel in strength of Body, and height of Stature, but also the chief Commanders and Captains of them were as remarkable for their Valour as for their Experience and Conduct: Also his Bishops and Abbots strove with the Nobility, who should by their liberal Contributions most advance this Enterprize. But that the Duke might not prejudice the Equity of his Cause by pre∣cipitation, he sent Ambassadors to Pope Alexander, who did with great Eloquence set forth the Justice of the War which their Prince was going to undertake; and that Harold not only had broken his Oath with him, but refused to give him any Satisfaction, either because that now he was a Crown'd Head, or else that he distrusted his Cause: Whereupon the Pope taking into his serious consideration this weighty matter, ap∣proved of the Enterprize, and sent the Duke a Consecrated Banner, as an Omen of Victory; which when the Duke had received, he called a Great Council of his Nobility at Lillebone, to ask all their Opinions in this great Affair; and when they had all encouraged his Undertaking by great Promises of Assistance, he appointed an Assessment for his Fleet and Army, according to their several respective Estates; and so they departed home, till the time appointed for a General Rendezvouz.

* 1.214But Mr. Cambden, from the Authority of some Ancient Norman Writers I have not yet met with, makes this Enterprize much more difficult than our Historians commonly do; as, that though he found his Chief Officers, to whom he communicated his Design, very chearful and resolute to follow him, yet all the Skill lay how to bear the Charge of so great a War; for when in an Assembly of all the States of Normandy a Subsidy was propounded; their Answer was,

That in the late War against the French, their Wealth was so much exhausted, that if a new War should happen, they should scarce be able to hold and de∣fend their own; and therefore that they were more obliged to look after the Defence of their own, than to think of Invading the Terri∣tories of others: That this intended War, though never so just, yet did not seem so necessary at that time, as it was apparently hazar∣dous; and that besides, the Normans were not by their Allegiance bound to Military Service in Foreign Parts:

Neither could they by any means be brought to grant a General Tax, although William Fitz∣osbern, a man in high favour with the Duke, and as gracious among the People, endeavoured what he could to effect it; and to draw in others by his own example, promised to set out forty Ships at his own proper Charges. Duke William then perceiving he could not bring this about in a Publick Meeting, went another way to work; and therefore sends for the wealthiest men of his Dutchy severally one by one, to come to him; then he speaks them fair, and desires them to contribute some∣what toward this War: Whereupon, as if they had strove who should most largely assist their Prince, they promised him liberally; and he causing to be presently registred whatsoever they had promised, it amounted to a vast Sum, more than most men could reasonably ever have believed. This Affair being thus dispatch'd, he next craves Aid

of the Princes his Neighbours; to wit, of the Earls of Anjou, Poictou,* 1.215 Maine, and Bretaigne; unto these he promised large Tracks of Land, and great Possessions in England.

But how much each of these Princes contributed to this Expedition, is not known; tho as for Alan Earl of Bretaigne, he certainly was so great an Assistant to Duke William, that he was after this Conquest of King Harold, made Earl of Richmond, and had great part of the Country thereabouts given him by William when he came to be King, to be held by Knights Service.

And for the rest of the Princes above-mentioned, it is certain that they permitted Duke William to raise great store of men in their Ter∣ritories, who being headed by divers Noble Volunteers of those Coun∣tries at their own Charges, afterwards enjoyed great Possessions in Eng∣land as a Reward of their Services.

Duke William also made his Addresses to Philip King of France, and went in Person to solicite his Assistance in this intended War against Harold, voluntarily offering that King, that in case he would assist him, and that he thereby became victorious, to hold England of him as his Vassal; which King Philip refused to accept, thinking it against the interest of France to make the Duke of Normandy greater than he was already, who now began not to be so pliant to his Interests, as he thought the many Obligations which Duke William owed the King his Father, required: Therefore as the growing Greatness of a Neighbour∣ing Prince was then, is, and will ever be suspected by him who is his Rival in Power and Empire; so King Philip was so far from giving the Duke any Assistance, that he wholly dissuaded him from this Enter∣prize, which nevertheless he vigorously pursued, notwithstanding this discouragement.

But leaving Duke William to his Warlike Preparations, we will re∣turn into England, where our Annals tell us,

That Earl Tostige had been met upon the Northern Coast with three hundred Norwegian Ships (commanded by Harold King of Norway); to whom when he had joined those he had with them, they all sail'd up the Humber till they came as far as York; where the Earls (Brothers) Morcar and Eadwin met and fought them; but it seems the King of Norway gain'd the Victory.

Ingulph is more express in this affair, and says that Harold King of Norway sail'd up the River Ouse as far as York, where the Fleet being left under a strong Guard, they landed, and stormed York, and soon plundered it, and slew many of the poor Inhabitants:

But the two Earls abovementioned having gotten together a small Recruit of ill-arm'd Countreymen, were easily routed; and (according to our Annals) when King Harold heard of it, he immediately marched against the King of Norway, and meeting him at Staenford-bri••ge in Yorkshire, there fought, and slew that King, with Earl Tostige, his own Brother.

Ingulph adds, That the Norwegians made a very stout resistance, great multitudes of them being slain, together with their Chief Command∣ers; so that King Harold obtain'd an entire Victory; only Prince Olave, Son to Harold King of Norway, and Paul Earl of Orcades, were per∣mitted quietly to return home with twenty Ships.

But before I dismiss this Relation, I cannot omit a remarkable Exam∣ple of one single Norwegian, who standing upon the Bridge above-mentioned, killed more than forty Englishmen with his Battel-Axe▪

making good his Post against the whole Army,* 1.216 till three a Clock in the Afternoon, and then one going in a Boat under the Bridge, wounded him to death in the lower parts through a hole that it seems he found there.

But King Harold returning to York, had no long time to enjoy his Vi∣ctory; for immediately after the News being brought him that Duke William was landed at Pevensey near Hastings upon Michaelmas day, he made all the haste he could to march towards him, leaving the Earls Edwin and Morchar behind him with great part of the Forces.

But since our Annals are very short in the relation of all these Affairs be∣tween the Duke and King Harold, I shall give you a larger account of it from William of Malmesbury and other Authors, who tell us, That Duke William with all his Nobility being met in August at St. Wal∣leries (a Port-Town in Normandy) lay there a long while waiting for a Wind, but that continuing contrary for several days, the Soldi∣ers at last began thus to murmur in their Camp, (as it is ordinary for such men when they lye long still and have nothing to do), saying among themselves, That the man was mad who would go to take away another man's Territories against God's Will, which it was plain this was, since he had now so long withheld the Wind. This being spread abroad, one would have thought it had been enough to have discouraged any one less valiant than the Duke; who thereupon consulting with his Chief Officers what was best to be done, the wisest of them advised him to bring forth the Body of St. Wallerie, to try if by that means they could obtain a fair Wind; however, perhaps it might put some stop to his Soldiers Discontents. What effect the Saint's Body wrought, I cannot tell; but so much is certain, that not long after a fresh Gale offering, the Duke immediately set sail for England; and his Ship being first got out to Sea, casting An∣chor, lay there till the rest of his Fleet could come up to him, who all following the King's Ship (which then rid Admiral) they in the Af∣ternoon with an easy and gentle Breeze reached Hastings, near which the Duke going on Shore, his foot by accident slipping he fell down, which a Soldier standing by immediately turned into a good Omen, saying, Sir, you have only taken Seisin of that Land of which you will shortly be King.

As soon as ever his Army had landed, he strictly charged them to commit no Outrages, nor plunder, saying, They ought to spare those things which would shortly be their own: So the Duke lying still for fifteen days, and having strongly fortified his Camp with certain Palisadoes which he had brought over along with him, seemed to mind nothing less than War.

But King Harold, precipitated by his own bad Fortune, marched against the Duke with but part of his Forces; for besides those that had been killed in the late Engagement, a great many of his best Soldi∣ers had already deserted him, being discontented that they had been de∣nied their share of the Norwegian Plunder; yet those Forces which still remained with him, he thought sufficient, because he heard the Duke was landed but with a small Army; so that notwithstanding the strongest and most valiant of his Army were either slain in the late Bat∣tel with the Norwegians, or else gone from him, he yet resolved to fight.

King Harold being now arrived near Hastings,* 1.217 pitched his Camp upon a Hill about Nine Miles from that place, and immediately sent out Spies, to give him what Account they could of the Number and Forces of the Enemy; some of whom being taken within Duke William's Camp, though he might have executed them by the Laws of War, yet he only commanded them to be led round about it, and then having well fed them, he ordered them to be sent back to their Lord; and being returned, King Harold asked them, What news they could tell him? They hereupon having set forth the generous Behaviour of the Enemies General, seriously added, That all their Army seemed to be Priests, because they had all their Faces with both their Lips close shaven, for the English then wore long Beards: But the King laughing at their simplicity, said, He too well knew those they had seen were no Priests, but brave Soldiers; then Gyrth his youngest Brother (being a very young man, but of an Understanding and Courage far above his years) taking the words out of the King's mouth, said thus;

Sir, if you can so far allow the Valour of the Norman Duke, I think it is then indiscreet for you to enter the Field against him, lest you should be found infe∣rior to him either in Strength or Justice of your Cause; for you can no ways deny but that voluntarily or involuntarily you have sworn to him: Therefore in my opinion you would do more prudently to withdraw your self from the present Danger, and leave to us the De∣cision of the Day; who being free from all Oaths and Promises, can with a safe Conscience draw our Swords in defence of our Countrey; for it is to be feared, that if you your self should engage, either your Death or more shameful Flight may ensue; whereas if we alone en∣gage with him, your Cause will be every where safe, for you may either assist us if we should be put to fly, or else bury us if we should happen to be slain.

But the King's immoderate Pride and Rashness made him deaf to the wholesome Advice of his Brother; and he thought it Inglorious, and a Dishonour to his past Life, to seem afraid of any Danger: Therefore being push'd on by his unlucky Fate, he hastily sent away the Monk that was newly before come from Duke William to him with these Proposals, viz. That either he should quit the Throne; or hold it, and reign under him; or else try the Justice of his Cause by their two single Swords in the sight of both Armies; or in case Harold should refuse all these, that he was ready to submit it to the Judgment of the Apostolick See: I say, he hastily sent him away with only this short Answer, That he would leave it to God to determine the matter between them.

So that the Monk being returned with this Answer, it added fresh Courage to the Normans; whereupon the Generals on both sides im∣mediately drew up their Armies, in order to a Battel, each according to his Countrey fashion: The English had spent the night in drinking and roaring; and being thus heated, marched early out the next morn∣ing against the Enemy: The Pikes and Bill-men, mingled with a strong Detachment of Targetiers, made up the Front and Main Body of the English Army, and by their close Order render'd it so impenetrable, that nothing but their being outwitted by the Norman Duke could ever have broke it, as you will see by and by: But King Harold, together with his Brethren, being all on foot, placed themselves near the Royal

Standard,* 1.218 that by thus being all of them in equal danger with the meanest Soldier, no man should so much as think of Flight.

Whilst in the mean time the Normans had spent the night in Prayers and Confessions, and having also received the Eucharist, were now drawn out against the English; the Foot being armed with Gleaves, Bows, and Arrows, made up the Main Body of their Army; and the Horse being placed a little more backward in two Divisions made the Wings: But (as Will. Pictaviensis relates) the Pope's Consecrated Banner was placed in the Front of the Army, as well to encourage the Normans, as to dishearten the English.

Then the Duke mounting on Horseback, with an unconcern'd Coun∣tenance and loud Voice encouraged his men, and openly declared, He doubted not but that God would favour the Justice of his Cause. And Bromton's Chronicle here brings him in making a long Speech to his Army; which because not suiting with the Genius of those blunt times, and being also omitted by all other Authors, I shall pass by.

Then the Duke calling for his Armour, and either through haste or incogitancy his Esquire having put on his Breast-plate behind instead of before, he turned off that seeming Ill Omen with a Jest, saying, His Dukedom would shortly be changed into a Kingdom: And then the old Ballad of Roland being begun by the Army, that his Martial Exam∣ple might excite their Courage, and the Divine Assistance being also im∣plored, the Battel begun, which was valiantly fought on both sides, neither Party giving ground, tho it continued till it was late; which when Duke William perceiving, and that the English Ranks were not other∣wise to be broken, he gave immediate Orders to his men to feign a Re∣treat, and make as if they fled out of the Field, by which Stratagem the Main Body of the English Foot being broken in pursuing the Ene∣my, (whom they thought to be really now put to flight,) it turned to their own destruction; for the Normans rallying, and falling upon the English when they were dispersed, quite routed them; and thus being outwitted, though they lost their Lives valiantly in fighting for their Countrey, yet were they not wanting in their Revenge, for often turning again, they slew whole heaps of their Pursuers; and the Foot gaining a Rising Ground, drove back the Normans into the adjoin∣ing Valley, and throwing great store of Darts and Stones down upon them, put them to flight, and passing over a certain steep Trench, left there so many Carkasses of their Enemies, that they levelled the inequality of the ground with heaps of dead bodies. Thus for a while sometimes the English and sometimes the Normans prevailed, neither side having much the better, so long as King Harold continued alive; but when at last he fell by an Arrow shot into his Brains, the English presently fled, till night parted them: Insomuch that the Valour of both Generals was very remarkable; for Harold was not contented only with perform∣ing the office of a General, but he did also act the part of a common Soldier, killing all those that came in his way, that none could ap∣proach him without great hazard of being slain, till such time as that Unfortunate Shot above-mentioned put an end to his Life; and a Sol∣dier afterwards giving his dead Body a Wound in the Thigh, he was for that base cowardly Action discarded by Duke William, who never ceased encouraging his Men both by his Voice and Presence, marching foremost against the thickest Ranks; so that whilst he thus shewed his

Valour, he had no less than three brave Horses slain under him,* 1.219 the Duke all the while remaining with an undaunted Courage in the greatest dan∣gers, though he was often gently admonished by those who had the guard of his Person, not to be so forward.

Thus he continued till the Night coming on left him at last entirely Victorious; and without doubt the Divine Hand did that day protect him, for he was not so much as wounded, though aimed at by so many Darts and Arrows.

This is the Account which William of Malmesbury gives us of this Fight; to which there needs little to be added out of other Authors, se∣veral of them writing from him, and only repeating his Relation in other words. But I cannot omit taking notice of some Passages which Radulph de Diceto gives us of this Battel; viz. That it was fought upon a Saturday, (being St. Calixtus's day) the 2^d of the Ides, that is, the 14^th of October; That the English being drawn up in a narrow place, many of them withdrew themselves from the Battel, as having not room to fight, so that but few remained with the King: That Duke William marched against the Enemy in the Head of Five Regiments of Horse, which being all drawn up, a certain Norman called Tailefer came forth before both Armies, and there brandished his Sword in the face of the English, and whilst they stood gazing at him, he slew an English Ensign, who (it seems) came out to fight with him, and did the like to another who engaged him, but in the third Encounter with a fresh man was slain himself.

Then began the Fight with a thick Shower of Arrows on the Nor∣man's side, which Duke William commanded them not to shoot directly at the Enemy, but rather upward, that so they might fall upon the Heads of the English; which Stratagem proved fatal to them; for by one of these Arrows King Harold himself was slain: There were about twenty Valiant Norman Horsemen, who had engaged to each other, that breaking the English Army, they would seize upon the King's Stan∣dard; in compassing which, tho many of them perished, yet the rest pressing on with their Swords, at last carried it off. This Stan∣dard, after the Victory, Duke William sent to the Pope, wherein the Figure of an Armed Combatant was curiously embroidered with Gold and Precious Stones.

But concerning the Battel, a Manuscript Chronicle called Brutus, in the Archbishop's Library at Lambeth, farther relates, That Earl William (for so he stiles him) having made a fresh Assault upon the English with a Detachment of about a Thousand Horse, tried once more to break their Ranks, which not succeeding, the Earl immediately com∣manded that feign'd Retreat above-mention'd; by which the Order of the Main Body of the English being broken, the Normans thereupon rallying again, presently charged through the English Army, and gave them an entire Defeat.

Some Writers also mention, That the Normans in their feigned Flight fell into a deep Trench which the English had made and covered over on purpose; tho this seems not at all likely; for how could they tell that they should put the Normans to flight, and make them fall into that Trench? But Mr. Holingshed from a Manuscript Chronicle of Battle-Abby, which he had seen, gives us a much more probable account of this Circumstance; viz. That the Normans too earnestly pursuing the Chase

when the English began to retreat,* 1.220 many of the Norman Horse fell by chance into a certain deep Ditch, overgrown with Reeds, where most of them being pressed to death or stifled, perished.

This is the best Account I can give you of this Great and Decisive Battel, which yet is very imperfect, since no Historians that I know of either English or Normans, have given us the Number of the Armies on both sides, or how many were slain; perhaps, because both had a mind to conceal what they thought did not make for their Credit: Only it is acknowledged on all hands, that they were so many on the Normans side as well as the English, that nothing but the over-ruling Providence of God by the Death of their King, could have given it away from them to their Enemies.

In this Battel King Harold and his two Brothers, Gyrth and Leofwin, with most of the English Nobility, were slain; and an Ancient Manu∣script in the * 1.221 Cottonian Library farther relates, That the King's Body was hard to be certainly known by reason of its being so much disfigured by Wounds, yet was at last discovered by one who had been formerly his Mistress, and that by the means of certain private Marks known only to her self; and being taken up and wash'd by two of the Chanons of Waltham (which Monastery he had founded) was ordered by Duke William to be delivered to his Mother, and that without any Ransom, though she would have given a considerable Sum for it; but it was not long after buried in the Abby-Church of Waltham.

Yet notwithstanding, Henry de Knyghton from Giraldus Cambrensis, gives a quite different account what became of this Prince; for he says that he was not slain in this Battel, but retiring privately out of it, lived and died an Anchoret in a Cell near St. John's Church in Chester, as was owned by himself at his last Confession, when he lay a dying; and far∣ther, that in memory thereof they shewed his Tomb when that Author wrote. But the concurrent Testimony of so many English Writers concern∣ing his being slain, and buried at Waltham, is certainly to be preferred be∣fore one single Evidence; not but that it might be true, that somebody might thus personate Harold, and have his Tomb afterwards shewn as his.

But where or however he died, he was certainly a Prince of a Noble Presence, and of as Great a Mind; and had he not by a preposterous Ambition of gaining a Kingdom to which he had no Right, as well as by a Notorious Violation of his Solemn Oath, given Duke William a just Occasion of making War upon him, wherein he not only lost his own Life, but also was the occasion of the Ruin of so many of his Countreymen, he might have had as great a Character in History, as any Prince of his time.

He had two Wives, the first he buried long before he was King; but none of our Writers mention her Name. His second was Algithe, Widow of Griffyth ap Lhewelyn, King of North-Wales, Sister of Edwi and Morchar, Earls of Yorkshire and Chester.

By the former it is recorded that he had Children then of such an Age, that they waged War against K. William in the second year of his Reign.

The first was Godwin, who with his Brother Edmund after his Father's Death and Overthrow, fled into Ireland; but returning again into Somersetshire, slew Ednoth (one of his Father's Ealdormen) who en∣counter'd him, and then making great spoil in Devonshire and Cornwal, departed. The next year fighting with Beorne an Ealdorman of Corn∣wal,

he afterwards returned into Ireland,* 1.222 and from thence went to Den∣mark to King Sweyn, where he continued the Residue of his Life.

The second was Edmund, who engaged with him in all his abovesaid Brother's Invasions and Wars, depending absolutely upon him whilst he lived and died (as he did) in Denmark.

Magnus his third Son went with his two Brothers into Ireland, and came back with them the first time into England; but we find nothing of him after this, unless he was that Magnus who afterwards became an Anchoret.

Wolfe his fourth Son seems to be born of Queen Algithe, and probably at King William's Entrance here, he was but an Infant; yet after his Death he is named among his Prisoners; but by William Rufus was released, and by him honoured with the Order of Knighthood.

Gunhilde, a Daughter of Harold's, is mentioned by John Capgrave in the Life of Wolstan Bishop of Worcester, and that she was a Nun, but where, is not mentioned; and being in most mens opinion's wholly blind, this Wolstan (if you will believe it from Capgrave) by a Mira∣cle restor'd her absolutely to her Eyesight.

Another Daughter of Harold's is mentioned by Saxo Grammaticus, in his Danish History, to have been well received by her Kinsman King Sweyn the younger, and afterwards married to Waldemar King of the Russians, and to have had a Daughter by him, who was the Mother of Waldemar the first King of Denmark of that Name, from whom all the Danish Kings for many Ages after succeeded. This Account I have borrowed from Mr. Speed, who is very exact in the Pedigrees of our English-Saxon Kings.

We find no Laws made in this King's time, only this, mentioned by Ingulph, viz. That King Harold made a Law, that whatever Welshman were found without leave on this side Offa's Ditch, he should have his Right-hand cut off by the King's Officers: Which Law, I suppose, was made to restrain the pilfering Incursions of the Welsh, who were wont to come in small Companies into the English Borders, to rob, and carry away Cattel.

But as for the Earls, Syward of Mercia, and Morchar of Northumber∣land, Brothers, it is said they withdrew themselves out of the Battel, with their Followers, almost as soon as it began, either because they liked not the streightness of the Place where they were drawn up, or else were discontented with the King's Conduct; so marching immediately up to London, they there met with Aldred Archbishop of York, and Edgar Atheling, with divers other Noblemen and Bishops, and con∣sulted whom they should make King; divers of them were for Edgar Atheling, as the only remaining Branch of the Saxon Blood-Royal, under whom they resolved to renew the War; but he being young and un∣experienced, and the Major Part of the Bishops being against it, no∣thing was done. William of Malmesbury relates, That the two Earls above-mentioned solicited the Londoners to make one of them King, which when they found they could not prevail upon them so to do, taking their Sister, the Widow of King Harold along with them, and leaving her for security at Chester, they retired into Northumberland, sup∣posing that Duke William would never march so far that Winter.

But how much they were mistaken, and how they were forced to sub∣mit themselves to him, when the City of London and all the rest of the

Kingdom had acknowledg'd him,* 1.223 must be reserved for the next Volume.

In the mean time the Nobility and Clergy being thus divided in their sentiments, all their designs came to nothing: Thus (as the same Au∣thor well observes) that as the English, if they had been all of one mind, might have prevented the Ruin of their Countrey; so since they could not agree to have one of their own Nation to reign over them, they were thereby brought under the subjection of Strangers.

Indeed Guilel. Gemeticensis and Ordoricus Vitalis relate, That the No∣blemen and Bishops who had retired to London, actually chose Edgar Atheling King; but this seems not at all probable, since none of our own Writers mention it; and had Edgar been once elected, it is not likely that King William would have been so easily reconciled to him, and have not only given him his Liberty, but preferred him.

Having from our Historians of best Credit given you this Account of our English Monarchs, most of whom mixing Piety with Civil Prudence reigned gloriously for many Generations, it will not be amiss for a Con∣clusion, to let the Reader see how, not long before this sad Catastrophe, all sorts and degrees of men were now much degenerated from the Sim∣plicity and Sobriety of their Ancestors: And first, as for the state of Re∣ligion in this Island, for some Ages before the coming in of the Normans, William of Malmesbury observes, that Piety and all good Literature were commonly grown so much out of fashion even amongst the Clergy, that resting content with a very small share of Devotion as well as Learning, they could scarce read Divine Service; nay, the very Monks were clad in fine Stuffs, and made no difference of Days and Meat; which tho per∣haps no fault in it self, yet to them who were under other Principles, it was certainly much otherwise.

Also, that the Great Men being given up to Gluttony and a dissolute Life, oppressed and made a Prey of the Common People, debauching their Daughters whom they had in their Service, and then turning them off to the Stews.

Whilst the meaner sort sat tipling night and day, and spent all they had in Rioting and Drunkenness, and those attended with other Vices which effeminate men's minds: Therefore it came to pass through the just Judgment of God, that King Harold and those of his Party being carried away with Rashness and Fury, rather than any True Valour or Military Experience, gave Duke William this great Advantage over them, as hath been but now set forth. Not (says he) but that some few of the Clergy as well as Laity were much better; yet for the most part they were, as hath been here described.

But as the long-suffering of God often permits the Bad as well as the Good to enjoy the like Prosperity; so likewise his Justice in punishing oft-times does not exempt even Good Men from partaking in the com∣mon Calamities of their Countrey. Therefore I shall conclude this Vo∣lume with the like Admonition as Mr. Milton does his Saxon History; viz. That if these were (in all probability) the Causes of God's heavy Judg∣ments on our Ancestors, surely every man ought in this corrupt Age to take care to avoid them, lest in the height of a seeming Security, their long conti∣nuance in a course of Vice and Luxury should without a speedy Amendment meet with as severe, if not much worse Punishment.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Dom. DCCCCLXI.
• * 1.2

  Anno Dom. DCCCCLXI.
• * 1.3

  Anno Dom. DCCCCLXI.
• * 1.4

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxiii.
• * 1.5

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxiii.
• * 1.6

  Vid. the In∣troduction.
• * 1.7

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxiii.
• * 1.8

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxiv.
• * 1.9

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxvii.
• * 1.10

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxix.
• * 1.11

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxiii.
• * 1.12

  Anno Do•• Dcccclxx.
• * 1.13

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxi.
• * 1.14

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxii.
• * 1.15

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxiii.
• * 1.16

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxiii.
• * 1.17

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxiii.
• * 1.18

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxv.
• * 1.19

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxv.
• * 1.20

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxv.
• * 1.21

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxv.
• * 1.22

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxv.
• * 1.23

  From whence we may gather, that Fines at this time were not Arbitrary, nor could be set above a known constant Rate; such as a man, according to his Quality, was a∣ble to pay, with∣out the loss of his Life or Li∣berty.
• * 1.24

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxv.
• * 1.25

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxv.
• * 1.26

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxvi.
• * 1.27

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxvii.
• * 1.28

  Julius, D. 6.
• * 1.29

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxviii.
• * 1.30

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxviii.
• * 1.31

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxviii.
• * 1.32

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxviii.
• * 1.33

  Nero c. 7.
• * 1.34

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxviii.
• * 1.35

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxx.
• * 1.36

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxxi.
• * 1.37

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxxii.
• * 1.38

  Anno Dom.. Dcccclxxxiii.
• * 1.39

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxxiv.
• * 1.40

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxxv.
• * 1.41

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxxvii.
• * 1.42

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxxviii.
• * 1.43

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxxxix.
• * 1.44

  Anno Dom. Dccccxc.
• * 1.45

  Anno Dom. Dccccxci.
• * 1.46

  Anno Dom. Dccccxcii.
• * 1.47

  Anno Dom. Dccccxcii.
• * 1.48

  Anno Dom. Dccccxciii.
• * 1.49

  Anno Dom. Dccccxciii.
• * 1.50

  Anno Dom. Dccccxciv.
• * 1.51

  Anno Dom. Dcccclxciv.
• * 1.52

  Anno Dom. Dccccxcv.
• * 1.53

  Anno Dom. Dccccxcvii.
• * 1.54

  Anno Dom. Dccccxcviii.
• * 1.55

  Anno Dom. Dccccxcix.
• * 1.56

  Anno Dom. M.
• * 1.57

  Anno Dom. MI.
• * 1.58

  Anno Dom. MI.
• * 1.59

  Anno Dom. MII.
• * 1.60

  Anno Dom. MII.
• * 1.61

  Anno Dom. MIII.
• * 1.62

  Anno Dom. MIII.
• * 1.63

  Anno Dom. MIV.
• * 1.64

  Vid. Monast. Angl.
• * 1.65

  Anno Dom. MV.
• * 1.66

  Anno Dom. MVI.
• * 1.67

  Anno Dom. MVI.
• * 1.68

  Anno Dom. MVII.
• * 1.69

  Anno Dom. MVII.
• * 1.70

  Anno Dom. MVIII.
• * 1.71

  Anno Dom. MIX.
• * 1.72

  Anno Dom. MIX.
• * 1.73

  Anno Dom. MX.
• * 1.74

  Anno Dom. MX.
• * 1.75

  Anno Dom. MXI.
• * 1.76

  Anno Dom. MXI.
• * 1.77

  Anno Dom. MXII.
• * 1.78

  Anno Dom. MXII.
• * 1.79

  Anno Dom. MXIII.
• * 1.80

  Anno Dom. MXIII.
• * 1.81

  In the Saxon it is 500 l.
• * 1.82

  Anno Dom. MXIV.
• * 1.83

  Anno Dom. MXIV.
• * 1.84

  Anno Dom. MXIV.
• * 1.85

  Anno Dom. MXV.
• * 1.86

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.87

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.88

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.89

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.90

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.91

  De Genealog: Reg. Ang.
• * 1.92

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.93

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.94

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.95

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.96

  Anno Dom. MXVI.
• * 1.97

  Anno Dom. MXVII.
• * 1.98

  Anno Dom. MXVII.
• * 1.99

  Anno Dom. MXVIII.
• * 1.100

  Anno Dom. MXIX.
• * 1.101

  Anno Dom. MXX.
• * 1.102

  Anno Dom. MXX.
• * 1.103

  Anno Dom. MXXI.
• * 1.104

  Anno Dom. MXXI.
• * 1.105

  Anno Dom. MXXII.
• * 1.106

  Anno Dom. MXXIII.
• * 1.107

  Anno Dom. MXXIV.
• * 1.108

  Anno Dom. MXXV.
• * 1.109

  Anno Dom. MXXVIII.
• * 1.110

  Anno Dom. MXXIX.
• * 1.111

  Anno Dom. MXXX.
• * 1.112

  Anno Dom. MXXXI.
• * 1.113

  Vid. X. Script. col. 2225.
• † 1.114

  Tom. I. p. 282.
• * 1.115

  Anno Dom. MXXXI.
• * 1.116

  Anno Dom. MXXXI.
• * 1.117

  Anno Dom. MXXXII.
• * 1.118

  Anno Dom. MXXXIII.
• * 1.119

  Anno Dom. MXXXIV.
• * 1.120

  Anno Dom. MXXXV.
• * 1.121

  Anno Dom. MXXXVI.
• * 1.122

  M.
• * 1.123

  Anno Dom. MXXXVI.
• * 1.124

  Anno Dom. MXXXVI.
• * 1.125

  Anno Dom. MXXXVI.
• * 1.126

  Anno Dom. MXXXVI.
• * 1.127

  Anno Dom. MXXXVI.
• * 1.128

  Otho, D. 7.
• † 1.129

  Julius, D. 4.
• * 1.130

  Anno Dom. MXXXVI.
• * 1.131

  Note, S••me other Historians make him the Elder.
• * 1.132

  Anno Dom. MXXXVII.
• * 1.133

  Anno Dom. MXXXVIII.
• * 1.134

  Anno Dom. MXXXVIII.
• * 1.135

  Anno Dom. MXXXIX.
• * 1.136

  Anno Dom. MXXXIX.
• * 1.137

  Anno Dom. MXL.
• * 1.138

  Anno Dom. MXL.
• * 1.139

  Anno Dom. MXLI.
• * 1.140

  Anno Dom. MXLI.
• * 1.141

  Anno Dom. MXLI.
• * 1.142

  Anno Dom. MXLI.
• * 1.143

  Otho, D. 7.
• * 1.144

  Anno Dom. MXLII.
• * 1.145

  Anno Dom. MXLII.
• * 1.146

  Vid. Cambden's Britan. War∣wickshire.
• * 1.147

  Anno Dom. MXLII.
• * 1.148

  Vol. I.
• * 1.149

  Anno Dom. MXLIII.
• * 1.150

  De Pontif. Lib. I.
• * 1.151

  Anno Dom. MXLIII.
• * 1.152

  Vid. X. Script.
• * 1.153

  Anno Dom. MXLIV.
• * 1.154

  Anno Dom. MXLV.
• * 1.155

  Anno Dom. MXLVI.
• * 1.156

  Anno Dom. MXLVI.
• * 1.157

  Anno Dom. MXLVII.
• * 1.158

  Anno Dom. MXLVIII.
• * 1.159

  Anno Dom. MXLVIII.
• * 1.160

  Anno Dom. MXLVIII.
• * 1.161

  Anno Dom. MXLVIII.
• * 1.162

  Anno Dom. MXLIX.
• * 1.163

  Vol. 2 p. 222.
• * 1.164

  Anno Dom. MLI.
• * 1.165

  Anno Dom. MLI.
• * 1.166

  Anno Dom. MLII.
• * 1.167

  Anno Dom. MLII.
• * 1.168

  Anno Dom. MLII.
• * 1.169

  Anno Dom. MLII.
• * 1.170

  P. 525.
• * 1.171

  Anno Dom. MLII.
• * 1.172

  Anno Dom. MLII.
• * 1.173

  Anno Dom. MLIII.
• * 1.174

  Anno Dom. MLIII.
• * 1.175

  Anno Dom. MLIV.
• * 1.176

  Anno Dom. MLIV.
• * 1.177

  Anno Dom. MLV.
• * 1.178

  Anno Dom. MLV.
• * 1.179

  Anno Dom. MLVI.
• * 1.180

  Anno. Dom. MLVII.
• * 1.181

  Anno Dom. MLVII.
• * 1.182

  Anno Dom. MLVIII.
• * 1.183

  Anno Dom. MLIX.
• * 1.184

  Anno Dom. MLX.
• * 1.185

  Anno Dom. MLXI.
• * 1.186

  Anno Dom. MLXII.
• * 1.187

  Julius, D 6.
• * 1.188

  Anno Dom. MLXIII.
• * 1.189

  Anno Dom. MLXIV.
• * 1.190

  Anno Dom. MLXIV.
• * 1.191

  Anno Dom. MLXIV.
• * 1.192

  Anno Dom. MLXIV.
• * 1.193

  Anno Dom. MLXIV.
• * 1.194

  Anno Dom. MLXV.
• * 1.195

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.196

  Otho, D. 7.
• * 1.197

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.198

  Vid. 1 Vol. Concil. sub hoc Anno.
• * 1.199

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.200

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.201

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.202

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.203

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.204

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.205

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.206

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.207

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.208

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.209

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.210

  Cleopatr••, A. 12.
• * 1.211

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.212

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.213

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.214

  Vid. Introduct. ad Britan.
• * 1.215

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.216

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.217

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.218

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.219

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.220

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.221

  Julius, D. 6.
• * 1.222

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.
• * 1.223

  Anno Dom. MLXVI.