The general history of England, as well ecclesiastical as civil. Vol. I from the earliest accounts of time to the reign of his present Majesty King William : taken from the most antient records, manuscripts, and historians : containing the lives of the kings and memorials of the most eminent persons both in church and state : with the foundations of the noted monasteries and both the universities / by James Tyrrell.

THE General History OF BRITAIN, NOW CALLED ENGLAND: As well Ecclesiastical; as Civil. BOOK V. From the beginning of the Reign of King EGBERT, to that of King EDGAR; Being the space of One Hundred Fifty Six Years and an Half. (Book 5)

THE English Saxons having after their Conquest of so great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of Britain, and the expulsion of the Na∣tives into Wales and Cornwall, erected Seven (and if we reckon Deira and Bernicia as distinct, Eight) different Kingdoms in this part of our Island; that naturally followed, which always attends a Warlike People, can∣ton'd out into many small independant principalities, viz. constant dis∣putes about the borders of their respective Territories, or else a strife for the Mastery who should be Chief, and Domineere most over the rest: from whence (besides divers other accidental occasions of Quarrels) sprang Civil Wars, incident to neighbouring Nations, no ways divided but by Rivers or other less certain boundaries, which never ceased until what had been begun by King Egbert's Predecessours, was finish'd by himself, and his Successours, who at length united all those Kingdoms into one, to the lasting quiet and happiness of the English Nation; which to set forth shall be the subject of this present Period. For though there had been before Egbert many chief or Principal Kings (several of whom Bede, as also the Saxon Annals have mentioned) who by the sole power of their Arms succeeded each other in that Title, yet did it never so

properly belong to any one as to King Egbert, (with whose Reign we shall begin this Book;) since he was not satisfied as others had been before him, with the bare acknowledgments and submissions of the other re∣maining Kings; but having subdued most of them, he laid their King∣doms to his own, leaving only those of the Mercians, Northumbrians and East-Angl••s to be held by their respective Princes as Tributaries to his Crown; in which state they continued, till the Invasion and Conquest of the Danes wholly swallowed up all those Principalities, and that after their expulsion by King Alfred, and his Son Edward the Elder, these Kingdoms became again united to the rest of their Dominions under the General name of England.

But since the Invasion of the Danes, also happened in the beginning of this Period, 'tis fit we say something of it, both as to its Causes, and In∣struments by which it was performed; in the doing of which I shall make use of H. Huntington's words, in the Prologue to his Fifth Book, where∣in he tells us,

That the Invasion of the Danes was much the fiercest, and most c••uel that ever was felt in this Island; for the Romans▪ althô they subdued Britain to their Empire, yet used their Victory with mo∣deration, and made those they conquered partakers of the Roman Laws and Civility; and as for the Invasion of the Picts and Scots which fol∣lowed the decay of the Roman Empire in Britain, though it fell severe∣ly upon the Northern Parts, yet was it not of any long continuance, or of any general extent, being soon stopt by the more predominant Power and Valour of the English-Saxons; who (as you have already heard) conquering this Kingdom by degrees, though they drove out the ancient Inhabitants who refused to submit to them; yet we do not find, but that they spared the lives of all those that became their Vassals, and having Conquered the Country, they not only repaired the ancient Towns and Cities, but likewise built many new ones, and governed the Kingdom by their own Laws and Constitutions. Lastly, the Normans, who succeeded the Danes in subduing this Nation, yet granted not only Life and Liberty to the vanquished, but also per∣mited them the use of their ancient Laws and Customs; whereas the Danes wasted and spoiled this whole Island, for a long time together by frequent Incursions, exempting no places Sacred or Prophane from Spoil or Ruin; so that sparing neither Age nor Sex, they seemed for a long time not so much to design the Conquest, as Destruction of t••e English Nation;] till at last King Knute obtaining the Crown of Engla••d, after the Death of King Edmund (Sir-named Ir••nside,) by restoring i•••• ancient Laws and Liberties, made some amends for the continual spoils and de∣predations of himself and his Predecessours.

If therefore you do but consider the frequent Invasions of that Barba∣rous People, how they often landed in several places at once, thereby not only dividing the Forces of the English-Saxons, but also so distract∣ing their Commanders, that they could not tell which way to March a∣gainst them; you may hence observe (that next to the Providence, and Mercy of God,) nothing but the extraordinary Valour and Conduct of those Kings, whose Great and Noble Actions we shall here relate, could have preserved this Nation from being totally subdued long before; nor could they ever bring it under their Power, till they met with a Prince, who fell very short of his Ancestors, as well in Prudence and Valour, as (in the chiefest thing of all) the love of his Subjects.

But as for the causes,* 1.1 which provoked the wrath of God to bring this dreadful Judgment upon the English Nation, the same Author gives us this probable Account, viz.

That in the Primitive Church of England, Religion shined with so great a Lustre, that divers Kings and Queens, together with many of the great Men and Bishops undertook Monastick Vows, (as you have already heard;) but in process of time all Virtue and Piety so far declined, that the English Saxons suffered no Nation to exceed them in deceit, and all manner of wickedness; which chiefly appears in the precedent, as well as following History of the Northumbrian Kings, in which you will find, that all Orders and Degrees of Men were guilty of so great Treachery and Rebellion, that nothing was a greater disgrace than Piety and Innocence, which was looked upon as a just occasion to be made away; wherefore it was no wonder, if God thought fit to send upon them whole swarms of cruel Nations, which destroyed all before them, (to wit) the Danes or Norwegians, together with the Swedes and Vandals.

These from the latter end of the Reign of King Egbert, to the begin∣ning of the Reign of William the First, being above Two Hundred and Thirty Years, never gave this Island any long respite from their Inva∣sions. So that it seems it was not the Nation of the Danes alone, (properly so called,) who were the cause of this Destruction, but a mix∣ture of divers of these Northern Nations, who joyning together, pro∣posed at first to themselves no other design but Plunder and Spoil: But of this we shall speak more in due time; and shall now proceed in our History, where we left off in our last Book.

Egbert, the only surviving Prince of the Blood-Royal of the West Saxon Kings, as great Nephew to Ina, by his Brother Inegilds,* 1.2 being arrived in England, was now ordained King, as Ethelwerd expressly terms his Election.

But since Asser in his Annals, places this King's coming to the Crown under Anno 802. as does Simeon of Durham, and also, Roger Howden, from an Ancient piece of Saxon Chronologie, inserted at the beginning of the first Book of his first part; and this account being also proved by that great Master in Chronology, the now Lord Bishop of Litchfield, to be truer then that of the Saxon Annals, or Ethelwerd, by divers Proofs, too long to be here Inserted. I have made bold to put this King's coming to the Crown, two Years backwarder then it is in the last Book, thô I confess the former Account in the Saxon Annals, would have made a more exact Epocha.

Also about this time, as appears from the ancient Register of St. Leo∣nard's Abbey in York; cited in * 1.3 Monast. Anglican, viz. 'That Anno Dom. 800, Egbert King of all Britain, in a Parliament at Winchester, by the con∣sent of his People, changed the Name of this Kingdom, and command∣ed it to be called England.

Now, thô by the word Parliament here used, it is certain that this Register was writ long after the Conquest; yet it might be tran∣scribed from some more ancient Monument, since Will. of Malmesbury tells us of this King, (tho' without setting down the time,) that by the greatness of his Mind, he reduced all the Varieties of the English Saxon Kingdoms to one uniform Empire, or Dominion, which he called England; though others perhaps more truly refer it towards the latter end of his Reign, as you will find when we come to it.

This Year Eardulf, King of the Northumbers led his Army against Kenwulf, King of Mercia, for harbouring his Enemies, who also gathering together a great Army, they approached to each other; when by the Advice of the Bishops and Noblemen of England, as also by the Inter∣cession of the chief King of the English, (by whom is meant King Egbert; who then passed under that Title.) They agreed upon a lasting Peace, which was also confirmed by Oath, on both sides. This we find in Simeon of Durham's History of that Church, and in no other Authour.

About this time also, St. Alburhe, Sister to King Egbert, founded a Benedictine Nunnery at Wilton,* 1.4 which was long after rebuilt by King Alfred, and augmented by King Edgar, for Twenty Six Nuns, and an Abbess.

The same Year, the Moon was Eclipsed on the 13 Kal. Jan. and 'Beormod, was Consecrated Bishop of Rochester.

* 1.5About this time, in Obedience to a Letter from Pope Leo III. (who at the desire of Kenwulf King of the Mercians, had Two Years since restored the See of Canterbury to its ancient Primacy,) was held the Third Synod at Cloveshoe, by ••rch bishop Ethelward, and 12 Bishops of his Province, whereby the See of Canterbury was not only restored to all its ancient Rights and Priviledges; but it was also forbid for all times to come, upon Pain of Damnation, (if not repented of,) for any Man to violate the Rights of that ancient See, and thereby to destroy the Unity of Christ's Holy Church; then follow the Subscriptions of the Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury, and of 12 other Bishops of his Province, together with those of many Abbots and Presbyters, who never Subscribed before, but without the Subcriptions of the King, or any of the Lay Nobility: Which plainly shews it to have been a meer Ecclesiastical Synod, and no great Council of the Kingdom, as you may see at large in Sir H. Spelman's 1 Vol of Councils, the Decree of which Synod also shews, that the Church of England did not then conceive the Authority of the People alone, suffi∣cient to disanul what had been solemnly Decreed in a great Council of the Kingdom, as was the Removal of the Primacy from Canterbury to Litchfield. The next Year,

* 1.6

According to our Annals, Ethelheard, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, de∣ceased, and Wulfred was consecrated Arch-bishop in his stead, and Forther the Abbot dyed.

The same Year also,

Deceased Higbald Bishop of Lindisfarne, 8^o Kal Julii. and Eegbert was Consecrated to that See, 3^o Ides. Junii.

* 1.7'This Year, Wulfred the Arch bishop received his Pall.

* 1.8

Cuthred King of Kent deceased, as did also Ceolburh the Abbess, and Heabyrnt the Ealdorman.

This Cuthred here mentioned, was (as Will. of Malmesbury informs us) he whom Kenulph King of the Mercians hath made King of Kent, instead of Ethelbert, called Pren.

* 1.9

This Year the Moon was Eclipsed on the Kal. of September, and Eardwulf, King of the Northumbers, was driven from his Kingdom; and Eanbryth Bishop of Hagulstad Deceased.

Also this Year (2^o Non Junii.) the sign of the Cross was seen in the Moon upon Wednesday in the ▪Morning; and the same Year, on the Third Kal. Septemb. a wonderful Circle was seen round the Sun.

This Eardwulf above-mentioned is related by Simeon of Durham to have been the Son of Eardulf, the first of that Name, King of Northumberland,* 1.10 and after Ten Years Reign, to have been driven out by one Aelfwold, who Reigned Two Years in his stead.

During these Confusions in the Northumbrian Kingdom, Arch-Bishop Usher with great probability supposes (in his Antiquitat. Britan. Eccles.) that the Picts and Scots Conquered the Countries of Galloway and Lothian, as also those Countries called the Lowlands of Scotland, as far as the Friths of Dunbritain and Edenburgh. And that this City was also in the possessi∣on of the English Saxons, about an Hundred Years after this, I shall shew in due order of time; and that our Kings did long after main∣tain their claim to Lothian shall be further shewn, when I come to it: But that all the Lowlands of Scotland, as far as the English Saxon Tongue was spoken, were anciently part of the Bernician Kingdom, the English Language, as well as the Names of places, which are all English Saxon (and neither Scotish nor Pictish) do sufficiently make out.

The Sun was Eclipsed on the 7th Kal. of August,* 1.11 about the Fifth Hour of the Day.

This Year (as Sigebert in his Chronicle relates) King Eardulph (above-mentioned) being expelled his Kingdom,* 1.12 and coming for Refuge to the Emperour Charles the Great, was by his Assistance restored thereun∣to; but since neither the Saxon Annals, nor Florence, nor yet any of our English Historians do mention it, I much doubt the Truth of this Re∣lation; thô it must be also acknowledged, that it is inserted in the an∣cient French Annals of that time, and recited that this King's Restitution was procured by the Intercession of the Pope's and Emperour's Legates, who were sent into England for that purpose.

This Year (according to Mat. Westminster) Egbert, King of the West Saxons, marching in an Hostile manner into Cornwal, absolutely subdued it, and added it to his own Kingdom, many being there slain on both sides.

The same Year also (according to Caradoc's Chronicle) Run, King of Dyvet, and Cadhel, King of Powis, deceased.

Charles the Emperour made Peace with Nicephorus Emperour of Con∣stantinople.* 1.13

This Year also (according to the same Caradoc) Elbods, Arch-Bishop of North Wales, (i. e. of St. Asaph,) deceased, before whose Death was a great Eclipse of the Sun: But as the Reverend Lord Bishop of Bangor, in his Catalogue of the Welsh Kings, which he has been pleased to commu∣nicate to me, well observes, That Eclipse falling out Anno 810, the Bi∣shops Death must do so likewise, and therefore in this the Chronicles must needs be mistaken.

Also (according to Mat. Westminster) Aelfwold, King of Northumberland, dying, Earnred succeeded him, and held it for 32 Years; which is also con∣firmed by Simeon of Durham,* 1.14 thô this can by no means agree with the Chronicle of Mailross, which says, That Eardulf being expelled his King∣dom, it continued without any King for many Years; but William of Malmesbury makes this Anarchy to have begun from the murther of King Ethered, Anno 794, (as hath been already observed in the last Book,) and that this Confusion lasted for about 33 Years, during which time that Province became a Scorn to its Neighbours: But it seems they still had Kings, thô very obscure, and but of small Account.

* 1.15But of greater certainty is that which Mat. Westminster relates under this Year, viz. That King Egbert subdued the Northern Welsh-men, and made them Tributary to him.

But it is wholly incredible what Buchanan, in his Scotish History, re∣lates in the Year following, to wit, That Achaius, King of Scots, having reigned 32 Years, and had formerly aided (but in what Year of his Reign he tells us not) Hungus, King of the Picts, with 10000 Scots against one Athelstan, then wasting the Pictish Borders; and that Hungus, by the Aid of those Scots, and the Help of St. Andrew their Patron, in a Vision by Night, and the Appearance of a Cross by Day, routed the astonished English, and slew this Athelstan in Fight. But who this Athel∣stan was, I believe no Man knows; Buchanan supposes him to have been some Danish Commander, on whom King Alured, or Alfred, had bestowed Northumberland: Yet of this, I find no Foot-steps in our ancient Writers; and if any such Thing were done in the time of Alfred, it must be above 60 Years after, for King Alfred began not to Reign till Anno 871. And John Fordun, in his Scotish History, is also as much mistaken, making this Athelstan to be the Son of King Ethelwulf, who then governed the Nor∣thern Provinces under his Father, which also fails almost as much in point of time; this Prince Athelstan here mentioned being (as appears by the Saxon Annals) alive, and engaged in a Sea-Fight against the Danes above 40 Years after, as you will find in its due place set down. This Athelstan therefore, and this great Overthrow, seems rather to have been a meer Fancy of some idle Monk.

* 1.16And this Year, (according to Mat. Westminster,) as King Egbert had the Year before subdued the Welsh-men, so (it seems upon some fresh Rebellion of theirs) he again entred their Borders, and laid them waste from North to South with Fire and Sword, and then returned home Victo∣rious.

But notwithstanding the Wars the Welsh had from abroad, it seems they had also time enough for Civil Wars at home; for now (according to Caradoc's Chronicle) Conan, Prince of Wales, and his Brother Howel, could not agree, insomuch that they tried the Matter by Battle, where Howel had the Victory; to which Dr.Powel hath here added this Obser∣vation.

That this Howel, the Brother of Conan, King or Prince of North Wales, did claim the Isle of Mon, or Anglesey, for part of his Father's In∣heritance, which Conan refusing to give him, thereupon they fell at Variance, and consequently made War the one against the other.

And here (says he) I think fit to say somewhat of the old Custom and Tenure of Wales, from whence this Mischief grew, that is, the Di∣vision of the Father's Inheritance amongst all the Sons commonly called Gauel kind. Gauel is a British Term, signifying a Hold, because every one of the Sons did hold some portion of his Father's Lands, as his lawful Son and Successour. This was the Cause, not only of the Overthrow of all the ancient Nobility of Wales, (for by that means the Inheritance being continually divided and subdivided amongst the Children, and Chil∣dren's Children, it was at length brought to nothing,) but also of much Bloodshed, unnatural Strife, and Contention amongst Brethren; as we have here an Example, and many others in this History. This kind of Partition is very good to plant and settle a Nation in a large Country, not inhabited, but in a populous Country already furnished with Inha∣bitants;

it is the utter Decay of great Families, and (as I said before) the cause of constant Strife and Debate But some Years after, Howel gave his Brother Conan another Defeat, and slew a great many of his People.

Whereupon Conan levied an Army in the Year 817, and chased his Brother Howel out of the Isle of Anglesey, compelling him to flee into that of Man; and a little after died Conan, chief King of the Britains, or Welsh-men, leaving behind him a Daughter named Esylht, who was mar∣ried to a Nobleman, called M••rvyn Vrych, the Son of Gwyriad, who was afterwards King in her Right.

This Year also, as the Manuscript Annals of the Abbey of Winchel∣comb relate, the Charter of this Monastery was granted by King Kenulph, as appears by a Copy there inserted; which shews,* 1.17 what Orders of Men were summoned by that King to be present at the Council, in which this Charter was confirmed, viz. Merciorum optimates, Episcopos, Principes, Comites, Procuratores meosque (i. e. Regis) Propinquos; which Terms having already been explained in the Introduction to this Book, I need no•• ••ere repeat. There were also present Cuthred King of Kent, his 〈…〉〈…〉 King of the East-Saxons, with all others, who should be present at those Synodal Councils: Then follow the Subscriptions of K. Kenulph, as also of both the said Kings, and of Wilfred Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops and Ealdermen there stiled Duces.

This Year, according to our Annals, the Emperour Charles the Great departed this Life, (when he had Reigned Forty Five Years;) also Wilfred the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 1.18 and Wigbright the Bishop of the West-Saxons went to Rome:]

But here our Annals are mistaken, for this Emperour dyed not till the Year 814. Mat. Westminster also adds, that these Bishops above-mentioned went to Rome about the Affairs of the English Church.

Arch-Bishop Wilfred having received the Benediction of Pope Leo, returned again to his Bishoprick, and the same Year King Egbert wast∣ed the Western Welsh from the South to the West.* 1.19] This seems but to have been the same Invasion mentioned by Mat. Westminster under An. 811.

This Year Leo, that worthy and Holy Pope, deceased; and Stepha∣nus succeeded in the Popedome; but Florence of Worcester more rightly places the Death of this Pope Two Years later.

Pope Stephanus deceased,* 1.20 and Pascalis was consecrated Pope in his stead▪ and the same Year the School or College of the English Nation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rome was burnt.

But Mat. Westminster does more rightly place the Death of Pope Ste∣phanus the Year following.* 1.21

At this time was held the Synod at Calcuith, under Wilfred Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Kenulph King of the Mercians, who was there present; but the Decrees being wholly Ecclesiastical, I pass them by, and refer the curious to Sir H. Spelman's 1. Volume of Councils: only shall here take notice of this one passage, that now Bishops, Abbots, and Abbesses were first forbid by the Seventh Canon of this Synod, to alien their Lands committed to their trust, in Fee, or for longer time then one Life; and that with the consent of the House.

Cenwulf King of the Mercians deceased,* 1.22 and Ceolwulf began to Reign in his stead, also Eadbyrht the Ealderman dyed.

But the Saxon Annals do here omit, that which is very remarkable that not Ceolwulf, but Kenelm, Son to King Kenwulf being a Child of Seven

Years Old,* 1.23 succeeded his Father under the tutelage of his Sister Quen∣dride, who being tempted by a wicked Ambition of Reigning, was by her made away, and thereby he obtained the Name of a Martyr: The manner of which (thô it is certainly but a Legend) I shall, to divert the Reader, relate out of Will. of Malmesbury, and Mat. Westminster.

This young Prince was committed by his Sister to an Attendant, on pur∣pose to be made away; who carrying him into a Wood under pretence of Hunting; cut off his Head, and threw his Body into a Thicket of Bushes; his Sister presently seizing the Kingdom, straitly forbad all in∣quiry to be made after her lost Brother: But sure it was Miraculous, That a thing done so privately in England, should be first known at Rome: but so it came to pass by Divine Revelation; for upon the Altar of St. Peter, a White Dove let fall a certain Paper, which discovered both the Death of King Kenelm, and also the place of his Burial; which being Written in Golden Letters was thus:

In Clent Cow-batch, Kenelme King Bearne, lieth under a Thorne, heaved bereaved.

Which being in Saxon, may be thus Translated into English Rhime.

In Clent-cow-pasture under a Thorne, Of Head bereft, lies Kenelme King Born.

But it seems the Characters were so hard to be read, that all the Ro∣man Clerks there present, attempted in vain at the Pope's Command to read this writing; but an English Man by chance standing by, (whom, to make the Miracle the greater, Mat. Westminster (reading Angelus instead of Anglus) calls an Angel,* 1.24 and Translating this writing into Latin, caused the Pope by an Epistle sent by him on purpose to give notice to the Eng∣lish Kings of their Martyr'd Country-man; whose Body being thus Mi∣raculously discovered, was in a great Assembly of Clerks and Nobles, taken out of the hole where it was laid, and carried to Winchelcombe, in Gloucester-shire; and there buried in the Church of that Abbey, which his Fa∣ther had founded; which after some time brought no small profit to that Monastery, by frequent Pilgrimages made to the Tomb of this little Saint.

But now my hand is in, pray take all the rest of the Story.

When the Body of this Young Prince was brought home, the Mur∣dress his Sister, being vexed with the Singing of those Clerks and Laicks that attended the Corps, and looking out of her Chamber Win∣dow in pure Spite, repeated the Psalm backward which they then Sung, thereby to disturb the Harmony of the Chorus; but (as the same Au∣thour adds,) whilest she was thus singing, both her Eyes fell out of her Head upon the Psalter she held in her Hands, and the Psalter it self set in Silver, and besmeared with the Blood of her Eyes, (being then to be seen) gave a pregnant Testimony of her Crime, as well as punishment; yet it seems Will. of Malmesbury knew nothing of this Legend of the finding the Body, but only says, it was discovered by Miraculous Rays of a vast Light, which shining all Night over the place where it lay, was the occasion of its being found out; but no matter for the manner, both of them being alike credible. This is enough, (if not too much) of this Boy, King and Martyr: And this is certain, that his unnatural Sister did not enjoy the Fruits of her wicked Ambition long;* 1.25 for Ceolwulf Brother to King Kenwulf, succeeded in the Kingdom; thô he likewise Reigned but little more than one Year:

For the next Year he was deprived of his Kingdom (as Ingulphus re∣lates) by one Bernulph, an Ambitious Man, of great Riches and Power,* 1.26 thô no way related to the Blood Royal.

'This Year Two Ealdermen were slain, Burkelm, and Muca,* 1.27 (but who these were our Annals do not acquaint us:) There was also this Year held a Synod at Cloveshoe under King Beornwulf, and Arch-Bishop Wilfred; whose Constitutions relating wholly to Ecclesiastical Affairs, you may find in Sir H. Spelman's 1. Vol. The only Civil Business, was that of the Ab∣bess Cendrythe's being forced to make satisfaction to Archbishop Wilfred, by rendering 100 Manses or Farmes, for the wrongs which King Cenwulf her Father had done to the Church of Canterbury.

This Cendrythe is the same with Quendrithe; or Quendrida (as she was called by our Latin Authors,) who made away her Brother K. Kenelme, (as you have already heard;) and who, to Expiate for the Death of her Brother, (since she could not be a Queen) had professed her self a Nun, and was now an Abbess.

There was a Fight between the Britains and Devonshire Men at Ga∣fulford, now Camelford, in Cornwall; and Florence of Worcester tells us,* 1.28 That the Britains were slain by those of Devonshire.

The same Year also, (according to our Annals,) Ecbriht King of the West-Saxons, and Beornwulf, King of the Mercians, fought at Ellendune, (supposed to be Wilton near Salisbury;) where Ecbriht obtained the Victory, a great slaughter being there made; after which King Ecbright sent Aethelwulf his Son, and Ealstan his Bishop, and Wulfheard his Ealderman, with a great Army into Kent, where they forced King Baldred to Fly over Thames into the Northern parts; then the Kentish∣men, and those of Surry, together with the South-Saxons, and East-Saxons, submitted themselves to King Egbert; which last Nation had been un∣justly wrested from his Family, and had (as Florence relates) for the space of several Years been subject to Kings that were strangers; the same Year also the King of the East-Angles, together with the whole Nation beseeched King Ecbriht to grant them Peace, and be their Protector, for fear of the Mercians.]

And the same Year the East-Angles slew Beornwulf King of the Mercians, because (as Mat. Westminster relates) he challenged their Kingdom as his own, ever since the time that King Offa took it, but now the Mercians tried to recover it by Force.

The same Year was also held another Synodal Council at Cloveshoe, for the Kingdom of Mercia, under K. Beornwulf and Wilfred Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with all the Bishops and Chief Men of that Kingdom, where∣in some disputes about Lands between Heabert, Bishop of Worcester, and a certain Monastery called Westburgh, were determined.

This Year Ludican King of the Mercians and five of his Ealdermen were slain; and Wiglaf began to Reign in his stead.* 1.29]

Ingulf and Will. of Malmesbury tell us, That this Ludican was Kinsman to the last men∣tioned King Beornwulf, and leading an Army against the East-Angles to revenge his Death, was there overcome and Slain, and that both these Tyrants were justly removed, who had not only made Kings without any Right, but had also by their imprudence been the occasion of the destruction of the Military Forces of that Kingdom, which had till then proved Victorious; and that thereupon one Withlaf being before Ealder∣man of M••rcia, was by the consent of all the People created King; whose Son Wimond had Married Alfleda the Daughter of Ceolwulf, the late King.

This King Withlaf Reigned thirteen Years,* 1.30 as Tributary to King Egbert, as shall be further related anon.

The Moon was Eclipsed on Christmass day at Night, and the same Year King Egbryht subdued the Kingdom of Mercia, and all the Country that lay South of Humber: He was the Eighth King; who Ruled over all Britain; but the First, who had so great a Command, was Aella King of the South Saxons; the Second was Cea••lin, King of the West-Saxons; the Third was Aethelbryght King of Kent; the Fourth was Redwald King of the East Angles; the Fifth was Edwin King of Northumberland; the Sixth was Oswald, who succeeded him; the Seventh was Oswi the Brother of Oswald; and the Eight was Egbryght, King of the West-Saxons; who not long after led an Army against the Northumbers, as far as Dore; which place is supposed to have been in York-shire beyond the River H••mber; but the Northum••ers offering him Peace, and due Subjection, they parted Friends.

From which passage in the Saxon Annals it is apparent, that this Su∣pream Dominion of one English King over all the rest was no new thing, Bede having taken notice of it long before; yet did they not therefore take upon them the Title of Monarchs, any more than Egbert, who now succeeded them in that Power, thô most of our Historians, who have written the Saxon History in English, have (but without any just reason) given them that Title, which could not properly belong to Kings, who had divers others under them, with the like Regal Jurisdiction within their own Territories; not but that King Egbert was in a more peculiar manner the Supream King of England, because by his Absolute Conquest of the Kingdoms of Kent, and of the South and East Saxons, he was the greatest King who had hitherto Reigned in England; all the rest of the Kings that remained, Reigning by his permission, and paying him Tribute; a power which never had been exercised by any other King before him.

But to return to our History; it seems that King Egbert was so highly displeased with the Mercians for setting up a King without his consent, that Ingulf and Florence of Worcester tell us, That as soon as ever Withlaf was made King, before he could raise an Army, he was expell'd his Kingdom, which Egbert added to his own; but Withlaf being search'd for by Egbert's Commanders through all Mercia, he was by the industry of Seward Abbot of Croyland, concealed in the Cell of the Holy Virgin Etheldrith, Daughter of King Offa, and once the Spouse of Ethelbert, King of the East Angles; where King Withlaf found a safe retreat for the space of Four Months; until such time as by the Mediation of said Abbot Seward, he was reconciled to King Egbert; and upon promise of the pay∣ment of an Yearly Tribute, permitted to return to his Kingdom in Peace; which is by him acknowledged in that Charter of his, that Ingulf hath given us of his Confirmation of the Lands and priviledges of the Abbey of Croyland.

It was made in the Great Council of the whole King∣dom in the presence of his Lords, Egbert King of West-Saxony, and his Son Ethelwulf, and before the Bishops and great Men of all England, Assembled at the City of London, to take Counsel against the Dani••h Pyrats, then infesting the English Coasts:

And in the Year 833, as you shall see when we come to that Year.

This Restoration of King Withlaf to his Kingdom is also mentioned in the Saxon Annals of the next Year, where it is said

* 1.31

That Withlaf again obtained the Kingdom of the Mercians, and Bishop Ethelwald deceased; also the same Year King Egbryht led an Army against

the Northern Britains, and reduced them absolutely to his Obedience:* 1.32

For it seems they had again rebelled.

Now likewise, as Mat. Westminster relates, King Egbert vanquished Swithred, King of the East-Saxons, and drove him out of his Kingdom; upon whose expulsion, the West Saxon Kings ever after possest that Kingdom.

Now (according to the same Authour) King Egbert having subdued all the South Parts of England,* 1.33 led a great Army into the Kingdom of Nor∣thumberland, and having grievously wasted that Province, made King Eandred his Tributary; which is also confirmed by Will. of Malmesbury, who relates that the Northumbers, who stood out the last, fearing least this King's anger might break out upon them; now giving Hostages, sub∣mitted themselves to his Dominion, but they continued still under Kings of their own, as you will further find.

To this Year I think we may also refer that great Transaction, which the Annals of the Cathedral Church of Winchester (printed in * 1.34 Monast. Angl. from an ancient Manuscript in the ‖ 1.35 Cottonian Library) place under the Year following, viz. That King Egbert having thus subdued all the Kingdoms above-mentioned, and forced them to submit to his Dominions, called a great Council at Winchester, whereto were summoned all the Great Men of the whole Kingdom; and there by the General Consent of the Clerus & Populus, (i. e. the Clergy and Laity,) King Egbert was crowned King of Britain: And at the same time he Enacted, That it should be for ever after called England; and that those who before were called Jutes; or Saxons, should now be called English ••en. And this I could not omit, because thô William of Malmesbury, and other Historians, agree of the Matter of Fact; yet I think this the truest and most particular Account of the Time, and manner when it was performed.

Also this Year Wilfred, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, deceased; and Feologild the Abbot was Elected Arch-Bishop, (7 Kal. Maij.) and was Consecrated (5. Id. Junij. being Sunday,) and dyed the 3. Kal. Sept. after.

But here is certainly a mistake in this Copy of the Annals, for it was not Feologild, but Ceolnoth, who was then chosen Arch-Bishop; for in the next Year it is thus corrected, viz.* 1.36

This Year Ceolnoth was Elected, and Consecrated Arch-Bishop, and Feologild the Abbot deceased.

'And the Year following Ceolnoth the Arch-BP received his Pall from Rome.* 1.37

This Year certain Heathens or Pagans wasted Sceapige (now the Isle of Sheppey in Kent.* 1.38

]

But since this is the first time, that these Heathens are mentioned in the Saxon Annals, it is fit we should tell you a little more exactly who they were, and from whence they came; for they were indeed no other than that Nation which was before in our Saxon Annals, called Northmanna, and sometimes Deanscan (i. e. Danes;) the Etymology of which Name, since I find writers are so divided about, I will not take upon me to determine; not that all these People came out of that Country, which is at this day called Denmark, for it is impossible, that so narrow a Region (thô you should likewise include whatsoever that Kingdom did then, or does now enjoy upon the Continent of Swedeland and Jutland) could ever send out such vast Shoales of People, as for near Two Thousand Years before the Norman Conquest over-ran and destroyed France, the Low Countries, and also this Island; but you may, from what has been already said, observe, that H. Huntington, in the Prologue to his Book above cited, does besides

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the Danes,* 1.39 add also the Norwegians, together with the Goths, Swedes and Vandals, to have been those Nations which for so many Years wasted Eng∣land; and that he did not deliver this without Book, but had sufficient Authority for what he wrote, I shall further make out from the Testi∣mony of those Writers, who lived in that very Age, when these Nations first infested those parts of Europe: For Eginhart, who was Son-in-Law and Chancellour, to Charles the Great, thus writes in his History of that Prince, which I shall here faithfully Translate.

In like manner the Danes and Sweones, with those whom we call Nor∣mans, do possess the Northern Shore of Scandinavia, together with all the Islands adjoyning to it, whil'st the Sclavi with divers other Nations inhabit the Southern Coasts; but the Norwegans, or rather Northern Men, (for so they are called by the Swedes, because they lye more Northerly than the greater part of that Nation,) and indeed all those that inhabit Scanzia, are (by those People of Europe, that lye more remote,) with very good reason called in the German Tongue (i.e.) Northland Men.

Next to Eginhart, Adam of Bremen, (who lived about Two Hundred Years after) does not only insert these very words of the aforesaid Au∣thour▪ but also adds this further, that the Danes and Swedes with the other Nations, beyond the River Danabius, are by the French Historians all called Normans; so likewise Albertus, Abbot of Stade, who wrote about the Year 1250, says likewise, that the Danes and other Nations, who lived beyond Denmark, are all called Normans; from which Authorities the learn∣ed Grotius in his Prolegomena to his Gothic History, lays it down as an un∣deniable Truth, that whatever we find among any writers of that Age concerning the Normans, does rightly belong to the Swedes, who were then one of the greatest and most powerful of those Northern Nations, that were all then called by one general Name of Normans.

But as for their Religion, I need say no more of it, since I have al∣ready told you in the beginning of the Third Book, that all those Na∣tions had the same common Deities, (viz.) Woden, and Thor, &c. whose Names I have there already set down, to which last Deities, as Ubbo Emmius relates, they before any great exepedition, sacrificed a Captive, by knocking out his Brains, and smearing their Faces in his Blood, im∣mediately marched against their Enemies; but that they were extreamly given to Witchcraft and Inchantments, all their own Authours relate, which would be too tedious here to repeat, since you will meer with some Instances of it in the following History. But to return again to our Annals.

* 1.40

This Year is very remarkable, for King Egbert encountred Thirty Five Ships of Danish Pyrates at Carrum (now called Charmouth in Dorset∣shire,) where there was a great slaughter, but the Danes kept the Field,] whereby we may guess that they had the advantage; yet it seems before this time, (even in this very Year) the Danes had been vanquished, and put to flight at Dunmouth, (now called Tinmouth, from whence (having now spoiled the Isle of Sheppey) they Sail'd to Charmouth above-mentioned.

This shews us (as Will. of Malmesbury well observes) the Instability of all Worldly grandeur; for now King Egbert being arrived at the height of Empire, met with this unlooked for Enemy, who harrassed him and his Posterity for divers Generations: And thô in this Sea Fight last mentioned, he had the better for the greater part of the Day, yet towards Night he lost the Victory, thô by the help of it he retreated, and so saved the disgrace of an entire defeat; this was the only time that Fortune ceased to favour King Egbert's Undertakings.

This Year also (according to our Annals,) Herefrith Bishop of Win∣chester, and Wigen (or Sighelm) Bishop of Scirborne, and also Two Eal∣dormen, Dudda and Osmund deceased.

The same Year was held that General Council of the whole Kingdom at London, at the Feast of St. Augustin the English Apostle,* 1.41 Egbert King of West Saxony, and Withlaf King of the Mercians, with both the Arch-Bishops, and all the other Bishops and Chief Men of England being pre∣sent; at which, (besides a Consultation how to restrain the Invasion of the Danes,) the Privileges,* 1.42 and Concess••ons of the said King Withlaf to the Monastery of Croyland, were also confirmed by the said Council; and were subscribed to by King Withlaf, and both the Arch-Bishops, and most of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bishops of England.

The next Year a great Fleet of Danes landed amongst the Western Welsh, (i. e. Cornishmen,* 1.43) who being joyned with them in a League a∣gainst King Egbert; offered him Battle, which he accepting of, streight ways marched against them with his whole Army, and at Hengestdune, (now Hengston in Cornwal,) put both the Britains and Danes to flight; and as Mat. Westminster adds, freed his Kingdom at this time from the In∣vasion of those barbarous Enemies.

King Egbryht departed this Life, having Reigned Thirty Seven Years, and Seven Months;] but the Annals must needs be mistaken,* 1.44 either in the time of his Reign, or else in the Year of his Death; for if he began to Reign Anno Dom. 800, and Reigned Thirty Seven Years and an half; it is evident he must have dyed Anno Dom. 838; the Printed Copy of Will. of Malmesbury places his Death, Anno Dom. 837, and another reading in the Margin, in 838; but Florence of Worcester places it according to the Annals in 836.

This King as the same Authour relates, governed his Subjects with great Clemency, and was as terrible to his Enemies, and for Nine Years Reigned Supream King over all Britain: Before his Death he is said (by Will. of Malmesbury) to have told his Son Ethelwulf, whom he left his Successour,

That he might be happy if he did not permit the Kingdom, which he had now laid together with great Industry, to be spoiled by sloathfulness, to which this Nation had been too much addicted.

There is little mention of this King's Children, except Ethelwulf, only it is said by John of Tinmouth, that he had also a Daughter called Edgithe, who being first bred up under an Irish Abbess, called Modwina, was made Abbess of the Nunnery at Polesworth; but this, since we have no better Authority than modern hands for it, I cannot be certain of; but as for the Wife of King Egbert who was (according to the late West-Saxon Law,) never called Queen, her Name was Redburge, and she is mentioned, by John Beaver to have procured that Law from her Husband, that no Welshman should without leave pass over Offa's Ditch upon pain of Death.

But the same Year that King Egbert dyed,* 1.45 was held a Common Coun∣cil of the whole Kingdom at Kingston upon Thames, where were present Egbert, King of the West-Saxons, and Ethelwulf his Son, with Ceolnoth Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and other Bishops and Chief Men of England, where among other things the manner of Mallings in Sussex having been bestowed by Baldred, King of Kent, on Christ Church Cant. and being afterwards taken away from it, because the great Men of that Kingdom would not ratifie the Donation, it was now by the consent of the King and all his Chief, and Wise Men again confirmed.

King ETHELWULF, with his Son King ATHELSTAN.

* 1.46No sooner was King Egbert's Body buried at Winchester, but King Ethel∣wulf succeeded to the Throne, and though none of our Historians mention any former Election or Coronation of this King, yet it is certain he came to the Crown by Vertue of his Father's Testament; Henry Huntington and Roger Hoveden telling us expresly, That he left his Two Sons Ethelwulf and Athelstan his Heirs, which though it be in part a mistake, (since this Athelstan was not Son, but Brother to King Ethelwulf) yet that concerning the King's bequeathing the Crown is very probable, it being according to the Custom of that time, but that this alone would not have been sufficient shall be shewn in another place.

This Prince (as Thomas Rudborn in his History of the Church of Win∣chester relates) had been during the Life of his Elder Brother (whose Name we know not) educated in the Monastery of Winchester, under the Tuition of Helmestan Bishop, and Swithune, Praepositus, or Dean of that Church, and had there taken the Order of a Subdeacon, with an intent (as is supposed) to have professed himself a Monk, not that he was ever made Bishop of that Church, thô it is so related by H. Huntington and other Writers.

But King Egbert having no other Son living, he was dispenced with to Marry; and returning very early to a Secular Life, helped his Father in his Wars; after whose Death he was advanced to the Throne, yet he always retained a great deal of the Monk, loved his ease, and had very little Ambition; and therefore not caring to trouble himself with the Governing of many Provinces, he rested contented with his Paternal King∣dom of West Saxony, and made over the Kingdoms of Kent, and of the South and East Saxons (being his Father's Conquests) to Athelstan, his Son (as the Saxon Annals and Will. of Malmesbury expresly call him,) and which is more, Ethelwerd in his Chronicle gives us the Names of Five Sons of King Ethelwu••f, of which (says he) Athelstan who Reigned to∣gether with his Father was the Eldest, that Alfred the Fifth Son Reigned after them all; yet most of the other Historians going directly contrary to those Authorities, will needs have him to be his Brother, I suppose to save this Pious Prince's Reputation; but Mat. Westminster says, That he was his base Son, which is most probable, since he had not any Legiti∣mate Son then old enough to Govern a Kingdom as this Athelstan at that time was, and whom we shall often find mentioned in this History; thô when, or how he dyed, all our Writers are silent.

* 1.47

This Year, according to the Saxon Annals, Wulfheard the Ealdorman fought at Hamtun, (i. e. Southampton,) with a Fleet of Thirty Three Danish Pyrates, and there making a great slaughter of them obtained the Victory.

The same Year this Wulfheard deceased: Also Aethelm, another Ealdorman, fought with the Danish Army at Port, (now called Portland,) where he being assisted by the Dorset-shire Men, soon put them to flight; but how this can consist with what follows I know not, viz. That the Danes notwithstanding kept the Field where the Battle was Fought, and slew the Chief Commander being an Ealdorman; unless it relate to the Year following; when

H••rebryht the Ealdorman was killed by the Danes, and many others

with him in Merscwarum, (that is Mercia;) also the same Year in Lindisse,* 1.48 as also among the East Angles, and in Kent many were Slain by their Forces; for there (according to Mat. Westminster) the above said Earl or Ealdormen was slain; the Danes obtaining the Victory, destroying all places with Fire and Sword:

And (the same Year according to Florence of Worcester) Wiglaf King of Mercia dying, Bertulf succeeded him.

There was this Year a great slaughter made by the Danes,* 1.49 about London, Cantwic (i. e. Canterbury, and Hrofcester,) that is Rochester.

So that now it seems the Danes had entred farther into the Land, making havock of all where ever they came.

This Year King Ethelwulf fought at Carrum,* 1.50 (i. e. Charmouth) against 35 Danish Ships, who kept the Field where the Battle was fought.

So that according to H. Huntington, they here obtained the Victory; for though the number of their Ships were but small, yet they were very large and full of Men.

'This Year also the Emperour Lewis (the Pious) dyed.

Nor can I here omit what the Scotish Historians place under the former Year, but ours under this, viz. The total Conquest of the Picts by Kened the first King of Scotland, after many fierce Battles; in the last of which Drusken, King of the Picts, being Slain, that Kingdom was totally de∣stroyed, and as H. Huntington long since observed, not only their Laws, but also their very Language, (except what remains in the Names of places) is now totally lost, and that Nation being long since incorpora∣ted with that of the Antient Scots and Saxons, shews us that even whole Kingdoms and Nations have both their Originals, and fatal periods, as well as particular Persons.

But thô the Scotish Historians do justly date the Empire of their Kings over all Scotland, from this Total Conquest of the Picts by King Kened; according to that old Verse:

Primus in Albania fertur regnasse Kenedus;

Yet when those Historians will by this Conquest extend the limits of this King and his Successour's Dominions, so far beyond Edenburgh, South∣ward, making him to have Reigned from the River Tyne, (and so would take in all the County of Northumberland, lying between Tine and Tweed,) to the utmost Orcades, this is by no means to be admitted; since as the Lord Primate Usher learnedly observes, That Country had long after not only English, but Danish Kings,* 1.51 as shall in the pursuit of this History be clearly made out; and after those were extinct, we may read in Turgot's Chronicle of the Bishops of Durham, the Earls, appointed by the Kings of England, under them Governed that Country; For as Roger Hoveden, in the Year 953, expresly relates after Eric, to whom the Northum∣bers had sworn Allegiance, that Province was committed by K. Edred to Earl Oswald, who afterwards in the Reign of King Edgar, had one Olsac assigned him as a partner in that Government, the former Commanding all that lay on the North side of Tyne, and the latter all York-shire; there also follow all the Successours of these Earls, as low as the Time of Edward the Confessour, under whom Tosti Governed it; who loosing his Earldom by reason of his Tyranny, it was by King Edward committed to Earl Morchar, but he being taken up with great Imployments, committed the Government of that part of it beyond Tyne to one Oswulf, who after∣wards by the Gift of K. William, enjoyed the Government of the whole Country: But that Loden and the other Low-Land Countries of Scot∣land,

as far as Edinburgh, were long after in the possession of the English, shall be shewn when we come to the Reign of King Edgar.

About this Time Eanred King of Northumberland dying, Ethelred his Son succeeded him,* 1.52 as Simeon of Durham and Mat. of Westminster relate, thô the latter places this the Year before.

But to give some account of the Affairs of Wales, from Caradoc's Chronicle.

About this time was fought the Battle of Ketell, betwixt Burthred King of Mercia,* 1.53 and the Britains; wherein (as some do write) Mervyn Vrych, King of the Britains was Slain, leaving behind him a Son afterwards called Rodri Mawr, that is to say, Redoric the Great; yet according to Nennius, this King Mervyn was alive Anno Dom. 854, which was the Twenty Fourth Year of this Kings Reign, and in which that Authour in his Preface says, He wrote his History; but I believe, there is either an errour in Nennius's Account, or else in the Transcribers; since all the Welsh Chronicles agree, that about this time Mervyn dyed, and Rodri succeeded him.

This Prince, Commonly called Rodoric the Great, began his Reign over Wales this Year; it was he who divided all Wales into three Ter∣ritories of Aberfraw, Dineuawr, and Mathraval, he had great Wars with Burhred, King of Mercia, who by the aid of King Ethelulph entred North Wales with a great Power, and destroyed Anglesey, and fought with the Welshmen of Northwales divers times, and slew Meyric, a great Prince among them.

This Year, (according to Mat. Westminster) Aethelred King of Northum∣berland was driven from his Kingdom,* 1.54 (I suppose by a Rebellion, the usual method in that unquiet Country,) and one Redwald succeeded him, who, as soon as ever he was made King, fought a Battle with the Danes, at a place called Aluethelie, where the King and Earl Alfred were slain, with the greatest part of their Army, and that then K. Ethelred was again re∣stored to the Throne; but this Authour does not tell us by what means, nor is the Year expressed; and thô this Action is found in no other Authour, yet is it likely enough to be true,* 1.55 for Simeon of Durham in his History of that Church; thô he does not mention this Kings Expulsion and Restitution to the Throne, yet he there expresly mentions King Ethelred to have about this time succeeded his Father Eandred.

This Year, according to our Annals, Eanwulf the Ealdorman, with the Somerset-shire) Men,* 1.56 Men, and Ealstan the Bishop and Osric the Ealdorman, with the Dorset-shire Men, fought with the Danish Army at the mouth of Pedidan (called by Hoveden, Pendred's Mouth, and was indeed the River Parret in Somerset-shire;) where they made a great slaughter of them, and obtained the Victory over the Danes; after which the Kingdom enjoyed Peace for divers Years.

But the Northumbers still continued their old custom of driving out, or killing their Kings,* 1.57 for about 3 Years after, as Florence of Worcester, and Simeon of Durham relate, Ethelred King of the Northumbers being Slain, Osbert Reigned in his stead Eighteen Years; and the same Year there was an Eclipse of the Sun, about the Sixth Hour of the Day, on the Kal. of October; this is that King Osbert, who was afterwards killed by the Danes.

According to Florence, and Mat. Westminster a Son called Aelfred,* 1.58 was now Born to King Ethelwulf at Wanating (now Wantige in Berk-shire,) his Mother was Osberge the Daughter of Aslat, or Oslac, chief Butler to King Aethelwulf, who was related to Stuffe and Whitgar, first Princes of the Isle of Wight; she was a Woman as remarkable for her Piety, as her Birth, and deserved to be the Mother of him, who was afterwards to prove so great a Prince.

The same Year also (from the same Authours) Berthferth the Son of Bertwulf, King of Mercia, wickedly slew his Cousin Wulstan, who was Nephew to both the late Kings of Mercia; but his Body was buried at the Famous Monastery of Rependun (now Repton in Darby-shire,) in the Tomb of Wiglaf his Grandfather, and, if we may believe our Historians, a Pillar of Light reaching up to Heaven, stood over the place for Thirty Days, which procured him the Title of a Saint.

This Year the Pagan Danes returned hither, and Ceorl the Ealdorman, together with the Forces of Devonshire,* 1.59 fought with their Army at Wicganbeorch (supposed to be Wenbury in Devon-shire;) and there obtain∣ed the Victory: And the same Year also King Aethelstan, and Duke Ealcher, fought with them a Sea Fight, and routed a great Fleet of them near Sandwic, (now Sandwich, in Kent) took 9 Ships and put the rest to Flight; now also the Danes Wintered in the Isle of Thanet, (or as Asser in his Annals relates in the Isle of Sheppy;) and the same Year came 300 of their Ships into the Mouth of Thames, and the Danes landing took Canterbury and London; and routed Beorthwulf King of the Mercians, with his whole Army, who had come out to Fight with them; after which the Danes marched Southward beyond Thames into Surry, and there K. Aethelwulf, and his Son Aethelbald, with the Forces of the West-Saxons, fought a∣gainst them at Aclea, (now called Oakley in Surry,) where they made a greater slaughter of the Pagan Army, than had been heard of at any time before; so that the greatest part of them were destroyed.

The same Year also (according to sir H. Spelman's 1. Vol. of Councils) was held the Council of Kingsbury under Berthwulf, King of the Mercians, Ceolnoth, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with the other Bishops and Wise Men of the Province being present, wherein, besides the publick business of the Kingdom, several grievances of the Monks were redressed, and the Charter of that King to the Abby of Croyland is confirmed under the Rule of St. Benedict, and is supposed by Sir H. Spelman in his Councils to be a great Council of that Kingdom; because it bears date in the Week of Easter, when they were Assembled about the publick Affairs of the Kingdom, at which time as also at Whitsontide and Christmass, the great Men of the Kingdom were wont of course to attend at the King's Court, to consult, and ordain, what should be necessary for the common Good, when also the King used to appear in State with his Crown upon his head; which custom of holding great Councils, was also continued after the Norman Conquest, to the middle of the Reign of Henry the Second, as Sir H. Spelman learnedly observes in his Notes at the end of this Council.

This Year (according to the Peterburgh Copy of the Saxon Annals) Ceolred Abbot of Medeshamstead,* 1.60 and his Monks leased out to one Wulfred the Land of Sempigaham (perhaps Sempingham in Lincoln-shire,) on Con∣dition, That after his Death it should again revert to the Monastery, he paying in the mean time a Yearly Rent of so many Loads of Wood,

Coals and Turf,* 1.61 and so many Barrels of Beer and Ale, and other Pro∣visions, with Thirty Shillings in Money, as is there specified; at which Agreement Burherd King of the Mercians, who had (now succeeded Beorthwulf) was present, together with Ceolred the Arch-Bishop, with di∣vers other Bishops, Abbots and Ealdormen.

I have inserted this, to let you see the form of Leasing out the Abbey Lands in those Days, and which it seems required the Solemnity of the Common Council of that Kingdom to confirm it.

The same Year also, (according to Florence) Berthulph King of the Mercians deceased, and Burhed succeeded him,

Who this next Year together with his Wites, (that is the Wise Men of his Great Council,* 1.62) desired King Aethelwulf that he would assist them to subdue the Northern Welshmen, which he performed, and marching with his Army through Mercia, made the Men of * 1.63 North-Wales Subject to King Burhed; but of this, the Welsh Chronicles are silent.

This Year also, King Aethelwulf sent his Son Aelfred to Pope Leo to Rome, who there anointed him King, and adopted him for his Episcopal Son.

It is much disputed among some of our Modern Historians, of what the Pope anointed Alfred King, whether of any present, or else future Dominions; But since, an ancient Manuscript in the Cottonian Library (containing an History of the Kings of England) says expresly, That he was anointed In Successorem Paterni Regni, and that we do not read of any Territories King Alfred enjoyed till after the Death of his Brethren; it is most reasonable to understand it in the plain Literal Sense, as it is here set down, not only in these Annals, but in Asser's Account of this King's Life and Actions, that the Pope anointed him King as a Prophe∣tical Presage of his future Royal Dignity.

And the same Year Ealcher with the Kentish-men, and Huda with the Surrey-men, fought with the Danish Army in the Isle of Thanet, and at first had the better of them, but there were many killed and drowned on both sides, and both the Ealdormen or Chief Commanders perished.

Also Burhed King of the Mercians now married the Daughter of King Ethelwulf.

Asser relates the Marriage to have been kept with great Solemnity at a Town of the King's, called Cippenham (now Chip∣nam) in Wiltshire.

* 1.64

This Year the Danes winter'd in Scepige, (or Sheppie;) and the same year King Aethelwulf discharged the Tenth part of his Land through∣out his whole Kingdom of all Tribute or Taxes for the Honour of God and his own Salvation.

This being the famous and solemn Grant of King Aethelwulf concer∣ning Tythes, requires a more particular Relation, and therefore I shall here give you the Words of the said Grant at large. —

I Aethel∣wulf, King of the West Saxons, with the Councel (or Consent) of my Bishops and Chief Men, &c. have consented, That a certain Heredi∣tary Part of the Lands heretofore possess'd by all Orders and Degrees of Persons, whether Men or Women, Servants of GOD, (i. e. Monks or Nuns,) or meer Laicks, shall give their Tenth Mansion, and where it is least, the Tenth Part of all their Goods, free and discharged of all Secular Servitude, and particularly of all Royal Tributes or Taxations, as well the greater as the less, which they call Wittereden, (which signi∣fies a certain Fine or Forfeiture;) and that they be free from all other

Things, as Expedition, building of a Bridge,* 1.65 or fortifying of a Ca∣stle, &c. And that they may the more diligently pour out their Prayers to GOD for us without ceasing, we do in some part discharge their other Service. These Things were done in Winchester, in the Church of St. Peter, in the Year of our LORD's Incarnation 855, the Third Indiction, on the Nones of November, before the great Altar, in Honour of the Glorious Virgin Mary, the Mother of GOD, St. Michael the Arch-Angel, and St. Peter Prince of the Apo∣stles, as also of our blessed Father Pope Gregory, all the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of England being present, and subscribing to it; as also Beorhed King of Mercia, together with the Abbots, Abbesses, Earls, and other chief Men of the whole Kingdom, with an infinite mul∣titude of other Believers, who all of them have witnessed, and con∣sented to the Royal Grant, but the Dignitaries have thereunto sub∣scribed their Names.

But, as Ingulph relates, King Aethelwulf, for the greater firmness thereof, offered this Charter at the Altar of St. Peter at Rome; but that the Bishops received it in the Faith of God, and transmitted it to be published throughout all the Churches in their several Diocesses.

Thô this Grant of Tithes is mentioned by the Annals, as to be made before the King's going to Rome, yet it appears by the Date, as also from Asser and Ingulph, not to have been done till after his Return from thence; which makes Sir H. Spelman conjecture, (and not without good Grounds,) that this Grant was twice made; once before his going to Rome, it being there confirmed by the Pope, and was also regranted by a Great Council of the Kingdom after his Return, as appears by the Char∣ter here recited.

I have been the more exact in reciting this Law concerning Tythes, both because it gives us the form of passing an Act in the great Coun∣cil of the Kingdom at that time, and who were the Parties to it, as also because this was the first general Law that was ever made in a Mycel Synod of the whole Kingdom for the payment of Tythes, thô I do not deny but there had been before some particular Laws of King Ina and King Offa to the same effect; yet those could only oblige the West Saxon and Mercian Kingdoms.

The next Year also (according to Florence and Asser's Chronicle) K. Aethelwulf went to Rome, carrying Aelfred,* 1.66 his youngest and best beloved Son along with him, but to what intent, having been so lately there before, we know not, any more than what the King did there, unless to repair the English School or Colledge for Youth, that had been lately burnt; but it is certain, he stayed abroad near a Year, and in his Return home, Charles, (Sirnamed The Bald,) King of the Franks, gave him his Daugh∣ter to Wife, who was called Leotheta, (in French Judith,) and so, toge∣ther with her, he returned into England.

But as Asser relates, there was in the mean time an infamous Conspi∣racy framed in the Western Parts of England, for Prince Aethelbald, the King's eldest Son, and Ealchstan Bishop of Scirborne, and Aeanwulf Earl of Somerset, had plotted together, that King Aethelwulf, at his Return Home, should never be received into his Kingdom; most Men laid this to the Charge of this Bishop and Earl only, thô many do chiefly attri∣bute it to the Perverseness of this young Prince, who was also very ob∣stinate in other Wickedness. So the King his Father returning from

Rome,* 1.67 Prince Ethelbald, together with his Councellors, contrived this great Villany, viz. to expell the King from his own Kingdom, thô God would not permit it to take effect, neither did all the Noblemen of Eng∣land consent to it; yet lest so great a Mischief should happen, that the Father and Son making War on each other, the whole Nation should be en∣gaged in mutual Slaughter, by the wonderful Clemency of the King, and with the Consent of all his Nobility, the Kingdom, which was before united, became now divided between the Father and the Son, the Eastern Countries being allotted to the former, and the Western to the latter; but where the Father ought indeed by Right to have Reigned, there Ruled this Rebellious and Undutiful Son▪ for the Western part of the England was always accounted before the Eastern. King Ethelwulf therefore coming back from Rom••, the whole Nation (as it ought) highly rejoyced at his return, and would, if he had pleased, have expelled his wicked Son Aethelbald, with all his Adherents, out of the Kingdom; but the King would by no means suffer it, using great Clemency and Prudence, lest the Kingdom might thereby be endangered.

All this Disturbance seems to have been raised by his Son and his Faction, because of his marrying this new Wife, whom notwithstanding having now brought over with him, he placed by him on the Royal Throne as long as he lived, without any Dispute or Opposition from his Nobles; thô (says this Author) the Nation of the West Saxons did not permit the Queen to sit by the King, or to be called Queen; which Custom our Ancestors relate to have proceeded from a certain wicked Queen, called Eadburga, the Wife of King Bryhtric, whose Story, Asser in his Annals, as also in his De Gestis Alfredi, hath given us at large, where speaking of the Occasion of this severe Law, he tells us, it proceeded from the wicked Carriage of that Queen, (already mentioned at the end of the former Book,) who abusing her Husband's Affections by un∣true Accusations, took away many Men's Lives; and being hated by the English after that King's Decease, they made that Law now men∣tioned.

William of Malmesbury and Mat. Westminster do assure us, That King Ethelwulf lived but two Years after his return from Rome, during which time he thought not only of the World to come, but also what should happen in this after his Decease; and therefore, lest his Sons should quarrel among themselves after his Death, he commanded his Testament to be written, (Asser calls it an Hereditary, or Commendatory Epistle,) in which he ordained, his Kingdom should be divided between the two eldest Sons, as also his own proper Inheritance between all his Sons and Daughters, and near Kinsmen; but for his Money, he ordered it to be divided between his Sons and his Nobles, and what was left, to be employed for the good of his Soul; to which end he ordained, That his Successours throughout all his own Hereditary Lands, should maintain out of * 1.68 every Ten Families one Poor Person, (either Native or Stranger,) with Meat, Drink, and Apparel; always provided, that the Land did not then lie waste, but was cultivated by Men and Cattle: It is also to be noted, That this Grant was wholly different from that of Tythes, thô Bromton's Chronicle hath confounded them together, and made them all one; he also ordered to be sent every Year to Rome 300 Mancuses, which William of Malmesbury renders Marks, thô what the Sum was is uncertain: but it was to be equally distributed between the Churches of St. Peter and

St. Paul, to provide Lights on Easter Eve; and of this 300 Marks,* 1.69 the Pope was to have 100 to himself. These Grants are supposed by Sir Henry Spelman to have been made in a general Council of the whole Kingdom, but after this time we find no more of them for many Years, by reason of the frequent Invasions of the Danes. But not long after King Ethel∣wulf died, and was buried at Winchester, having reigned 20 Years and 5 Months; for the Saxon Annals, which allow him but 18 Years and an half, are certainly mistaken.

This Year also, (according to Florence of Worcester,) Humbert the Bi∣shop anointed that Glorious Martyr, Edmund King of the East Angles, being then but 15 Years old, at a Town called Buram, being then the Royal Seat.

But having no Account of King Edmund's Pedigree, or of the Place of his Birth from any of our English Historians, you must be content with what Johannes Anglicus of Tinmouth hath told us, or in his Legend of Saints, (called Sanctilogium,) of this King and Martyr, viz. That he was the Son of one Alemond, a Nobleman of the Blood Royal of the East Angles, who having fled for fear of King Offa into Old Saxony, out of which his Family first came, had there by his Wife called Cywara a Son, whom he named Edmund, the pretended Miracles of whose Birth I purposely omit. This Prince having been instructed in all Christian and Moral Duties, lived in Germany to the 14th Year of his Age, and upon his return into England was so acceptable to the East Angles, that he was by them Elected King, and, till his Death, continued in the quiet Possession of that Kingdom, without any opposition of King Ethelwulf, or any of his Sons, then Kings of the West Saxons, to whose Dominions that Kingdom of the East Angles had lately been made subject; and hence it may be reasonably inferred, that it was by King Ethelwulf's Consent, that Edmund being returned out of Germany, took Possession of that King∣dom.

Being thus made King, and, by reason of his tender Age, not esteem∣ing himself capable of managing the Affairs of the Nation, he willingly submitted them and himself to the Direction of the said Bishop of the East Angles, by whom he was Crowned, and by whose Councel and Di∣rection he behaved himself as became a Prince, endued with all Kingly Virtues; so that during his Reign, his principal Care was to repair the Ruines which the Mercian Arms and Tyranny had brought upon the Churches of the East Angles, reduced by War to extream Poverty, and consequently to a Neglect of Piety and Ecclesiastical Discipline. And thus he Reigned 14 Years in Peace, with the Affection of all his Subjects, till GOD was pleased, by sending the Pagan Danes as a Scourge to his Country, to render this Prince a high Example of Christian Fortitude and Constancy.

King ETHELBALD, and King ETHELRED.

After the Death of Ethelwulf King of the West Saxons,* 1.70 his two eldest Sons divided their Father's Kingdom according to his Will: Ethelbald, his eldest Son, succeeded him in West Saxony, whilst his younger Brother Ethelred Reigned in Kent, as also over the East and South Saxons. And now (according to our Annals) the Pope hearing of the Death of King Ethelwulf, anointed Alfred to be King, and also delivered him to a

Bishop to be Confirmed:* 1.71 If this was so, the King his Father must have left him behind at Rome; for Asser says expresly, That he went thither with him; but over what Kingdom the Pope should Anoint him. I know not, unless foretold by way of Prophecy, he would be King after his Brothers.

But as for King Ethelbald, above-mentioned, both Ingulph and Will. of Malmesbury give him a very bad Character, That he married Judeth, his Father's Widow, and was also besides both Lazy, and Perfidious; but * 1.72 Thomas Redborne, in his larger History of Winchester, says, That by the Admonition of Swithin, Bishop of that Church, he repented of his Incest, and put away Judeth his Mother-in-Law, and observed all Things that the Bishop enjoyned him. This Author farther relates from one Gerard, of Cornwal's History of the West Saxon Kings, not now extant that I know of, That he died in a few Years after, without doing or suffering any thing that deserves to be mentioned; for we do not find that the Danes troubled this Kingdom all his Reign, concerning the Length of which there is very different Relations amongst our Historians; the Saxon An∣nals, and William of Malmesbury, making him to have reigned 5 Years, whereas Asser and Ingulph allow him but Two and an half, which seems to be the truer Account, for if King Ethelwulf returned from Rome in the Year 855, and lived above Two Years after, it is plain King Ethelbald could not Reign above Two Years and an half; for the Saxon Annals tell us, that in the next Year but one, viz.

* 1.73

King Ethelbald deceased, and that his Body was buried at Scire∣borne.

King ETHELBERT alone.

The•• Aethelbryght, his Brother took the Kingdom, and held it in great Concord and Quiet.

I suppose our Author means, from Domestick Commotions; for he immediately tells us, That in this King's time there came an Army (of Danes) from the Sea, and took Winchester; with whom (in their return to their Ships) Osric and Aethelwulf the Ealdormen, with the Hampshire and Berkshire-men, fought, and put the Danes to flight, and kept the Field of Battle, but the Annals do not tell us in what Year of his Reign this Invasion happened.

* 1.74'This Year deceased St. Swithune Bishop of Winchester.

Now concerning this holy Bishop, as also Alstan Bishop of Shirbone, * 1.75 William of Malmesbury gives us this Character, which omitting all the Bedroll of Miracles that follow, I shall here set down.

King Aethelwulf bearing a great Reverence to St. Swithune, whom he calls his Teacher and Master, desisted not till he had honoured him with the Government of the said Bishoprick, so that he was Consecrated with the Unanimous Consent and Joy of all the whole Clergy of that Diocess, by Ceal••oth Arch Bishop of Canterbury; hereby Bishop Swithune's Authority encreasing, his Councels, for the Good of the Kingdom, proved of greater weight; so that by his Admonitions, both the Church and State received great Benefit: And indeed he was a rich Treasure of all Virtues; but those in which he took most Delight, were Humility and Clemency; and in the discharge of his Episcopal Function, he omitted nothing be∣longing to a True Pastor.

By his Assistance principally,* 1.76 together with that of the Prudent and Couragious Prelate Alstan, Bishop of Shirborne, King Aethelwulf was en∣abled to support the Calamities his Kingdom suffered by the frequent Irruptions of the Danes, for these two were his principal Councellours in all Affairs. Bishop Swithune, who contemned Worldly Things, informed his Lord in all Matters which concerned his Soul, whilst Alstan judging that Temporal Advantages were not to be neglected, encouraged him to oppose the Danes, and provided Money for his Exchequer, and also or∣dered his Armies; so that thô this King was of a slow, unactive Nature, yet by the Admonitions of these two worthy Councellours, he Governed his Kingdom prudently and happily: Many noble Designs for the good of the Church and State being well begun, were prosperously executed in his Reign.

This Year the Danish Army landed in Thanet, and wintering there, made a League with the Kentish-men, who promised them Money, provi∣ded they would keep the Peace; under pretence of which, and of the Money promised, the Danes stole out of their Camp, and wasted all the East part of Kent.]

For, as Asser well observes, they knew they could get more by Plunder, than by Peace.

Now, according to the same Annals, King Aethelbryht died,* 1.77 to the great Grief of his Subjects, having governed the Kingdom 5 Years with a general Satisfaction, and was buried at Scyreburne, near to his Brother.

This Prince is supposed to have had a Son call'd Ethelwald, whom you will find in this History to have raised a Rebellion against King Edward the elder many Years after.

King ETHELRED.

Then (according to the Annals) Aethelred, Brother to the late King, began his Reign; and the same Year a great Army of Danes landed in England, and took up their Winter Quarters among the East Angles, and there turned Horsemen, and that Nation was forced to make Peace with them.

Then the Pagan Army sailed from the East Angles,* 1.78 and went up the River Humber to the City of York, where was at that time great Discord be∣tween the People of that Nation.]

I shall here give you Asser's Account of this Transaction, being to the same effect (thô more particular than that) in the Annals themselves. For (says he) the Northumbers had now expelled Osbright, their lawful King, and had set up a Tyrant or Usurper, one Aella, who was not descended of the Royal Line; but now when the Pagans invaded them by the Intercession of the great Men, and for the Common Safety, the two Kings joyned their Forces, and so marched to York; at whose coming the Danes presently fled, and endeavoured to defend themselves within the City; which the Christians perceiving, resolved to follow them to the very Walls, and breaking in, and entering the Town with them; (for it seems, that City had not in those Times such strong Walls, as they had when Asser wrote his History;) therefore when the Christians had made a Breach in the Wall as they designed, and that a great part of them had entred the City, the Pagans being compelled by Necessity and Despair, broke out upon them, and killed, routed, and put to flight the whole Army, as well within as without the Town; so that both the Kings were slain, together with many Noble∣men, and a vast number of Common Souldiers; and a great many were

taken Prisoners,* 1.79 and those that remained alive were forced to make Peace with the Danes, who (according to the Chronicle of Mailross,) made one Egbert King over the Northumbers that were left, thô under the Danish Dominion; but it seems, it was over those that lay on the North side of the River Time, as Simeon of Darham, in his History of that Church, relates.

The same Year also died Aethstan the Bishop, after he had held his See of Scireborne 50 Years, whose Body was buried in that Town.

But since the Chronicle that goes under the Name of Abbot * 1.80 Brom∣ton undertakes to give some probable Account how the Danes came to invade the Kingdom of Northumberland, thô it looks somewhat like a Romance, yet I shall here give it you, since it is found in no other Au∣thor that I know of, being thus. Osbriht, King of Northumberland, going one day a hunting, as he returned home went privately to the House of one of his Noblemen, called Bruern Brocard, to refresh himself; Bruern knowing nothing of the King's coming, was gone to the Sea side, accor∣ding to his Custom, to secure the Shoar against Pirats; but his Wife, a Woman of great Beauty, entertained the King at Dinner very splendidly. The King have dined, took her by the Hand and led her to her Chamber, telling her, He must speak with her in private; and there removing all out of the way; but such as were privy to his Secrets, he by Force and Violence lay with her. Having thus had his Will, he speedily returned to York, whilst she so lamented, and wept, that her Face was extremely altered; which caused her Husband at his return to ask the cause of so sudden a Change, and such an unusual Sadness: Whereupon she told him the whole Matter, how the King had forced her; which having heard, he comforted her, bidding her not to afflict her self, since she was not able to resist a Man so potent; assuring her, because she had told him the Truth, he would not love her less than he had done before; and if GOD gave him leave, he would Revenge both himself, and her, upon him that had committed the Crime. Then did Bruern, being a Man both Noble and Powerful, call his Kindred together, to whom he revealed the Af∣front put upon him, and his Intention speedily to Revenge it; To which they all consenting, and approving his Purpose, he with them took Horse and rode to York. The King, upon sight of him, called him to him very civilly, but he having all his Relations at his Back, defied him, renouncing his Allegiance, giving up his Land, and whatsoever else he held of him. This said, without any more Words he withdrew, making no stay at all at Court.

So his Friends consenting, he went straitways over to Denmark, where he made a great Complaint to the King of the Affront offered to him and his Wife by K. Osbriht, desiring his speedy Relief and Supplies to put him into a Capacity to revenge himself. At this News, Godrin and his Danes conceived very great Joy, having now some Reason to induce them to invade the English, and revenge the Injury offered to Bruern, who was descended of his Blood; whereupon he speedily prepared a great Army, over which he made Captains, two Brothers, called Inguar, and Hubba, most valiant Souldiers; and to them he gave a Navy, furnished with all Necessaries, to transport an innumerable Company of Men. These Adventurers landing in the Northern Parts, and taking their way through Holderness, destroyed all the Towns, with their Inhabitants; and coming to York, provoked Osbriht to come out and fight them, where

he and his Brother-King were both slain, as you have already heard.

This Year the Danish Army marched into Mercia as far as Snotinga∣ham, (now Nottingham,) and there took up their Quarters;* 1.81 but Burh∣red, King of the Mercians, with his Great or Wise Men, entreated Aethel∣red, King of the West Saxons, and Aelfred his Brother, to help them to fight against the Pagans; whereupon they likewise marched to the same place, where finding the Danish Army strongly fortified, they only be∣sieged Nottingham.]

But (as Asser and Ingulph relate) the Christians not being able to take either the Town or Castle, there was very little fighting, so that the Mercians were forced to make Peace with the Pa∣gans; whereupon the Danes marched back again into the Kingdom of Northumberland.

The same Year Asser (in his Life of K. Alfred) tells us, That the King married the Daughter of Aethelred the Ealdorman of the Gaini, i. e. of the Country about Gainesburrough in Yorkshire.

But the next Year, the Danish Army returned again to York,* 1.82 and there stayed Twelve Months; and now there was also a great Mortality both of Men, and Beasts.

But we cannot here omit the Relation of Mat. Westminster under this Year, concerning what the Danes did before they left the North of Eng∣land, where he says, they slew both Old and Young, not sparing the Lives or Chastities so much as of the Nuns, where he gives us a strange Example of an Heroick (if not too Great a) Love of Chastity; for Ebba, (afterwards Sainted,) then Abbess of Coldingham Nunnery in York∣shire, being more afraid of the loss of her Virginity, than her Life, cal∣ling her Nuns into the Chapter-house, there made a Speech to them, set∣ting forth the Lust and Cruelty of the Danes, and also exhorting them to follow her Example in avoiding it; which they all promising to observe, she then took a Razour and cut off her own Nose and upper Lip, in which she was immediately followed by all the Sisters; which being done, those cruel Tyrants, Hinguar and Hubba, coming thither the next day, together with their Forces, and seeing so horrible a Spectacle, they not only ran out of the Monastery and left them, but also gave order to their Followers, that they should set the House on fire, which they forthwith did; so it was burnt to Ashes, together with the Abbess, and all her Nuns, who thought themselves happy in thus suffering Martyr∣dom for the preservation of that which was dearer to them than their Lives. Nor did they discharge their Fury upon this Nunnery alone, but upon all the rest of the Monasteries of the Northumbrian Kingdom, ha∣ving not long before destroyed the Monasteries and Church of Linais∣farne, with those of Girwy and Weremuth, besides the famous Nunneries of Streanshale and Tinmuth; most of which were never rebuilt, and those that were, not till several Ages after. But to proceed with our An∣nals. In the Peterborough Copy, it follows thus:

Then the Danes quitting the North,* 1.83 and mounting themselves on Horseback, marched through Mercia into East England, and took up their Winter Quarters at Theodford; the same Winter King Eadmund fought with them, but the Danes gained the Victory, and slew that holy King, and destroying all the Monasteries that lay in their way, they wholly conquered that Kingdom. The Names of the Princes who slew him were Higwais and U••ba, (whom other Writers call Hinguar

and Hubba.* 1.84) At the same time also they came to Medeshamstead, which Monastery they burnt and destroyed, killing the Abbots and Monks, with all the Men they found there, carrying away all the rich Spoil of that place.

But since the Saxon Annals are very short in this Relation, I shall give you from Ingulph a more particular Account of what they did this Year in their march into East England, who further adds; That Winter being ended, the Danes took Shipping and went into Lindisse in Lincolnshire, and landing at Humberstan, spoiled all that Country, at which time that fa∣mous and ancient Monastery of Bardney was destroyed, the Monks and all others being slain in the Church without Mercy; and when they had there stayed, wasting the Country for the whole Summer: About Michaelmas they did the like to the Country of Kesteven, in the same Pro∣vince, where they committed the same Murders and Desolations.

The same Year, in the Month of September, Count Algar drew toge∣ther all the Youth of Hoyland (now called Holland) in Lincolnshire, with two Knights his Senescals▪ Wibert, and Leofric, who marched in the Head of them, together with a brave Body of 200 Men belonging to Croyland Abbey, who being all stout Fellows, were led by one Toly, then a Monk, but formerly a famous Souldier among the Mercians; these taking with them about 300 stout and warlike Men more from Deping, Lanioft, and Boston, to whom also joyned Morchar, Lord of Branne, with his strong and numerous Family, and being met by the Sheriff of Lin∣coln, a valiant and ancient Souldier, with the Lincolnshire Forces, all which mustering together in Kesteven on St. Maurice's Day, they joyned Battle with the Pagans, where GOD gave them the Victory, three Kings being slain, with a very great multitude of Souldiers; the Chri∣stians pursued the Pagans to their very Camp, where finding a stout Resistance, Night at last parted them, and the Earl drew back his Army.

But it seems there returned that Night to the Danish Camp all the rest of the Princes of that Nation, who dividing the Country among them, had marched out to plunder; their names are Barbarous, and too long to be repeated, but their chief Kings were Godrum and Basseg, and their Earls or Leaders, Hingar and Hubba, with others, who then returned with great Forces, and a multitude of Captives, and a great deal of Spoil; and their coming being known, the greatest part of the Christians struck with terrour fled away; whil'st those that were left, early in the Morn∣ing, after hearing Divine Service, and receiving the Sacrament, being resolved to dye for Christ, and in Defence of their Country, marched into the Field against their Enemies; but the Earl perceiving his Forces to be too much weaken'd appointed Fryer Toly with his Five Hundred Men to Fight in the Right Wing, because they were the strongest; and Earl Morchar with those who followed him, as also the Sheriff of Lincoln making other Five Hundred in the Left Wing; whilest he with his Senescals kept the main Body, as ready to help either Wing if there were occasion; but the Danes being now enraged at the slaughter of their Men, having buried their Three Kings at a place, which is thence called Trekingham; afterwards 2 Kings and 8 Counts marched out, whilst the rest guarded the Camp, and Captives; but the Christians, because of their smaller Number, drawing themselves up in one Body, made with their Shields a strong Testudo against the force of their Enemies

Arrows, and kept off the Horse with their Pikes;* 1.85 and thus being well ordered by their Commanders, they kept their Ground the whole day: But thô they remained unbroken till night, and had still withstood the force of their Enemies Arrows, but their Horses being then tired, be∣gan to flag; the Pagans feigning a Flight, on purpose seemed to quit the Field, which the Christians perceiving, althô their Commanders forbad and opposed it, yet nevertheless breaking their Ranks, were all disper∣sed through the Plain without any Order or Command: but the Pagans returning like Lions upon a Flock of Sheep, made a great Slaughter amongst them; whilst the stout Count Algar, and Frier Toly, with some Souldiers, getting upon a rising Ground, and being drawn up into a round Body, did for a long time endure the Pagans Insults; and when the said Earl and other Captains saw the stoutest Men of their small Army slain, they got upon the thickest heaps of the Christian dead Bodies, and there being resolved to sell their Lives as dear as they could, they fell down dead, having received many Wounds; only a few young Men of Sutton and Gedeney flinging away their Arms, fled into a Neighbouring Wood, and so escaping, came the Night following to the Monastery of Croyland, and there related the slaughter of the Christians, and the loss of their whole Company: which when they had told at the Church door with great lamentations, the Abbot and Monks, being extreamly con∣founded at this ill news, resolved to keep only with them the Elder Monks, and some few Children, to provoke compassion, and so sent away all the Younger Men, together with the Reliques, Jewels, and Charters of their Monasteries, by Boat to the Wood of Ancarig, ad∣joining to their Island; where they staid with one Foret an Anchorite Four days, being Thirty in number, whereof Ten were Priests: But the Abbot having hid the rest of the Plate; with the rich Table of the Altar, and put on his Sacred Vestments, and had with his Brethren said Mass, and communicated; they had scarce finished all this when the Pagans breaking into the Church, slew Abbot Theodore at the Altar, who perished by the hands of their King Oketule, all the rest as well Old Men as Children, being also slain, except one handsome Boy of about Ten Years Old, who (being intended for a Monk) was saved by Count Sidroc the Younger, and stripping him of his Habit, put on him a Danish Coat, ordering him to follow him where ever he went, and so the Boy sticking close to him, his Life was saved, and he alone escaping, gave a relation of what he had seen; but the Danes, when they had broke open the Tombs of St. Guthleak, and the Princes there buried, and finding no more Plunder, set the Church on Fire, and burnt the dead bodies that were in it together.

So likewise of the destruction of the Monastery of Medeshamstead, this Author hath given us a larger account than what we find in this Copy of the Annals, viz. That four days after the destruction of Croyland, the Danes march'd towards that Monastery, where finding the Gates lock'd, they began to make an assault upon it; but receiving a Repulse, at the second assault, Tuba the Brother of Count Hubba being knocked down with a Stone, was carried off for Dead, whereat Hubba was so enraged, that breaking into the Monastery he slew all the Monks that came in his way, whilest the rest of them destroyed the others, till at last all perished, so that in short, the Monastery was wholly destroyed, and the Church,

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together with a noble Library of Books,* 1.86 and all its Charters were reduced to Ashes.

But the fourth day after this the Pagan Army having got together all the spoil they could, marched toward Huntington; but in their way thither, as the two Counts Sidrocs brought up the Rear of the Army, which had now passed the River Nene, two Waggon loads of rich moveables happened to be sunk in the Ford, as also the Beasts that drew them, in getting out of which, whilest Sidroc and his Men were busied, the Boy Turgar slipped away into the next Wood, and walking all Night about break of Day he got to Croyland, where he found the Monks re∣turned again, and busie in quenching the Fire, as well as they could; to whom he related all that had happened, and discovering where the body of the Abbot and most of the Monks lay, they removed the rub∣bish, and buried them, and then having chosen Godric, one of the Monks that escaped, for their Abbot, they were resolved to go and do the like Pious Office for the late Prior and Monks of Medeshamstead, where arriving, they buried the Bodies of above fourscore Monks in one Grave in the Church-yard, placing over them a Pyramidal Stone of about a Yard high, whereon were carved the Images of the Abbot and Monks about him, which was then to be seen in Ingulph's time.

In the mean time the Britains spoiling the Country as far as Grant-bridge (now Cambridge,) they then fell upon, and burnt the famous Nunnery of Ely, killing all that were therein both Men and Women, and carrying away a great deal of Riches, which had been brought thither from all parts for their better security; from whence they passed over into the Country of the East-Angles, where they slew Earl Wulketule coming against them, and making a stout resistance with his small Forces, from whence they marched against King Edmund himself, of whose Life and Martyrdom, I shall out of Asser's Annals, give you a particular account; and thô I will not pass my word for the truth of all his Relation, being written after the manner of the Legends of those times, yet the sub∣stance of it is no doubt true, and the rest may serve, if not to instruct, yet at least to divert the Readers.

But before I proceed to the Story of the Martyrdom of this King, it may not be amiss to relate the occasion, why the Danes invaded the King∣dom of the East-Angles, and put King Edmund so cruelly to Death, which story thô it be not very probable; yet since it is found in Mat. Westminsters Flores Historiarum, I will from thence repeat it in as few words as I can, being to this effect; That in the Kingdom of Denmark there was one Lothbrook, who being descended from the Royal Family, had by his Wife two Sons, Inguar and Hubba: Lothbrook going to Sea by himself, in a Boat, with only a Hawke on his Fist, to seek for Game in a Neighbouring Island, being taken by a sudden and violent Storm, was tossed up and down for several Days, till at last he was by the Wind and Tide driven upon the Coast of that Country, we now call Northfolk: where being found alone with his Hawk, he is presented to Edmund the King, and being kindly received for the comliness of his Person, continued in his Court, and told the King the Tale of his strange For∣tune, and often went out in the Field for his Recreation, with Beorn the King's Huntsman, being extraordinarily dexterous both in Hunting and Fowling; for this Reason, this Huntsman greatly envied him,

and as they two were hunting together alone, he secretly murdered him,* 1.87 and hid his Body in a Wood. Now Lothebroc kept a Greyhound, which was exceedingly fond of him, and the Huntsman being gone away with the rest of the Dogs, he stayed there alone by his Master's Body; next day, when the King asked for Lothebroc, Beorn answered, That the day before he stayed in the Wood, and since that he had not seen him. But behold, the Greyhound comes to Court, and fawning upon the King, as well as others, as soon as he had filled his Belly, again departed; till doing this often, he was followed to the place by some of the King's Servants, who there found out the Body, and brought the Relation of it to the King: The Matter being examined, and found out, the Hunts∣man is sentenced to be put into the same Boat in which Lothebroc arrived, without any Oars or Tackling; in which, after a few days, (surely the Boat knew its way,) he was cast upon the Coast of Denmark, where being brought to Lothebroc's Sons, and by them examined what was become of their Father, whose Boat they sufficiently knew, he affirmed, That he was killed by Ed∣mund, King of the East Angles; Whereupon they prepare a Navy, and passing into England, landed first in the Northern Parts, and, as was said before, they grievously harass'd the Country of the Northumbers, and having brought it under Subjection, Hinguar quits his Company, and with a great Fleet sailed to East England, where King Edmund Reigned.

But Saxo Grammaticus gives us quite another Account of the Death of these Prince's Father, whom he calls Regner, viz. That he was taken Prisoner in Ireland, and there killed in Prison by Snakes, where none, you must know, ever were, a Story altogether as probable as the former; so I have here given you, from several Authors, two different Accounts of the Reason of the Danes invading England, and shall leave it to the Reader to believe one, or neither, since as they cannot both be true, so neither of them seem very probable.

This King Edmund had now Reigned five Years with great Affection of his Subjects, for, being a Prince of great Hopes, he was by the Unani∣mous Favour, and Consent of the People of that Province, not only Elected, but rather forced to Rule over them. He had a Majestick Meen that became a King, and in his Countenance appeared a certain Air of Piety mixed with Meekness and Devotion. It was indeed but a short time he Reigned, but in that time he did by his Charity to the Poor, and his Care over Widows and Orphans, perform all the Duties of a Pious Man, as well as of a Good King.

But to come to the Story it self: The Danes, having now spoiled the Country, and routed the King's Army, as you have heard, came on a sudden upon a certain City, and taking it by Surprise, they killed the Inhabitants, and ravished the Women, sparing neither Age nor Sex; but when they had pretty well satiated their Fury, Hinguar their Cap∣tain examined some of the ordinary People that were left alive, where their King used to reside; but here our Author supposes the King to have never yet resisted them, and therefore that they would first seizeon him, to prevent him from raising any Forces against them; which is not at all likely, especially since the Saxon Annals tell us expresly, that King Ed∣mund had already fought against him, and been put to flight: But this seems more probable, that the King being then fled to one of his Houses in the Country, called Heglesdune, was by the Danes discovered: Where∣upon Hinguar sent one of his Servants on a Message to him, the Sub∣stance

of which was,* 1.88

That Earl Hinguar, his Lord, commanded him to deliver up all his Treasures, and that he should submit himself and his Kingdom to his Power, which if he refused to do, he should then be deprived both of his Kingdom and Life.

To which the King answered, That he would never renounce the Vow he had made in Baptism, and being made King by the General Consent of the whole People, he was resolved never to do any thing to the Prejudice of the Common-weal of the English Nation, nor ever to submit his Neck to any Yoke but that of Christ, whose Example he now intended to imitate, and by his Grace would Suffer for his Name: And so he bid the Messenger return, and tell this to his Master. It seems the King had no sooner finished what he had to say, but as the Messenger was going back with this Answer, Hinguar himself met him, to whom having told what the King had said, he immediately commanded his Men to enter the Palace, and to lay hold of none but the King, and He, being there soon found, was immediately tied, and brought before the Captain, who commanded him first to be cruelly beaten, and then bound to a Neighbouring Tree, to be inhumanly whipped; all which he manfully endured, still calling on the Name of Christ: Whereat his Enemies being enraged, in a most barbarous manner shot his Body so full of Ar∣rows, that it seemed capable of receiving no more; yet none of the Wounds killing him outright, Hinguar at last commanded one of his Souldiers to cut off his Head; which our Author describes with a great deal of Monkish Eloquence: This being done, and leaving his Body there, they carried away the Head along with them, that so it might not be buried with it; but at last they flung it into a Wood, (which John of Tinmouth, in his Historia Aurea, calls Heglesdun;) but the People, after they were gotten out of their Hiding-places, began to look for it, and ha∣ving long searched up and down the Wood, they at length heard the Head when they cried out to one another, Where are you? Answer (in English,) Here, here: Nor ceased repeating those words, till they came where it lay. As for this part of the Story, it sounds so like a Legend, that I shall leave it to be swallowed by those who are apt to be taken with such Things. I have no more to add, but that King Edmund Suffered on the 12th of the Kal. of December, in the Year above-mentioned: But enough in Conscience, if not too much, of this King's Martyrdom, who had afterwards a Church and Monastery erected to his Memory, as you will find when you come to it; for it is certain, the English Saxons attributed as great Sanctity to this, as to any of their ancient Saints, and had as great a Belief of his Miracles, his Body being preserved un∣corrupt (whether by Art or Miracle I shall not determine) for many Ages after.

I have no more to Remark under this Year, but that now Ceolnoth the Arch-Bishop deceased, and Ethelred Bishop of Wiltun-scire was Elected Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in his stead.

Also that the Town of Dunmoc, being now destroyed by the Danes, Helmham in Norfolk continued to be the sole Bishop's See for the Kingdom of the East Angles, till it was long after removed to Norwich.

* 1.89This Year (as both Asser and the Saxon Annals relate) the Army of the Danes leaving the East Angles, marched into the West Saxon King∣dom, and came to a Town of the King's called Reading, lying on the South side of Thames, in that County which was then called Bearrock∣•••••••••• (now Berkshire;) and the third Day after their coming, divers of

their Commanders rid out with great part of their Forces to Plunder,* 1.90 whilst the rest remained behind to cast up a Trench between the two Ri∣vers, Thames and Kynton, on the right side of the Town, whom Earl Ae∣thelwulf with his Forces met at Englefeild in that County, where it was stoutly fought on both sides; but after a long Battle, one of the Counts Sydrock being slain, and a great part of his Army routed, the rest esca∣ping by flight, the Christians got the Victory, and kept the Field. And four Days after, King Aethered and Aelfred his Brother joyning their Forces together, marched to Reading, and when they came to the Castle, they killed and destroyed all the Danes whom they found without the Ga••es; but they within did not make a less obstinate Resistance, for f••llying out, the Fight became very sharp on both sides, in so much that the Christians were at last forced to turn their Backs, and the Pagans gained the Victory, and there Earl Aethelwulf above-mentioned was slain amongst the rest; with which the Christians being much provoked, 4 days after they fought with them again at a place called Aescesdune (now Aston) in Berkshire, when the Pagans divided themselves into two equal Bodies, for they had then two Kings, besides many Earls; so they allot∣ted one part of the Army to the two Kings, and the other to the Earls; whic•• the Christians perceiving, they likewise did the same with their Army: But Elfred came sooner into the Field with his Men, than did the King his Brother; for (as Asser tells us) he had heard from those that were there, that the King was then in his Tent hearing Mass, and positively affi••ming, that he would not depart thence till it was finished, which he made good; and this Piety of the King's was thought to pre∣vail much with God, for the Christians had resolved that King Ethered with his Forces should maintain the Fight against the two Pagan Kings, whilst Aelfred his Brother, with his Detachment, should oppose the Earls. And now both Armies being drawn up in Battle Array, whilst the King stayed somewhat long as his Prayers, Prince Aelfred, then his Brother's Lieutenant, was not strong enough alone to sustain all the Pagan Forces, for thô he saw he must either Retreat, or else Engage the Enemy before his Brother's coming up, which still the King delayed, yet the Prince (trusting on the Divine Assistance, and) having put his Men in good Order, presently marched against the Enemy, who had much the ••dvantage of him, by reason of the higher Ground they had got. There was also in the same Field a single Thorn Tree, (which Asser says he himself had seen,) about which the Enemies Troops were all drawn up; but when they had both bloudily fought for a long time, the Pagans being no longer able to withstand the Christians Arms, a great part of their Troops was slain, and the rest saved themselves by flight, leaving behind them dead upon the place one of their Kings called Bachseg, and several other great Men, with many Thousands of common Souldiers, needless here to be particularly mentioned; but this King here called Bachseg, the Danish History na••es Ivar, the Son of Reynere; so the rest of their Army fled that night to the Castle of Reading above-mentioned whither the Christians following killed them as long as day-light would permit.

But thô Asser, the Writer of King Alfred's Life and Actions, hath for his Honour attributed the whole Success of this Battle to that Prince; yet it is more probable what the Manuscript, called Scala Chronica, (cited by Mr. Speed,) relates, That when Prince Aelfred's Men, being now spent,

were ready to Retreat,* 1.91 King Ethered came into the Battle from his Prayers; and so well seconded his Brother with fresh Forces, that renewing the Fight, the Victory (the greatest they had ever yet obtained) was chiefly owing to their Valour.

But Fifteen Days after this, King Aethered, with his Brother Aelfred, marched again towards Basing to fight the Enemy, where another Battle happened, and the Pagans, making there an obstinate Resistance, obtain'd the Victory, and kept the Field; after which Fight; a fresh Army of Pa∣gans coming from beyond Sea, joyned themselves to the former.

But here the Saxon Annals further add,

That about two Months after this, King Aethered, and Aelfred his Brother, fought again with the Pagans at Meretune (now Merton) in Surrey, where the Army being divided into two Parts, at first put the Enemy to the Rout, and had the better for a great part of the day; yet at last, after a mighty slaughter, the Danes kept the Field, and there was slain Bishop Heamund, with abundance of brave Men.

After this Battle, during the whole Summer following, the Danes re∣mained in quiet at Reading; but the same Year King Aethered, having now for five Years stoutly and nobly Govern'd his Kingdom, thô with many Troubles, deceased, and was buried in the Monastery of Winburne in Dorsetshire. But thô the Chronicle that goes under the Name of Ab∣bot Bromton, (from I know not what Authority,) relates this King to have died of the Wounds which he had received in a Fight against one Somer∣led, a Danish King, who had newly destroyed the Town of Reading; and the Inscription on this King's Tomb at Winborne, (cited by * 1.92 Mr. Camden in his Britannia,) relates him to be slain by the Danes; yet since neither Asser, Ingulph, the Saxon Annals, nor William of Malmesbury, mention any such thing, and that the Inscription it self is but Modern, I rather suppose him to have died a natural Death of the Plague, which then reigned.

This King is said, by the Annals of Ireland, to have had a Daughter named Thyra, married to Gormun, King of the Danes, who on her begat Sweyn, the Father of King Cnute. This Ethered had also seve∣ral Sons, as Alfred, supposed to be Grandfather to Ethelwerd, called Quaestor the Historian; as also Oswald, who his Father mentions in his Charter to the Abbey of Abingdon.

King AELFRED, otherwise called ALFRED.

Immediately after King Ethered's Death, (as Asser relates,) Prince Alfred, (who, during the Lives of his three Brothers, had been only their Depu∣ty, or Lieutenant,) now by the General Consent of the whole Kingdom, took the Government upon him, which he might have had if he pleased during their Life-time, since he exceeded them all both in Wisdom and Courage; so that indeed he Reigned almost whether he would or no. But before the first Month of his Reign was at an end, he, trust∣ing on the Divine Assistance, marched his Army (thô but few in compa∣rison of the Pagans) to Wilton, lying on the South side of the River Willie, (from which both the Town and Country take their Names,) where it was valiantly fought on both sides for great part of the day, till the Pagans not being able any longer to endure the Force and Valour of the English, began to turn their Backs, but then finding the Number of the Pursuers to be small, they rallied, and obtaining the Victory, kept the Field.

Nor let this seem strange to any,* 1.93 that will but consider how small the Number of the Christians were, in comparison of the Pagans; for the English had in the space of one Year fought 8 or 9 Battles against them, besides innumerable Skirmishes which King Alfred, or his Commanders, had with them, wherein thô they lost one King and nine Earls, or Prin∣cipal Commanders; yet receiving such frequent Recruits from beyond Sea, whilst the Saxons every day grew weaker, it is no Wonder if they prevailed; yet notwithstanding Asser, and the Saxon Annals, tell us, That this Year there was a Peace made with the Danes, upon condition that they would depart the Kingdom; which they for the present observed, but to little purpose.

For the next Year, (as the same Author tells us,) the Danes having landed again, marched from Reading to London,* 1.94 and there took up their Winter-Quarters; and the Mercians were forced to make Peace with them.

Also this Year, (according to the Chronicle of Mailross, and Simeon of Durham,) the Northumbers expelled Egbert their King, and Wulfher Arch-Bishop of York, who both (as Mat. Westminster relates) flying to Bertulph King of the Mercians, were by him honourably received.

About the same time (according to Caradoc's Chronicle) also died Gwgan, King or Prince of Cardigan, who, as some British Chronicles re∣late, was drowned by misfortune; and at the same time the Danes de∣stroyed the Town of Alcluid in Scotland.

This Year the Danish Army leaving the Countries about London,* 1.95 marched into the Kingdom of the Northumbers, and there Wintered in a place called Tursige (now Torswick) in Lindsey, (which was then part of the Northumbrian Kingdom;) so that the Neighbouring Nations were again forced to renew their League with them.

And now also (according to Simeon of Durham) Egbert, King of Nor∣thumberland, dying, one Ricsige succeeded him, and Arch-Bishop Wulfher was now restored to his Bishoprick.

The next Year the Pagan Army leaving Lindisse, marched into Mer∣cia,* 1.96 and wintered in a place called Hreoptun (now Repton) in Derby∣shire, where they forced Burhred, King of the Mercians, to desert his Kingdom, and pass the Seas to go to Rome, where arriving, he lived not long, but there dying in the 22d Year of his Reign, he was honou∣rably buried at the English School or College in the Church of St. Mary thereunto belonging. The Danes, after his Expulsion, brought the whole Kingdom of Mercia under their Dominion, and then delivered it to one Ceolwulf, an inconsiderable Fellow, and Servant of the late King, upon this miserable Condition, That he should deliver it up to them again whensoever they required it; and for this he gave Hostages, swearing to obey them in all Things.

Now the Danish Army leaving Hreoptun, became divided into two;* 1.97 and Halfden their Commander marched with one part of it into the King∣dom of Northumberland, and there took up his Winter-Quarters near the River Tine, where they conquered the whole Country, and also spoiled the Country between the Picts and the Straecled Welsh-men, (who then inhabited part of Galloway in Scotland,) whilst another part of them, un∣der the Command of Godrun, Oskytel, and Amwynd, (three of their Kings,) marched to Grantbridge, and there Wintered: And the same Sum∣mer King Aelfred fought at Sea against seven of their Ships, and took one of them, the rest escaping.

* 1.98This Year (as Asser and the Saxon Annals relate,) Rollo, the Dan•• or Norman, wasted Neustria; (afterwards called Normandy,) and, in some time after, made an entire Conquest of it: Asser also says, that this Rollo having had a Dream of a Swarm of Bees flying towards the South, he chose to leave England, and go over into France; though, as other Authours affirm, it was because he was so warmly received by King Alfred, that he did not like to stay here, but rather chose to pass into another Country of easier Conquest, as Normandy indeed proved, for he reigned there fifty Years.

The same Year (according to the Chronicle of Mailrosse, and Simeon of Durham,) Ricsig, King of Northumberland, dying, another Egbert suc∣ceeded him; but we have no account of his Actions, more than that he reigned beyond Tyne as a Tributary to the Danes, who possessed all the rest of the Country, as you will find by the Saxon Annals

The same Year, (accordingly) the Danes stealing away by Night from Grantbridge, (where they had long encamped,) marched to Werham, (now Warham in Dorsetshire,) being then a strong Castle of the West-Saxons; this place they took, and destroyed, together with the Nunnery there; then passing higher, as into a secure Harbour, they drew up all their Ships, so that now King Alfred was reduced to such great streights, that he was forced to make Peace with him; and they gave the King for Pledges some of the Noblest Persons in their Army, and took an Oath upon a sacred Bracelet they had, (which Oath they would never take to any Nation before,) that they would presently depart the Kingdom; but in the mean while, that part of the Army, which had Horses, stole away to Exanceaster, (now Exeter,) where∣upon the King put all their Hostages to Death.

The same Year in the Month of August, Healfden the Danish King divided the Kingdom of the Northumbers among his People, who now settling there, ploughed and sowed; from whence the Danes date their Reign over that Kingdom. But the Year following,

* 1.99The Danes having left Werham, and come to Exeter, (as you have already heard,) their Fleet in the mean time fetching a compass, sailing towards the West, (I suppose to Exmouth) there arose so violent a Storm, as that 120 of their Ships were cast away near Swandwic, (now Swanwick in Hampshire;) then King Aelfred followed that part of the Army as far as Exeter, thô he could not overtake them, till they had got into the Castle, which proved so strong, that no body could come at them; but he streightning them there, they gave him what Hostages he required, and took fresh Oaths, and for a small time observed the league they had made; yet nevertheless in the Month of August following, the same Danish Army marched into the Province of the Mercians, where, dividing part of it between themselves, they left the rest to Ceolwulf above mentioned.

About this time also, according to Caradoc's Chronicle, the English, having entred Wales the Year before, fought a Bloody Battel with the Welshmen, though this Authour neither tells who were the Comman∣ders, nor who had the Victory; and the Year following there was ano∣ther Battel between them, wherein Rodorick, Sirnamed The Great, King or Prince of Wales, and Guyriad his Brother, or (as some say,) his Son, were slain.

This Rodorick had, by his Wife Engharaud, the Daughter of Prince Meyric several Sons, as Anarawd his Eldest, to whom he gave Aberffraw,

with North Wales: Cadelh the second, to whom he left Dynevowr,* 1.100 with South-Wales; who also took by force Marthraval and Powysland, after the Death of Mervyn the third Son; to whom their Father Rodorick had gi∣ven the same; To which Dr. Powel likewise adds, That this Rodorick is esteemed by all Writers, to be sole King of all Wales; North-Wales descending to him from his Mother Esylcht the Daughter and sole Heir of Conan Tindaethwy; but South-Wales he had in Right of his Wife, the Daugh∣ter and Heir of Meyric ap Dyfnwal, King of Cardigan; Powis he had by Nest, the Sister and Heir of Congen ap Cadhel, King of Powis, his Father's Mo∣ther: These three Dominions he appointed under their Meeres and Bounds, with a Princely House in each of them. These he had named Ytair Ta∣laeth, and left them unto three of his Sons, Anarawd, Cadhel, and Mervyn, who were called Ytrit Twysoc Talaethioc, that is, the three Crown'd Princes, because each of them did wear upon his Bonnet, or Helmet, a Coronet of Gold, being a broad Lace or Head-band indented upwards, set and wrought with precious Stones; which, in the British or Welsh Speech, is called Talaeth; and to which Mr. Vaughan, in his Additional Notes to Ca∣radoc's History hath added, out of an ancient Welsh Manuscript, That this Rodorick is said to have corrected some of the old British Laws, and to have appointed new ones: He also ordained, that his Eldest Son should have the Crown, or Coronet of Aberffraw, with the Fifteen Cantreds there∣unto belonging. This Aberffraw is now a small Village in the Isle of Anglesey; and was anciently the chief Seat of the Princes of Guyneth, or North-Wales: He left to his second the Crown or Coronet of Dinevowr or Cardigan, with its fifteen Cantreds, extending from the Mouth of the River Devi to the Mouth of Severne; and also that his Son should have the Crown, or Coronet of Mathraval, with the Fifteen Cantreds of Powis, from the mouth of the River Dee, to the bridge over Severne at Gloucester.

He ordained also, That his Eldest Son, and his successours should con∣tinue the payment of the ancient tribute to the King of London, (i. e. King of England) and that the other two, their Heirs and Successours, should acknowledge his Sovereignty, and pay the like tribute to him and his Successours; and that upon the Invasions of Strangers, they should all send him aid, and be also ready to protect them, when there should be need.

Moreover he ordained, That when any difference should arise between the Princes of Aberffraw, and Cardigan, the Three Princes should meet at Bwlchy Pawl, and after hearing of Council on both sides, the Prince of Powis should be Umpire between them.

And if the difference were between the Kings of Aberffraw, and Powis, that they should likewise all Three meet at Dolhrianedd, (perchance Mor∣varhianed, on the Bank of the River Dee) where the King of Cardigan was to end the Controversie.

And if there should be any difference between the Kings of Powis, and Cardigan, the meeting should be at Llyswen, upon the River Wy, and the King of Aberffraw to decide it.

This, thô it seems to have been as wise a course as could be taken to maintain amity in a divided Kingdom, yet did prove of no effect; for it seems the Princes of these Countries did not long observe this Consti∣tution of their Ancestour King Rodoric, but perpetually weakned each other with Civil Wars; so that the English taking advantage of their mutual divisions, by assisting the weaker Prince against the stronger;

they at last by degrees reduced them all under the English Dominion,* 1.101 as shall be further shewn in its proper place.

About this time Anarawd, the Eldest Son of Rodorick above mentioned, began his Reign over North-Wales.

This Year (according to Asser) the Danes stealing away privately after the Feast of Epiphany to Cypenham, and having now got Horses, marched through all the Country of the West-Saxons, and there began to fix their Quarters; forcing many of the Inhabitants beyond Sea, and subjecting the rest of their Dominion, in so much that King Alfred was forced with a few of his Nobles, and with some Souldiers and Vassals, to lurk among the Woody and Boggy parts of Somerset-shire, where he led a very uneasie Life, in great Trouble and Scarcity, having no Provisions but what he could take away by frequent incursions from the Enemies, or else those Christians who had submitted themselves to their Dominion; and it is found in the Life of St. Neot, as he lay hid with a certain Cow-herd, it happened one day, that as his Wife was making of Cakes, the King sate by the Fire, fitting up his Bow and Arrows, and other Weapons; but when the Woman saw the Cakes which lay before the fire begin to burn, she presently ran and removed them, and chiding the King, (whom she did not know,) said thus,

Doest thou, Fellow think much to turn these Cakes, which thou can'st eat fast enough when they are baked?

At which the King laughing, took all in good part; but be the Story true or false, this much is certain, that the King lay at this time so private, that neither his Friends nor Enemies could tell where he was; in so much that all this while the Royal Patrimony became a prey, as well to the revolting English, as to the Danes themselves.

But the Monkish writers of these times, (according to their usual Custom of interpreting all misfortunes to be God's Judgments) will needs have this to be a judgment upon this King, because that in the beginning of his Reign, being taken up with the desire of Learning, or else diverted by Hunting and other Juvenile Pleasures; he had too much neglected the public affairs; and that being admonished by St. Neot, and refusing to amend, the Holy Man foretold, there would be a time, when he should be driven from his Kingdom, and from his own House.

But be this as it will, whilest King Alfred was thus over-powered by the great multitude of Danes that daily entred the Kingdom, he was forced to retreat; yet even then, being followed by a small band of Stout and Loyal Souldiers, he often set upon the Enemies by surprize, and with so good success, that he let them see, though he was overcome by numbers, yet he was not vanquished, since he remained formidable even in his flight; but to this Retreat, the then Woody and Bogy parts of Somersetshire, between the Rivers Thone and Parret chiefly contributed, which were then almost an Island, and not to be enter'd without a Boat, unless by one narrow way, (as Leland in his Itinerary hath rightly obser∣ved) but Will. of Malmesbury tells us, That it is to no purpose to relate all the little Skirmishes and Adventures of this King, during his Retreat; only one passage will not be unpleasant, whether it be true or false, it happen'd one Day that whil'st King Alfred lay pivate in a little Castle, or Fort, in the Wood Athelney, it being Winter time, and the Waters frozen up, he sent out his followers to seek for some Fish or Fowle, where∣by they might sustain Nature, so that none were left at home, but him∣self

and his Mother, (for it seems the Queen his Wife was either dead,* 1.102 or else lay concealed some where else;) but the King having to pass away the time taken up a Book, and began to read, (as his custom was, when he had nothing else to do) a certain poor Man knocked at the door, and begged an Alms; whereupon the King calling to his Mother, desired her to see if there was any thing for him to eat; but she told him, that there was no more than one Loaf left, and this would not be enough for the whole Company when they returned home; the King hearing this, said no more, but let God be blessed for all his gifts, then praying his Mo∣ther, to bestow half of it upon this poor Christian, further added, that he who had fed 5000 Men with Five Loaves and Two small Fishes, could also, if he pleased, make half a Loaf suffice their necessities; whereupon his Mother complying with his desire, and the poor Man having got more than he looked for, went his way, but the King having read till he was tired, happened to fall asleep, and dreamt that he saw St. Cuthbert (formerly Bishop of Lindisfarne) coming to him, and telling him, that he was sent from God to let him know, that he was now re∣solved to put an end to the long and grievous punishments which the English had hitherto suffered for their Sins; and that the Alms which he had just now bestowed, was so acceptable in his sight, that he would re∣store him to his Kingdom, and said, as a sign of this, his Servants, who were then gone out a Fishing, thô with very small hopes of catching any thing, should return home so loaded, that he should look upon it with wonder; but that which is more strange, his Mother fell also a sleep, and dreamed the like Dream at the same time, as she told the King her Son when he awaked her; but whilest they with great astonishment discoursed of this Miracle, his followers returned home, bringing Fish enough with them to have served a little Army, if there had been occasion.

But be this Story true or false, it is certain that not long after, the King received news, that Hinguar and Hubba, returning out of Wales, (where having made a great slaughter of the Britains, they had past the Winter) and being lately landed in Devon-shire with Twenty three Ships, there met with some of the King's party, by whom their Captain with, 1200 Souldiers were slain, near the Castle of Kenwith, the manner of which was thus; Odun, Earl of Devon-shire, with many others of the King's Subjects, upon the arrival of Hubba, had fled hither for refuge; but when the Danes knew the Castle was but weakly fortified, and they within were not provided of things necessary for a Siege; they then re∣solved to sit down before it, supposing that the English would quickly surrender for want of Provisions; which they being also sensible of, were endeavouring to prevent, and resolving either to obtain the Victory or dye; they sallyed out early one Morning upon the Enemy, who lay Encamp'd without any good Guards, so falling upon them at unawares slew Hubba their Leader, with his whole Army, except a few who were forced to flee to their Ships.

And this Hubba being here buried under a heap of Stones, gave name to the place, being called Hubblestones to this day;* 1.103 but the English having stripped the dead bodies, they there found among the spoils, that famous Banner, called Reafan, (that is the Raven) being the Picture of a Raven embroidered by the Three Sisters of Hinguar, and Hubba, in one fore∣noon on purpose for this Expedition, and which being Enchanted by their Magic Arts, they put so great a confidence in it, that they believed

if they were to meet with good success,* 1.104 this figure would clap its Wings, as if it were alive, but if otherwise, would let them fall; but be this Story true or false, it seems they now lost their Oracle before they had time to consult it, and the loss of it was certainly a great discourage∣ment to them.

King Aelfred being now much encouraged with the news of this good success of the Devon-shire-men, began to consider how he might perform some worthy action against the Enemy; therefore this Year, (as the Saxon Annals relate,) having first fortified with his slender Forces a small Castle or Fort at Aetheling-gaige (now called Athelney in Somersetshire) where he had resided hitherto; he marched from thence the Seventh Week after, and with his Subjects and Vassals there, to fight against the Pagans; and it is also about this time, that we may place that memorable action of this King which is thus related by Ingulph, and Will. of Malmesbury, which if true, shews not only his great Courage, but Conduct too; for knowing the Enemy to exceed him in numbers, as well as other advantages, and that if he should set upon them with open Force he would be able to do them little, or no prejudice, nor could he hope for any better success, unless he knew in what condition the Enemie's Army was, and not having any one whose Sagacity or Fidelity he could well trust, he was resolved to go himself to spy out the Enemie's Camp: so taking upon him the Habit of a Country Minstrel (or Fidler) he went with only one Companion into the Danish Camp, where he became so acceptable, as well for his Singing, as Playing, that at last he was introduced to the King's Tent, and when he had there, as well as in the rest of the Danish Camp, learnt as much as he had a mind to know, he again returned to his Castle at Athelne; where having called together all his chief followers, he related to them the careless condition of the Enemies Camp, and with what ease they might be destroyed: whereat they being extraordinarily sur∣prised, he then resolved to muster up what Forces he could.

So the Seventh Week after Easter, he march'd to Ecgbyrth-stan (now supposed to be Brixstan in Somerset-shire,) lying on the East side of Selwood Forest, where met him all the Wilt-shire, Somerset-shire and Hamptshire Men; who were mightily pleased to behold their King after so many hazards; but staying there only one night, he marched away to Iglay, (where the place was is not very well known,) and there encamped another night, in which (as Asser relates) St. Neot, who had been formerly his Kinsman, and Friend, appeared to him in a Dream, and bid him not be afraid of the great Army of the Pagans, because God would now have mercy up∣on him and his People; and that what had happen'd to him, was for his too great Arrogance in his Youth, and that God would Fight for him and his People: The King you may be sure was much rejoyced at this Dream, and failed not to encourage his Men with it; so the next Morning re∣moving his Camp from thence, he came in one Day more to Ethandune, (but where it is we cannot tell) where the Danes lay encamped, and marching against them in very close order, he fought their whole Army, and though they did for a long time stoutly resist the frequent charges the King's Men made upon them, yet at last they gave ground, and beginning to flee he obtained a notable Victory, making a great sl••ughter of the Pagans, as they retreated to a certain Castle not far off, and at which they lay encamped, where the King besieged them for Fourteen Days; till being overcome by hunger, they were reduced to

that necessity, as to desire Peace on these Conditions,* 1.105 That the King should receive from them what Hostages He should name, but He not to return any to them; so they made such a Peace with him, as they had never done with any King before; for they swore that they would depart his Kingdom, and that Gythram (or Gutrum) their King should become a Christian, all which was performed, for about Three Weeks after the said King with about Thirty more of his Chief Noblemen came to the King, being then at Alrey (the place is now unknown) only that it lay near Athelney above-mentioned, where King Alfred receiving him from the Font at his Baptism, became his Go••father, and took him for his adopted Son: But he did not receive the Chrisme till Eight Days after, at a Town of the Kings called Wedmore, where he staid with him for the space of Twelve Days, who presented him, and all those that ac∣companied him, not only with Money, but Houses and Lands, being now resolved to fix here.

So this next Year the Danes (according to their promise) removed from Cippenham (i. e. Chippenham in Wiltshire) to Cirenceaster,* 1.106 and there staid one Year.

But now another Army of Pagans, arriving from beyond the Sea, sailed up the River Thames, to whom (notwithstanding their former Oaths) the Army that was here before also join'd, and took up their Winter Quarters at Fullanham (now Fulham, not far from London,) and the same Year (according to the Annals) the Sun was Eclipsed for one whole hour; also now part of the Pagans who had quartered at Cirencester, (as say the Annals and Asser) marched from thence under the Conduct of King Gythrum, into the Kingdom of the East-Angles; and dividing the Country among them, began to inhabit it; which, having been in their possession ever since the Death of King Edmund, King Alfred now yielded up to their King Gythram; but those Danes who had before staid at Fulham, now sailed into Frankland, and quartered at Ghent for one whole Year; from whence you may observe, that what we now call Flanders was then accounted part of France, or Frankland.

And to this time we may also refer,* 1.107 that League or Agreement made between King Alfred and King Guthram, which sets out the Territories of each of these Princes.

The First Article is, That it is agreed that the Limits of K. Alfred's Land are first upon the Thames, then proceed they to the River Lee, as far as his Fountain; then straight to Beaford, and then along the River Ouse, as far as Watling-street; which I suppose, is thus to be un∣derstood; that K. Alfred did hereby grant him East-England and Essex; so that the bounds of these Kings Dominions were first the Thames, then the River, Lee, as far as Harford, whereabouts it arises: Then from Har∣ford to Bedford, all along Watling-street, and then from Bedford all along the Ouse to the Sea.

The Second Article appoints the value of a Man slain, whether Eng∣lish or Dane, to be four Marks of pure Gold, and the Redemption of each Four hundred Shillings.

But if the King's Servant or Thane was accused of Man-slaughter; the Third Article proceeds, That he then should be tried by Twelve

other of the King's Servants;* 1.108 or in ease he was not the King's Ser∣vant, but belonged to some inferiour Lord, he should be tried by ele∣ven of his Equals, and by one of the King's Servants. The same Order was taken in all Suits, which exceeded four Marks; but in case he refused to undergo this Trial, his Fine was to be encreased three∣fold.

The Fourth appoints Vouchers for the Sale of Men, Horses, or Oxen.

The Fifth and Last Ordains, That none from either Army should pass to the other without Leave; and in case it be by way of Traffick, such shall find Sureties for their good Behaviour, that the Peace may not be broken.

This was the League it self, with some other Articles needless to be here recited; the Preface to which declares, That it was made betwixt the two Kings, Aelfred and Gythrum, (so the Saxon Original,) by Consent of all the Wise Men of the English, and of all those that inhabited East England, and that not only in behalf of themselves, but of their Posterity.

This sufficiently shews, that the Eastern Parts of England then be∣longed to the Danes; yet Polydore Virgil calling this King by the Name of Gormon, vehemently contends, that he had not that Country be∣stowed upon him. Krantzius also denies, that this Gormon was conver∣ted to the Faith; yet confesses, that about this time one Froto was con∣verted: But whatever they write, this League sufficiently evinceth the Distinction of their Territories, and the Testimoy of Asser is uncon∣trollable as to his Baptism, who lived himself at this very time, not to mention that the Saxon Annals also affirm the same thing.

After which follow the Ecclesiastical Laws, said in their Title to be made between King Alfred and King Gythrum, as they are to be found in Abbot Brompton's Chronicle.

The First of which is, That the Danes and English should Love and Serve the true GOD alone, and Renounce Paganism.

And in the next place, That if any should Renounce his Christianity, and Relapse to Paganism, then he should pay his Weare, Wite, and Lashlite, according to what he had done.

The Third Law is, That if any in Holy Orders shall either Fight, Perjure himself, or commit Fornication, let him likewise make Amends by the like Penalties above-mentioned; and likewise make Satisfaction to GOD according to the Canons of the Church; and also give a Pledge or Security to do so no more.

Note, That the Weare, Wite, and Lashlite, above-mentioned, were all of them Fines, or Mulcts, which the Danes and English were to pay ac∣cording to the value of their Heads, as hath been already shewn; but as for the last of these Words, Mr. Somner, in his Glossary; supposes it to

be purely Danish, and signified no more than the two former Words,* 1.109 but was so called in relation to the Danes alone, who were to undergo it; after which follow several Constitutions against the Offences of Clergy∣men, against committing Incest, and with-holding of Tythes, and Rome∣scot or Peter-pence; in all which Offences a Dane was to pay the like Weare, and Wite, with an English-man; as also against Buying, Selling, and Working on the Lord's Day; in which Cases, if a Freeman wrought upon Holy-days, he was to lose his Liberty, or pay his Wite, but if he were a Servant or Villain, he was to satisfie it with his Skin, (i. e. by Whipping,) or pay his Head-Gild; but if a Master compelled his Servant to work upon Holy-days, he was to pay his Lashlite as the Danes, and his Wite as the English did, that is, according as he was a Dane, or an English-man; (which sufficiently justifies Mr. Somner's Sense of that Word:) The rest of these Laws being against divers other Offences, as against violating the Fasts of the Church, against making Ordeal, or taking an Oath on Sundays or Fast-days. Not that this Ordeal, or Trial by a hot Iron, or boyling Water, in case the Person was accused of a Crime, was to be used, unless there was no direct Proof against him. The rest of the Laws are against putting any Man to Death upon a Sun∣day; as also against Witches, Perjured Persons, and Common Whores, all which Persons were to be banished the Country.

But the last Law saving one, is a sort of Cruel Mercy; for thereby if a Man had lost any of his Members for any Crime, and survived the same four Nights, it was afterwards lawful with the License of the Bi∣shop for any one to give him Help and Assistance, which it seems before that time it was not lawful to do.

But the Reader may further from the Title of these Laws observe, the Subjection or Dependence which King Gytrum then had upon K. Al∣fred at that time; for King Gytrum and his Danes gave their Consent to them in a Common-Council of the Kingdom, in the same manner as the Kings of Mercia, and of the East Angles, were wont to do in the General Council of the West Saxon Kingdom, in acknowledgment of its Superiority over them, as may be proved by divers Examples; and if this King Gytrum could have made Laws by his own Authority, he might have called a Council of his own to do so, which we do not find he ever did, having received his Kingdom wholly from the Bounty of King Al∣fred.

Also about the Year last mentioned, King Alfred new built the Town of Shaftsbury, as appears by an old Inscription cited by * 1.110 Mr. Camden, out of an old Manuscript Copy of William of Malmesbury, then belonging to the Lord Burghley; which Inscription was in that Author's time to be seen in the Chapter-house of that Nunnery, which was built at this place by this King some Years after.

The Pagans entred further into France,* 1.111 where the French fought with them, and (as it is supposed) were routed, for here the Danes found Horses enough to mount the greatest part of their Men.

This Year the Danes sailed up the Maese (now the Meuse) into Frank∣land, and there stayed another Year.* 1.112 The same Year also King Aelfred sailing out with his Fleet, fought against four Danish Pirat Ships, and

took two of their Men, and the other two (the Men being very much wounded and tired in the Fight) surrendred themselves.

* 1.113

The Danes sailed up the Skeld to Cundoth, (which was then a Mona∣stery, and is now supposed to be Conde upon the River Escaut) where they stayed a whole Year. Now also Marinus, that Religious Pope, sent some of the Wood of our LORD's Cross to Alfred, and in Re∣turn the King sent to Rome the Alms he had vowed by the Hands of Sighelm and Ethelstan: Also he sent other Alms into India, to St. Thomas, and St. Bartholomew, (who being there martyr'd, are accounted the In∣dian Apostles.) And about that time the English Army lay encamped against the Danes, who held London, where yet (thanks be to GOD) all Things succeeded prosperously.

Also this Year, (according to the Chronicle of Mailross, and Simeon of Durham,) King Alfred having slain the two Danish Captains, Ingwar and Halfdene, caused the wasted Parts of Northumberland to be again In∣habited; then Edred the Abbot, being so commanded by Cuthbert in a Vision, redeemed a certain Youth who had been sold to a Widow at Withingham, and made him King of Northumberland by the joynt Con∣sent both of the English and Danes, King Alfred himself confirming the Election. This King Guthred, in Gratitude to St. Cuthbert, did also bestow all the Land between the Rivers of Weol and Tyne, and says upon that Saint, that is, upon the Bishop of Lindisfarne, who this Year removed the Bi∣shop's See from thence to a place then called Concacestre, now Chester; and thither they also removed the Body of St. Cuthbert. But as for the Miracle of the Earth's opening and swallowing up a whole Army of Scots, who came to fight with King Cuthred, I leave it to the Monks to be belie∣ved by them, if they please. This is certain, that thus making this poor Youth King, the Church got all that Country now called the Bishop∣rick of Durham. And who can tell but all this Vision was a Contri∣vance of Abbot Edred's, for that very Design; yet if it were so, it was but a Pious Fraud, which highly tended to the enriching of that Church.

The same Year (according to Florence of Worcester) died Asser, Bishop of Shirburne; who could not be the same with that Asser, who writ the Life and Actions of King Alfred, since that Author writ to Anno 993, being the 45th Year of King Alfred's Age, as appears by that Work. Arch Bishop Usher supposes this Asser the Historian to have been he, who was afterwards the Bishop of St. David's and was the second of that Name who sate in that See; but without any good Authority.

* 1.114

This Year the Danes sailed up the River Sunne, (i. e. Some,) as far as Embenum (now Amiens, in Picardy, where they remained one whole Year. And now also deceased the worthy Bishop Athelwold.

* 1.115The Danes being thus employed abroad, did nothing this Year in Eng∣land; but the next we find in Asser, that the Pagan Army divided it self into two Bodies, the one whereof sailed to the East Parts of France, whilst the other making up the Rivers of Thames and Medway, besieged the City of Rochester, and having built a strong Fort before the Gates, from thence assaulted the City, yet could by no means take it, because the Citizens valianty defended themselves, until such times as King Ael∣fred came to their Assistance with a powerful Army; which when the Pa∣gans saw, quitting their Forts, and all the Horses which they had brought with them out of France, together with a great many Prisoners, to the

English, they in great hast fled away to their Ships,* 1.116 and being compelled by necessity passed again that Summer in France; King Aelfred having now reinforced his Fleet, was resolved to fall upon the Danish Pyrates, who then sheltered among their Country Men of East England; upon which he sent his Fleet that he had got ready in Kent, (being very well Mann'd) into the mouth of the River Stoure, (not that in Kent, but another that runs by Harwich, where they were met by Sixteen Danish Pyrates, who lay there watching for a Prey; and immediately setting upon them, after a sharp resistance the King's Men boarding th••m, they were all taken, together with great Spoils, and most of the Men killed.

But as the King's Fleet were returning home, they fell among another Fleet of Danes, much stronger, with whom fighting again, the Danes obtained the Victory; thô with what Loss to the English, the Annals do not say.

But the rest of the Danes of East England, were so much incensed at this Victory; as also with the slaughter of their Country Men, that setting out a greet Fleet very well Mann'd, they sail'd to the mouth of Thames; where setting upon divers of the King's Ships, by surprize in the Night, when all the Men were asleep, they had much the better of them; but what damage the King's Ships received, and how many Men were lost, our Authour does not tell us.

The same Year, somewhat before Christmass, Charles, King of the Western Franks, was killed by a wild Boar, which he was then hunting; but his Brother Lewis dyed the Year before: They were both Sons to that King Lewis, who deceased the Year of the last Eclipse, and he was the Son of that Charles, whose Daughter, Ethelwulf King of the West Saxons had married.

The same Year happened a great Sea Fight among the ancient Saxons of Germany, but the Annals do not acquaint us with whom they fought, However, it is supposed to have been with the Danes; and they further add, That they fought twice this Year, where the Saxons being assisted by the Frisians, obtained the Victory.

Here also Asser, as well as our Annals, proceed to give us a further account of the French and German affairs, with a brief descent of their Kings, from Charles the Great; as that this Year Charles King of the Allmans received all the Kingdoms of the Western Franks, which lye be∣tween the Mediteranean Sea, and that Bay, which was between the Ancient Saxons and the Gauls, by the voluntary consent of all the People; the Kingdom of Armorica, (that is, of les••er Britain,) only excepted: This Charles was the Son of Lewis, Brother of that Charles last mention'd; and both the Kings were the Sons of Lewis, the Younger Son of Charles the Great, who was the Son of King Pipin.

The same Year also the good Pope Marinus deceased, who freed the English School at Rome, at the entreaty of King Aelfred, from all Tax and Tribute.

Also about the same time the Danes of East England broke the Peace, which they had lately made with King Aelfred.

The Pagans who had before Invaded the East, quitting that,* 1.117 now marched towards the West parts of France; and passing up the River Seine, took their Winter Quarters at Paris.

* 1.118The same Year (according to Asser, as well as the Annals,) King Alfred, after so many Cities being burnt, and such great destruction of People, not only took the City of London from the Danes, who had it long in their Possession; but he now repaired it, and made it habitable; and then committed it to the Custody of his Son-in-Law, Ethered Earl of the Mercians; and now all the English, (viz.) the Mercians and Kentishmen, as also the East and West Saxons, who had been before dis∣persed, or made Prisoners with the Danes, being now returned home, put themselves under King Alfred's Protection

But these Danish Storms being pretty well blown over, King Alfred began now to make some use of the Learned Men he had sent for from abroad; for as Mr. Camden shews us in his * 1.119 Britannia, we have a large account of the University of Oxon.

Under the Year of our Lord, 886, viz. That in the Second Year of St. Grimbald's coming over into England, the University of Oxford was founded; the first Regents there, and Readers in Divinity were St. Neot, an Abbot, an Eminent Professor of Theology, and St. Grimbald, and Eloquent and most Excellent In∣terpreter of the Holy Scriptures; whilst Grammer and Rhetorick were Taught by Asser a Monk, a Man of extraordinary Learning; Logick, Musick and Arithmetick, were Read by John a Monk of St. Davids; Geometry, and Astronomy were professed by John another Monk, and Collegue of St. Grimbald; one of a sharp Wit, and Immense Know∣ledge.

These Lectures were often honoured with the presence of the most Illustrious and Invincible Monarch, King Aelfred, which is also asser∣ted by Will. of Malmesbury, who tells us a constant Tradition of his time, that King Alfred by the Advice of Neot the Abbot, first founded publick Schools of various Arts at Oxford; which is further confirm'd by an Ancient Manuscript Copy of Randolph Higden's Polychron, in Bay∣liol College Library, which in the beginning treating of all the Kings of England, when he comes to King Alfred, says thus, That he first founded the University of Oxford.

John Rouse in his Manuscript Treatise, de Regibus Angliae, (Lib. 1.) seems also to have seen this passage in Winchester Annals, and adds Three Halls to have been thus built, The one for Grammar, near the East Gate; the Second near the North-Gate for Logicians; and the Third in the High-Street, for Divines.

But since this only proves that King Alfred first founded publick Schools here, and not that there was any such thing here before; I shall recite also what follows, as it is quoted by the said Mr. Camden, out of an ancient Copy of Asser de Gestis Alfredi, which, I could wish may clear this point:

About this time (says he) there arose a sharp and grievous dissention between Grimbald, and those learned Men whom he brought hither with him, and the old Scholars whom he found here at his com∣ing; for these absolutely refused to comply with the Statutes, Institu∣tions and Forms of Reading perscribed by Grimbald; the difference proceeded to no great height, for the space of Three Years, yet there was always a private Grudge and Enmity between them, which soon after broke out with the utmost violence imaginable; to appease these Tumults, the most Invincible King Aelfred, being informed of the Faction, by a Message and Complaint from Grimbald, came to Oxford to accommodate the matter, and submitted to a great deal of Pains and

Patience, to hear the Cause and Complaint of both Parties:* 1.120 The Con∣troversie depended upon this; The Old Scholars maintain'd, that before the coming of Grimbald to Oxford, Learning did here flourish, thô the Students were less in number, than they had formerly been, because very many of them had been Expell'd by the cruel Tyranny of the Pagans: They farther declar'd and proved, by the undoubted Testimony of their ancient Annals, that good Orders and constitu∣tions for the Government of that place had been already made by Men of great Piety, and Learning; such as Gildas, Melkin, Ninnias, Kenti∣gern and others; who had there prosecuted their Studies, to a good old Age: All things being then managed in happy Peace and quiet; and that St. German coming to Oxford and residing there half a Year, after he had gone through all England to Preach down the Pelagian Heresie, did well approve of their Rules and Orders: The King with incredible Humility and great attention heard both parties, ex∣horting them with Pious and Importunate entreaties, to preserve Love and Amity with one another; upon this he left them, in hopes that they both would follow his Advice, and obey his Instructions: But Grim∣bald, resenting these proceedings, retired imediately to the Monastery of Winchester, which King Aelfred had lately founded: and soon after he got his Tomb to be removed thither to him, in which he had designed his Bones should be put after his Decease, and laid in a Vault under the Chancel of the Church of S. Peters in Oxford; which Church the said Grim∣bald had raised from the ground, of Stones hewn and carved with great Art.

But since it must be confessed that this passage of the quarrel of St. Grimbald, and the Old Scholars of Oxford, is not to be found in that an∣cient Copy of Asser, which Arch-Bishop Parker first published in Saxon Characters (like those in which it is written, being still Extant in the Cottonian Library) yet though it was published by Mr. Camden in that Edition of Asser, which was printed at Frankford, in 1603. The Original of which the Lord Primate Usher in his Ant. Brit. Eccles. expresly tells us, Mr. Camden never saw; from whence Sir John Spelman in his * 1.121 History of the Life of King Aelfred, hath made a very hard inferences, as if that clause was not to be found in any of the an∣cient Copies of that Authour, but had been foisted in either by the Pub∣lisher, or else by Mr. Camden himself; thô this Authour does not say so in express terms,

I shall therefore repeat in short what Mr. Ant. Wood hath answered to this Objection, in the * 1.122 Antiquities of the University of Oxford, from a Manuscript Testimonial, under the hand of the learned Mr. Twyne; viz. That he himself, long after discoursing with Mr. Camden on this Subject, and asking him expresly about this passage, whose authority began to be then questioned,

His Answer was, that he very well knew that he had truly transcribed, that passage from an ancient Manuscript of Asser, which he had then by him, and which as the said Mr. Wood in his Notes tells us, then belonged to Sir Henry Savile of Banke, near Halifax in York-shire.

But I shall not now take upon me to Answer the rest of the Objections which the said Sir John Spelman does there produce against the validity of the above cited passage; which supposes publick Schools to have been at Oxford, before King Alfreds time; for they are all reduceable to these two heads; First the express words of the Annals, of the Abbey of Hyde above-mentioned, as also that of Polychronicon,

That King Alfred was

the first King who founded a University there:* 1.123 all which may be an∣swered, by allowing that to be true in respect of a University, endow'd with Priviledges, and distinct Halls and Colledges built on purpose; and yet there might very well have been before that time a publick School, or Studium, (as it was then call'd,) where the Liberal Arts were taught; as for the other Objection of the improbability of the old Scholars fall∣ing out with the new Professors, in the very first Year of the Institution of the University, (that is, as soon as ever they came thither,) this may be also answered, by supposing that those Annals were written many Years after the Death of King Alfred, from a Common received Tra∣dition, and so this transaction might have been dated there, or Four Years later than it really happened; as John Rouse in his Manuscript History of the Kings of England also places it.

I confess there is one Objection, which I wish I could Answer; and that is, How Gildas and Nennius could study at Oxford, when the latter was not so much as Born, till about the Conclusion of this, or Beginning of the following Century, and much less the Former; when even by the best Accounts of those Times, the Pagan Saxons were then Masters of that part of England.

Having said thus much concerning the Antiquity of that Famous Uni∣versity, to which I owe my Education, I shall not trouble my self with enquiry into the Reality of those supposed Ancient Schools, of Creeklad and Leacklade; (which the Monkish writers suppose to have been anciently called Greeklade, and Latinelade,) the latter of which Derivations, thô Mr. Camden justly explodes, yet he seems to have more Veneration for the former, since in the place from whence I have transcribed the above-cited Quotations; he also tells us,

That the Muses were transported to Oxford from Creeklade; (now a small Town in Wilt-shire.)

All the Authority for which (that I know of, beside uncertain Tradition) de∣pends upon the Credit of a Manuscript, lately in the Liberary of Trinity Hall in Cambridge,* 1.124 and is cited by Mr. Wheelock in his Notes upon Bede; where speaking of Theodorus, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, he says, That he held or maintained Schools in a Village near the Water, which is called Greekislake; but Mr. Somner in his Learned * 1.125 Glossary, hath given us a much more likely Derivation of this place, (viz.) from the Old Saxon Word Creek, signifying a River, or Torrent, run∣ning either into some River, or else into the Sea; and Gelad, which sig∣nified an emptying, for it was anciently written Crecca Gelade, and not Greeklade, as some would now write it.

* 1.126

This Year the Pagans passing under the Bridge of Paris, and from thence by the Seine up the River Meterne, (now called Marne,) as far as Cazii, (now Choisy) and which Florence says signified a Royal Village, where, and at Jona, (a place we know not,) they staid Two Years; also the same Year Deceased Charles (the Grosse) King of the Franks, but Earnwulf his Brother's Son had expell'd him out of his Kingdom six Weeks before his Death; after which it was divided into five Parts, over whom were set five Kings; but this partition was with Earnewulf's good leave, for they all promised to Govern under him, because none of them was Heir on the Fathers side, besides himself alone; therefore Earnwulf fixed the Seat of his Kingdom in the Countries lying on the East side of the Rhine; whilst Rod••lf took the middle, or inward part of the Kingdom; and Odo (or Otto) the Western Part; and Beorngar,

and Witha, (called in Latine Beringarius, and Wido) held Lombardy,* 1.127 and all the Countries on that side the Mountains; all which Kingdoms they held with much Discord, Fighting two great Battles, and wasting those Countries, till such time as each of them had expell'd the other from his Kingdom; also the same Year Ethelelm the Ealdorman carried the Alms of King Alfred, and the West Saxons to Rome.

This was the Benevolence, called Peter Pence, which is here justly termed an Alms, and not a Tribute, as Modern Popish Writers have termed it.

But to return to our own Domestick Affairs; Asser above-mentioned, in∣forms us, that the Kingdom being now pretty well at quiet from the Danes, the King began to mind his Civil Government, to repair his Cities and Castles, and also to build others in the most necessary places, altering the whole face of the Country into a much better form; and having walled several Towers and Castles, he made them defensible against the Pagans: Nor was he less careful in the Political Affairs of his Kingdom; for divers of his own Subjects, having, under the name of Danes, committed great Spoils and Rapines, these the King resolving to punish, and restrain from these Excesses, he first of all divided all the Provinces of England into Coun∣ties, and those again into Hundreds and Tythings; so that every Legal Subject should dwell in some Hundred or Tything, whereby if any were suspected of Robbery, and being thereof Condemned, or absol∣ved by his Hundred or Tything, they should either undergo due punishment, or else if Innocent be acquitted.

But the Governours of Provinces, who were before called Vice Domini, and in English Saxon Geriffs, he divided into two Offices, That is, into Judges, whom we now call Justices, and into Sheriffs, who do yet retain that name; and by the Kings care and industry in a short time, there was so great a Tranquility through out the whole Kingdom, that if a Traveller had happen'd to have lost a Bag of Money in the High-way, he might have found it again untouched the next day.

And Bromton's Chronicle relates, That thô there were Gold Bracelets hung up at the parting of several High-ways; yet Justice was so strictly executed, that no Man durst presume to touch them.

But in the Distribution of his own Family, he followed the Example of King Solomon; for dividing it into Three Companies, or Bands, he set a Chief over each of them; so that every Captain with his Band, performed his Service in the King's Palace for the space of one Month; and, then going with his Company to his own Estate, he looked after his private Affairs for Two Months, and so did each of them in their Order, which Rotation of Officers this King observed all the rest of his Reign.

And to this Year also, Sir H. Spelman refers that Great Council wherein King Alfred made those Laws that go under his Name; in which, after a Preface, wherein he first recites and confirms the Ten Command∣ments, as also divers other Laws, which are set down in Exodus and Leviti∣cus, he concludes to this effect, That whatsoever he found worthy of Observation either in the time of K. Ina, his Kinsman, or Offa, King of the Mercians, or of Ethelbert, the first Christened King, he had gathered them all together, and committed those to writing which he thought most deserving, omitting others which he judged less convenient, in doing of which he had taken the Advice, and had the Consent of his Wise-Men,

and having revised the Laws of those Princes,* 1.128 he transcribed such of them as he liked into his own; and by the Consent of the said Wise-men he thereof made a Collection, and commanded them to be observed by all Englishmen; under which name the Saxon and Jutes were then included.

The first of his Laws requires (as most necessary to all his Subjects) that each Man keep his Oath or Pledge, (i. e. his promise to observe the Laws, and keep the Peace) and if any should be compelled to Swear, or deposite a pledge whereby he may be bound to betray his Lord, or un∣justly to assist any Person, he ought to break his promise, rather than per∣form it. But in case he hath engaged to perform any thing which might justly be done, and doth it not, his Arms and all his personal Estate shall be put into the hands of his Friends; and he himself kept in the King's Prison for Forty Days, till he undergo that Pennance which the Bishop shall enjoin him; and also his Friends (i. e. Relations) re∣quire of him: but if he have not wherewith to sustain himself in the mean while, if his Kindred are not able to provide him Victuals, the King's Officer shall do it; but if he resist and be taken by force, he shall forfeit both his Arms and his personal Estate; and if he be killed, nothing shall be paid as the Value of his Head: and in case he escape before his time, viz. of Forty Days be out, and be retaken, he shall be returned back again to Prison for other Forty Days: If he escape, he shall have no benefit of the Laws, but be Excommunicated from all Christs Churches, and if any Man have been security in his behalf, he shall make satis∣faction for it according to Right, and do Pennance, till he make such sa∣tisfaction as his Priest shall appoint.

The Second bears the Title of the Immunity of the Church, and we shall speak of it among the Ecclesiastical Constitutions.

The Third is, concerning the breach of the King's Surety-ship, by the payment of a Mulct of Five Pounds of Mercian, (i.e. larger Money) but the Violation of Surety-ship, (or the Peace) made to an Arch-Bishop by a fine of Three Pounds: and if any one break or forfeit the King's Pledge, (or Recognizance,) he shall make amends according to Right, and the breach of the Surety-ship to a Bishop or Ealdorman, by two Pounds.

The Fourth Law is, concerning the Death of the King, or any other Lord; If any one, that, either by himself alone, or by any other per∣son, shall attempt against the King's Life, he shall lose his Life and Goods; but if he will purge himself, let him do it according to the valuation of the King's Head; the same is also ordained in all Judg∣ments concerning other Men, whether Noble or Ignoble: whosoever Conspires against his Lord, shall lose both his Life and Estate; or else pay the Valuation of his Lord's Head.

From which Laws we may observe, That according to the custom of those Times, there was a Rate set upon every Man's Life, even upon the King's himself, if he were killed.

The Seventh Law is, against Fighters in the King's Palace;* 1.129 If any Man shall Fight, or shall draw a Weapon in his House, his Life shall lye at the King's Mercy, whether he will Pardon him or not; but if the offender flee, and be taken, he shall redeem his Life, with the price of his head, or be fined according to his Offence.

Whereby it appears that the Offender might have redeemed this crime with Money at the first, or else the last Clause had been vain.

The Ninth Law ordains, What mulct a Man shall pay, that Kills a Woman with Child, which was to be according to the Value of her head; and he was also to pay for the Child in her Womb, half as much as for a living one, according to the quality of its Father.

The Tenth ordains, What fines or amends every Man shall pay to a Husband, for committing Adultery with his Wife; which was to be encreased according to the Estate, or Quality, of him against whom the Offence was committed.

The rest of the Law, being about the quantity of the mulcts appoint∣ed for several Thefts, I omit.

The Eleventh appoints, What mulct a Man shall pay, that wantonly handles the Breasts of a Country Man's Wife, or offers her any Vio∣lence, as by flinging her down, &c. though he does not lye with her.

This shews how careful the ancient English Saxons were of the Persons and Chastity even of the meanest Subjects.

I shall skip over a great many of the other Laws, they only ordaining penalties for several petty trespasses, and small Offences, and shall pass

To the Twenty Sixth Law, Which appoints what mulcts shall be paid by those who shall Kill in Troops or Companies, and also to whom these Mulcts were to be paid. If the Slain and Innocent Party were an Ordinary Person, (that is, one whose head was valued but at Two Hundred Shillings,) he that slew him must pay the value of his head, and a Fine besides to his Kindred: Also every one that was in the Com∣pany, must pay Thirty Shillings; which Penalty was still to be encreased, according to the Value of the Estate of the Party Slain; so that as the Penalty for the Death of a Man valued at Twelve Hundred Shillings, every one that was present shall pay 120 Shillings, and the Man slayer himself the price of his Head, and a Fine besid••s: But in case the whole Company shall deny that he gave the Mortal Wound, all of them are to be impeached together, and to pay both the Value and the Fine besides.

Now concerning this Troop, or Company, which our Saxon Ancestors called Hlothe, how many Men made up one of them, the Reader may please to take notice, that by the Laws of King Ina they were to be above Thirty.

* 1.130

The Twenty Seventh appoints, What share of the Mulct, or satis∣faction a Man's Kindred by the Mothers side shall receive, in case he have no kindred on his Father's side; and what share those of his Guild, or Fraternity shall pay in case he have committed. Man-Slaughter in a quarrel, (viz.) The former shall pay a Third part, and the latter one half of the price of the head of the party slain.

But whether by those here mentioned of the same Guild, are meant such as were fellow Contributors to the same Parish Feasts in honour of the Saints, as was the Custom of those Times; or else (which is more likely) such as were bound together in the same Decenary, or Tything, it being very obscure, I shall not take upon me to determine.

The Twenty Eighth Laws was made against publick defamers, or spreaders of false news, (whereby is meant spreaders of false news a∣gainst the Government,) and Commands that such a one being Con∣victed, shou'd suffer no less punishment, than the cuting out of his Tongue, except he redeem it by payment of the value of his Head, and even then he was afterwards to be esteemed of no Credit.

The Thirtieth Ordains, That Merchants when they Land shall bring such as come on Shore with them, before the King's Officers in Folc∣mote, and there declare their number, that they may be ready to pro∣duce them to answer any thing that shall be demanded of them in the said Folcmote; and if it happen that they bring many strangers on shore, that they also certifie this to the King's Officer in that said Assembly; that so they may be forth coming.

Now considering the Times wherein King Alfred lived, when there was such flocking of Strangers, being Enemies, into England; this Law was very justly and seasonably made.

The Thirty First inflicts upon him that shall put a Ceorles's Man (that is an ordinary Country-Man) without any fault into Bonds, viz. A Mulct of Ten Shillings; upon him that beats such a one, Twenty Shillings; if he hang him up a-loft, Thirty Shillings; if he cut off his Hair to expose him like a Fool, Ten Shillings; if he shave his Head like a Priest, (yet bind him not) Thirty Shillings; and in case he only cut off his Beard, Twenty Shillings; but if he bind him, and shave his Hair like a Priest, then Sixty Shillings.

Which Law was no doubt made to restrain the Tyranny and Insolence of the English Nobility, who were wont before that Law too much to domineer over poor Country-Men, (here called Ceorles-men;) and there∣fore it seems highly probable, that the Commons of England had then Representatives in the Great Council, or else it is not likely the Nobility would ever have lost that Power they then Usurped over them: Where∣fore I shall leave it to the Indifferent Reader to Consider, whether the Common People of England were then such Slaves, as some late Writers would fain make them; since not only satisfaction was to be made for their

Lives, but also for the least injury, or abuse,* 1.131 that might be committed against their Persons.

The Thirty Fourth Law imposes upon him that shall strike or fight in open Court, before the King's Ealdorman, both the value of his own head, and such a Fine besides, as shall be thought fit; and also 120 Shillings to be paid to the Ealdorman by him, that by thus draw∣ing his Weapon shall make any disturbance in the Folcmote, or County Court; if the Ealdorman were not present, but the fact was done be∣fore his Substitute, or the King's Priest, then a Were or Amerciament of Thirty Shillings.

Here by the King's Priest, is meant either the King's Chaplain or Bi∣shop, I will not determine whether; who as we formerly said in those times presided also in the Folcmotes, and there dispatched all business re∣lating to the Church.

The Thirty Fifth ordains, What satisfaction shall be made for breach of the Peace in any other place; as for Example, he that fights in the home-stall of a Country-man, shall pay the said Country-man Six Shillings; if he drew his Sword, but struck not, half as much; which Penalty also was to be encreased according to the Estate or Quality of him upon whose ground the Assault was made: So that if he fought in the House of one worth 600 Shillings, he was to pay Three times as much; if of one worth 1200 Shillings, then the Amends was to be twice as much as the former.

The Thirty Six Law of B••rhbrice, or breach of the Peace, in a Town, confirms that part of King Ina's Law, concerning that matter, in imposing upon the Offender, for the breach of the Peace in the King's Town or City, by setting the Mulct of an Hundred and Twenty Shillings; but if it be done in the Arch-Bishop's Town, then Ninety Shillings; in that of a Bishop or Ealdorman, Sixty Shillings; in the Town of a Man valued at 1200 Shillings Estate, Thirty Shillings; but half as much if done in a Village of one worth but half that Sum.

From whence we may observe, That in those times not only the King and the Great Men, such as Bishops and Ealdormen, but also Gentle∣men of ordinary Estates, had Villages or Townships of their own; and they themselves received the Mulcts or Penalties imposed for the breach of the Peace within their Precincts; which priviledge they lost, I suppose, after the coming of King William. I.

The Thirty Seventh is, That Law concerning Bocland, by vertue whereof he that holds Lands left him by his Ancestors, was forbid to alienate it from his Kindred to others, in case it could be proved by Writing or Testimony, before the King, or the Bishop, his Kindred being present, that the Man who first granted them, forbid him all Alienation, and laid on him this Condition.

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* 1.132From the making of this Law Mr. Selden informs us, that we may here find an Estate in Fee-Tail, much more ancient than the thirteenth Year of Edward the First.

The 38th Law is concerning Quarrels, or deadly Feuds, which, since it gives a strange Licence for Men to take Satisfaction on their Enemies, even without the Presence of any Officer, I shall likewise set down:

First, It forbids any Man to attack his Enemy, if he find him in his own House, except he first demand of him Satisfaction: But if he have force enough, he may besiege the House for seven days, yet he shall not assault him, if he will stay within; but if he then surrender himself, and his Arms, into the Defendant's hands, he may keep him thirty Days, without hurt, but then shall leave him so to his Kindred or Friends. In case he flie to a Church, the Honour of the Church is to be preserved: But if the Demandant have not Strength enough to be∣siege him in his House, he may desire the Assistance of the Ealderman, which, if he cannot obtain, he must appeal to the King before he can assault him. If any one by chance light upon his Adversary, not knowing that he keeps himself at home, and he will deliver up his Arms to him, he shall keep him safe thirty Days, and then deliver him to his Friends: But in case he will not deliver up his Arms, then he may fight with him; but if he be willing to deliver up himself, and his Arms, to his Enemy, and any other Man sets upon him, such a Man shall pay the value of his Head, if he kills him; or give Satisfaction for his Wounds if any be given him, according to the Fact; besides which, he shall be fined, and lose all that may fall to him, by reason of Kindred.

From whence you may observe, that the nature of that Rough and Martial Age, did allow Men a greater Liberty of righting them∣selves against those that had injured them, than was afterwards thought fit to be allowed in more settled and peaceable Times.

The last of King Alfred's Laws is concerning Wounds and Maims, which being very long, I shall only give you an Abstract of it. It is, (in short,) to appoint what Satisfaction in Money any Man shall pay for wounding or maiming another, or for cutting off any Member or part of his Body, even to the Nail of his little Finger: All which was ascer∣tained according to the particular Sums there set down; and I shall leave it to wiser Judgments to consider, whether it would not be better if the Law were so at this day, since it would not only prevent the too great Fa∣vour of Juries in some Cases, but also their over-Severity in others, by often giving either very small, or else excessive Damages, according as the Plaintiff or Defendant is more or less known to them, or that they have a greater or less Kindness for them.

There was likewise made in the same Synod divers Ecclesiastical Canons, some of which, taken from amongst the Civil Ones, I shall here likewise set down.

The first is concerning the Immunities of the Churches, by which it is ordained, That if a Man, guilty of any little Crime, flie to a Church, which does not belong to the King, or the Family of a private

Person, he shall have three Nights to provide for himself,* 1.133 unless in the mean time he can make his Peace: But if any Man, within that Term, shall inflict upon him either Bonds or Blows, he shall pay the Price of his Head, according to the Custom of the Country; and also to the Ministers or Officers of the Church 120 Shillings, for violating the Peace thereof.

The next Law but one is likewise to the same effect, whereby is gran∣ted to every Church, consecrated by the Bishop, the like Peace, and if any Offender shall flie to it, none shall take him thence for seven Days; if any Man shall presume to do so, he shall be culpable of breaking the King's and Churche's Peace: If the Officers shall have need of their Church in the mean time, he shall be put into another House, which has no more Doors than the Church; only the Elder, (i.e. Presbyter) of that Church shall take Care he have no Meat given him: But if he will surrender himself, and his Arms, to his Enemies, he shall be kept thirty Nights, and then be delivered up to his Kinsmen. Also, whosoever shall flie to a Church for any Crime, which he hath not yet confess'd, if he shall there make Confession of it, in God's Name, half the Penalty shall be remitted to him.

From whence you may observe the Antiquity and Design of Sanctuaries in England, which were not then (as they were afterwards,) abused, be∣ing at first only intended for Places where Offenders might stay for a time, 'till they could agree with their Adversaries or Prosecutors, as well as they could; since almost all Crimes whatever were redeemable with pecuniary Mulcts in those days.

The 5th Law is, that if one shall steal any thing out of a Church, he must restore the value, and also forfeit as belongs to an Angild; the meaning of which you may see in the next Law.

The 6th Law is, That if any one shall steal on the Sunday, or on Christ∣mas, or Easter, or Ascension-days; the Forfeiture should be as belongs to an Angild, (i. e.) the whole value of his Head; Also the Hand with which he stole was to be cut off: But if he would redeem his Hand, it should be permitted him to compound for it, according as it should appertain to his Were, (i. e.) the Price of his Head.

Besides which Laws, Alfred, Abbot of Rieval, in his Geneal. Regum Angliae, mentions another Law of this King's, whereby every Freeman of the Kingdom, having two Hides of Land, was obliged to keep his Sons at School 'till they were 15 Years of Age, that so they might become Men of Understanding, and live happily; for (said the King in this Law,) a Man Free-born, and unlettered, is to be regarded no otherwise than a Beast, or a Man void of Understanding.

The 12th is concerning the Breach of the Peace by Priests: If a Priest kill any one, he should be taken, and all his Estate confiscated; and also the Bishop should degrade him, and put him out from the Church, unless his Lord would obtain his Pardon by the Price of his Head. The rest, being concerning the Penalties for the Violation of Nuns, I omit.

* 1.134I have been the more particular in the reciting of these Laws of King Alfred, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, that the Reader may see the Pe∣nalties that were inflicted upon Offenders in that Age; and how different they were from ours. But to return to our Annals,

This Year Beocca the Ealderman carried the Alms of the West-Saxons as well as the King's, to Rome; Also Queen Aethelswith, who was the Sister of K. Aelfred, and Widow of Burhed King of Menia, died in her Journey thither, whose Body was buried at Pavia: And the same Year Aethered, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Aethelwald the Ealderman, de∣ceased in the same Month.

About this time also (according to Asser,) King Alfred built two Mo∣nasteries; the one for Men at Ethelingaie, (now Athelney,) that is, The Isle of Nobles, (where he had before lain so concealed;) and the other for Nuns at Shaftsbury, where he made Algiva, his own Daughter, Abbess; endowing them both with great Revenues.

* 1.135'This Year none went to Rome, unless two ordinary Messengers, whom the King sent with Letters;] yet nevertheless Florence of Worcester affirms, the King Commanded all the Bishops and Religious Men of England to Collect the Alms of the Faithful, in order to sen•• them to Rome, and Jerusalem: And,

* 1.136The next Year, (according to the same Annals) Beornhelm, Abbot of the West Saxons carried those Alms to Rome; and also Goarun, (or Gythrum) King of the Normans, (i.e.) Danes, deceased, and being God-Son to King Aelfred, his Christian Name was Ethelstan; this was he who possessed the Country of the East-Angles, after the Death of King Edmund.

Also the same Year the Danes left the River Seine, and came to Sand-Laudan, which place lyes between the Bretons and the French; but the Bretons fighting with them, obtained the Victory, and drove them into a River, where many of them were drown'd.

This Year also the Annals relate, That Plegmond was Elected by God and all his Holy Men to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, thô Florence of Worcester places it, and that more rightly, under the Year before.

* 1.137The Danes again Invaded the Eastern Franckland; and Arnulf the Emperour, being assisted by the French, Saxons, and Bavarian Horse, fought with the Danish Foot, and put them to flight.

Also Three Scots came now to King Alfred from Ireland in one Boat made of Hides, having quitted their Country, because they would live the Life of Pilgrims (i. e. a Wandring Life) for God's sake, not being solicitous about any place, wherefore they had brought only one Week's Provision with them, and after about Seven Days being at Sea, landing in Cornwall, they were presently brought to King Alfred; their Names were Dubslane, Macbeth, and Maelinmun; also Swifneh, who was chief Preacher amongst the Irish Scots, deceased; The same Year after Easter ap∣peared a Comet.

This Year, after Eight Years Intermission, the Kingdom became again infested worse than ever by a fresh Invasion of the Danes;* 1.138 for their Army above-mentioned, being driven by the Emperour Arnwulf out of France, marched Westward to Bunnan, (now Boloign) where taking Shiping in Two Hundred and Fifty Vessels, together with their Horses, they arrived in the Mouth of the River Limene, which then lay from the Eastern Part of Kent, as far as the East End of that great

Wood, which is called Andred;* 1.139 which Wood or Forest is in length from East to West at least an Hundred and Twenty Miles, and in breadth Thirty; (containing all that which we call the Weald of Kent to this Day; as also the Woodland part of Sussex, as far as Hamptshire;) but up this * 1.140 River Limene they drew their Ships, as far as the said Wood or Forest, viz. Four Miles from the furthest part where the Sea flows up, and there they made a Fort in that Fen, which was raised by a few of their Ceorls, or Villains.

And not long after arrived Haestein the Dane, who, entring the Mouth of Thames with Eighty Vessels, Built a Fort at Middletune in Kent, whil'st another part of the Army did the same at Apuldre or Apultre (now called Apledore in the same County) where as Ethelward relates, They took and destroyed an Old Castle being defended only by a few Country People; he also makes Haestein to have Fortified Middleton after Apuldere, and his Army to have Winter'd in both places.

'This Year also, Wulfhere Arch-Bishop of the Northumbers decased.* 1.141]

But to look a little upon the Affairs of Wales: The same Year Anarawd Prince of North-Wales, came with a great number of English Men (whom he had got to join with him) and made War upon his Brother Cadelh, Prince of Southwales, and spoiled the Countries of Cardigan, and Ystradgwy.

What the Danes did immediately after their Landing, our Annals men∣tion not; but we may with great probability hither refer that Action, (touched upon in our Annals, which are very confused and obscure in the Relation of this War) viz. That it is most likely the Kings Army be∣sieged Haestein either at Middleton, or Beamfleot; where not long after his Landing, he had built a strong Fort on the opposite Shore, and being redu∣ced by the King to great Extremities, he was forced to surrender himself with his Wife, and his Two Sons to the King's Mercy, upon Condition that they should be Christened; which being done, (the King, and Aethered, Ealdorman of Mercia, being their Godfather;) Haesten gave the King Hostages, and solemnly swore to depart the Kingdom; but as soon he got loose, he broke all those Agreements, and retiring into Beamfleot there fortified himself a fresh.

And the Spring after Aethelward assures us, That passing along the great Forest of Andredeswood, they then wasted the adjacent Countries of Hamptshire, and Berkshire; but the Saxon Annals affirm, that about a Year after the Danes had raised that Fort, (I suppose of Middleton above-men∣tioned), in the East part of the Kingdom, K. Alfred the better to secure himself, caused the Danes of Northumberland, and East England, to take an Oath to be true to him; and the King also compell'd the East Angles to give him Hostages: yet nevertheless they broke this Peace; for when the Danes in Kent went out of their Ships in Troops to Plunder, they also went with them, or else the Danes carried the Prey into their Territories; wherefore King Alfred, gathering together his Army, and marching forward, Encamp'd between Two Parties of these Danish Robbers, where by reason of Woods, as also of Water on both sides, he had a very convenient place for that purpose, insomuch that he could set upon either Party whenever they marched into the Country to Plunder; but they Robb'd in Troops, as well on Horse-back as on Foot, in all Parts where the King's Army was not; yet were repulsed almost every Day, as well by the King's Forces, as by the Neighbouring Towns: For

the King had now divided his Forces into two Bodies,* 1.142 so that one half of them remained always at home, whilest the other marched out, ex∣cept those whose business it was to defend the Towns; but the Danes oftener sallied out of their Camp than the King's Men; For the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in one Body sallied not out of their Camp, but twice; Once when they first Landed, and another time when they were about to Decamp; and then having taken a great Booty, they endeavoured to carry it over the Thames, into Essex, toward their Ships; But the King's Forces prevented them, and fought them near Fernham, and put them to flight, and rescued the Prey; from whence they fled beyond the Thames, and thence by the River Colne, into a certain Island (called by Mr. Speed, Brecklesey;) where the King's Army besieged them, as long as their own Provisions lasted, for they had only Victuals for a small time: Then the King marched thi∣ther with the Forces of that Province, whil'st the former returned home; but the Danes in the mean time remained there, because they could not carry away their King (being then wounded) along with them; but those Danes that Inhabited Northumberland, and East England, got together an Hundred Ships with which they sailed about the South Parts, whil'st with Forty others they did the like in the North; with the former they besieged a certain strong place lying on the Northern Coast of Devonshire, and then fetching a Compass towards the South, besieged Exancester (now Exceter;) which when the King heard, he turned all his Forces toward that place; but the Danes, (as Florence relates) affrighted at the News of his approach got again to their Ships, carrying their Prey to Cisseancester, (now Chichester in Sussex,) where they were repulsed by the Citizens, and great part of their Army killed; but in the mean time while one Party of the King's Army remained behind, the other marched on to London, and then pro∣ceeded Eastward with the Citizens of that place, and other Auxiliaries that came from the West, as far as Beamfleot, (now South Bemfleet) in Essex; whither Haestein was come with the Forces which had been before quarte∣red at Middleton; to which also were joined those that first arrived at Apuldre in the Mouth of the River Limene; for Haesten had built a strong Fort at Beam∣fleot, and was from thence marched out to Plunder, whil'st great part of his Army remained at home; but when the King's Forces came thither, they soon put his Army to flight, and demolished the Fort, taking all that was within it, together with their Goods, Wives and Children, carrying them to London; and as for their Ships, part of them they broke to pieces, but car∣ried the best of them to Rochester and London, and burnt the rest; but the Wife of Haesten and his Two Sons being brought to the King, he not long after sent them back to him at his request, because one of the Boys had been the King's, and the other Earl Aethered's Godson, (as hath been already said).

H. Huntington places the Siege of Exester after the taking of Bem∣fleet; whereas the Annals suppose it to be done about the same time; but be it as it will, they all agree that whilest the King was detained in the West at that Siege, both Armies of the Danes (viz. as well those which had been before routed at Bemfleet, as those which were at the Isle of Breck∣lesey) met at Sceobyrig (now South-Shoebury in Essex,) and there built a Castle, and then marching along the Thames, a great many of the Danes of East England, and Northumberland joined them; and so they marched from the Thames as far as the River Severne; then Aethered, Aethelm, and Aethelnoth the Ealdormen, and the King's Thanes who were

left at home in the Garisons,* 1.143 drew all the Men together they could from every Town on the East-side of Pedridan (now Parret in Somersetshire,) and on the West of Selwood (Forest) as also from both sides of the Thames, even as far as North Wales, who when they were all assembled, fol∣lowed the Pagans to Butdigingtune, on the side of Severne, (now called Budington in Shropshire,) and there besieged them on all sides, in a certain Fort they had cast up; but when they had staid there for divers Weeks Encamp'd on both sides the River, (the King being then in Devonshire with his Fleet) the Pagans pressed with Hunger, Eat their Horses, and many of them perished with Famine; yet at last they broke out upon those who lay on the East side of the River; where (as Aethelwerd tells us) was a very sharp Dispute, thô the Christians got the Victory, and kept the Field; but there Ordhelm the King's Thane was kill'd, as also many others of the same Rank; but that part of the Danish Army which remained alive, escaped by flight. And when they were got into their Garisons and Ships in East Saxe, just before Winter, they Muster'd a great Army from among the East Angles and Northumbers; and committing their Wives, Ships and Goods to the keeping of the East Angles, marched Day and Night, till they took up their Quarters at a certain City in Werheal, called Legacester, (now Chester;) but the Kings Forces could not overtake them before they had got into the Castle, which nevertheless they besieged for about Two Days, and took away all the Cattle that were in those Parts, and kill'd all the Men they could find without the place; and partly burnt the Corn, and partly devoured it with their Horses: This was done about a Twelve Month after the Danes arrival here.

Not long after this the Pagans went from Werheal into North Wales, but they could not stay there long because the Cattle and Corn were all drove away and destroyed;* 1.144 so they were forced to march thorough the Country of the Northumbers and East Angles with such speed, that the King's Forces could not overtake them till they came into the East part of East Seaxe, to a certain Island seated near the Sea, called Mere∣sige (now Mercey) in Essex.

Also the same Year the Danes, who were encamp'd in Meresige, drew their Ships up the Thames, and thence up the River Ligan, (now called Lee) which divides Middlesex from Essex; and there according to Florence they began to raise a Fort; this happen'd in the second Year after their arrival.

The Pagans having raised the Fortification near Ligan above-mentioned, about 20 Miles from London;* 1.145 this Summer a great part of the Citizens and others marched thither, and endeavoured to take and destroy it, but they were there forc'd to fly for it, and Four of the King's Thanes were kill'd on the spot.

This Autumn, when the King had pitched his Camp in those Parts about Harvest time, to hinder the Danes from carrying away their Corn, it happen'd one day, as the King rode by the River side, that he found a place where the River might be so diverted, that the Danes should not be able to carry back their Ships; and thô they had built two Castles, one of each side the River to defend them; yet so soon as the Danes saw that (the stream being now diverted into several Channels) they could not carry back their Ships, they quitted them, and marched away on Foot, till

they came to Quatbrige (now supposed to be Cambridge,* 1.146 not far from the River Severne) where they cast up a Fort; but the King's Forces pursued them toward the West on Horse-back, whilest the Citizens of London seized and broke their Ships, and carried all that was worth any thing to the City, but the Danes had left their Wives with the East Angles before they de∣parted from that place; so that that Winter they staid at Quatbridge, be∣ing the Third Year since their last arrival.

But the next Year, according to our Annals, The Danes marched part of them into East England,* 1.147 and part into Northumberland, because want∣ing Money, they could only there procure Ships, which having got they sailed from thence Southward to the River Seine: Thus by God's Mercy this vast Army of Pagans did not wholly ruine the English Nation, althô it was very much weaken'd during these Three Years, as well by the Murrain of Cattle, as also by a great Plague upon Men; by which many of the King's noblest Thanes that were in the Kingdom dyed, of which number were, Swithulf Bishop of Rochester, Beorthalf Ealdorman of the East Saxons, Wulfred Ealdorman of Hamptshire, and Ethelheard Bishop of Dorchester, with many others. But I have only noted the most remarkable.

The same Year, those Robbers residing in East-England, and Nor∣thumberland, very much infested West Saxony, especially the Southern Coasts, by their stolen Booties; chiefly with their Ships which they had got ready long before for that purpose; then King Alfred (being it seems at last sensible how much damage the want of a Fleet had done his Country) Commanded divers Galleys to be made which were almost twice as long as others, some whereof had sixty Rowers; they were also swifter, higher, and less apt to rowle than others formerly built, for they were made neither according to the model of the Frisian Vessels, nor the Danish, but after such a manner, as was thought might prove most useful: And some time after in this Year, there arrived six Danish Ships at the Isle of Wight, and Sailing along committed great spoil in Devonshire, and all up and down that Coast. Then the King commanded that they should set Sail with the Nine Gallyes newly built, and shut up the Enemies Ships from going out of the Harbour where they were; upon which the Pyrats sailed out with Three Ships against them, the other three being left in the entrance of the Harbour upon the dry ground, and the Sea-men gone out of them; But the King's Fleet took two of the Danish Ships that came out of the Harbour, and slew the Men, but the Third escaped, though all, except Five, were kill'd: There came also other Ships thither, which were somewhat more conveniently posted, Three of them being placed in that part of the Sea, where the Danish Ships had before taken up their station, but all the rest in another part, so that they could not assist each other, for the Tide had gone back many Furlongs from the King's Ships: And so the Danes going out of their Vessels set upon Three English Ships which lay on the dry ground, and Fighting with them, there slew Lucomon the King's Admiral, and Wulfherd, Aebba, and Aethelerd, being all Frize∣landers, (who it seems then served in the King's Fleet) so that of the Frisons and English there were slain Sixty Two, of the Danes One Hun∣dred and Twenty: But the Tide returning, the Danish Ships got away be∣fore the English could have out theirs at Sea, thô they were so shatter'd, that they could scarce reach the Coast of Sussex, for two of them were

ran on Shore, and the Men being brought to the King at Winchester, he Commanded them all to be Hang'd: But those who were in the Third Ship, being very much wounded, with great difficulty reached East-England.

The same Year there perished no less than Twenty of their Ships to∣gether with the Seamen near the Southern Coast; and then also Wulfred Master of the King's Horse Deceased, who was a British or Welsh Gerefe or Governour.

Aethelm Ealdorman of Wiltshire deceased Nine days before Midsummer, and the same Year also Aealhstan Bishop of London dyed.* 1.148

]

This Year (according to the Welsh Chronicle) Igmond the Dane, with a great number of Soldiers Landed in the Isle of Man, or Anglesey, where the Welshmen gave him Battle at a place called Molerain, or Meilon,* 1.149 wherein we may suppose the Danes got the Victory, for their Chronicle says no∣thing to the contrary, and besides Merwy Son to Rodri King of Powis was there slain.

Also now King Alfred Deceased six days before the Feast of All Saints. He was King over all the English Nation, (except what was under the power of the Dan••s.)

But since we are come to the end of this King's Life, I shall here give you * 1.150 Florence of Worcester's Character of ••him: viz.* 1.151 That Famous and Victorious Warriour, King Alfred, the Defender of Widows and Orphans, the most skillful of all the Saxon Poets, who excelled in Prudence, Justice, Fortitude and Temperance, being as Discreet and Diligent in hearing of Causes, and giving Judgments, as he was devout in the Service of God; was also most Liberal and affable to all Men; so that for these Vertues he was highly beloved by his Subjects, now died of an Infirmity under which he had long laboured, whose Body lies buried in the new Monastery of Winchester, in a stately Tomb of Porphyrie.

But I shall from * 1.152 Asser's History of this King's Life and Actions, give you a larger account of him from his Infancy.

He was (as you have already heard) born Anno Dom. 849, and had been twice at Rome, but after his last Return together with his Father, He tells us, He was bred up at Court with the great Care and Affection, both of his Father and Mother, who loved him above the rest of his Brothers, because he was not only more Witty and Handsome, but also of a sweeter Disposition; and it had been well if he could have improved his own excellent Parts by Humane Learning; for to his great regret afterwards, by the extream fondness of his Parents, or by the negligence of those who had the care of his Education, he remained till the Twelfth Year of his Age, without so much as being taught his Letters; only having an excellent Memory, he learned by heart several Saxon Poems, be∣ing repeated to him by others; for he had a great, and natural Incli∣nation to Poetry, as our Authour himself had often observed; and as an instance of the quickness of his Parts, gives us this Account, That one Day when his Mother shewed him and the rest of his Brothers a certain fine Book in Saxon Verse, with which they were very well pleased, he being taken with the beauty of the Capital Letters, at the beginning of it, she promised to give it to him that should soonest understand and get it by heart; which Alfred undertaking to do, he carried it to his Master, and not only learned to Read it, but also got it without Book, and so repeating it to his Mother, had the Book given him for his pains:

after this he also learned the Daily Office,* 1.153 and then some Psalms and Prayers by heart, which being writ together in a Book, he still carried in his Bosome for his daily use: But alas! England, could not then sup∣ply him with any fit Tutors in the Liberal Arts, which he often com∣plained was one of the greatest hindrances in his Life, that at the time when he had most leasure to learn, he had no Masters that could teach him; and afterwards when he grew more in Years, he was troubled with incessant Pains both Night and Day, the causes of which were unknown to Physicians, but when he came to be King, he was then taken up with the cares of the Government, and how to resist the Invasions of the Danes, so that he had but little time for Study; yet notwithstand∣ing all these impediments from his very Child-hood, to the day of his Death, he never ceased to have an insatiable desire after knowledge; inso∣much that he did not only at leisure times learn himself, but also communi∣cated that learning to others, by translating into the English Saxon Tongue Orosius's Roman, and Bede's Ecclesiastical Histories, the latter of which Versions is Printed, but the former is still in Manuscript, in the Library of Corpus Christi Coll. Oxon. as also in other places: he had likewise begun to Translate the Psalms of David, but was prevented by Death, from making an end of it.

But to how low an Ebb Learning was then reduced by the frequent Wars and devastations of the Danes, King Alfred himself tells us in his Preface to St. Gregorie's Pastoral, that learning was so decay'd in the Eng∣lish Nation, that very few Priests on this side of Humber could under∣stand the Common Service of the Church, and he knew none South of Thames, who could turn an ordinary piece of Latine into English, though things were now somewhat better, yet that he himself had turn'd this Book into English by the help of Arch-Bishop Plegmond, with Grimbald and John his Priests; and had sent one of them to every Bishops See in the King∣dom, with an Aestel, (as the Saxon Word is, or Stilus, as in the Latin Version) upon each Book of fifty Mancuses in value, charging them in God's Name, neither to take away that Aestel from the Book, nor any of those Books out of the Church, seeing it was uncertain how long there would continue such Learned Bishops, as now (God be Thanked) were in all parts of this Kingdom.

But how this can consist with the supposed Relation out of Asser, concerning the flourishing state of Learning at Oxford, before that King's Founding the University, I do not understand.

But in the Twentieth Year of his Age, as soon as he was Married, that Distemper took him which held him till about his Fortieth Year, the cause whereof being unknown to his Physicians, it was supposed by some, that he was bewitched, and it was so sharp that he feared the Leprosie or Blindness, or else some worse Distemper, which often makes Men unuseful or despised; but by Praying to God in a certain Church in Cornwal, (where St. Neot lay buried) and near which the King came by chance to Hunt, he was relieved of that Pain, which tho this Au∣thour does not tell us what it was, yet it seems to have been some∣what proceeding from the stoppage of the Humours in the lower Parts, and which our Authour calls the Ficus, or Emerhoids.

I shall now in the next place shew you, how this King spent his time, as well in his private as publick Affairs, as the same Author hath re∣lated it; by which the Reader will be better enabled to frame a true Character of this most Pious, Learned, and Magnanimous Prince.

King Alfred (notwithstanding his frequent hindrances,* 1.154 not only by the Danish Wars, but also his bodily Infirmities) was always mindful of the Affairs of State, thô at spare times he used Hunting (for his Re∣cteation) and to oversee and direct his Artificers, Huntsmen and Faulk∣ners; He built also his Houses much more Magnificent than those of his Predecessors, and at leisure times was wont to read English Saxon Books, and learn Verses in the same Tongue by heart, so that he never failed when he was alone to imploy himself well. And for the better performance of his Duty, he vowed to bestow half his time (as far as his occasions and Infirmities would permit) in God's Service. And because it was impossible to know how the Hours of the Day and Night past, when often by reason of the Clouds the Sun could not be seen, (no Clocks being then invented) he began to think how he might distinguish the Hours by Night as well as by Day; and at last, by his own ingenious contrivance, he ordered Six Wax-Tapers to be made of equal length and bigness; so that each Taper being divided into Inches, and every Inch marked out upon the Taper; by this means those Six Tapers being set up one after another before the Reliques of the Saints, (which he still carried with him) gave a constant and certain Light during the whole Twenty four Hours, both by Night and by Day. But when sometimes by reason of the Wind, which came in at the Windows or Doors of the Chappel, or thorough the Chinks of the Walls, or the Cloth of his Tents; the Tapers were made to burn out sooner than they were used to do at other times; he first found out the Invention of making Lanthorns of Cow's Horns cut into thin Plates, whereby no Wind could wast the Tapers; so that by this Invention none of them burnt out sooner than another.

Afterwards he endeavoured to perform his former Vow in dedicating half his time to God, so that he was wont not only to hear Mass every day, but also to repeat his Prayers, Psalms, and other Nocturnal Offices, having made a Collection out of David's Psalms for his own private use; which being with certain Prayers written in a small Book, he always carried about with him in his Bosom; he likewise used to frequent the Church in the Night time, and there alone to say his Prayers: He was also very liberal in his Alms to Strangers, as well as his own People, treating all sorts of Men with great Gentleness and Affability, he would often hear the Scriptures read by his own Servants, and also Prayers read by Strangers, when he came to any place by chance: He loved his Bishops and all the Clergy very well, as also his Earls, Noblemen, and Servants; expressing his affection in Educating their Sons in his own Family, and by causing them to be constantly instructed in Letters and good Manners, with the same care, as if they had been his own Children: Yet for all this, the King was not satisfied, but was sorry that God had not made him more capable of true Wisdom, as well as Liberal Arts; admiring Solomon for nothing more, than that despising Riches and Worldly Glory, and desiring of God Wisdom, he thereby obtained not only those outward things, but this Request too over and above.

Thus our King imitated the Bee, which rising early, gathers Honey from all sorts of Flowers; So whatever was rare, that he had not in his own Kingdom, he fetched from abroad: for about this time God favouring his Pious Desires, sent him Werfriht, after Bishop of Worcester, one very well skilled in the Holy Scriptures, who by this King's Command, Elegantly

and exactly Translated the Dialogues of Pope Gregory,* 1.155 out of Latin, into the English Saxon Tongue; and after him Plegmond a Mercian, who was afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, a Venerable Man, and indued with all true Knowledge; to whom we may also add Aethelstan, and Werwulf, Priests, and the King's Chaplains.

These learned Men above-mentioned, King Aelfred had sent for out of Mercia, whose Erudition, as it daily encreased the King's Love to it, so his greedy Thirst after it could never be satisfied; for Night and Day, as often as he had leisure, he Commanded some or other to read to him, for he was never without one of them near him, whereby he obtain'd a general Knowledge of almost all sorts of Books; nor was he content∣ed with those he found at home, but he sent Messengers into France to procure new Masters; fetching from thence one Grimbald a Priest and Monk, a worthy Man, and an excellent Chanter, and one well skilled in all Secular, as well as Ecclesiastical Learning; as also John another Priest and Monk, throughly versed in all manner of Litterature, by whose assistance, as the King's Mind became much inlarged, so in Requital he Honour'd and Enrich'd them.

And here I may likewise add, what some other Authors have written concerning these two last Learned Persons, by whose assistance he first Founded the University of Oxford, as hath been already related; for John Rouse, in his History of the Kings of England, hath wrote of these two Monks, that Grimbald was sent for from his Monastery in Flanders, then counted part of France, as John was from his of St. Bertin, at St. Omers; this is that John commonly call'd Scotus and Erigena, (thô from whence he borrowed this last Name, I shall not determine, since the Learned dif∣fer so much about it) 'twas he Translated Dionisius his Hierarchia out of Greek into Latin, which is now publish'd by the Learned Dr. Gale.

About the same time Asser also relates, that he was sent for by the King from the Western, or furthest Parts of Britain, (that is, from St. David's in Wales) and being kindly received by him, he earnestly en∣treated him to leave whatever he had on the other side of Severne, and Dedicate himself wholly to his Service; but he could not promise that for above six Months in the Year, standing engaged the other six to reside at his own Monastery; for the Abbot and Monks there hoped that by his Interest with the King, they might better avoid those Troubles and Injuries From King Hemeid, who had often spoiled that Monastery and Diocess; by the Expulsion of its Bishops, as he had done the Archbishop Novis, our Author's Kinsman; for he also tells us, that both at this time and long before, all the Countries on the South part of Britain did then be∣long to King Aelfred's Dominions; Hemeid with all the Inhabitants of South Wales, and Rodri with his six Sons having subjected themselves to his Empire; Howel also the Son of Rice, King of Gleguising, Brochmail and Fermail Kings of Guent being oppressed by the Tyranny of Eadred Earl of the Mercians, desired of the King, that he would please to take the Dominion over them, and be their Protector against their Enemies: Also Helised the Son of Teudyr King of Brechonoc being kept under by the power of the said Sons of Rodri, sought the Protection of the King, as did Anarawd the Son of Rodi, (together with his Brethren) who all at last forsaking the friendship of the Northumbers, by which they had re∣ceived no advantage, but rather damage, came to the King desiring his favour, and were honourably received by him.

Prince Anarawd being enriched with many great gifts,* 1.156 submitted himself to the King's Dominion, together with all his Subjects, pro∣mising to be obedient in all things to his Royal Pleasure; neither did they desire the King's Friendship in vain, for those who loved to encrease their power obtained it, those who desired Money had it, those who only sought his Friendship enjoy'd it; but all of them did partake of his kindness and protection, as far as the King was able to defend them.

Then our Author further adds, That after he had been with the King Eight Months, he gave him a grant of Two Monasteries, called Ambres∣byri in Wiltshire, and Banuwelle, together with all that was there, adding these words; That he had not now given these small things, but in order to bestow greater on him; for some time after he gave him also Exancester (now Exeter) with all the Lands that belonged to it in West Saxony, and Cornwal; besides other daily presents, too long here to recite, which he says, he does not relate out of vain Glory, but to set forth this King's Liberality. Note, That by Excester he means only the Abbey.

Which also, as well as his Piety was very great; for the King had now order'd two Monasteries to be built, the one at Aethelingey, the place of his Retreat above-mentioned, putting Monks therein of divers Nations, because he could then find no Gentlemen nor Freemen of his own Country, that would undertake a Monastic Life; the other Monastery he built near the East-Gate of Shaftsbury, for an Habitation for Nuns, over which he made his own Daughter, Aethelgova Abbess, placing many Noble Virgins there, to serve God with her in a Monastic Life.

All which being finished, he then considered how he might further add to what he had already done; and therefore being stirred up by the Di∣vine Grace, he Commanded his Officers to divide all his Yearly Re∣venues into two equal parts, the first of which he allotted to secular Affairs; distributing it to skillful Artificers and Architects, who came to him from all parts far and near, whom he discreetly rewarded giving every Man according to his Merit; And the other half he dedicated to God, which he Commanded his Officers to divide likewise into four parts, so that one part should be discreetly bestowed upon poor Men of all Nations, that came to him; a second part was to be reserved for the two Monasteries which he had founded; a third for that School which he had made up of many considerable persons of his own Nation, as well as Foreigners. And which is supposed to have been the University of Oxford.

And the fourth part was to be sent some Years to the Monasteries in West Saxony and Mercia, and other Years to the Churches and Monks, serving God in Britain, France, Cornwall and Northumberland, nay as far as into Ireland; to each of them by turns according to his present Abilities. Nor did he only thus dedicate one half of his Revenues, but also one half of the Labours of his Body and Mind to God's Service, as hath been already declared.

Nor was he less exact in all things else he undertook; for he was the Great Patron of the Oppressed, whose Cause and Defence he almost alone supported, having very little assistance from others; since almost all the Powerful and Great Men of that Kingdom rather addicted themselves to Secular, then Divine imployments, and pursued every one his own private Interest, without any consideration to the Common good: but the King in his Judgments studied the advantage as well of the meaner sort as of the

Noble or Great,* 1.157 the latter of which, did often times in the publick Assemblies of the Ealdormen and Sheriffs pertinaciously quarrel among themselves, so that none of them would scarce allow any thing that was adjudged by the said Magistrates in their Courts, to be Right; and by reason of these obstinate dissentions, divers of them were compell'd to appeal to the King, which also both sides often desired to do; for they found that he diligently enquired into all the Judiciary Sentences that were given throughout his Kingdom, and if he found any injustice in them, he forthwith sent for the Judges, before whom such false Judgments were given and either by himself, or else by some trusty Commissioners had those Judges examin'd, to know the reason wherefore they had given such unjust Sentences, and then enquired whether they had done this through Ignorance, or else for Love, Hatred, or Fear, or else for lucres sake; but if the Judges protested, (and it was also found upon Examination) that they had passed such Sentence, because they were able to judge no better in the Cause; then would the King with great moderation reprove their Ignorance and Unskilfulness; telling them, He wondred much at their presumption in taking upon them the Office of a Judge, without having first duly studied the Laws, and therefore enjoyned them either to lay down their Imployments, or else mmediately to apply themselves to study them with more care: Which when they had heard, they took this reproof for sufficient punishment, and betook themselves to study with all their might; so that most of all the Ealdormen, who were illiterate from their Youth, rather desired to learn the Laws thô with labour, then lay down their Imployments; but if any one through Age, or great incapacity could not profit in those studies, he made either his Son or some near Kins∣man read to him English Saxon Books, when ever he had time, re∣penting that he had not employed his Youth in those Studies, and esteem∣ing those Young Men Fortunate, who could now be more happily in∣structed n all Liberal Arts.

So far Asser hath given us a particular Account of this King's Life and Conversation, both in publick and private: But if Andrew Horne, in his Book call'd, * 1.158 The Mirrour of Justices (a great part of which is supposed to be collected from divers ancient Saxon Records that are now lost,) may be credited, this King, condemn'd no less than Fourty four inferior Judges, in Hundred and County Courts, to be hanged, in one Year, for their false Judgments, either in condemning or acquitting Men with∣out the Verdict of the Jury; but the particular Cases being many, and long, I refer you to the Authour himself, wherein you will see the Diffe∣rence between the manner of Judicial Proceedings in those Times, from what they were presently after the Norman Conquest.

But some of our Historians, as particularly Harding in his Chronicle, made this King to have collected a Body of Laws, not only out of the Old and New Testament, but also from the Greek, Roman, British, and Da∣nish Laws; which, if it were ever done, is not now extant.

Having thus finished the Life of King Alfred, I cannot but take No∣tice of his last Will and Testament, (the only one we have left of all the English-Saxon Kings,) wherein, at the very beginning, he styles himself,

By the Divine Grace, King of the West-Saxons, with the Means and

Assistance of Athelred the Archbishop;* 1.159 as also with the Assent and Con∣sent of the Nobility of all West-Saxony, whom he there summons as Witnesses of this his last Will; and to be Trustees and Overseers of his Goods and Estate, for the good of his Soul, as well of the Inheritance which GOD and the chief Men, together with the Ealdormen of the People, had affectionately and bountifully bestowed upon him, as also of the Inheri∣tance which his Father Aethelwulf had bequeathed to him and his three Brothers, viz. Aethelbald, Aethered and himself; so as that the Survivor of them should enjoy the entire Dominion of the whole Kingdom:

And then proceeds to shew the particular force of that Entail, according to his said Father's Will, in these Words, as he gives it us, speaking in the first Person.

That if it should happen, That Aethelbald, the eldest Son of our Fa∣ther, should first decease, then Aethered, together with the Nobility of all West-Saxony, should be Witnesses for us of our Share in the said Kingdom, on the Day of his Coronation; whom we should with all our Might endeavour to advance to the Throne, after the Death of Aethel∣bald our eldest Brother, according to the Agreement he made with us, viz. That the said King Aethered should permit us to enjoy our Distributions, as we had them before our said Brother's Coronation; And also the Engagement he stood in to us concerning the said Heredi∣tary Distribution, was confirmed in like manner, to wit, that the Lands and Territories, which K. Aethered, by our Assistance, and the Power of our Men, should acquire to himself; as also the Dominions which should fall to him by Hereditary Right, he should, in Brotherly Love, proportionably divide with us.

But yet, if it should so happen, that Aethered should succeed to the Kingdom, he himself was to pro∣mise the same thing: But he refusing, (as this Testament particularly takes notice,) to observe this Agreement, only promised, That as for the Lands and Territories which he, by Alfred's and his People's Assi∣stance should acquire to his Dominions, as also the Inheritance to which he was born, he would, after his decease, confer upon none else but my self: And being thus pacified, I thereupon remitted all further Complaints against my Brother.

Then he proceeds farther,

That in case it should happen, that we all should fall by the hands of our Danish Enemies, then it was especially provided, that every one of us should so dispose of our Estates to our Sons, that each of them should successively enjoy our Inheritance, and our Lands and Possessions in like manner, as the Inheritance it self, with the Dominions, Lands and Possessions, which had been before conferred upon us.

And then he goes on to recite what had been for∣merly done in a General Council of the West Saxon Nobility at Swin∣bourne, wherein he had adjured them all to bear witness of the manner and intent of the former Entail; the sum of which was,

That since K. Aethered his Elder Brother was deceased, there was then none left but himself, who had any writing or Testimony concerning this Inheritance, nor any other Heir besides himself; and that if any one should offer to claim the said Inheritance, he should lose his Right, unless he forthwith produced witnesses of it; but then he heard that all his Kinsmen were dead, and so the whole Inheritance of King Ae∣thelwulf his Father was devolved upon him, by a Charter made thereof at his General Council at Langdene; which Charter he had then like∣wise

wife commanded to be read before the Witnesses of all West Saxony;* 1.160 and after it was read, he ordered all there present to declare, whether they had heard or knew of any Man who could justly claim any Right to his Inheritance, which had never come to his Knowledge before; be∣cause it was his intent to disinherit none of his Kinsmen of any thing; and then all the Princes and Ealdormen of his People did firmly and positively declare, that they never heard of any who had a juster Title to it than himself, and then they gave him full power to make his Will, and bequeath his Estate to his Kinsmen and Friends in such manner as best pleased him.

Next King Alfred proceeds in the presence of the said Witnesses, to make his last Will, and to confer upon his Eldest Son Edward divers Lands and Territories there particularly mentioned; lying in divers Countries in England, (* 1.161 but without any mention of the Crown;) he also leaves other Lands there recited to his Younger Son; the like he does for each of his Daughters, to whom he gives divers Lands there par∣ticularly set down; and then bequeaths to Athelm and Aethelwald his Brother's Sons, divers Towns there also particularly recited; then fol∣low his Legacies in Money to his Sons, Daughters and Servants, and to his Kinsmen above mentioned; as also to Ethelred, General of his Mi∣litia, and to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Asser Bishop of Shireburne, and several other Bishops; all which would be too tedious here to be set down,

And to let you see that Entails were then in force,

He farther Wills, That those to whom he had given his Free-Hold-Lands, should not alienate them beyond their own Lives, and if they had no Children they should go to the next of Kin, especially to the Eldest Son as long as any one of them remain'd alive; for so his Father had bequeathed his Inheritance; but if it should any ways happen that his said Lands should come into the hands of Women, then he Wills, That after their Decease those Lands should revert to his next Male Kindred descending from their bodies, &c.

And then concludes with an earnest Exhortation and desire, that none of his Relations should any ways disquiet each other concerning those things which he had already given and bequeathed to them; since the whole Nobility of the West Saxon Nation had already agreed with him, that it was but Just and Right that he should leave them as free as the Thought of Man could make them.

This is the substance of King Alfred's Will, which I have been the more particular in reciting, because it is one of the most Remarkable Pieces in our English Saxon Antiquities, and shews us the manner of Suc∣cession, not only to private Estates; but to the Crown it self in those Days. Thô we could have wished that the Original had been preserved, being in the English Saxon Tongue, of which this is only a Translation made by Asser at the end of this King's Life.

The Latine of which is indeed so barbarous, and obscure, that I would rather advise the curious Reader to peruse the Original itself, then venture to give him an imperfect interpretation of any more of it; having here al∣ready set down the most material heads, and which I thought did princi∣pally conduce to our present design.

King Alfred had born to him by the Queen his Wife above-mention'd, Aethelflede his Eldest Daughter, and after her Eadward his Eldest Son then Aethelgeofeu, or Ethelgiva, then Aelfthryth, and lastly Ethelweard, besides

those who died in their Infancy:* 1.162 Aethelflede when she came to mature Years, was Married to Eadred, Earl of the Mercians; Aethelgiva vowing Chastity, undertook a Monastic Life; Ethelward the youngest Child, was by the King's prudent Order, put to School under careful Masters, together with most of the Nobility's Sons of the Kingdom; in which School both Latin and Saxon Books were constantly read; and here they also learned to write: So that before they were admitted to Hunt, or handle Arms, they were well improved in the Liberal Arts,

As for this Prince Ethelward, * 1.163 Thomas Rudburne relates from the Annals of Winchester, that he was bred up at Oxford, and became learned above that Age; but being more given to Letters than Arms, we find nothing of him in our Annals more than the time of his Death, tho' he lived till he was about Forty Years of Age; but he had two Sons, Edwin, and Ethelwin, of a more Warlike Temper; who being Slain in a Fight against Anlafe King of the Danes, were by their Cousin King Athelstan's ap∣pointment, buried in the Church of the Abbey of Malmsbury, as our William the Monk of that place recites.

As for the Princess Aethelflede, she will make so great a Figure in her Brother's Reign, that I shall suspend saying any more of her here.

Besides these Children of King Alfred mentioned by Asser, the Chro∣nicle of St. Swithune tells us of another Son born before Prince Edward, called Edmund, who lived to be Crowned King by by his Father's appoint∣ment, in his Life-time; but dying before him, he was buried under a Mar∣ble-Stone, on the North side of the Altar of the Abbey Church of Win∣chester: So that we may hence perhaps supply that Chasme in Asser's Life of this Prince; where speaking of those Children of his, who died Young, says, In quorum numero est — but no Name being found in any of the Copies extant, it possibly ought to be supplied with Edmundus: But since this Prince is not mentioned in any other Historian or Pedigree of our Kings, I leave it to the Reader's discretion to determine as he pleases con∣cerning him.

As for the other Sons, Edward and Elfrithe, they were Educated in the King's Court, with great care of their Governors, and were taught by them to shew great respect toward Strangers, and a tender love to their own People, with a most Dutiful observance of their Father.

Immediately after his Excellent King's Death and Burial, his Eldest Son succeeded him under the Title of

King EDWARD, commonly called the Elder.

THis Prince (according to Annals) now began his Reign,* 1.164 being (as Asser and Bromton in his Chronicle relate) anointed King at Kingston, by Plegmund Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, of whom Ethelwerd in his History expresly tells us, That he succeeded to the Monarchy, and tho' the Eldest Son of King Alfred, yet was he Elected by all the Chief Men of the Kingdom, and Crowned on Whitsunday. Will. of Malmsbury observes, that tho' this Prince was much inferior to his Father in Learning and Knowledge; yet far exceeded him in Power and Grandeur, enjoying the benefit of those Labours which his Father had undergone.

* 1.165But so soon as ever he came to the Crown, as the Saxon Annals relate, he met with a very great disturbance; for Aethelwald his Cousin Ger∣man, (Son as is supposed to Ethered his Father's Elder Brother) pretend∣ing he had better right to the Crown than King Edward, Rebelled against him, and went over to the Danes: So the Prince presently invaded the King's Territories, and possessed himself of the Royal Towns of Tweoneam, (now Tweoxbeam) and Winburne, without the King's privity; whereupon he advanced his Army, and pitched his Camp at a place called Baddanbyrig, (a Hill near Winburne;) but Aethelwald, with those Men who were joined with him, kept themselves within the Town, and having shut up all the Gates, King Edward commanded them to Surrender; but he Swore that he would there either Conquer or Die; yet notwithstanding all this blustring, he privately withdrew himself by Night, and marched back to the Danish Army in Northumberland: Upon this, the King gave Orders to his Men to pursue him; yet tho' they did so, they could not overtake him; so he got safe to the Danish Army, where they joyfully received him for their King.

But Ranulh Higden in his Polychron tells us, That having taken away a Nun along with him out of the Monastry of Winburne, he went over to the Danes, which if so, (as is most likely) the King could not then Apprehend her; but it seems King Edward followed him so close, that he forced him to go over into France, (as Mat. of Westminster relates) that he might there obtain more Recruits, to give the King fresh distur∣bance; and therefore it is most probable, what Mat. Westminster, and Bromton's Chronicle tells us, That the King after Aethelwald's departure, seized his Wife, whom (having been a Nun) he had taken against the Command of the Bishop, from the Monastry above-named, whither she was now brought back again.

In the mean time (according to Mat. Westminster) the King improved his Dominions, by building new Towns, and repairing some Cities, which had been before destroyed.

* 1.166

This Year was fought a Battle at Holme, between the Kentish Men and the Danes.] But Florence of Worcester with greater probability places this Action two Years after, when Adelwald (as he there calls him) was now returned out of France.

* 1.167

About this time deceased Athulf the Ealdorman, Brother of Q. Eals∣withe, King Edward's mother, as also Virgilius the Scotish Abbot, and Grimbald the Priest, (one of King Alfred's Instructors) 8 Ides of July. This Year also was consecrated the new Monastery of Winchester, about the Feast of St. Judoc.

Here was also a Colledge of Secular Chanons, first placed by King Edward, according to the will of his Father King Alfred, and it was cal∣led the New Minster, to distinguish it from the Old Minster or Cathedral.

The nearness of these two Monasteries afterwards occasioned great differences between them, until the Monks of this new Abbey, (who were placed here in the room of the Secular Chanons, by Bishop Ethel∣wald, Anno Dom. 963.) were removed without the Walls, to a place called Hyde, as you shall hear in due time; and here also the Bones of King Alfred were new Buried by King Edward his Son, (as Will. of Malms∣bury relates) because of some foolish Stories made by those of the Old Monastery, concerning the dead King's Ghost walking in some Houses adjacent to the Church.

This Year also, according to our Annals, the Moon was Eclipsed.* 1.168

The next Year Prince Ethelwald incited the Danish Forces in East-Eng∣land to Arms; so that they over-ran and spoiled all the Country of Mercia,* 1.169 as far as Crekelade, (now Crekelade in Wiltshire); and there passing the Thames, they took in Braedene, (now Braedon Forest in Wiltshire) what∣soever they could find, and then return'd home. In the mean time King Edward, so soon as he could get his Army together, followed them, and destroyed all the Country which lies between the Ditch and the River Ouse, as far as the Northern Fens.

By the Ditch above-mention'd, Florence of Worcester understands that bound, or limit drawn between the Territories of the late King Edmund, and the River Ouse, which at this day is known by the name of the Devil's Ditch, that formerly divided the Mercian Kingdom from that of the East-Angles.

And Bromton's Chronicle under this Year further adds, That Ethel∣wold having thus passed the Thames at Crekelade, took Brithenden, and marched as far as Brandenstoke (now Bradenstoke in Wiltshire) so that (as Mr. Camden well observes in his Britannia) our Modern Historians have been much mistaken in supposing that place to be Basing-Stoke in Hamp∣shire: But to return to our History.

As soon as the King resolved to quit those parts, he order'd it to be proclaimed throughout the whole Army, that they should all march off; but the Kentishmen staying behind, contrary to his command, he sent Messengers to them to come away; yet it seems, before they could do it, the Danes had so hemmed them in, that they were forced to fight, and there Eadwald the King's Thane, and Cenwulf the Abbot, with many more of the English Nobility were slain; and on the Danes part were kill'd Eoric their King, and Prince Ethelwald, who had stirred them to this Re∣bellion, and Byrtsig the Son of Prince Beornoth, and Ysopa General of the King's Army, and abundance of others; which it would be too tedious to enumerate: But it was plain that there was a great slaughter made on both sides, yet nevertheless the Danes kept the Field of Battel.

Also this Year Queen Ealswithe, (the Mother of King Edward) de∣ceased; in which also a Comet appeared.

Who this Eoric, King of the Danes, was, is uncertain; I suppose him to have been the Danish King of the East-Angles, whose death (according to Will. of Malmesbury's Account) falls about this time, for he says thus; That this King was killed by the English, whom he treated tyrannically, but for all this, yet they could not recover their Liberty; certain Danish Earls still oppressing, or else inciting them against the West-Saxon Kings; till the Eighteenth Year of this King's Reign; when they were all by him overcome, and the Country brought under obedience.

To this time we may also refer that great Council, which was held by King Edward the Elder, where Plegmond, Archbishop of Canterbury pre∣sided; though the place where is not specified, yet the occasion of it (as we find from Will. of Malmesbury, as well as the Register of the Priory of Christ-Church in Canterbury, cited by * 1.170 Sir H. Spelman) was thus; Pope Formosus had sent Letters into England, threatning Excommunication, and his Curse to King Edward and all his Subjects, because the Province of the West-Saxons had been now for Seven Years without any Bishops; whereupon the King summoned a great Council or Synod of Wise men of the English Nation, wherein the Archbishop read the Pope's Letters; then the King and the Bishops, with all his Lay-Subjects, upon mature deliberation, found out a safe course to avoid it, by appointing Bishops

over each of the Western Counties,* 1.171 dividing what Two Bishops had for∣merly held, into Five Diocesses.

The Council being ended, the Archbishop went to Rome, and reci∣ting the King's Decree with the Advice and Approbation of the Chief Men of his Kingdom; He thereby, and with rich Presents, so pacified the Pope, that Plegmond obtain'd his confirmation thereof; and then returning into his own Country, he ordained five Bishops in one day, (to wit) Fridestan to the Church of Winchester, Aldestan to Cornwall, Werstan to Shireborne, Athelm to Wells, and Eadwulf to Crediton in Devonshire.

But Archbishop Parker, in his Antiq Britannicae, under this very Year thus recites this Transaction out of a very Ancient Manuscript Author, whom he does not particularly name; viz. That Plegmund Archbishop of Canterbury, together with King Edward, called a great Council of the Bishops, Abbots, Chief men, Subjects and People, in the Province of the Gewisses, where these two Bishopricks were divided into five.

So that you see here was no less than five new Diocesses erected at once, by the Authority of both the King and the Great Council of the Nation, though, it seems, the Pope took upon him the confirmation of this Decree.

The same Authors likewise tell us, That Archbishop Plegmond ordain∣ed two more Bishops over the Ancient Provinces (to wit) one Bernod, for the South Saxons, and Cenwulf for the Mercians, whose See was at Dorchester in Oxfordshire.

Cardinal Baronius in his Annals, having given us a Copy of these Letters of Pope Formosus, hath found a notable Error in the Date of them, for being written Anno Dom. 904, or 905. they could not be sent by that Pope who was dead about 9 or 10 years before, and therefore the Cardi∣nal would put the time of this Council back to Anno Dom. 894. but then as Sir H. Spelman in his Notes upon it well observes, the fault will be as great this way as the other; for King Edward, under whom this Council was held, was not King till above 10 years after; therefore some would place this Council in the latter end of King Alfred's Reign, after the Kingdom came to be setled upon the expulsion of the Danes; but Sir H. Spelman affirms, That these things being written long after the time when they were trans∣acted, the name of Formosus might be put into the Copies of these Let∣ters, instead of Pope Leo the Fifth, and then all things will fall right enough. But as to Frithestan Bishop of Winchester, this Account of Will. of Malmesbury will not hold, for our Annals tell us, That he was not made Bishop till Anno Dom. 910. upon the death of Bishop Denulph, and there∣fore that See could not be so long void, as this Relation would have it. The like mistake is in making Werstan to be then Bishop of Shireborne.

* 1.172This Year Elfred, who was Gerefe of Bathe, died, and about the same time there was a Peace made between King Edward and those of East-England and Northumberland; That is, as Florence interprets it, with the Danish Army inhabiting those Provinces, at Ityngaford; but where the place was, is now unknown to us, unless it be Ilford near Christ-Church in Hampshire, which is seated in the new Forest, called Itene in English-Saxon. This Year also Ligceaster, now Leicester was repaired.

And Florence of Worcester likewise relates it to have been done in the Year 908. by the care of Ethelred Duke of Mercia, and the Lady Elfleda his Wife; and this Author does also inform us, That this Year the King subdued Eastseax, East-England, and Northumberland, with many other Provinces, which the Danes had a long time been possessed of, but East-England was not reduced till some Years after; also that he conquered the borders of the Scots, Cumbrians and Galloway Men, with the Western

Britains, and forced their Kings to yield themselves to him,* 1.173 and then he returned home with great Glory and Honour.

This Year also Cadelh, Prince of South Wales, died; he was second Son to Roderic the Great, and Father to Howel Dha, (i. e. the Good,) who succeeded him in that Dominion.

Some of the South Wales Antiquaries have endeavoured to prove this Cadelh to have been the eldest Son of Roderic the Great; but Mr. Vaughan hath so Learnedly confuted this Mistake in a small Treatise which he published on that Subject at Oxford 1663, that I think no Man can have any Reason to be dissatisfied with it.

This Year (according to Florence of Worcester) the ancient City of Caerlegion, that is in the English Legeceaster, (and now Westchester,* 1.174) was by the Command of Earl Ethered, and Ethelflede his Wife, repaired. Which thô Mr. Camden in his Britannia will needs have to be Leicester, yet that it was not so, may appear from the British Name of Caerlegion, which was never given to Leicester, but only to Westchester by the ancient British Inhabitants.

'This Year deceased Denulph, who was Bishop of Winchester.* 1.175] This is he of whom our Historians tell us, That the King lighting on him as he lay concealed at Athelney, being then but a Swineheard, and finding him a Man of excellent Natural Parts, set him to School to learn; and he became so good a Proficient in Letters, that he was made first a Doctor, and afterwards a Bishop.

This Year also the Body of St. Oswald was translated from Bardenigge (that is, Bardeney in Lincolnshire) into Mercia.

Frith••stan now took the Bishoprick of Winchester,* 1.176 and Bishop Asser also deceased soon after, who was Bishop of Shireburne. Also the same Year King Edward sent an Army of the West Saxons, together with the Mercians, who very much wasted Northumberland; and staying there five Weeks, destroyed many of the Danes.

Florence of Worcester and Simeon of Durham give us a very good Rea∣son for this Action, viz. That the Danes had now broken the League they had entred into with King Edward; so that he never lest them till he had forced their Kings and Commanders again to renew the Peace, which however it seems they kept not long.

For the next Year our Annals tell us,

That the Danish Army in Northumberland not regarding the Peace which King Edward and his Son had made with them,* 1.177 again wasted the Province of the Mercians; but the King being then in Kent, had got to∣gether about 100 Ships, which sailed toward the South-East to meet them, and then the Danes supposing that the greatest part of the King's Forces were in his Fleet, thought they might march safely whither they would without fighting; but so soon as the King understood they were gone out to plunder, he sent an Army consisting of West Saxons and Mercians, who following the Danes in the Rear, as they returned home met with them (in a place called Wodnesfield,) and fought with them, routing and killing many Thousands of them, with Eowils and Healfden their Kings, with several Earls and Chief Commanders of their Army; whose Names I forbear to give, because I would tire my Reader as little as I could.

But to these Kings, as the * 1.178 Annals of Winchelcomb•• inform us, one Reginald succeeded.

* 1.179Also the same Year, as Florence hath it, there was a remarkable Battle between the English and the Danes in Staffordshire, but the former obtained the Victory.

* 1.180This Year Aethered, the Ealdorman of the Mercians, deceased; and the King then took the Cities of London and Oxenford into his own hands, with all the Territories belonging to them.

But it seems the Lady Elflede, now a Widow, kept all the rest of Mercia; for this Year the Annals say, That she being Lady of the Mer∣cians, came on the Vigil of the Feast of Holyrood to a place called Scear∣geat, (which is now unknown,) and there built a Castle; and the same Year did the like at Bricge, which Mr. Camden supposes to be Bridgenorth in Shropshire, that Town being called Brigge by the common People at this day. And Florence also adds, That about this time she built the Town of Bremesbyrig.

* 1.181

Now about the Feast of St. Martin King Edward Commanded the Town of Heortford to be new built, lying between the Rivers Memar, Benefican, and Lygean, the first and second of which Rivers is now hard to name right, only it is certain they were two Rivulets that discharged them∣selves into the River Lee, (then called Lygean,) between Hartford and Ware.

* 1.182

After this, the Summer following, between Lent and Midsummer, the King marched with part of his Forces into East-Seax as far as Maeldune, (now Maldon,) and there encamped, whilst a Town could be built and fortified at Witham, (near adjoyning,) and then a great part of the People, who had before been under the Danish Dominion, became sub∣ject to him: In the mean time, whilst part of his Forces built the Town of Heortford, on the South side of Lee, the Lady Aethelfleda marched with all the Mercians to Tamaweorthige (now Tamworth) in Staffordshire, and there built a Castle; and before the Feast of All-Saints did the like at Staeford; and the Year following she built another at Eadesbyrig, (sup∣posed by Mr. Camden to be Edesbury in Cheshire;) and also the same Year, about the end of Autumn, she built another at Weringwic, (now War∣wick;) and the Year following that, another at Cyricbyrig (now Cher∣bury) in Shropshire; and another at Wearbyrig, (supposed by Mr. Camden to be Wedesbury in Staffordshire;) and before Christmas another at Run-Cafan; (that is, Runckhorne in Cheshire.) But Florence places these Actions more rightly three Years after.

All which Castles (being built in the space of the two following Years) must be supposed to have been done not casually, but as the exigence of Affairs required, to secure the Mercian Frontiers against the Danish, as well as the Welsh Incursions.

But it is now time to cast our Eyes a little on the Affairs of that part of England, called Wales; where we find in the Chronicle of Caradoc, That this Year Anarawd chief King of Wales died, leaving behind him two Sons, Edwal Ugel, (i. e. the Bald,) who Reigned after him, and Elise; and (as some say) a third Son named Meyric. This Edwal is he, whom our Historians stile Idwal Rex omnium Wallensium; i. e. Supreme King of all Wales.

And I shall here likewise subjoyn what Mr. Vaughan, in his Notes upon this Chronicle, hath also added concerning the Welsh Affairs during the Reign of this Prince, thô happening somewhat before this time, viz.

That after the Death of Roderic the Great,* 1.183 the Northern Britains of Straetclwyd and Cumberland were (as Hector Boetius and Buchanan relate) much infested and weakened with the daily Incursions of the Danes, Saxons, and Scots; which made many of them (that is, all that would not submit their Necks to that Yoke) to quit their Country, and seek out more quiet Habitations; so that under the Conduct of one Hobert they came to Gwyneth (i. e. North Wales) in the beginning of Ana∣rawd's Reign, who commiserating their distressed Condition, gave them the Country from Chester to the River Conwey to inhabit, if they could beat out the Saxons, who had lately possessed themselves thereof.

These Britains having returned Thanks to Prince Anarawd, (as was meet,) fell upon the Saxons, and Necessiry giving edge to their Valour, they soon drove them out thence, being yet scarce warm in their Seats; and Edred, or Ethered, Earl of Mercia, made great Preparations for the re∣gaining of the said Country: But the Northern Britains, who had set∣tled themselves there, having Intelligence thereof, for the better secu∣ring of their Cattle and Goods, removed them over the River Conwey. In the mean time Anarawd was not idle, but gathering together all the Strength he could make, his Army encamped near the Town of Conwey, at a place called Cymryt, where his Men, making a gal∣lant Resistance against the Assaults of the Saxon Forces, at length after a bloody Fight obtained a compleat Victory over them. This Battle was called Gwaeth Cymryt Conwey, because it was fought in the Town∣ship of Cymryt, hard by Conwey; but Anarawd called it Dial Rodri, be∣cause he had there revenged the Death of his Father Rodri. In this Battle Tudwal, the Son of Rodri Mawr, received a Hurt in the Knee, which made him be called Tudwall Gloff, or The Lame, ever after.

His Brethren, to reward his Valour and Service, gave him the Lands of Unchellogoed Gwynned; and then the Britains pursuing their Vi∣ctory, chased the Saxons quite out of Wales into Mercia, where having burnt and destroyed the Borders, they returned home laden with rich Spoils And Anarawd, to express his Thankfulness to GOD for this great Victory, gave Lands and Possessions to the Church of Bangor, as the Records of that See do testifie, and likewise to the Collegiate Church of Clynnoc in Arvon, as we read in the Extent of North Wales. After this the Northern Britains came back from beyond the River Con∣wey, and possessed again the Lands assigned to them between Conwey and Chester, which for a long time after they peaceably enjoyed. Some English Writers, as Mat. Westminster, &c. not considering that the Bri∣tains had Lands in Loegria and Albania, after King Cadwalader's time, mistake those of Cumberland and Straetclwyd for the Britains of Wales; but Asser Menev. who lived about the year 875, saith, That Halden the Dane marched into Northumberland, which he subdued, having before con∣quered the Picts and Britains of Straetclwyd in Northumberland.

I have given you this Relation at length, because it is not found in any of our Historians, and it ••ets us see, that the English, as well as the W••lsh, have been very sparing to record their own Defeats. But to re∣turn again to our History.

About this time,* 1.184 (according to the * 1.185 Copy of a Charter of King Ed∣ward, extant in an old Manuscript belonging to Clare Hall in Cambridge,) He by the Command of Pope John and Arch-Bishop Plegmund, and by the Advice of all the Bishops and Chief Men of his Kingdom, confirmed

to the Doctors and Scholars of Cambridge,* 1.186 as also to their Servants, all Priviledges which had been granted by himself or his Predecessours for ever to endure by a perpetual Right. This Charter bears Date at Grantecester (i. e. Cambridge) in the Year 915, and is directed to Fri∣thestan, then Chancellor and Doctor.

But if Sir John Spelman thought he had Reason to suspect the Truth of that Passage we have cited out of Asser's History of the Life of King Alfred, concerning the Studium or School at Oxford before King Al∣fred's time, our Antiquaries may have as much (if not more) Reason to question the Truth of this Charter; since the Original of it is not to be found, but only this Transcript in the Book above cited; for they say it looks very improbable, that Cambridge should have continued an University during all the time of the Danish Wars, and under the Posses∣sion of those three Danish Kings, the last of whom enjoyned it till the latter end of this King's Reign, as appears by our present History: And besides all this, the barbarous and pedantic Latine at the Conclusion of this Charter, where the King is made to confirm it in these Words. Stabili jure grata & rata decerno durare, quamdiu vertigo Poli circa terras at∣que Aequora, Aethera Syderum justo moderamine volvet: Which seems to be∣tray the ignorant Monk's Pen that counterfeited it; but John Rouse, in his Manuscript History De Regibus Angliae, cited by Bale, relates from an ancient Table and Chronicle of the Abbey of Hyde near Winchester,* 1.187 (which himself by the Favour of the Abbot had perused) the Restoration of the University of Cambridge by King Edward, as fol∣lows.

Therefore for the Augmenration of Clerk-like Learning, as his Father had done to Oxford, so he again raised up Cambridge to her first Glory, which for a long time with other general Schools, had lain desolate and destroyed; as also, like a most loving Nourisher of Scholars, he commanded that Halls for Students, Chairs and Seats of Doctors and Masters, should there be erected, and built at his own proper Charges, for he sent from Oxford University, (which his Noble Father the King had founded,) Masters of those Arts which we call Liberal, together with Doctors in Divinity, and invited them there formally to Read and Teach.

But since the Author here cited is but of modern Times, in compari∣son to this famous University, and also that Passage he hath cited out of the Annals of Hyde, is not now to be found in the Copies we have of them: I shall give the Reader a much more ancient Testimony out of Tho. Rudborn's larger History of the Church of Winchester,* 1.188 where he cites an Epistle of one Bonagratia de Villa Dei, to the Black Monks of England, wherein there is this Passage, which I shall here Translate, viz. That whilst he was banished from his Country into England, and sojourned with the most Holy and Religious Monks in the City of Winchester, Hel∣mestan Abbot of the said Cathedral Church, and the Venerable Swithune, Praepositus, (i. e. Bishop of the same,) who had been before in Professione sacrae Theologiae in Studio Canterbriggiensi Cathedratus, (i. e. Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge,) had often relieved him du∣ring the many Hardships he suffered in his Banishment, with special Favour he desired always should be acknowledged.

If we were assured that this Epistle was Genuine, it would advance the Antiquity of this University far higher than the time we are now

treating of, and would make it Ancienter than the time of King Alfred,* 1.189 in the latter end of whose Reign St. Swithune sate Bishop of Winchester: But since we have not the Originals, but only Citations from these an∣cient Pieces, I shall not take upon me to determine of their Validity, but leave that, as also this Authors Credit, to the Reader's Judgment. But to return to our Annals.

This Year Egbriht, the innocent Abbot,* 1.190 was slain on the 16th Kal. of July, a little before the Summer Solstice; and about three Days after Aethelfleda sent an Army against the Welsh, which took Brecenanmere, (supposed to be either Brecknock Castle, or else some place near it,) and there she took the King's Wife, and about thirty four Prisoners.

The Danes marching now on Horseback after Easter from Hamtune (i. e. Northampton) and Lygraceaster,* 1.191 (now Leicester) slew many Men at Hocneratune, (now Hoocnorton in Oxfordshire) and the places adjoyning; and as soon as they had returned home again, they sent out another Company of Robbers, which marched towards Ligtune, (most likely to be Leighton in Bedfordshire;) but the People of that Country being forewarned of their coming, fought with them, and not only put them to flight, but also recovered whatsoever they had taken a∣way, so that they left a great many of their Horses and Arms behind, them.

Now a great Fleet sailed from the Southern Parts of Armorica,* 1.192 under the Command of two Earls, Ohtor and Rhoald, and sailing about to∣ward the East, entred the Mouth of the River Severne, and there spoiled all the Coasts of North Wales toward the Sea, as far as they could; and they also took Cumeleac the Welsh Bishop in Yrcingafield (now Archen∣field) in Herefordshire, and carried him Prisoner to their Ships; but King Edward within some time Ransomed him for Forty Pounds; but after this, the Danes quitting their Ships, marched again towards Yrcinga∣feild, where the Men of Hereford and Gleawcester, and the neighbouring Towns, fought them, and put them to flight, and there slew Rhoald, and a Brother of Earl Ohtor's, with a great part of their Army, and drove them into a certain Wood, where they besieged them, till they made them give Hostages to depart out of King Edward's Kingdom: But at last it seemed advisable for the King to place a good Guard from the South part of the Mouth of Severne, and from the West of Wales toward the East as far as the River Avon, that so the Danes might not Land any more on that side; nevertheless leaving their Ships, they stole away privately by Night in two Companies to plunder, the one to Weced (now Watchet in Somersetshire,) and the other to Portlocan (now Port∣lochbay) in the same County, but they were routed in both places; inso∣much, that few of them escaped alive, unless it were those who swam off to their Ships: Then they besieged an Island at Bradanrelic, (Florence calls it Reoric,) which is supposed to be a little Island (now called Shepholm) in the Mouth of Severne, where they were in such great want of Victuals, that many died with Hunger, because they could get no Provisions there. After this they went to Deomed, (supposed to be South Wales) from whence they passed into Ireland.

All this happened in Autumn: And the same Year, a little before Mar∣tinmass, King Edward marched with his Army to Buckingaham, and there stayed a Month, building two Forts on each side the River Ouse; before he parted thence, Thurkytel the Danish Earl owned him for his Lord, as also

all their chief Commanders,* 1.193 and almost all their Noblemen, who were at Bedanford (now Bedford) with many of them that belonged to Hamp∣tune.

This Year also Ethelfleda, Lady of the Mercians, before Whitsontide took the Town of Deorby, where within the Gates were killed four Thanes, who were very dear to her.

Also we read, in the Collections of that Learned Antiquary Mr. Lam∣bert, (and by him given to the * 1.194 Cottonian Library,) that it is found in an Ancient Chronicle, once belonging to the Monastry of Rochester, and collected by one Edmund de Hadenham, That this Year the Lady Elfleda, by the Assistance of the King her Brother, besieged the City of Canterbury, and taking it, slew a great many Danes that were therein.

* 1.195

King Edward marching with his Army to Bedanford about Martin∣mass, had the Town surrendred to him, and then all the Inhabitants who were his Subjects returned thither, and there he stayed a Month; and before he departed, he commanded a Castle to be built there on the South-side of the River.

* 1.196

After this King Edward went to Maeldune (now Maldon,) and rebuilt the Town, and saw it fortified whilst he was there. Also Earl Thurkytel passed over into France by K. Edward's Leave and Convoy, with all those Danes that would follow him; as likewise Aethelfleda brought under her Dominion the Town of Legracester (now Leicester,) and a great many of the Danes, belonging to that place, became subject to her, as also those who were at York; nay, some of them confirmed it both with an Oath, and by giving of Hostages, that they would continue so; but as soon as this was done, she departed this Life twelve days before Midsummer at Tammeworth, it being the Eighth Year of her Government over the Mercians (after her Husband's Death,) with great Moderation and Justice: Her Body lies buried at Gleawcester in the East Isle of St. Peter's Church.

This Lady's Death is placed in our printed Annals, under the Year 918, and that more rightly, for the Cottonian Copy of these Annals is cer∣tainly mistaken, in putting the Death of this Princess two Years later than this, viz. 920. though they all agree in Substance, viz. that she died at Tamworth about a Fortnight before Midsummer; and that thereupon King Edward going thither, the whole Nation of the Mercians submitted to him. But whenever this Princess died, she was certainly a Woman of great Virtue, Prudence, and Courage; and truly resembled her wor∣thy Father King Alfred, as far as the Difference of Sex would permit.

But to return again to our Annals,

The same Year the Daughter and Heir of Ethered, Lord of the Mer∣cians, called Aelfwinna, whom her Mother had left her Heir, was deprived by the King of that Dominion; and she was, about three weeks before Christmas, brought into West-Seax.

John Bevour, (who calls himself Castoreus,) in his Manuscript History of the Kings of England, gives us a very good Reason, if true, why the King dealt thus severely with this young Princess his Niece, which was this; That Aelfwinna, not making the King her Uncle, (whom her Mother had appointed her Guardian,) privy to her Designs, had contracted a Mariage with Reginald, King of the Danes: Whereupon King Edward, to prevent his Enemy, entred the Country of Mercia, and took it into his own Hands, and also carried the said Lady away with him. The

same Author likewise reporteth, That about this time Leofred a Dane,* 1.197 and Griffyth ap Madoc, Brother-in-Law to the Prince of West-Wales, came from Ireland with a great Army to Snowdon in Caernarvonshire; and designing to bring all Wales and the Marches thereof to their sub∣jection, over-ran and subdued all the Countrey as far as Chester, before ever King Edward had Intelligence of their Arrival; whereat he was very much offended; but being loath to trouble his Subjects in that behalf, he made a Vow, That he and his Sons with their own people, would be revenged on Leofred and Griffyth; and thereupon he came to Chester, and took the City from them: After this he made two Divisi∣ons of his Army, whereof he and his Son Athelstan led the first, and Edmund and Edred the second; and followed them with such Celerity, that he overtook them at the Forest of Walewode (now Sherwood), where Leofred and Griffyth set upon him so fiercely, that the King at the beginning was in some distress, until Prince Athelstan stepped in be∣tween his Father and Leofred, and gave the Dane such a Wound in the Arm, that it disabled him from holding his Spear, whereupon he was soon taken, and committed to the Custody of Athelstan. In the mean time Prince Edmund and Edred encountering with Griffyth, slew him, and brought his Head to their Father: Upon that Athelstan caused Leo∣fred to be beheaded likewise, and so both their Heads were set up toge∣ther on the top of the Tower of Chester; and Edward and his Sons re∣turned home with a great Triumph.

But it appears by the Age of Prince Edmund when he came to the Crown, that this Relation concerning himself and his Brother Edred's commanding part of their Father's Army, cannot be true; for he was not above Four years old when King Edward his Father died, and not above Eighteen when he began to reign.

This year (according to our Annals) King Edward commanded his men to go to the Town of Tofeceaster (now Tocester in Northampton∣shire) and to rebuild it; after which, the same year about Lent,* 1.198 he commanded the Town of Wigingamere (now Wigmore in Hereford∣shire) to be rebuilt: But the same Summer, between Whitsuntide and Midsummer, the Danes of Hamptune (i. e. Northampton, as was said before) and Ligeracester, and those that lay Northward, broke the Peace, and marched to Tofeceaster, and assaulting the Town a whole day hoped to take it, but those that were within defending it until such time as more men could come to their assistance, the Danes were for∣ced to leave the Town, and march'd off: After this they often went out by night to plunder, and falling upon those that were unprovided, took a great many men and much Cattle, between Barnewoode and Eglesbyrig (the former of which was Barnwood Forest near Bury-hill, and the latter Alisbury, both in Buckinghamshire). About the same time the Danes of Huntandune (i. e. Huntington) and the East-Angles, marched out and built a Castle at Temsford, where they settled them∣selves, for they had left that at Huntandune, supposing that from thence they might recover a greater share of the Countrey; and so they march'd till they came to Bedanford, but the men who were within it going out to meet them, killed great numbers of them, putting the rest to flight: After this a great Army of Danes being got together, advanced to the Town of Wiggingamere, and stormed it for most part of the day; but those who were within defending it very well, they

were forced to leave the Town,* 1.199 and retreat, carrying away with them all the Cattel they found thereabouts: After this also, the same Sum∣mer, there were great Forces assembled of King Edward's Subjects from the Towns round about Temesford, whither they went, and laying close Siege to the Town, they at length took it, and kill'd a Danish King, and Taglosse an Earl, and Mannan his Son, together with his Brother, and all those who defended the Town.]

From which time (according to Florence) the Danish Power did by little and little de∣crease, and that of the English increase. But this Author places all these actions of this year under Anno 917.

The same year a great many men assembled together in Autumn, as well from Kent, Surry, and Essex, as from the neighbouring Towns, and marching to Colneceaster (i.e. Colchester) assaulted that City till they took it, and all the Plunder they found in it, and killed all the men, except those that escaped over the Wall: After which also the same Autumn a great Army of Danes were got together with the East-Angles, both Land-Soldiers and Pyrates, whom they had invited to their assistance, hoping thereby to revenge the Defeat they had lately received; wherefore they went directly to Maeldune, and be∣sieged that Town, till such time that more men coming to its assistance, the Danes were forced to quit it, and retreat; but the men who were within it, together with those that came to their assistance, overtaking the Danes, killed many hundreds of the Land-men as well as Pyrates; not long after which, King Edward marched with an Ar∣my of South-Saxons to Passenham (i. e. Pasham in Northamptonshire) and there continued till the Town of Tofeceaster could be encompassed with a Stone-Wall, where Earl Thurferth and the chief Commander of the Danish Forces that belonged to Hamtune, with all towards the North as far as Weolade (that is, the River Weland) accepted King Edward for their Lord and Protector; but about the time that the King's Army was to return home, he sent out fresh Forces to the Town of Huntandune, who repaired and rebuilt it in those places that were de∣stroyed, according to the King's Command; so that all the people of that Countrey that ramained alive, surrendred themselves to King Ed∣ward, and sought his Peace and Protection. Likewise this very year before Martinmass the King marched with an Army of West-Saxons to Colneceaster, and rebuilt the Wall, and repaired all places which were ruinous. Then many as well of the East-Angles, as also of the East-Saxons, who were before under the Danish Dominion (and had been so for above thirty years), now delivered themselves up to the King, and also all the Danish Army in East-England swore Allegiance to him, promising to do whatever he thought good, and to defend his Subjects as well by Sea as by Land; but the Army that belonged to Grantanbyrig (i. e. Cambridge) did by themselves chuse the King for their Lord and Patron, confirming it by their Oaths as he had appoint∣ed him. This year also Sytric (the Danish King) slew Neil his Brother.

And under this year I suppose we may justly place the total subduing of the Danes, and subjection of the East-Angles, and consequently their being freed from the Danish Yoak, under which they had groaned for above fifty years; though what Government they had from the Death of the last Danish King Eoric, is hard to determine; William of Malmes∣bury,

the only Ancient Author that hath mentioned these Affairs,* 1.200 telling us in general, That after the Death of this Eoric, the Danish Earls or Governors either oppressed them, or else excited them against the West-Saxon Kings, until this King Edward by driving out the Danes restored the English to their Liberties, and added this Kingdom to his own Dominions fifty years after the death of King Edmund, which falls out much about this time.

But Polidore Virgil (I know not from what Author) hath a long Story how King Eoric above-mentioned made War against King Edward, and being routed by him in a great Battel, and returning home, fell so far into the Hatred and Contempt of his Subjects, that they rose up against him, and being then divided into Factions, were forced to submit themselves to King Edward. This (if it were true) would give a great light into this dark part of the History of the East-Angles, of which we have but a very imperfect Account: But since this Relation is found in no other Author except Polydore; and besides, expresly contradicting the Testimony of William of Malmes∣bury, a much more Authentick Writer, by whose Account (as well as by the Saxon Annals) it appears that this Eoric was dead long before: I think we may justly look upon Polydore's Relation as a mere Fiction, either invented by himself, or else taken from some Modern Author of no great Credit: Therefore I must now warn the Reader concerning this Historian, That though he had the Perusal of a great many Rare Manuscripts, yet since he very seldom cites any Authors, and that we find he sometimes differs from our most Ancient Writers, and is plainly mistaken in divers Relations, we have great reason to refuse his Testi∣mony, where it is not agreeable with more Authentick Authorities.

I have nothing else to add under this year,* 1.201 but that as William of Malmesbury tells us, the Body of King Edmund the Martyr having lain for above Fifty Years obscurely buried at a place called Halesdon in Suf∣folk, was now by some devout people removed to a Town adjoining, called Badricesworth (now St. Edmundsbury), where there was quickly a Church built over him, and unto which King Edmund, Brother to King Athelstan, was a great Benefactor; though this place was not much taken notice of, until King Cnute, to gain the Favour of this Saint whom his Countreymen had murthered, here afterwards built a Noble Monastery.

This year also (according to Florence of Worcester and Mat. West∣minster) the King of Scots, Reginald the Danish King of Northumber∣land, with the Duke or Earl of the Gallawy Welshmen or Britains, came to King Edward, and submitting themselves to him, made a firm League with him. This is the first time we find any Submission of the King of Scots; which whether it amounted to a downright Homage, and to hold that Kingdom of the Crown of England, may be much questioned, and is absolutely denied by the Scotish Historians.

Between Lent and Midsummer King Edward march'd with his Army to Stanford,* 1.202 and there commanded a Castle to be built on the South-side of the River Weland; so that all the people who dwelt in the Town on the North-side of that River submitted themselves, and besought him to be their Lord.

Also (according to the Cottonian Copy of these Annals) Howel, and Cledauc, and Jeothwell, (Prince of Wales) with all the Nation

of the Northern Britains,* 1.203 desired to take the King for their Lord.]

But in this the Welsh Chronicles are wholly silent, as commonly they are of any action that tends to the lessening of their Countrey.

Out of Wales the King marched to Snottingaham, and took the Town, and commanded it to be repaired, and Garison'd with Danes as well as English; and then all the people in the Province of Mercia, of both those Nations came over to him.

This year also (according to Florence) Athelward, Brother to King Edward died, and was buried at Winchester: This is that Learned Prince, Son to King Alfred, whose Character we have already given.

* 1.204

This year King Edward carried his Army about the end of Autumn, to Thaelwale, (that is, Thaelwalle in Cheshire, and which is supposed to have been so called from its being encompassed at first with a Wall made of Bodies of Trees, called in the Saxon Tongue Thal), where he ordered that Town to be repaired; and he commanded another part of his Forces, whilst he stayed there, to march out of Mercia to Manigeceaster, (now Manchester in the Kingdom of Northumberland) and order'd it to be rebuilt, and strengthened with a Garison: This year also Plegmond Archbishop of Canterbury deceased, and Reginold (the Danish King) took Eoferwick (that is, York.)

Before Midsummer King Edward marched with his Army to Snot∣tingaham,* 1.205 and ordered a new Town to be built on the South-side of the River Trent, over-against that on the other side, and made a Bridge over the River between the two Towns; from thence the King went into Peakland (that is, the Peak in that Shire) to Bedecanwell (which is supposed may be Bakewell in D••rbyshire), and commanded a Town to be built near to it, and to be fortified with a Garison. Then also the King of Scots, with all the Scotish Nation, and Reginald the Son of Eardulph (the Danish King of Northumberland) with all the Inhabitants of that Kingdom, whether English or Danes, together with the King of the Straecled Welshmen, and all his Subjects, did chuse King Edward for their Patron and Lord.

But this year's actions are placed by Florence of Worcester and Mat. Westminster three years sooner; which shews the Copies they had of these Annals differ'd from those we have, though which of them is the truest, I shall not now take upon me to affirm; but it sufficiently shews, that both these Copies were not written at one and the same time.

And now King Edward deceased at Fearndune in the Province of the Mercians (now called Farrington in Berkshire);* 1.206 and Aelsweard his Son also deceased not long after him at Oxnaford; (i. e. Oxford).

But the Canterbury Copy of these Annals, as also Florence of Wor∣cester, place the Death of these two Princes under the foregoing year; and indeed they seem to have been in the right. But this is most certain, that this Prince, who is called Aethelward by William of Malmesbury, was his Eldest Son by Queen Aelfleda his Wife, the Daughter of Earl Aethelune, and being very well instructed in Learning, did much resemble King Aelfred his Grandfather as well in Face as Disposition: yet though he survived his Father, he never took upon him the Title of King, because he outlived him so little a time, that he could not be so∣lemnly Elected and Crowned King according to the Law and Custom of Succession in those times.

I have nothing more to add to this Reign of King Edward the Elder,* 1.207 but only the Laws he made, which since it is not specified in what year of his Reign, nor in what Common-Council of the Kingdom they were enacted, I thought best to refer to this place.

In the Preface to his Laws he strictly charges and commands his Officers, that as much as in them lies they do Justice according as it stands in the Judicial Book (supposed to be some Book of Presidents or Judgments); and without all fear boldly dispense common Right to all men; and that they set and appoint certain days for determina∣tion of the several Causes depending before them.

The first Law is concerning Traffick, and in way of confirmation of the fourth Article of the League made betwixt his Father and the Danish King Guthrun, ordains, that if a man will sell any thing, he shall have one to vouch and make good the sale; and that no man buy any thing without the Town, unless he have the Portreeve for wit∣ness, or some other men worthy of Credit; otherwise he shall un∣dergo the Penalty of Contumacy against the King; This Vouching or Warranty shall also proceed from one to another, till it end with him who first sold it: The rest of this Law, containing in what cases the Buyer, and likewise the Demandant, shall find sufficient Testimo∣mony or Oaths of the true buying of the Goods so bought, being long, I refer the Reader to the Law it self.

The second of King Edward's Laws ordains, That whosoever denies another man his Right either in Bocland or Folcland, demanding it be∣fore the King's Sheriff, when as he hath no Right in either, shall pay to the King for the first Offence Thirty Shillings, and as much more for the second; and if he offend the third time, then to pay an Hun∣dred and twenty shillings for his Contumacy against the King.

The third adjudges that for one who had forsworn himself, or born false witness, no credit should be given to him for the time to come, but that he be put to Ordeal, in all cases where his Oath is required.

The fourth declares, That King Edward lying at Exeter, and con∣sulting with his Wise Men by what means he might best provide for the Publick Peace and Tranquility, it then seemed to them that what he had commanded was too remissly executed; therefore he now required all that will amend and reform these things, and would with him en∣joy common society, that they would prosecute with their utmost ha∣tred the same persons as he did both by Sea and Land; and that they would take care not to do wrong or injury to any man. He that doth contrary, let him (as was formerly ordained) pay thirty shillings to the King; and if he offend the second time, as much more; if the third, an hundred and twenty shillings.

The fifth commands, that that Reeve or Judge who doth not Ju∣stice according to the testimony of such as are summon'd, pay an hun∣dred and twenty shillings for his Contumacy against the King.

The sixth wills, That if a Servant be accused of Theft, he that re∣commended him to his Master, or other of his Friends (if he have any), be Sureties for him that he discharge himself of what is depo∣sed against him; and if he have none to interpose on his behalf, those that are concerned may seize his Goods; but if he have neither Goods nor Friends, let him be taken into custody.

* 1.208

The eighth Law enjoins that no man knowingly and voluntarily have peace with, or harbour one that is condemned for any Crime; he that acts contrary, and thereby breaks his Oath, and the Faith gi∣ven by him and all the people, let him undergo the Mulct prescribed in the Judiciary Book; which if he refuse to pay, he is to be deprived of the King's Favour, and all other mens Friendship, and farther for∣feit all his Estate; and if any afterwards relieve him, let him also incur the Penalty expressed in the said Book; and farther, whosoever shall relieve a Fugitive either in this Countrey, or in the Eastern or Northern parts of the Kingdom, (i. e. in East-England and Northumberland) let him be punished as by the Articles of Peace is ordained.

The ninth provides, that if one deprived of his liberty for stealing, steal again, so that all his Kindred forsake him, and none will engage for him, he is to be set to servile and hard labour, as opportunity shall offer, and his Kindred shall lose the valuation of his head.

The tenth Law forbids any man to receive another man's Servant without his leave, and that he hath fully satisfied his Master; he that doth otherwise, shall be punished as contumacious against the King.

The eleventh and last commands, That about every fourth Week every Sheriff or Judge hold the Gemot or Assembly, and administer Justice to every man, and determine all Causes at the days appointed; if he do otherwise, he is to be punished as was before said.

From all which Laws we may observe, First, That the Law con∣cerning redeeming of all Crimes by Pecuniary Fines was not yet abo∣lished, nor in some Ages after; but the strict Laws for vouching of Goods sold, as also against Fugitives and Runaway Servants, were but necessary in such licentious and turbulent times, when it was so very easy for Offenders to pass out of the English Territories into those of the Danes. You may also here observe the Antiquity and Power of the County-Court, which was then held (as now) every Month, but had much more Power anciently than at this day.

As for the Laws that follow, and which are entituled in Mr. Lam∣bard's Copy, The Ecclesiastical Laws of Edward the Elder, King of England, and Gutherne King of the Danes in East-England, which were first made by the Kings Alfred and Gutherne, and were now said to be again confirmed by King Edward Son to Alfred, and the same King Gutherne, there must certainly be an Error in the Name of the Danish King here mentioned, since it appears by our Annals that Gutherne died ten years before King Alfred; therefore since we do not find any other Danish King of this Name, we may rather suppose that these Laws were made by King Edward and Eoric the Danish King who succeeded Gu∣therne in that Kingdom; but be it as it will, I shall not trouble the Rea∣der with their Recital, since they relate chiefly to Ecclesiastical Affairs, and are in most points but a Repetition of those things which had been before agreed upon by King Alfred and King Gutherne some years before.

King Edward dying, after four and twenty years Reign, was buried in the Monastery at Winchester, which his Father had founded, leaving by his Testament Athelstan his Eldest Son to succeed him; who (as Flo∣rence of Worcester, and William of Malmesbury, and most other Wri∣ters relate) was not born of the Queen, but of one Egwinna a Lady,

the Daughter of a Nobleman; whose Name,* 1.209 though William of Malmesbury does not tell us, because he says he had not found it in wri∣ting, yet the Chronicle ascribed to Abbot Bromton tells us a long and improbable Story of the getting and Birth of this Prince; which being no where else to be found, as I know of, I shall here give you: That in the Reign of King Aelfred, when his Son Edward was young, there was in a Village of the West-Saxons, the Daughter of a certain Shephard, called Egwinna, who falling asleep, dreamed that the Moon shone out of her Womb so bright, that all England was enlighten'd by its Splendor: This Dream she told to a Grave Matron, that had been Nurse to several of the King's Children: Upon this she takes her into her house, and educates her as carefully as if she had been her own Daughter, instructing her so to demean her self, as might become a Person both of Birth and Breeding. In process of time it happen'd, that Prince Edward, the King's Eldest Son, passing upon some occasion through this Town, thought himself obliged in Honour and Good Na∣ture to visit his Nurse; by which means he got sight of this Maid, and she being exceeding beautiful, fell passionately in love with her, and by his violent Importunity he got her Consent to lye with him, and by one Night's Lodging she proved with Child, and being afterwards de∣livered of a Son, in respect to the Mother's Dream the Father gave him the Name of Athelstan, which signifies, The most Noble.

If this Story be true, that he married this Woman without the Con∣sent of his Father, and kept the Marriage private, the Authors above∣cited had good cause to suppose her to have been rather his Concubine than his Queen; though there be also other Historians, who make her to have been his Lawful Wife: But thus much is more certain, That King Edward had Prince Ethelward above-mentioned, by his Wife Aelfleda the Daughter of Earl Aethelem, as also another Son, called Edwin, of the manner of whose Death William of Malmesbury says he cannot certainly tell us; but gives us an exact account of what became of all the rest of his Children: He had also by her six Daughters, viz. Edelfleda, Edgiva, Ethelhilda, Ethilda, Edgitha, and Elgiva; of whom, the first and third vowed their Virginity to God, and both of them lye buried by their Mother in the Monastery of Winchester; as for Edgiva, her Father be∣stowed her upon Charles King of France; and for Ethilda, her Brother King Athelstan bestowed her in Marriage upon Hugo, a King or Prince of the French; and Edgitha and Elgiva their Brother sent to Henry the German Emperor, the Second of which he married to Otho his Son, and the Elder to a certain Duke near the Alpes. King Edward also begot of his Third Wife Edgiva, Edmund and Edred, who both reigned successive∣ly after their Brother King Athelstan, as also two other Daughters, Ead∣burga and Edgiva; the former became a Nun, but the latter being a great Beauty, was bestowed in Marriage by her Brother Athelstan on Lewis Prince or Duke of Aquitain: But King Edward had so well bred all his said Daughters from their Infancy, that they were wont all of them to bestow their leisure time upon good Letters, and after that were wont to exercise both their Distaff and the Needle; and in this manner they passed the first years of their Virginity: Likewise his Sons were so inured to Learning, that not being rude and ignorant in Knowledge, they became (like Plato's Philosophers) fit to Govern the Common∣wealth; as our Author handsomly expresses it.

* 1.210This King seems by his History to have been a Prince of great Mild∣ness and Humility, as well as Courage; which appears by this Story; but tho it be not found in any of our Historians, is yet related by Walter Mape in his Nugis Curialium in Manuscript, as follows; That when K. Ed∣ward the Elder came to Austelin, (I suppose, that which we now call Aust, where is a Ferry to pass out of Somersetshire into Wales) Lewelyn Prince of North-Wales came to Bethesley about a Treaty of Peace, he refused first to cross the Severne; but when King Edward heard it, he took Boat and rowed towards him; but the Prince (being then by the Wa∣ter-side) when he saw him, and knew who he was, he cast off the Rich Robe he then had on (which he had provided for that meeting), and entring the River breast-high, taking hold of the end of the Boat, submissively said, Most Sage King, thy Humility hath overcome my Inso∣lence, and thy Wisdom triumph'd over my Folly: Come, pray Sir, get upon this Neck, which I (like a Fool as I am) have lifted up against thee; and thus enter that Land which thy benign Clemency hath made this day thine own: So taking the King upon his Shoulders, and setting him on shore, he made him to sit down upon his own Royal Robe, and putting his own hands between the King's; there did him Homage.

But this Circumstance only serves to bring all the rest of this Story into question; for it is certain this Ceremony of doing Homage was not in use till after the coming in of the Normans.

Besides, the Welsh Chronicles mention no such thing, nor can I find any Prince either of North or South Wales, called Lewelyn at that time, till Anno 1015, in the Reign of King Cnute, above a hundred year after the death of King Edward the Elder; but perhaps the Story may be true, being told by Tradition, though the Name of the Prince may be mistaken; and Lewelyn put instead of Howel, who was now King of South-Wales, and in whose Territories this Action must have happen'd.

But whether this Relation be true or false, we may from it draw this Observation, That it is not always Wisdom in Princes to insist too nicely upon Circumstances, especially in Ceremony, but that sometimes to recede from them, may tend to the greater Advantage of that Prince that doth it.

King ATHELSTAN.

THE same year, not long after King Edward's decease,* 1.211 the Saxon Annals tell us,

That Aethelstan was elected King by the Mercians, and afterwards Crowned at Kingstune upon Thames (being then a Royal Town).

Note, He was crowned in the midst of the Town upon a Scaffold built on purpose, whereon the Ceremony of the Coronation was performed in the open view of all men, by Athelm Archbishop of Canterbury, with great Ac∣clamations of the People.

Also St. Dunstan was born, and Wulfhelme was consecrated Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, upon the Death of Athelm.

From whence you may observe, the Mercians had not yet lost their Ancient Right of chusing their own King; and no doubt but the West-Saxons did so likewise, though it be not particularly express'd in the An∣nals: For an Ancient Manuscript Chronicle in the * Cottonian Library, says only, Electus est in Regem.

And you may also hence observe, That the King's Consecration or Coronation is placed as a different action from his Election; as it is also in the Author last cited, and in H. Huntington, who therein follow our Annals, and say expresly, That he was Elected. But it seems before his Election, one Alfred, with some factious men of his Party, endea∣vour'd to hinder King Athelstan's coming to the Crown, because he was begot on a Concubine; which, says William of Malmesbury, if it were true (as he seems there to doubt), yet had he nothing else ignoble in him, for he surpassed all his Predecessors as well in his Devotion as his Victories: So much better is it (as he well observes) to excel in good Qualities, than in his Ancestors, the former only being truly a man's own.

Hither we may also refer what the same Author tells us concerning this Alfred above-mentioned, out of the Preface to King Athelstan's Charter, whereby he confers the Lands once belonging to this Alfred upon the Church of Malmesbury, for the Souls of his Cousins, Ethelred, Edwin, and Ethelwin, there buried: And to testify to the world, that he gave what was his own, he there at large relates the whole Conspi∣racy which Alfred had laid, together with his Complices, to seize him in the City of Winchester, and to put out his Eyes; but the Plot being happily discovered, and Alfred denying it, he was sent to Rome there to purge himself before Pope John; where coming to take his Oath at the Altar of St. Peter, he fell down, and being carried by his Servants into the English School, there died the third night after: but, it seems, the Pope would not dispose of his Body, till he had sent to ask King Athelstan's Judgment what should be done with it; when by the Advice and at the Request of the Chief Men, the King assented that it should (though unworthy of that Honour) be laid among the Bodies of other Christians; but his whole Estate was adjudged confiscated for so black a Treason.

* 1.212But one of the first things this King performed after his coming to the Crown (as we find in Florence of Worcester) was his bestowing his Sister Edgitha in Marriage to Sihtric the Danish King of Northumber∣land, who desired the Alliance of King Athelstan; And, as Matthew Westminster relates, this Prince professing himself a Christian, was a little before his Marriage baptized; but did not long continue so, for he relapsed again to his former Paganism. And the next year,

* 1.213According to Florence, and Simeon of Durham, he deceased; after whose death the Lady above-mentioned retiring to her Brother King Athelstan, became a Nun at Pollesworth.

Nor can I here omit the Falshood of the Scotish Historians, who out of spight to King Athelstan's Memory, make Sihtric to have been poy∣son'd by this Lady, whom they call Beatrix, and that at the Instigation of her Brother King Athelstan; whereas her Name was not Beatrix, but Edgitha, or Orgiva; and was a Woman of as great Reputation for her Sanctity, as the King her Brother was for his Valour and other No∣ble Virtues, which render'd him above the putting his Sister upon so base an Action.

But before I dismiss this Relation, I cannot omit what John of Wal∣lingford adds concerning this King Sihtric; whom he calls Sictric; viz. That upon this Marriage with King Athelstan's Sister, he advanced him to the Title of King, that his Sister might not stoop so low as to that of Countess; and that Sictric then had for his Kingdom all the Countrey from the River Theys, as far as Edinburgh, from which time the Danes began to settle in those parts, who before rambled about over all Eng∣land; to which Settlement, as also to a fresh accession of more, the Northerly Situation of that Countrey, lying over-against Denmark, con∣tributed very much, as this Author well observes.

This year (according to Florence of Worcester, and Simeon of Dur∣ham) Sihtric King of the Northumbers departed this life; so that it seems that this King survived his Marriage but a small time.

Also the same year (according to Florence) Hugh, the Son of Robert King of the French, married King Athelstan's Sister; and after the death of King Sihtric, Guthfrith his Son succeeded him, though but for a little while; for the year following our Annals tell us,

* 1.214That King Aethelstan expelled the said Guthfryth King of Northum∣berland, and added his Dominions to his own: And the same year Wulfhelm the Archbishop went to Rome.

From which Conquest of the Kingdom of Northumberland we may observe, That as King Edward had before conquered the Danes of East-England, and had also added Mercia to his own Kingdom; so King Athelstan, by the Expulsion of King Guthfrith (who was also of the Danish Race) became the first King that ruled all England, without any King under him.

Of this Prince also John of Wallingford relates, That being a Young Man he was stirred up to this Rebellion by the suggestion of the Northumbers, who told him that their Countrey had always enjoyed a King of their own, without being Tributary to the Southern English: And indeed, from the first arrival of the English Saxons, they had been never subject to any of the West-Saxon Kings, except King Athelstan: Therefore this Guithfrith, or Gutred, moved by these instigations, took upon him the Name of King, without King Athelstan's consent, and cast∣ing

out the Garisons, seized all the Forts and Castles of that Country,* 1.215 and flatly denied to pay the Tribute imposed upon his Father; with which K. Athelstan being much provoked, he not only raised great Forces of his own Subjects, but also sent for Aid to his Friends in Neighbouring King∣doms; and so in few days gathering together a great Army, totally expell'd him his Kingdom.

And therefore Alfred of Beverly, an Ancient Author still in Manu∣script, very well observes of this Prince, That by subduing the Scots, Welsh, and all the Kings of Britain, he justly deserved the Title of the first Monarch; though his Modesty was so great, that he never gave himself that Title, but left it to his Brother Edred to take, as shall be shewn in his Reign.

This year William (Son to Rollo) succeeded to the Dukedom of Normandy, and held it fifteen years.

* 1.216

Byrnstan was consecrated Bishop of Winchester, and held that Bi∣shoprick two years and an half.]

The year following,* 1.217

'Frithelstan the Bishop deceased.] Florence of Worcester, and Simeon of Durham, as also the Chronicle of Mailrosse, do all agree,* 1.218 that this Bishop Frithelstan did before his death ordain Bishop Byrnstan in his room; and if so, he resigned the Bishoprick of Winchester to him, and lived only one year after it.

Also the same year (according to our Annals) Edwin Aetheling was drowned.

This Edwin here mentioned in our Annals, was Brother to King Athel∣stan, whose Death being the greatest Blot of this King's Reign, divers Authors have concealed it; but notwithstanding, it is thus given us by William of Malmesbury, and the Chronicle called Abbot Bromton's; Alfred above-mentioned having conspired against King Athelstan, (as you have already heard) had several Complices in that Treason; and there were not wanting some Court Sycophants to accuse Prince Edwin of being in that Plot, for he was the eldest Legitimate Son then living of King Edward by his Lawful Wife; since therefore the appre∣hension of a Rival usually overpowers all Obligations both of Friend∣ship and Nature, though Edwin both by Word of Mouth, and by Oaths and Imprecations, protested his Innocence; yet all this would not prevail against these Court-Whisperers, who affirmed that if he were only banished, he would be commiserated by Foreign Princes, and still more endanger the King's safety; whereupon such a way was found out, that under the Notion of Banishment he might with the least appearance of Cruelty be dispatch'd: In short, an old rotten Vessel was provided, and only the Prince and his Esquire were put into it, without any Pilot or other body to steer or manage it; and thus for some time they weather'd it at Sea; but the Young Prince being brought up tenderly, and not used to hardship, despairing of his Life, cast himself headlong out of the Vessel, and so perished in the Ocean; whilst his Servant being more couragious, was resolved to save himself if he could; and meeting with better fortune, was driven on shore at a place called Whitsand, on the Coast of Picardy, not far from Dover.

The Fact was not long done, before Athelstan sorely repented of it; which he is said by a Seven Years Penance to have testified to the world, as also by the Punishment of him who was the principal Instru∣ment in this Fratricide, and had whispered this Jealousy into his Breast,

who being his Cup-bearer,* 1.219 as he was going to present a Cup of Drink to him, one of his Feet slipped; but by the Nimbleness of the other re∣covering himself, he said, Thus one Brother helps another; which the King hearing, and sadly calling to mind how little he himself had as∣sisted his Brother, oppressed by the Calumnies of this Parasite, caused him to be put to death.

This is the Tale told by William of Malmesbury, and the other Author; the latter of whom delivers it as a certain Truth, whilst the former tells it only as an old Story, sung in certain Ballads, and of which he himself doubted the Truth. But Buchanan the Scotch Historian (I suppose out of malice to this King's Memory for routing his Countreymen) makes King Athelstan not only to have procured the Death of his Brother Edwin, but also of his Father King Edward, whom he therefore fancies to have been called Edward the Martyr; and not con∣tent with this neither, he adds, that he put his Brother Edred to death also: Yet certainly there can scarce be more Mistakes committed in so few Lines than he has been guilty of in these; for in the first place it is agreed by all our Historians, that King Edward died a Natural Death; and as for him whom he calls the Martyr, he was the Son of King Edgar; nor did he begin to reign till above an hundred and fifty years after, as shall be shewn when we come to his Reign.

But as for what Buchanan objects against some of our later Historians, for making Athelstan to be King of all Britain, and to have restored Con∣stantine King of Scots to his Kingdom, and to have forced him to do him Homage for it; we must confess, that Buchanan is so far in the right, that neither our Saxon Annals, nor Marianus Scotus, nor Florence of Worcester, mention any thing of it, though they all do relate the great Victory which King Athelstan obtain'd over the Scots, but yet are wholly silent either about his driving of the King of Scotland out of his King∣dom, or of causing him to do him Homage for restoring him to it. This is to shew, that I would not be partial to the Historians of our own Countrey, as if they could not also be sometimes guilty of great Errors;* 1.220 and therefore I thought good to take notice of it here.

This year (as our Annals relate) King Athelstan made an Expedi∣tion into Scotland with a great Army by Land, as also with a considerable Fleet by Sea, and laid wast great part of that Kingdom. The same year also Bishop Byrnstan deceased at Winchester, on the Feast of All Saints.

But as for the Causes of this War made by King Athelstan against Scotland, since not only our Annals but many of our other Authors are silent in it, we must supply that defect from William of Malmesbury, and Roger Hoveden, and the Chronicles of Mailrosse, who relate, that An∣laf the Son of Sihtric King of Northumberland, having fled into Ireland, and the late King Godefrid, his Brother, into Scotland, King Ath••lstan sent Ambassadors to Constantine King of Scots, demanding the Fugi∣tive to be given up to him, or else upon his Refusal denouncing a speedy War against him, which War indeed he made; for marching into Scot∣land with a great Army both by Sea and Land, he drove his Enemies before him as far as Dunfeodor and Wertermore, and by Sea as far as Cathness; but Malmesbury affirms, that they not daring in any thing to displease him, went to a place called Dacor (or Dacre) in Cumberland, where each surrender'd up himself and all his into the hands of the Eng∣lish King, who was Godfather to the Son of Constantine, and now or∣dered

him to be baptized in testimony of that Accord;* 1.221 whom also (to∣gether with great Presents) he left as a Hostage with the King; and so Peace being thus happily concluded, he returned home into his own Countrey. But the Scotish Historians do not mention this Invasion at all, nor will allow King Constantine to have had any Son: And indeed it seems improbable, that if Constantine had now given his Son to King Athelstan as a Hostage, he would have dar'd to renew the War again so soon after this Agreement. But for all this, Godefrid escaped while they were preparing for the Journey, and travelling with one Turfrid into several parts of the Countrey, at length got some men together, and laid Siege to York, the Inhabitants of which they tempted both by fair and foul means to let them in; but not being able to prevail with 'em, they went their ways, and were both taken shortly after, and shut up in a Castle; from whence making their escape by deluding their Keep∣ers, Turfrid not long after was shipwreck'd at Sea, and became a Prey to the Fish; but Godefrid endured much more misery both by Sea and Land, and at last came as a Suppliant to the King's Court, who kindly received him: but after he had been profusely feasted for four days to∣gether, he got away again to his Ships, and then returned to his old trade of Piracy. In the mean time Athelstan demolished a Castle which the Danes had fortified at York, that so they might not shelter them∣selves any more there; and the large Booty he found in it, he divided amongst his Soldiers, to every one a share: For so Worthy and Liberal was this Prince, that he never sought to hoard up Money for himself, but bestowed whatever he got, either upon those Servants he found faithful to him, or else upon Monasteries: No wonder then if he won the hearts of all the Monks, who were the only Historians of those times.

Now also (as Florence relates) Wulfhelm Archbishop of Canterbury deceasing, Odo Bishop of Wells succeeded him.

This Man was of a Danish Race, whose Parents had come over hi∣ther in King Alfred's Reign; but their Son had been first a Soldier under him, and then turning Priest, was at last by King Athelstan's Recommendation made a Bishop; but having never been a Monk, and none but Monks having been hitherto made Archbishops of Canterbury, he for a long time refused it; till at last he was persuaded to go over in∣to France, and there taking upon him the Habit of a Monk, and return∣ing home, was immediately consecrated Archbishop. This Man was a Prelate of great Sanctity according to those times, and a severe Exactor of Ecclesiastical Discipline, as you will find hereafter.

This year also (according to the Annals) Bishop Byrnstan above-mentioned deceased at Winchester.

And the following year,* 1.222

'Bishop Elfeage succeeded him in that Bishoprick.

About this time, according to * 1.223 William of Malmesbury,* 1.224 King Athelstan drove the Welsh out of Exeter, and built new Walls about it; and then founded a Monastery of Benedictines, which was afterwards changed (upon the removal of the Bishop's See from Credition to this City) into a Dean and Secular Chanons, as shall be shewn in due time. But after two years,

The War was again renewed between King Athelstan and Constantine King of Scots, and a great Battle followed,* 1.225 of which our Annals give us (contrary to their custom) a Poetical, if not a Romantick Rela∣tion,

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which to translate verbatim would be ridiculous;* 1.226 but the Substance of it is thus;

That this year King Athelstan and his Brother Eadmund Aetheling overcame the Scots in Battel about Brunanburh (now Brom∣rige in the County of Northumberland, as Cambden supposes) breaking through their Works, and killing many of their Noblemen; so that both Armies fighting from Sun-rising to Sun-set, there perished a great multitude of Scots, Irish, and Danes.]

For it seems by Florence of Worcester, that another Anlaf, Son to the King of Dublin, being excited by his Father-in Law, King Constantine, had sail'd up the River Humber with a great Fleet, and landing, King Athelstan and his Brother Ed∣mund met them with a powerful Army at the place above-mentioned; and if so, it could not be in Northumberland, as Mr. Cambden supposes, but rather in Yorkshire or Lincolnshire.

But to proceed with our Annals; the Success of this Fight was,

That the English-Saxons towards the latter end of the day utterly rout∣ed and put to flight the Enemies Forces, and pursued them as long as day-light lasted; so that in that place there fell no less than five Kings, besides seven other Commanders on Anlaf's side, (not reckoning those of the Naval Forces, and the Scots Fleet, who were kill'd without number); so that Anlaf was forced to save his Life by going on board his Ships with a small Company; as also one Froda by flight returned into his own Countrey.]

This Froda was (it seems) some Norman or Danish Commander, who came to assist Anlaf.

Neither could King Constantine brag much of the success of this Fight among his Relations, for they most of them fell that day in Bat∣tel, the King leaving his Son dead upon the Spot behind him, having received many Wounds. Nor could King Anlaf himself boast of much better good fortune, for they had all reason enough to repent their having tried the Valour of these English Princes. And not only the Scotch but Irish King with great difficulty got home to Difiline (now Dublin) in Ireland. But King Athelstan and the Prince his Bro∣ther return'd home with Honour and Glory into their own Countrey, leaving their Enemies Carcasses to be devoured by the Fowls of the Air, and Beasts of the Field; insomuch that there never was a greater Slaughter in this Island mentioned by Historians, since the time that the English-Saxons conquered this part of Britain.

So far you have from the Peterburgh Copy of these Annals; but that in the Cottonian Library says no more, than that

This year King Athel∣stan and King Eadmund his Brother led their Army to Brunanburgh, and there fighting with Anlaf, by the help of Christ obtained the Victory.

But having given you a short Relation of this Battel from the Saxon Annals, who only relate the Success of this Fight, without giving us any Causes or other Circumstances of it; I shall both from Ingulph, as also from William of Malmesbury, give you a more perfect Account of it; which is thus:

Constantine King of the Scots being exasperated by the late Invasion made in his Kingdom, joined with Anlaf the Son of Sihtric (whom Florence more probably supposes to have been not this Sihtric, but some other of his name, who was King of Ireland and the Isles adjacent, and had married the Daughter of King Constantine) who also drew in Eugenius Prince of Cumberland, with great Forces which he had raised out of several Countries, to their Assistance; and after near four years

preparation, they invaded England by the River Humber,* 1.227 and passed through the Countrey to a place called Brunanburgh, or Bruneford; Athelstan all this time feigning a Retreat, on purpose that he might ob∣tain some better advantage against them, as some write; or, as others, that they ••eing fearful to grapple with him; Anlaf perceiving with whom he had to do, puts off his Royal Habit, and becomes a Spy upon him in the Disguise of a Musician, attending with an Harp in his Hand at Athelstan's Tent; by which means he was easily admitted into the King's Presence, diverting them by his Musick, till such time as they having eaten and drank sufficiently, they began to debate seriously about the Work they had in hand; and he all the while made what Observation he could; at last, when he had received his Reward, and was commanded out of the Tent, he scorning to carry the Money away with him, hid it in the Earth, which a certain Soldier who had formerly served him, taking notice of, thereby came to know him, and after he was gone, acquainted the King who he was; but being blamed for not giving him more timely notice, the Soldier excused it, as having formerly taken a Military Oath in Anlaf's Service; affirming, that had he betrayed Anlaf, he himself to whom now he was in the same Rela∣tion, might have expected no better Fidelity; but however, he advised King Athelstan to remove his Tent into another place: This Advice was looked upon as good and wholsome, and indeed, how seasonable it proved, very shortly appeared; for a certain Bishop coming to the Camp that night, pitched his Tent in the same place; when Anlaf, with a design to destroy the King, assaulted that part of the Camp, being ignorant of what had passed, and easily killed the Bishop with all his Followers.

Ingulph (who seems more exact than any other Historian in this mat∣ter) writes, That Anlaf, tho he had brought with him an infinite multi∣tude of Danes, Norwegians, Scots, and Picts, yet either out of Diffi∣dence, or Craft familiar to his Nation, chose rather by night to surprize his Enemy, than fairly to give him Battel in the open field, and by day∣light; so he fell suddenly upon the English, and kill'd a Bishop who was come but the Evening before to the Camp, which causing a great Cla∣mour and Tumult, the King, 'tho a Mile off, took the Alarm with his whole Army, who putting themselves into such order as the Surprize would permit, by break of day came up to the Enemy, where finding them tir'd and disorder'd by their late March for want of sleep, King Athelstan in Person leading on the West-Saxons, fell upon Anlaf him∣self, whilst Turketul his Kinsman and Chancellor, (who had the Conduct of the Londoners) and the Mercians, assaulted Constantine the Scotish King; their Missil Weapons being quickly spent, they came to hand∣blows, and to fight it out with Sword and Buckler, where many of them lost their Lives, and the Carkasses of mean persons lay confu∣sedly together with the slain Bodies of Princes, Death making no di∣stinction. The Dispute continuing very long and violent by reason the multitude of Enemies was so great, Turketul took with him some of the Londoners whom he knew to be most valiant, and a Captain of the Worcestershire-men, called Singin, one of approved Courage, who being taller than the rest, and of well compacted Limbs, and the stout∣est of all those London Heroes that accompanied him; then Turketul rushing into the very midst of his Enemies, and laying vigorously

about him,* 1.228 hewed down whole ranks of men on both sides of him, in∣somuch that he passed through whole Troops of Orcadians and Picts, bearing a Wood of Arrows on his Breast-plate, and making his way through whole Companies of Cumbrians and Scots, he at length reached Constantine himself, whom he dismounted, and would have taken alive; but the Scots were so concerned for their King, that they had a very smart Conflict about him, and many of them pressing upon the few English that followed him, and all of them aiming chiefly at Turketul, he began to repent of his Rashness, seeing no means either of escaping himself, or getting off his Prisoner; when on the sudden Captain Singin coming in afresh to his Rescue, killed King Constantine: And now their King being slain, the Scots were so discouraged, that they soon re∣tired; and the Report of their Discomfiture flying about the Army, Anlaf and all his Followers ran away, after an incredible Slaughter of Danes and Scots upon the place.

So much Ingulph relates, for the greater Honour of this Turketul, the Chancellor, who was afterwards Abbot of the Abby of Croyland, and his Predecessor in the Government of that Monastery, where he left a large Memorial of his Secular Employments. And the same Au∣thor farther adds, that besides Constantine, five other Kings were there slain, twelve Earls, and an infinite number of Common Soldiers.

But though Ingulph and William of Malmesbury do thus confidently relate Constantine King of Scots to have been slain in this Battel, yet all the Scotch Historians, as well as our own Annals asserting the contrary, it is not to be insisted on as true, and therefore I shall pass it by; yet grant∣ing he was not kill'd in that Battel, John Fordon and Buchanan do both agree, that he became not long after dead to the world; for being quite tired out with his late ill success, he professed himself a Monk amongst the Culdees of St. Andrews, (an Order of Monks so called) of whom this King became Abbot. But the Scotch Historians do all confess the greatness of the Victory on the English, and the great Loss on their own side; acknowledging the Fall of Eugenius King of Deira, (whom our Historians call King of Cumberland), but will not own King Constantine to have been so much as present at this fight, but only Mal∣colme his Cousin, who upon his retiring into a Monastery, was declared King in his room: Yet Hector Boethius, and Buchanan, to lessen this Vi∣ctory as much as they can, do suppose, (though I do not know from what Authority, since Fordon mentions no such thing)

That the English under King Athelstan being much weaker in Forces, he was fain to supply that by Cunning and Artifice; and having strengthen'd his Army by fresh Supplies, he commanded them at the first Onset to make as if they fled, and when they found the Enemy had broken their Ranks, to turn again on their Pursuers; which being punctually ob∣served by King Athelstan's Army, the Danes and Scots supposing themselves to be Victors, immediately fell to spoiling the Enemies Camp; and thereupon a Sign being given by King Athelstan, they fell upon the Enemy, now laden with Prey, and destroyed them like so many Sheep, insomuch that in this Fight most of the Scotch Nobi∣lity were slain, whilst they rather chose to dye than to survive the Ig∣nominy of having deserted their Companions.

But this sounds very Romantick, as does also his Relation of the Battel, which neither agrees with the plain downright way of fighting

used in that age, nor with the Stout and Martial Genius of this King:* 1.229 But let the Manner of gaining the Victory be as it will, they all agree upon the Effect of it; That King Athelstan (his Enemies being asto∣nish'd with so great a loss) took Cumberland and Westmorland from the Scots, and recovered Northumberland from the Danes.

But since the Monks will scarce let so great a Victory pass without a Miracle, I cannot forbear relating what Fordun, and the Chronicle ascribed to Abbot Bromton, have related from a certain Legend of St. John of Beverly; viz. That King Athelstan going to make War against the Scots, and by the way paying a Visit to the Tomb of that Saint, there pawn'd his Knife at the Altar, promising to redeem it at his return; but when they had thus fought against the Scots, he begged of God a Sign, whereby it might appear to future Ages, that they were justly vanquished by the English; and thereupon the King striking a certain Rock with his Sword near the Castle of Dunbar, he made a Gap in it an Ell deep; this Miracle is so gross, that even John Fordon himself ridicules it. But it seems King Athelstan made good his Promise, and upon his return with Victory, enrich'd the Church of St. John with great Possessions; and so, I suppose, got his Knife again.

As for the o••her Miracle related also by the Monks, of King Athel∣stan's Sword being lost out of the Scabbard just when he was ready to fight, and another was by Miracle put in the place, at the Prayers of Arch∣bishop Odo; which Sword they pretend was kept in the King's Trea∣sury; it is no less a Wonder than the former; and one such as these is enough at one time.

This year (according to Florence) King Athelstan founded the Abby of Middleton in Dorsetshire,* 1.230 to expiate the Death of his Brother Prince Edwin, whom through false suggestions he had destroy'd, (as you have already heard).

About this time also (according to the Welsh Chronicle) Howel Dha. Prince of South-Wales and Powis, after the death of Edwal Voel, his Cousin, Prince of North-Wales, took upon him the Government of all Wales, the Sons of Edwal being then in Minority. This Howel made that Excellent Body of Laws that go under his Name, and which you may find in Sir H. Spelman's first Volume of Councils: This Prince, for his Discreet and Just Government, not only made himself highly beloved, but also rendred his Memory very glorious to After-Ages.

But it seems King Athelstan did not long survive this Victory; for (as our Annals relate) he deceased this year on the 6^th Kal. Novemb. just Forty years after the death of King Alfred his Grandfather,* 1.231 having reigned Fourteen Years and Ten Months:]

But there is certainly an Error in this Account; for either this King must have reigned a year less, or else the King his Father must have died a year sooner than our Annals allow him; and perhaps with greater Certainty; for Florence of Worcester places his Death in Anno Dom. 924.

Nor can we before we finish this King's Life, omit taking notice, That Bromton's Chronicle and other Modern Writers do place the long Story of the Danes invading England in this King's Reign; and that one Guy Earl of Warwick returning home by chance from the Holy Land in the Habit of a Pilgrim, just when King Athelstan was in great distress for a Champion to fight with one Colebrand a monstrous Danish

Gyant,* 1.232 whom the King of the Danes had set up to fight with any Champion the English King should bring into the field; that Earl Guy accepted this Challenge, and without being known to any man but the King, fought the Gyant near Winchester, and killing him, the Danes yielded the Victory; whilst Earl Guy privately retired to a Hermitage near Warwick, and there living a Hermit's life, ended his days.

But though John Rouse in his Manuscript Treatise de Regibus Anglo∣rum, places this Action under Anno 926, as soon as ever King Athelstan came to the Crown; and that Tho. Rudburne in his History of Winche∣ster says, That this Gyant's Sword being kept in the Treasury of the Abby of Winchester, was shewn in his time; yet since neither the Saxon Annals, nor any other Ancient Historian, mention any Invasion of the Danes in this King's Reign, nor any thing of such a Combat, it ought to be looked upon as a Monkish Tale, only fit for Ballads and Children.

But since the Monks are very profuse in the Praises of this Prince, I will give you William of Malmesbury's Character of him; That as for his Person, he did not exceed the ordinary Stature, being of a slender Body; his Hair (as he had seen by his Reliques) was Yellow; that as for his Natural Temper and Disposition, he was always kind to God's Servants (i. e. the Monks), for there was scarce a Monastery in England, but what had been adorned by him with Buildings, Books, or Reliques. And though he was grave and serious amongst his Nobles, yet was he affable to the Inferior sort, often laying aside the Majesty of a King, to converse the more freely with ordinary men. This made him as much admired by his Subjects for his Humility, as he was fear'd by his Enemies and Rebels for his Invincible Courage and Constancy.

An Eminent Instance of this was, in that he compell'd the Kings of North-Wales (for some time standing out) to meet him at Hereford, and submit themselves to him: I wish our Author had told us the Year when it was done, since our Annals have wholly omitted it; for tho Ran. Hig∣den in his Polychronicon has put it under Anno 937; and also relates from Alfred of Beverly, that this King restored both Constantine King of Scots, and Hoel King of the Britains, to their Kingdoms; saying, It was more glorious to make a King, than to be one; yet I do not see any Authority for it: But this is agreed upon by all, That Athelstan did about that time enter Wales with a powerful Army, and effected what no King had ever presumed to think of before; for he imposed a Yearly Tribute upon those Kings, of Twenty Pounds in Gold, and Three hun∣dred Pounds in Silver, and Twenty five thousand Head of Cattel. Yet the Laws of Howel Dha appointed the King of Aberfraw to pay yearly to the King of London, no more than Sixty six Pounds for a Tribute, be∣sides Hawks and Hounds.

John of Wallingford makes this King the first who reduced all Eng∣land into one Monarchy, by his Conquest of Northumberland, Cumber∣land, and Wales; yet that he was in his own nature a Lover of Peace; and whatever he had heard from his Grandfather, or observed in his Father, he put in practice, being Just in his Judgments, and by a hap∣py conjunction of many Virtues, so beloved by all men, that to this day Fame, which is wont to be too severe to the Faults of Great Men, can relate nothing to his prejudice.

William of Malmesbury also gives us a short Account of his Life and Actions from his very Childhood; wherein he tells us, That this Prince

when he was but a Youth,* 1.233 was highly beloved by his Grandfather King Alfred, insomuch that he made him a Knight, girding him with a Belt set with Precious Stones, and whereat hung a Golden-hilted Sword in a Rich Scabbard; after which, he was sent to be bred under his Uncle Ethelred Earl of Mercia, to learn all those Warlike Exercises that were befitting a Young Prince.

Nor does he only relate him to have been Valiant, but also compe∣tently Learned, as he had been informed from a certain old Author he had seen, who compared him to Tully for Eloquence; though (as he rightly observes) the Custom of that Age might very well dispense with that Talent; and perhaps a too great Affection to King Athelstan, then living, might excuse this Author's over-large Commendations.

But this must be acknowledged, that all Europe then spoke highly in his Praise, and extoll'd his Valour to the Skies; Neighbouring Kings thinking themselves happy if they could purchase his Friendship either by his Alliance, or their Presents. Harold King of Norway sent him a Ship whose Stern was Gilded, and its Sails Purple; and the Ambassa∣dors by whom he sent it, being Royally received in the City of York, were rewarded with Noble Presents. Hugh King of the French, sent Anwulf, Son of Baldwin Earl of Flanders, (Grandson to King Edward by Aethelswine his Daughter) as his Ambassador, to demand his Sister in Marriage; who when in a Great Assembly of the Nobility at Abing∣don he had declared the Desires of this Royal Woer, besides Noble Presents of Spices, and Precious Stones, especially Emeralds, such as had never been seen in England before, and also brave Horses richly equip∣ped, he sent the King a certain Vessel made of an Onyx, curiously en∣graven with Vines, and the Figures of Men; he likewise presented him with the Sword of Constantine the Great; in the Hilt of which (being all overlaid with Plates of Gold) was set one of the Nails of Christ's Cross; also with the Lance of Charles the Great, and the Banner of the Martyr St. Maurice, both which the said King had made use of in a Battel against the Saracens; and a Gold Crown or Diadem set with Precious Stones: But that which was more Valuable than all the rest, was a little Piece of Christ's Cross, and a Bit of his Crown of Thorns, both set in Chrystal, and which the King afterwards bestowed upon the Abby of Malmesbury, with very large Endowments, (as appears by his Charters above-cited) and in whose Church he had ordered the Bo∣dies of his Cousins Aelwin and Aethelwin, the Sons of his Uncle Aethel∣ward, to be interr'd, whom he lost in the Battel against King Anlaf: And though this King died at Gloucester, yet was his Body carried to Malmesbury, and there interr'd with great Pomp.

There is yet to be seen in the said Church (of which only the Nave is now left) an Image made for him in Stone, though of no Antiquity, as any one may easily discover, that observes it.

But since this King also made many good Laws, some of them which are the most remarkable, I shall here set down from Mr. Lambard's Saxon Copy.

These Laws were made at Graetanleage, in a Great Council there held by King Athelstan; but the Year not being express'd, it is supposed to be about Anno 928.

After a Religious Preface,

The first Law is against Thieves, re∣quiring that if a Thief be taken in the Fact, no man shall spare him,

if he be above twenty years old,* 1.234 and had stole any thing above the value of eight pence: If any one do contrarily thereunto, he shall pay the value of the Thief's Head, or make amends for the fault, and yet the Thief himself shall not be spared; who if he contumaciously make Resistance, or fly for it, shall find no favour. A Thief cast into Prison, shall there stay forty days, and then after the payment of an 120 shillings be discharged; but his Kindred must give Security for his future good behaviour; after which, if he steal again, they must either pay the value of his Head, or bring him back to Prison; and in case any one resist, he shall pay to the King, or to any other whom it concerns, the value of his own Head; and if any stand by him (i. e. defend him) he shall pay to the King an 120 shillings.

The sixth Law is against Witchcrafts, Enchantments, and such like deeds that procure Death; that if any one by them be made away, and the thing cannot be denied, such Practisers shall be put to death; but if they endeavour to purge themselves, and be cast by the threefold Ordeal, they shall lye in Prison an hundred and twenty days; which ended, then their Kindred may redeem them by the Payment of an 120 shillings to the King; and farther pay to the Kindred of the slain the full valuation of the Party's Head; and then the Criminals shall also procure Sureties for their good behaviour for the time to come.

The same Punishment shall be inflicted on Incendiaries, and such as rescue Thieves; nay, such as endeavour to rescue them, though no man be wounded in the attempt, shall pay an 120 shillings to the King.

As for Enchantments, mentioned in this Law, the Saxon word is Liblacum, which signifies the Art of Conjuration or Witchcraft, yet not all in general, but that sort of it properly called Fascination, or En∣chantment used by certain Ligatures, Fasciae, or Bands.

The seventh ordains concerning simple Ordeal, That if one accused several times of Theft, be cast by it, and have no body to be Surety for him, he shall be sent to Prison, and thence freed by his Kindred, as was before said.

The tenth forbids any Commutation of Goods, unless in the pre∣sence of the King's Reeve, the Priest of the Town, or the Lord of the Soil, or some other credible person, under the penalty of thirty shil∣lings, and the forfeiture of the thing changed to the Lord of the Soil; and if any shall bear false witness, he shall be infamous, and no credit given to him ever after, and also shall forfeit 30 shillings.

The twelfth confirms the first part of the Law of King Edward the Elder, decreeing no man's buying any thing out of a Town which exceeds the value of twenty-pence; and within the Town, unless in the presence of the Portreeve, or some other credible person; or else in the presence of the King's Sheriff or Justice in Folcmote.

The fourteenth appoints through all the King's Dominions that one and the same Money be currant, and that it shall not be coined out of some Town; and if any Minter or Coiner shall embase the Coin, he shall lose his hand; which being cut off; shall be affixed to the Workhouse: If any be accused of adulterating Money, and will purge himself, he shall by the Ordeal of hot Iron cleanse his hands of such wickedness; but if by Ordeal he be cast, then he shall be punished as now was said.

Then follow the places appointed for Publick Mints;* 1.235 viz. at Canter∣bury there shall be seven Minters or Coiners, whereof four for the King, two for the Bishop, and one for the Abbot. At Rochester there shall be three, whereof two for the King, and the third for the Bishop. At London eight. At Winchester six. At Lewes two. At Hastings one. At Chichester one. At Hampton two. At Werham two. At Excester two. At Salisbury as many, and in every other great Town one.

That which follows, commands, That for every Plow a man shall keep two well-furnished Horsemen.

Which shews, that this Law for the Militia's being laid according to the Rate of Estates, is one of the ancientest of this kind in England, as also the most general Tax, being laid upon Corn, then the most staple Commodity of the Kingdom.

The eighteenth forbids Horses to be transported, except such as are sent abroad as Free Gifts or Presents.

The twentieth Law enacts, That if any one absent himself from Folcmote thrice, he shall be punished as contumacious against the King, if so be that the holding of the Assembly was declared a seven-night before; in such case if he refuse to do Right, and pays not his Mulct to the King, the ancient men of the Countrey are to go and seize upon all that he hath, and take Security for his appearance.

The twenty second, in confirmation of a former Law, requires, that no person receive another man's Man (as this Law words it) into his Family, without leave first obtained of his Master; he that doth otherwise, shall restore the man, and pay the Mulct of Contu∣macy against the King; and no man is to put away his men accused of any Crime, till they have first made satisfaction.

By this it appears how ancient in this Nation the Custom is of calling a Servant by the word used for the whole Species of Mankind, a Phrase in use as well with the Romans and others more ancient, as with modern people.

The twenty fourth is concerning Traffick; and in confirmation of former Laws ordains, That if a man buy any thing with witness, which another man challenges for his own, the Seller shall make it good, and secure the bargain, whether he be Bond or Free: But on the Lord's day no Market shall be held, under penalty or forfeiture of the Wares, and a Mulct of 30 shillings besides.

The next thing that follows at the end of these Laws, relating to the Civil State, is the Valuation of mens Heads, which we have often heard mentioned by these Laws, but never yet to what it particularly amount∣ed: First then, saith the Text,

The valuation of the King's Head, according to the English Common Laws, is thirty thousand Thrymses, whereof fifteen thousand are properly the value of his Head, the rest being due to the Kingdom; so that the latter fifteen belonged to the Nation, the former to his Kindred. An Archbishop's and Earl's Weregild (as the Saxons called the valuation of his Head) is fifteen thousand Thrymses: A Bishop's and Ealdorman's eight thousand. A General's of an Army, or an High Marshal's four thousand Thrymses. The valuation of a Spiritual Thane or Priest, as also of a Temporal Thane, was two thousand Thrymses. That of a Countreyman (or C••orl) by the Danish Law was 267 Thrymses. But if a Welshman grow so rich as to maintain a Family, have Land, and pay a yearly Rent to

the King,* 1.236 he shall be valued at 120 shillings; if he possess half a Hide of Land, at 80 shillings: If he have no Land, yet if he be a Freeman, the value of his Head shall be seventy shillings. If a Ceorl or Countreyman be so wealthy as to possess five Hides of Land, in case he be killed, the price or value of his Life shall be two thousand Thrymses; but if he come to have a Corslet, an Helmet and a Gilt Sword, tho he have no Land, he shall be accounted a Sithcundmon; and if his Children or Grandchildren shall grow so rich as to possess five Hides of Land, all their Posterity shall be reckoned as so many Sithcundmen, and be valued at two thousand Thrymses. The Mer∣cians value a Countreyman at two hundred shillings, a Thane at twelve hundred. They are wont to equal the single value of the King's Head with six thousand Thanes, that is, thirty thousand Sceats, for so much is the value of the King's Head, and as much more must be paid as a recompence for his death; the value of his Head belongs to his Kindred, and the compensation of his Death to the people. He that is valued at 1200 shillings, his Oath shall be of the same esteem as those of six Countreymen; for where such an one is slain, six Coun∣treymen would satisfy over and above for the value; therefore the value of him and all them shall be the same. By the English Law the Oaths of a Priest and a Thane are of the like esteem.

By these valuations of Heads from the highest to the lowest Rank, we may perceive that in those Ancient Times Punishments consisted rather in Mulcts than in Blood; contrary to our present Custom, where∣by small Offences in comparison (especially if reiterated) are become Capital; which whence it hath proceeded, whether from this conside∣ration, that Crimes in latter Ages do more abound, or from other rea∣sons, is not evident. As for the Sithcundmon mentioned in this Law, Mr. Somner derives this word from Syth or Gethysa,* 1.237 an Equal or Com∣panion, and cund kind, and Mon man; so that he seems to have been one equal to a Thane.

King EDMUND.

NOT long after King Athelstan's Decease, Prince Edmund his Brother succeeded him at the Age of Eighteen Years, and reigned Six Years and an half.

This year (according to the Annals) King Edmund,* 1.238 Lord of the English, and the Protector of his Subjects, invaded Mercia on that side where the River Humber and the * 1.239 Way of the White Fountain divide the Countrey; he there took in five Cities (viz.) Li∣goracester (now Leicester), Lindcolne (now Lincoln), and Snotinga∣ham, Stanford, and Deorby▪ which were all before under the power of the Danes, being forced to submit to them, having been long under their Tyrannical Yoke.

This seems very strange, for most of those places are mentioned to have been before recovered from the Danes by King Edward his Father; and how they could be conquered again in the time of so great a War∣rier as King Athelstan was, I could not understand, were it not explained by other Authors.

The same year King Aeadmund received King Anlaf to Baptism, and some time after he likewise received King Reginald at his Confirmation. This year also King Anlaf deceased, and Richard the Elder took upon him the Dukedom (of Normandy) and governed it 52 years.

But R. Hoveden and Mat. Westminster (from what Authority I know not) relate, That this Anlaf the Dane, above-mentioned, and Norwe∣gian by Extract, who had been in the time of King Athelstan expell'd the Kingdom of Northumberland, about this time landed in Yorkshire with a great Fleet, resolving to subdue the whole Kingdom of England; and marching Southward besieged Northampton; but not succeeding there, he marched back to Tamworth, where having wasted the Coun∣trey round about, came at last to Legacester (now Westchester); which when King Edmund heard of, he march'd with a powerful Army, and met him at that City, and having fought with him most part of the day, the two Archbishop of Canterbury and York, seeing the great Danger and Hazard the Kingdom was then in, made an Agreement be∣twixt the two Kings, That Anlaf should possess that part of England lying North of Watlingstreet, and King Edmund that part which lay South of it, and that the Survivor of them should quietly enjoy the whole King∣dom; and thereupon Anlaf married Alditha the Daughter of Earl Orme, by whose Counsel and Assistance he obtained the late Victory. But William of Malmesbury tells this Story somewhat different; viz. That about this time the Northumbers rebelling, recalled this Anlaf out of Ireland, whom they made their King, but whom nevertheless King Ed∣mund conquered, and at last expell'd the Kingdom, and so once again added Northumberland to his own Dominions; which shews the great uncertainty of the History of these times.

* 1.240But R. Hoveden and Mat. Westminster do further add, That when this Anlaf had not long after his Marriage spoiled and burned the Church of St. Balther, and had burnt Tiningaham; by the just Judg∣ment of God, he miserably ended his Life, but without telling us by what means.

And they both further relate, That Anlaf the Son of Sihtric after this reigned again over the Northumbers, and was this year expelled that Kingdom by King Edmund. But it seems R. Hoveden and Mat. Westmin∣ster make this latter Anlaf a quite different person from the former, who is supposed to have reigned in Ireland; whereas this was the Son of Sihtric late King of Northumberland, and whom we shall meet with again more than once in the following History. But John of Waling∣ford's Chronicle, makes this King, whom he calls Olaf, a Norwegian, whom the Northumbers had called in, and bestowed upon him the Title of King, and under him rebelled against K. Edmund. As for this Reginald her mentioned in our Annals, I suppose he is the same whom H. Hun∣tington calls King of York, because he had conquered the Countrey: But tho the History of these Transactions are very short and obscure, yet that which has been already related from these Authors, will serve to explain what would have been otherwise in the dark; viz. how the Cities and Towns above-mentioned now came to be recovered from the Danes, as having been taken by their King Anlaf aforesaid.

* 1.241This year Queen Aelgiva was brought to Bed of Prince Edgar (after∣wards King) as Florence relates: Yet she lived not long after, but died the year following, according to Ethelward's Chronicle.

* 1.242

King Edmund reduced all the Countrey of Northumberland under his own Dominion, expelling thence the two Kings, Anlaf the Son of Sihtric, and Reginald the Son of Guthferth.

But Ethelwerd relates this action to have been done by this King's Lieutenants; viz. Bishop Wulstan, and the Ealdorman of Mercia, whose Name he does not give us, only that these two expelled certain Deserters, viz. Reginald and Anlaf out of the City of York, and reduced it wholly under this King's Power.

John of Wallingford also makes this Anlaf to be the King's Nephew, and different from Anlaf the Norwegian.

* 1.243

King Eadmund subdued the whole Countrey of Cumberland, and gave it to Malcolme King of Scots, upon condition that he should assist him in his Wars both by Sea and Land.

For the Reader is to observe, that hitherto the Britains, though much disturbed by their Neighbours (the Picts, Scots, and English), had ever since the coming in of the Saxons still there continued a distinct Princi∣pality, and after several of them had been wearied out, they retired into North Wales, and there erected the Colony of Straetcluyd, as we formerly said; though the History and Succession of these Kings are wholly lost, unless it be such scattered Remains as we have given you in the former Book. But Mat. Westminster (though under the next year) adds that which is very unlikely to be true, that King Edmund conquered this Countrey by the Assistance of Lewellyn Prince of Wales, and put out the Eyes of the two Sons of Dunmaile King of that Province; though what he adds further, appears somewhat more probable, That he grant∣ed it to the King of Scots upon this condition, viz. To defend the North-parts of England from the Invasion of Enemies both by Sea and

Land. To which Bromton's Chronicle adds likewise,* 1.244 That he was also to attend the King of England at several Great Feasts in the year, when he held his Common Council; and that the King of Scots had for that end several Houses assigned him to lye at by the way.

Also this year Mat. Westminster relates, that King Edmund gave one of his Royal Towns, then called Beadricesworth, with divers other Lands, to build a Church and Monastery, in Memory of St. Edmund the Martyr, whose Body was there enshrin'd.

This year likewise (as Florence relates) King Edmund sent Ambas∣sadors to Prince Hugh of France, for the Restitution of King Lewis; whereupon the said Prince held a Solemn Council with all the Chief Men of the Kingdom concerning it: But not long after,

King Edmund deceased at the Feast of St. Augustin; having held the Kingdom Six Years and an half.

But the Laudean or Peterburgh Copy of these Annals, as also Ethel∣werd's Chronicle, place the Death of this King Anno Dom. 948; which without doubt is the truest Account.

So that he died in the very Flower of his Age, being not yet Five and twenty years old: But we shall give you the manner of his Death, from William of Malmesbury, as well as from other Authors, since he met with such an End, the like to which I have not read of any other Prince, taking all the Circumstances together: And thus we find it: He having made a Great Entertainment at a place called Pucklekirk, upon the Holi∣day of St. Augustin Archbishop of Canterbury, for all his Nobility and Chief Men, and there spying towards the end of Dinner a certain No∣torious Thief called Leof, sitting at the Table, whom he had before banished, commanded Leon his Sewer to lay hold on him: But the Thief not only resisted him, but was also like to have killed the Sewer: Whereupon the King (leaping from the Table, and) going to rescue him out of the Villain's hands, and having now laid hold on him, and thrown him on the ground, he twisted his hands in his hair; upon which the Thief pulling out a Dagger, stabbed the King (who lay upon him) into the Breast, so that he immediately expired; but the King's Servants presently coming in, soon cut the Villain to pieces; though some of them were first wounded by him. The King's Body was there∣upon carried to Glastenbury, and there buried; and the Town wherein he was killed was bestowed on the same Monastery to sing Masses for his Soul. To this Place the Prince (as well as his Brother) was a great Benefactor; as appears by his recited Charter in William of Malmesbury, whereby he confers divers large Privileges upon that Abby, of which St. Dunstan was then the Abbot: And it is also to be observed, that He there stiles himself in the beginning of his Charter,

Edmund, King of the English, and Governor and Ruler of the other Nations round about; and says, That with the Advice, and by the Consent of his Chief Men, and for the Remission of his Sins, He made that Grant to the Church of St. Mary at Glastenbury.

This Charter bore date Anno 944. in Letters of Gold, and was written at the end of a Book of Gospels which he had given to the same Church, most curiously bound. So that it is no wonder if he had the good words of the Monks; though he might also very well deserve them; yet this last Action speaks him to have been extremely transported with Passion, thus to debase the Ma∣jesty of a King, in going about to seize a common Malefactor with his

own hands;* 1.245 and indeed he paid too dear for thus acting below his Cha∣racter.

This King made divers good Laws; which since the Title does not re∣cite in what year they were made, I have referred to this place; some of which I shall here give you, translated from the Latin Copies in Ab∣bot Bromton's Chronicle, as well as from Mr. Lambard's Collection.

In the Preface of which we are told,

That at the solemn Feast of Easter the King had held a Great Council at London, as well of Ec∣clesiasticks as Laicks, where were present Odo and Wulstan, Archbi∣shops, with many other Bishops, to consult for the good of their own Souls, and of those that were committed to their Care and Govern∣ment.

At which Synod or Council were enacted several Laws; viz. but they being six in number, of mere Ecclesiastical Concernment, as for paying Tithes, and against Fornication with Nuns, and Perjury, I omit them.

Then Follow, in Bromton's Copy, seven other Constitutions of Civil Concernment, said to have been made by the King, his Bishops, and Wise Men, at Cullington, not extant in the Saxon Edition.

The first of these requires an Oath of Fidelity to be taken by all to King Edmund, in like manner as a man ought to bear Faith to his Lord, without any Controversy or Sedition, both in publick and pri∣vate; to love whom the King should love, and to hate whom he should hate; and before the Oath be given, that no man should con∣ceal a Crime in his Brother or Neighbour, more than in a Stranger.

The second, concerning the apprehension of Thieves, enjoins, that if it be known for certain where a Thief is, the Twelfhind and Twi∣hind men (i. e. the former worth Twelve hundred, and the latter Two hundred Shillings of Estate) should combine together, and take him either alive or dead; but in case any man take up a mortal Feud against another for so doing, he is to be esteemed as the Enemy of the King, and all his Friends: And if any refuse to assist in his apprehension, he shall forfeit to the King an 120 shillings, and to the Hundred 30 shillings.

The fourth enjoins, That if several Thieves do steal, the eldest of them shall be hanged, and each of the rest be whipp'd thrice, and for an Example have his little finger cut off.

This I take notice of, because it is the first Law whereby Thieves are expresly ordered to be hanged, without being admitted to pay their Weregild, or Price of their Heads.

The fifth and sixth being against buying and receiving Strangers Cat∣tel, I pass by.

The seventh enjoins, that every Person make his Servants, and all that live within his Peace (i. e. his District), and on his Lands, to give Security; and also that all others of Ill Fame who lye under Ac∣cusations, should have Security given for them; and what Officer, Thane, Ealdorman, or Countreyman soever he be, that refuseth to do according thereunto, shall forfeit 120 shillings, and further be deemed worthy of such Punishments as have been before mentioned.

After these follow seven other of King Edmund's Laws, found both in Bromton and Lambard's Copies; before which also we find a Preface,

Wherein the King signifies to all Subjects both old and young, that he had most studiously enquired in a Solemn Assembly of Ecclesiasticks

and Laicks,* 1.246 by what means the Christian Life might best be main∣tained; and that it seemed most convenient to them all, that he should cherish and procure Love and mutual Friendship through all his Do∣minions; for they were much troubled at the unjust Divisions and Contentions among them; therefore the King and they did now or∣dain.

First, That if hereafter one man kill another, he alone should bear the Deadly Feud or Enmity of the Kindred of the Party slain, unless within Twelve Months by the assistance of his own Kindred, he should pay the Weregild, or value of the slain man's head, of what condition soever he was; and then they should not be taken for Ene∣mies; in the mean time they shall not relieve him, nor have peace with him, and if they do or have, they shall forfeit all their Estate to the King; and he that shall kill any man, shall be taken as an Ene∣my by all the Kindred of the slain, and they may maintain Deadly Feud against him; and if any shall revenge himself upon, or pro∣secute any other of his Kindred besides the Manslayer himself, he shall forfeit all he hath, and be taken as an Enemy both by the King and all that love him.

Which Law was made, because before this, if one man killed ano∣ther, the Kindred of the slain had a Mortal Feud, and revenged his Death upon any of the Relations of the Murderer; as they do among the Indians even to this day.

The second denounces, That if a man fly to a Church, or to the King's Town, and there any one set upon him, or do him harm, he shall be punished in the same manner.

By the third, the King expresly forbids, that any Fyhtwite, or Man∣bote (that is, any Fine for fighting or killing) be remitted.

By the fourth, the King op••nly declares, that his House shall afford no shelter to him that hath shed blood, except he have first made sa∣tisfaction to God, and the Kindred of the Party slain, and done what∣soever was enjoined him by the Bishop in whose Diocess the Fact was committed.

The sixth enjoins, That he that breaks the Peace, and sets upon a man in his own house, shall forfeit all he hath, and his Life be at the Kings's Mercy.

The seventh and last of these Laws is also concerning Enmities or Deadly Feuds; declaring that it is the Duty of all Wise Men to sup∣press them, and prescribing the way and means of doing it.

As

First, That an Indifferent Friend be sent before to the Kindred of him that is slain, to signify to them, that he that killed him will make all due satisfaction; upon which the Manslayer shall be delivered into his hands, that he may safely appear, and give Caution for the Pay∣ment of the value of the dead man's head; which as soon as he hath done, the King's Peace is next to be made betwixt them: Then after the end of one and twenty days, he shall pay Halsfage (according to Bromton's Copy, or as the Saxon Text has it, Healfange) that is (as Mr. Lambard interprets it) that which was paid in Commutation for the Punishment of hanging by the Neck, to the King or Lord.

The rest, as being tedious, I omit; for I think sufficient to let the Reader understand the nature of these Deadly Feuds, or Family Quarrels, among the English who were derived from the Ancient Saxons, Ger∣mans,

and other barbarous Northern Nations,* 1.247 that commonly maintain∣ed private Quarrels by their whole Kindred, thereby rendring their Feuds as it were Hereditary. So Tacitus writes concerning the Ger∣mans, that they were forced to take up the Quarrels and Friendships of their Fathers and Kinsmen.

Besides these Laws before-mentioned, there is some other Constitu∣tions ascribed to the same King Edmund, concerning the Manner and Rites of Marriage; and though found by Sir H. Spelman in Saxon (in an Ancient Book belonging to Corpus Christi College in Cambridge) tacked to the Laws of King Alfred; yet * 1.248 Bromton reckons them amongst the Laws of King Edmund, and I think they ought rather to be supposed his: They are to this effect;

That where a man resolves to marry a Woman with her Friends Consent, the Bridegroom shall give Caution or Security by his Friends, not only to marry her, but also to fulfil the Covenants made between them, and shall also engage to maintain her. After that, the Bridegroom is to declare what he will give his Bride, besides that which she formerly made choice of with his good liking, if she survive him. In case they so agree, it provides, that after his Decease she shall have the one half of all his Estate; and if they have a Child betwixt them, the whole, till such time as ••he mar∣ry again. Then when they have agreed on all things, the Kindred of the Bride shall contract her to him, and engage for her Honesty; and at the same time they shall give Caution for the Celebration of the Marriage.

The rest being not very material, I omit; and have only set down these, to let the Reader see the Antiquity of Covenants before Marriage, and of Bonds for the performance of them; as also of Join∣tures, the Thirds of the Estate not being then settled by Law, as Dower, by what I can find.

Having now finished the Reign of King Edmund, I have no more to observe, but that though he left two Sons by the Queen his Wife, (viz. Edwi and Edgar), yet notwithstanding his Brother Edred succeeded to him as Next Heir, (for so Ethelwerd, as well as Florence of Worcester, stiles him.

King EDRED.

THIS year (according to our Annals) Eadred Aetheling after his Brother's Decease was made King,* 1.249 and presently reduced all Northumberland under his Obedience: Upon which the Scots also swore to perform whatever he would require of them.

But the Manuscript Life of St Dunstan, written by a Monk of those times, and which is now in the Cottonian Library,* 1.250 is much more parti∣cular concerning this King's Succession; saying, That King Edmund being slain, Eadred took the Kingdom, succeeding to his Brother as his Heir. Which is also confirmed by Florence of Worcester, who says, That Edred being Next Heir to his Brother, succeeded him: And Ethel∣werd gives us the reason of it more fully, That he succeeded him quippe ejus Haeres, because he was Next Heir. And Simeon of Durham fur∣ther adds, That this King was Crowned at Kingston, by Odo Arch∣bishop of Canterbury.

H. Huntington and Mat. Westminster give us the Particulars of this War against the Northumbers and Scots more at large; viz. That he subdued the Northumbrians with a powerful Army, they refusing to submit to his Dominion; and that the Scots thereupon being afraid, submitted themselves to him without any War at all; and that the King of the Scots swore Fidelity to him.

It seems here by Ingulph, that this Submission of the Northumbers was wrought by the means of Turketule, Chancellor to King Edred, and afterwards Abbot of Croyland, who was now sent Ambassador to the Northumbers, to reduce them to their Duty; which he upon his Arrival at York performed with that Prudence and Diligence, that he brought back the Archbishop and all the People of that City to their former Al∣legiance.

But R. Hoveden places the Oath taken by the Northumbrians,* 1.251 under this year; and that Wulstan Archbishop of York, and all the Northum∣brian Lords, swore Fealty to King Edred, in a Town called Tadencliff, though they did not long observe it.

Under this year most of the Welsh Chronicles place the death of that Worthy Prince Howel Dha; and say, That he left his four Sons, Owen,* 1.252 Run, Roderic, and Edwin, his Heirs of all his Territories in South-Wales: But as for North Wales, it returned to the two Sons of Edwal Voel, called Jevaf and Jago, (because Meyric their Elder Brother was not thought fit to govern): These, as being of the Elder House, would have had the Supreme Government of all Wales, which, being denied them by the Sons of Howel, caused great and long Wars between them.

Yet nothwithstanding, other of the Welsh Chronicles place the death of Howel Dha much later, for they make him Contemporary with our King Edgar, as shall be shewn when we come to the History of his Reign in the next Book.

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* 1.253Also the same year (according to R. Hoveden) King Edred being much provoked by the Treachery of the Northumbers, laid all Northum∣berland waste; in which devastation the Monastery of Ripun which had been built by Bishop Wilfrid, was burnt: But our Annals defer this Rebellion of the Northumbers to the year following;

When Anlaf again returned into the Countrey of the Northumbers.* 1.254

This is also confirmed by Florence of Worcester, and H. Huntington; viz. That King Edred being returned into the Southern parts of the Kingdom, Anlaf who had been formerly expell'd the Kingdom of Northumberland, re••urned thither with a great Navy, and being recei∣ved with joy by the people, was again restored to his Kingdom.

* 1.255About this time, Jago and Jevaf, Princes of North-Wales, entred South-Wales with a great and powerful Army, against whom came over the Eldest Son of Howel with his Brethren, and fought a Battel at the Hills of Carne, where Jevaf and Jago obtained the Victory. And the year fol∣lowing, the same Princes twice invaded South-Wales, and spoiled Dyvet, and slew Dunwallon, Lord thereof. And, to place these Welsh Wars to∣gether, in the year 952. the said Sons of Howel Dha gathered their Forces together against Jevaf and Jago, and entred their Countrey as far as the River Co••••y; where they fought a cruel bloody Battel, at a place called Gwrhustu, or Llanrwst, Multitudes being slain on both sides, as Edwin the Son of Howel Dha, with other Welsh Princes; and the Sons of Howel being vanquish'd, Jevaf and Jago pursued them as far as Curdigan, destroying their Countrey with Fire and Sword.

* 1.256

This year (according to the Annals), Aelfeag Bishop of Winche∣ster deceased at the Feast of St. Gregory.

* 1.257

The Northumbers again expelled King Anlaf, and set up Eric the Son of Harold for their King.

This is the same with Eric mentioned by Hoveden, who yet did not immediately enter upon the Throne (as that Author supposes) till An∣laf had been expell'd; but Florence of Worcester and the Chronicle of Mailrosse, place the expulsion of Anlaf, and the setting up of Eric, two years sooner, and perhaps with better reason: For the same year, ac∣cording to Hoveden, King Edred made Wulstan Archbishop of York, close Prisoner at Witharbirig, because he had been often accused to him upon divers accounts; Yet Will. Malmesbury tells us expresly, it was for favouring or conniving at his Countreymen in their late Rebellion. But after he had kept him a long time in Prison, he thought fit to pardon him, out of reverence to his Function: And the year following, the Chroni∣cle of Mailrosse relates, that Archbishop Wulstan being set free, was re∣stored to his Episcopal Function at Doncacester. But this is certain, King Edred could not have done this till after Eric had been driven out (as this Author more truly reckons), tho our Annals do it the next year; saying, That

* 1.258

The Northumbers drove out King Eric, and King Eadred again pos∣sessed himself of that Kingdom.]

With which also H. Huntington agrees, tho he places it a year sooner, relating, That then the Nor∣thumbers being weary of the Government of this Eric, did as easily cast him off, as they had before lightly received him; and calling in Edred, they again placed him on the Throne; though this does not accord with William of Malmesbury his Account, that King Edred expell'd Eric by

force, and wasted all that Kingdom with fire and sword. After which the Northumbrians being wholly subdued, were no more governed by Kings but Earls; a Catalogue of which Roger Hoveden hath there given us, as far as the Conquest.

King Edred having been (as Malmesbury informs us) long torment∣ed with frequent Convulsions in several parts of his Body,* 1.259 being admo∣nished by Archbishop Dunstan of his approaching death, did not only bear that affliction with Patience, but spending his time in acts of De∣votion, made his Palace a School of all Vertues, and being at length consumed by a tedious long sickness, he (according to the Annals) de∣parted this life at the Feast of St. Clement, in the very flower of his Age, to the great grief of all his Subjects, after having Reigned Nine Years and an half.

But the Manuscript life of St. Dunstan (already cited) is much more particular as to the Disease he died of, viz. that not being able to swal∣low his Meat, he could only eat Broth, so that being wasted away, he died.

This Relation of King Edred's not being able to swallow his Meat, gave occasion to John of Wallingford absurdly to tell us in his Chronicle (not long since Printed) that King Edred having his Teeth fallen out by reason of Old Age, could not Chew his Meat,* 1.260 and the Broths they made for him were not sufficient to keep him alive, and so he died of Hunger.

But this is altogether as true as the story that follows, not only in this Author, but in most other Monkish Writers of the History of those times (from the Relation of the above-cited Author of St. Dunstan's Life) that St. Dunstan hearing how dangerously Ill the King was, and making haste to Visit him before he died, as he rode on the way thither, there came a Voice from Heaven, which cried aloud to him, King Edred is now dead; at which all present being astonished, the poor Horse, upon which St. Dunstan was then Mounted, immediately fell down dead. But William of Malmesbury, though he mentions this story of the Voice, yet is so wise as to pass by the death of the Horse, being sensible it was a Pill too large to be easily swallowed.

As for the Character of this King, the Monkish Writers of those times, give him that of a most Vertuous and Pious Prince; and as to his Valour, William of Malmesbury saith, he was not inferior in Mag∣nanimity to either of his Brothers; he was also the first King of England who (as I can find) stiled himself Rex Magnae Britanniae, King of Great Britain, in a Charter to the Abbey of Croyland recited by In∣gulphus; as also in another Charter to the Abbey of Reculver; in Monast. Anglic. he stiles himself Totius Albionis Monarchus,* 1.261 i. e. Mo∣narch of all England; In which Stile he was also followed by his Ne∣phew King Edgar; from whence we may observe, That King James was not the first who took upon him the Title of King of Great Bri∣tain, though as being also King of Scotland, he did much better deserve it than the former.

But as for King Edred, he could not fail of the good will of the Monks, since the same Manuscript Author of St. Dunstan's Life relates, That he put such great confidence in that Holy Abbot, that he commit∣ted the chief Muniments and Treasures of his Kingdom to his Care, to be kept at his Abby of Glastenbury; and that as the King lay on his

Death-bed,* 1.262 St. Dunstan was then carrying them back to him to be di∣sposed of as he should think fit, but he just before received the News of his death, as you have already heard.

Nor did this King die without Issue (as many believe) for Mr. Speed proves the contrary from certain ancient Charters Cited by him at the end of this King's Life; wherein you will find that his Two Sons El∣frid and Bertfrid were Witnesses to them, tho they did not Succeed their Father, but Edwi Son to his Elder Brother Edmund.

King EDWI.

IMmediately after King Edmund's decease, our Annals tell us,* 1.263 Edwig, Son to the late King Edmund and Elgiva, began his Reign; and he banisht St. Dunstan out of England.]

This King, as all our Historians agree, was crowned at Kingston by Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, but William of Malmesbury gives us the cause of this Disgrace of St. Dunstan, to this effect: That this King be∣ing a Youth of great Beauty, and amorous above his years, was migh∣tily in love with a young Lady, his near Kinswoman, whom he fain would have married, but the Bishops and Nobles of his Kingdom were utterly averse to it, not only because of the nearness of their Relation, but because she had none of the best Reputation, as to her Chastity.

But though William of Malmesbury gives us all the rest of this Story, yet I shall rather chuse to take it from the * 1.264 Manus••ript Life of St. Dun∣stan, who lived about the same time, and out of which that Author borrowed it; and it is thus: That on the very day, that by the com∣mon Election of all the chief Men of England, Edwig was anointed King; after the Coronation-Dinner was over, he and the chief Bishops and No∣bility being retired into a private Room, there treating of the Great Af∣fairs of the Kingdom, the King (perhaps at that Critical Juncture be∣ing weary of their company) stole into the Apartment of this Beautiful Lady, to enjoy some pleasurable moments with her; which the No∣bility hearing of, they highly resented it, but none would adventure to bring him back; only Abbot Dunstan, and a Bishop whose Name was Cynesius, the King's Cousin, went boldly into the Chamber, where they found him with his Crown off his head, lying between the Mother of this Lady, and her Daughter, upon which they not only re∣proved him, but putting on his Crown again, and taking him by the hand, they pulled him away from them, and carried him back by force into the Room where his Nobles were; but Athelgiva (for it seems so was this Lady sometimes called) being highly provoked at this Af∣front, did not fail to exasperate the King against Dunstan; so that in revenge he banished him the Kingdom; who thereupon (as R. Hove∣den relates) retired to a Monastery in Flanders.

Nor did the King's Resentments stop here, but out of hatred to Dun∣stan, he not only turned the Monks out of Glastenbury, but out of divers of the greatest Monasteries in England; where also,* 1.265 as William of Malmesbury words it, his own Abbey was turned into a Stable for Clerks; that is, Secular Chanons were put in their places, not only there, but in all other Abbeys where the Monks were expelled.

But tho the King's violence to Abbot Dunstan, and the Monks, is by no means to be justified, yet this rudeness to the King, and pressing up∣on his privacy, and carrying him by force out of the Room from his Mistress, or Wife, (for some Historians tell us that he had been privately married to her) can as little be excused: So that no wonder if a young

King,* 1.266 and an enraged Woman, did all they could to revenge so great an Affront.

Yet it seems by the same Author of St. Dunstan's Life, that Archbi∣shop Odo was severely revenged on this Lady; for he not only sent Armed men, to take her out of the Court by force, but also branded her with a hot Iron on the Cheeks, to take off the King's Affections from her, and then caused her to be sent into Ireland; but whether this was done by the Great Council of the Kingdom, or by his own Authority, I do not find: But it seems, upon her return thence again, being on her way to the King, the said Archbishop's Officers met her, and cut her Hamstrings; so that not being able to stir, she is supposed to have died not long after, of this cruel Treatment. But however, this did not happen immediately, but some time after; for this Year all the People North of Humber, together with the Mercians, as far as the River Thames, rose against King Edwi, with an intention to expel him the Kingdom, for his violence done to the Monks; so that, as * 1.267 Osborne in the Life of Dunstan relates, he was forced to fly with his Adulteress to the City of Glocester: But Florence of Worcester, and Si∣meon of Durham, are more particular in this Relation, saying, that the Mercians and Northumbrians hating and despising King Edwi for his Evil Government, deserted him, and having deposed him, they elected his Brother Prince Edgar King over them; which it seems was also con∣firmed by the Common Council of the Kingdom; for the above-cited Author of the Life of St. Dunstan, saith it was done by the Common Consent of all the Wise men of the Kingdom. So that Edwi having no more left him than the Kingdom of the West Saxons for his share, the River Thames was made the Boundary between their two Kingdoms.

Henry de Knighton, out of some Ancient Chronicles then preserved in the Abbey of Legcester, here farther relates, That after the Expulsion of King Edwi for his Evil Life, and the Enormous Deeds which he committed against the Church, the Throne was vacant for above a year, and many Murthers and Robberies, and other Mischiefs were committed in the Kingdom, for want of Government, till some Good men of the Clergy and Laity, seeking God by frequent Prayers, heard at last a Voice from Heaven, commanding them to Crown Prince Edgar (being yet a Youth) their King, which they immediately obeyed.

But this sounds like a Monkish Legend, only to enhance the Excel∣lency of King Edgar's Reign, which with them must owe its Original to no less an Author than Heaven it self; but no other Historians men∣tion any such thing, but agree that King Edwi was never deprived of more than the Kingdoms of Mercia and Northumberland, and there was no Vacancy of the Throne, that Division being made presently upon the aforesaid Defection of the People of these Kingdoms, and imme∣diately confirmed by an Act of the Witena Gemote, as hath been al∣ready related.

But however it happened, King Edwi was forced to rest contented with this unequal division, since not having the good-will of his Sub∣jects, it was well he could keep what he had. From whence we may observe, how dangerous a thing it was, for Princes to provoke the Ruling Part of the Priests and People of those times, who could so easily turn the hearts of their Subjects against them.

Our Annals, though they are very short in this Relation, yet con∣firm the deposing of King Edwi; viz. That this Year Edgar Atheling took upon him the Kingdom of the Mercians; and also adds, That not long before, Wulstan, Archbishop of York, deceased.

Although the printed Copy of the Saxon Annals place the Death of King Edwi under the year 957,* 1.268 yet it appears by the Manuscript Lau∣dean Copy of these Annals, as also by Florence of Worcester, that he died not till this very year; for we cannot otherwise make up the space of near four years, which all our Historians allow to this King's Reign: Of whom they give us this Character, That though he was extraordi∣nary Handsome, yet he abused that Comeliness of his Person by his ex∣cessive Lust; and yet we do not hear of above one Mistress he kept, and that too whom he was either married to, or else lived withal like a Wife. But it is no wonder if he have a very bad Character of them, when the Monks, his Enemies, are the only persons that have given it to us: But H. Huntington, who was a Secular Priest, and no Monk, is more moderate, by telling us that this King did not uncommendably hold the Scepter. But when in the beginning of his Reign his King∣dom began to flourish, an Untimely Death put a stop to those happy Expectations from him. His Body was buried at Winchester, with his Uncle's.

And with this King's Reign I shall also put a Period to this Book, lest it should swell beyond a due proportion.

The End of the Fifth Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno. Dom. DCCCII.
• * 1.2

  Anno. Dom. DCCCII.
• * 1.3

  1 Vol. P. 367.
• * 1.4

  Vid. Monast. Angl. Tom. 1 p. 191.
• * 1.5

  Anno. Dom. DCCCIII.
• * 1.6

  Anno. Dom. DCCCIII.
• * 1.7

  Anno. Dom. DCCCIV.
• * 1.8

  Anno. Dom. DCCCV.
• * 1.9

  Anno. Dom. DCC••VI.
• * 1.10

  Anno. Dom. DCCCV.
• * 1.11

  Anno Dom. DCCCVII.
• * 1.12

  Anno. Dom. DCCCVIII.
• * 1.13

  Anno Dom. DCCCIX.
• * 1.14

  Hist. Dun. Ec∣cles. col. 13.
• * 1.15

  Anno Dom. DCCCX.
• * 1.16

  Anno Dom. DCCCXI.
• * 1.17

  Bib. Cotton. Tib. E. 4.
• * 1.18

  Anno Dom. DCCCXII.
• * 1.19

  Anno Dom. DCCCXIII.
• * 1.20

  Anno Dom. DCCCXIV.
• * 1.21

  Anno Dom. DCCCXVI.
• * 1.22

  Anno Dom. DCCCXIX.
• * 1.23

  Anno Dom. DCCCXIX.
• * 1.24

  Will. Malmes∣bury, lib. 2.
• * 1.25

  Anno Dom. DCCCXX.
• * 1.26

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXI.
• * 1.27

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXII.
• * 1.28

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXIII.
• * 1.29

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXV.
• * 1.30

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXVII
• * 1.31

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXVIII.
• * 1.32

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXVIII.
• * 1.33

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXIX.
• * 1.34

  1. Vol. P. 32.
• ‖ 1.35

  Domit. A. 13.
• * 1.36

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXX.
• * 1.37

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXI.
• * 1.38

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXII
• * 1.39

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXII.
• * 1.40

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXIII.
• * 1.41

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXIII.
• * 1.42

  Vid. Sir H· Spelma••'s Council, 1. vol.
• * 1.43

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXV.
• * 1.44

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXVI.
• * 1.45

  Vid. Sir H. Spelman's Council, 1. vol.
• * 1.46

  Anno Dom. ••••••••XXXVI.
• * 1.47

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXVII
• * 1.48

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXX••••••
• * 1.49

  Anno Dom. DCCCXXXIX.
• * 1.50

  Anno Dom. DCCCXL.
• * 1.51

  Britan. Eccles. Antiquitat. P. 374.
• * 1.52

  Anno Dom. DCCCXLI.
• * 1.53

  Anno Dom. DCCCXLIII.
• * 1.54

  Anno Dom. DCCCXLIV.
• * 1.55

  Cap. 5.
• * 1.56

  Anno Dom. DCCCXLV.
• * 1.57

  Anno Dom. DCCCXLVIII.
• * 1.58

  Anno Dom. DCCCXLIX.
• * 1.59

  Anno Dom. DCCCLI.
• * 1.60

  Anno Dom: DCCCLII.
• * 1.61

  Anno Dom. DCCCLII.
• * 1.62

  Anno Dom. DCCCLIII.
• * 1.63

  Florence, and Math. Westminster, call them the Midland Welch, or Britains: and if their Co∣pies of the An∣nals are true, the Men of Powisland are here meant.
• * 1.64

  Anno Dom. DCCCLIV.
• * 1.65

  Anno Dom. DCCCLIV.
• * 1.66

  Anno Dom. DCCCLV.
• * 1.67

  Anno Dom. DCCCLV.
• * 1.68

  From w••ence came the Cor∣rodies, that still remain in div••rs places.
• * 1.69

  Anno Dom. DCCCLV.
• * 1.70

  Anno Dom. DCCCLVII.
• * 1.71

  Anno Dom. DCCCLVII.
• * 1.72

  Edit. in 1. Vol. Angl. Sacr.
• * 1.73

  Anno Dom. DCCCLX.
• * 1.74

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXI.
• * 1.75

  De Pontif. la.
• * 1.76

  Anno Dom▪ DCCCLXV.
• * 1.77

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXVI.
• * 1.78

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXVII
• * 1.79

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXVII.
• * 1.80

  Vid. X. Script. Col. 802.
• * 1.81

  Anno. Dom. DCCCLXVIII.
• * 1.82

  Anno. Dom. DCCCLXIX.
• * 1.83

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXX.
• * 1.84

  Anno Dom. DC••CLXX.
• * 1.85

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXX.
• * 1.86

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXX.
• * 1.87

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXX.
• * 1.88

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXX.
• * 1.89

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXI.
• * 1.90

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXI.
• * 1.91

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXI.
• * 1.92

  Tit. Dorset∣shire.
• * 1.93

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXI.
• * 1.94

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXII
• * 1.95

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXIII.
• * 1.96

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXIV.
• * 1.97

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXV.
• * 1.98

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVI.
• * 1.99

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVII
• * 1.100

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVII.
• * 1.101

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVIII
• * 1.102

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVIII.
• * 1.103

  Vid. C••m••ens. Britan Tit. Devonshire.
• * 1.104

  Anno Dom. D••C••IXXVIII.
• * 1.105

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVIII.
• * 1.106

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXIX.
• * 1.107

  Vid. Lambe••d's Archani••m.
• * 1.108

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXIX.
• * 1.109

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVIII.
• * 1.110

  Brit••n D••r∣s••tsh••r••.
• * 1.111

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXI.
• * 1.112

  Anno Dom. D••••CLXXXII.
• * 1.113

  Anno Dom. D••CCLXXXIII
• * 1.114

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXIV
• * 1.115

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXV.
• * 1.116

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXV.
• * 1.117

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXV••
• * 1.118

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXVI
• * 1.119

  Oxfordshire.
• * 1.120

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXVII.
• * 1.121

  Published at Oxford in Latine.
• * 1.122

  Page IX.
• * 1.123

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXVIII.
• * 1.124

  I••b. 4. cap. 2.
• * 1.125

  ad sin. X. script.
• * 1.126

  Anno Dom. DCCC••XXXVII.
• * 1.127

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXVII.
• * 1.128

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXVII.
• * 1.129

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXVII.
• * 1.130

  Anno Dom. D••CCLXXXVII.
• * 1.131

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXVII.
• * 1.132

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXVII.
• * 1.133

  Anno Dom· DCCCLXXXVIII.
• * 1.134

  Anno Dom. DCC••LXXXVIII.
• * 1.135

  Anno Dom. DCCCLXXXIX.
• * 1.136

  Anno Dom. DCCCXC.
• * 1.137

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCI.
• * 1.138

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCIII.
• * 1.139

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCIII.
• * 1.140

  Note, That the Mouth of this River than ran into the Sea near Rumney in Kent, but is now turned.
• * 1.141

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCIV.
• * 1.142

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCIV.
• * 1.143

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCIV.
• * 1.144

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCV.
• * 1.145

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCVI.
• * 1.146

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCVI.
• * 1.147

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCVII.
• * 1.148

  Anno Dom. DCCCXCVIII.
• * 1.149

  Anno Dom. DCCCC.
• * 1.150

  Vid. the MSS. in Bib. B••dl••ian.
• * 1.151

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.152

  De Gestis Alfredi.
• * 1.153

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.154

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.155

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.156

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.157

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.158

  Chap. 2.
• * 1.159

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.160

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.161

  Vid. The Reason in the Introduction.
• * 1.162

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.163

  Histor. Ma∣jor.

  Vid. Ang. Sa∣cra, 1 vol.
• * 1.164

  Anno Dom. DCCCCI.
• * 1.165

  Anno D••m. DCCCCI.
• * 1.166

  Anno Dom. DCCCCII.
• * 1.167

  Anno Dom. DCCCCIII.
• * 1.168

  Anno Dom. DCCCCIV.
• * 1.169

  Anno Dom DCCCCV.
• * 1.170

  Council, 1. Vol. p. 387.
• * 1.171

  Anno Dom DCCCCV.
• * 1.172

  Anno D••m. DCCCCVII.
• * 1.173

  Anno Dom. DCCCCVII.
• * 1.174

  Anno Dom. DCCCCVIII.
• * 1.175

  Anno Dom. DCCCCIX.
• * 1.176

  Anno Dom. DCCCCX.
• * 1.177

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXI.
• * 1.178

  MS. in Bib. Cot. T. b. c. 4.
• * 1.179

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXI.
• * 1.180

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXII.
• * 1.181

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXIII.
• * 1.182

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXIV.
• * 1.183

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXIV.
• * 1.184

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXV.
• * 1.185

  Vi. Fuller's Church History.
• * 1.186

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXV.
• * 1.187

  C••nt. 8. Num. 53.
• * 1.188

  Lib. 3. c. 2.
• * 1.189

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXV.
• * 1.190

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXVI.
• * 1.191

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXVII.
• * 1.192

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXVIII.
• * 1.193

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXVIII·
• * 1.194

  Vesp. A. 5.
• * 1.195

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXIX.
• * 1.196

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXX.
• * 1.197

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXX.
• * 1.198

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXXI.
• * 1.199

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXXI.
• * 1.200

  Anno Dom. DCCCCXXI.
• * 1.201

  De Gest. Pontif. lib. 2.
• * 1.202

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxii.
• * 1.203

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxii.
• * 1.204

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxiii.
• * 1.205

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxiv.
• * 1.206

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxv.
• * 1.207

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxv.
• * 1.208

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxv.
• * 1.209

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxv.
• * 1.210

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxv.
• * 1.211

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxv.
• * 1.212

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxv.
• * 1.213

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxvi.
• * 1.214

  Anno. Dom. Dccccxxvii.
• * 1.215

  Anno. Dom. Dccccxxvii.
• * 1.216

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxviii.
• * 1.217

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxii.
• * 1.218

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxiii.
• * 1.219

  Anno. Dom. Dccccxxxiii.
• * 1.220

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxiv.
• * 1.221

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxiv.
• * 1.222

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxv.
• * 1.223

  De Pontif. Lib. 2.
• * 1.224

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxvi.
• * 1.225

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxviii.
• * 1.226

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxviii.
• * 1.227

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxviii.
• * 1.228

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxviii.
• * 1.229

  Anno Dom. Dccccxxxviii.
• * 1.230

  Anno Dom. Dccccxl.
• * 1.231

  Anno Dom. Dccccxli.
• * 1.232

  Anno Dom. Dccccxli.
• * 1.233

  Anno Dom. Dccccxli.
• * 1.234

  Anno Dom. Dccccxli.
• * 1.235

  Anno Dom. Dccccxli.
• * 1.236

  Anno Dom. Dccccxli.
• * 1.237

  Vid. Somn. Gloss.
• * 1.238

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlii.
• * 1.239

  This way we know not.
• * 1.240

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlii.
• * 1.241

  Anno Dom. Dccccxliii.
• * 1.242

  Anno Dom. Dccccxliv.
• * 1.243

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlv.
• * 1.244

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlvi.
• * 1.245

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlvi.
• * 1.246

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlvi.
• * 1.247

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlvi.
• * 1.248

  Col. 861.
• * 1.249

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlvi.
• * 1.250

  Cleop. D. 7.
• * 1.251

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlvii.
• * 1.252

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlviii.
• * 1.253

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlviii.
• * 1.254

  Anno Dom. Dccccxlix.
• * 1.255

  Anno Dom. Dccccl.
• * 1.256

  Anno Dom. Dccccli.
• * 1.257

  Anno Dom. Dcccclii.
• * 1.258

  Anno Dom. Dccccliv.
• * 1.259

  Anno Dom. Dcccclv.
• * 1.260

  Edit. Oxon. 1691.
• * 1.261

  Vol. 1.
• * 1.262

  Anno Dom. Dcccclv.
• * 1.263

  Anno Dom. Dcccclv.
• * 1.264

  In Bib. Cot∣ton. Cleop. B. 13.
• * 1.265

  De Gest. Po••••. Lib. 1.
• * 1.266

  Anno Dom. Dcccclv.
• * 1.267

  Vid. Ang. Sacra. Vol. 1.
• * 1.268

  Anno Dom. Dcccclix.