The general history of England, as well ecclesiastical as civil. Vol. I from the earliest accounts of time to the reign of his present Majesty King William : taken from the most antient records, manuscripts, and historians : containing the lives of the kings and memorials of the most eminent persons both in church and state : with the foundations of the noted monasteries and both the universities / by James Tyrrell.

THE General History OF BRITAIN, NOW CALLED ENGLAND: As well Ecclesiastical, as Civil. BOOK III. From its Desertion by the Romans, to the Preaching of Christianity by AUGUSTINE the Monk, being One hundred Sixty two Years. (Book 3)

BEING now come to the Third Period of this First Volume, it is fit we say somewhat by way of Introdu∣ction before so great a Change as you will here find to have followed the Desertion of Britain by the Romans: For with the Roman Empire fell also what before were chiefly Roman, Learning, Valour, Eloquence and Civi∣lity, and consequently History too, which is but the Product of these; all which at first encreasing by means of the Roman Power and Encou∣ragement, did also diminish and decline upon its Departure, till it was at last quite extinct by the coming in of the Pagan Saxons, and the long cruel Wars they made upon the Britains, as you may observe from the barbarous Latin of Gildas and Nennius, which are the only Authentick British Historians that are now extant.

As for the English Saxons, they were at first so illiterate, that it is much doubted, whether they had the use of Letters and Writing among them or not, since we have no Histories or Annals of their Times elder than their receiving Christianity; for thô there are some few Stones to be found in England inscribed with the ancient Runick Characters, (as ap∣pears from the late English Edition of Mr. Camden's Britannia,) yet that

they are wholly Danish Monuments, and made after the time of their Conversion, I need only refer you to the Inscriptions themselves as they are to be found in the said * 1.1 Britannia, with the Additions that fol∣low it; so that it ought not to seem strange, that the Saxon Annals are so short and obscure in many places, and that the Relations of Things done before the entrance of Christianity among them are contradictory to each other in point of Time, and other Circumstances; since they were only delivered by Memory and Tradition, which must be acknow∣ledged for a very uncertain Guide in Matters of Fact, as well as of Doctrine.

Nor is this Uncertainty to be found only in the Saxon Chronicles, but also in those of the Britains of that Age, since from the Reign of King Vortigern to that of Cadwalladar is indeed the darkest and most confused part of all the British or Welsh History: Hence it is that we are forced in this Period, not only to make use of Authors who lived long after the Things they treat of were done, but also are otherwise of no great Cre∣dit; such as Nennius, and Geoffery of Monmouth, whom we sometimes make use of for want of those of better Authority. As for the English Saxon History, we have nothing more ancient than Bede, and the Saxon Chronicle, which we shall here give you almost entire, since it seems to be writ faithfully as far as it goes, yet being only Annals, (extracted out of Bede as far as he goes,) they barely relate the Succession of their Kings with their chief Wars and Actions, without expressing the Grounds or Causes of either, or giving us any Account of their particular Laws, and original Constitutions; so that I confess, they cannot prove so Instru∣ctive to Humane Life, as is required of a just History.

* 1.2Britain being thus deserted by the Romans, as you have seen in the last Book, with an intention to return no more; and having caused the Bri∣tains to rebuild the Wall in the manner already related, the Scots and Picts, thô in Manners differing from each other,* 1.3 yet still unanimous to rob and spoil, hearing that the Roman Forces were withdrawn, landed in Shoals out of their Curroghs or Leathern Vessels, in which they passed over that part of the Irish Sea, which lying next Britain, is called by Gildas, The Scythic Vale; these (upon the Assurance that the Romans would never return) becoming more bold than ever, took possession of all the Nor∣thern Parts, even from the outmost Bounds of the Land as far as the Wall already mentioned; in the mean time, the Guards which were placed upon it to defend it being cowardly in Fight, and unable to fly, stood trembling on the Battlements, keeping their Stations day and night to little or no purpose, whilst the Enemy from below with long Hooks pluck'd them down, and dashed them against the Ground, thus preventing by a speedy Death those languishing Torments which attended their Country∣men and Relations. In short, both the Wall and the Towns adjoyning to it being deserted, the Inhabitants saved themselves by flight, which yet could not long secure them, for the Enemy pursuing them, a fresh Slaughter quickly followed more bloody than the former; and, which was worse than all the rest, being tormented with Famine, to get Subsi∣stence, they fell upon and robbed each other; for they who came from the North, (as may probably be supposed,) and had fled from the Ene∣my, being unable to pay for their Quarters when they came into the Southern Parts, seized what they could find; from whence rose Dis∣cords and Quarrels among them, and thence Civil Wars; for this Na∣tion,

(as Gilda•• observes,) thô feeble in repressing Foreign Enemies, yet in home-bred Quarrels was very bold and obstinate.

But whilst they thus for some Years wore themselves out with con∣tinual Acts of mutual Hostility, the Famine grew General upon all,* 1.4 so that those half-starved Men that remained were forced to maintain their Lives with what they could get by Hunting;* 1.5 so that at last the mise∣rable Remnants of this afflicted People having now no other Remedy left, were constrained to write doleful Letters to* 1.6Aetius, then the Em∣perour's Lieutenant in Gaul, directed, To Aetius, thrice Consul, the Groans of the Britains; wherein they thus complain:

The Barbarians drive us to the Sea, whilst the Sea driveth us back to the Barbarians; between these two sorts of Deaths, we must be either slain, or drown'd.

What Answer they received is uncertain, but Gildas expresly tells us, That they received no Assistance by those Letters, because Aetius then expected a War with Attilla King of the Huns.

And indeed about these Times a terrible Famine invaded not only Bri∣tain, but extended it self as far as Constantinople, where the Famine,* 1.7 toge∣ther with the corrupt Air▪ produced a great Pestilence; whilst this Scar∣city prevailed in this Isle, it forced many of the Britains to yield them∣selves up to their Enemies, that they might get wherewith to sustain Nature, thô others of them chose rather to sally out and resist them, from the Woods and Mountains to which they retreated; yet now it was, (as Gilda•• tells us) that not putting their Trust in Man, but in God alone,* 1.8 they first of all made some slaughter of their Enemies which had preyed upon their Country for so many Years; but thô the Boldness of their Enemies was abated for a while, yet so was not the Wickedness of the Britains,

W••o (as the same Author describes them) were very back∣ward to perform the Duties proper to Peace, viz. Justice and Truth, but were prone to Lies, and all Wickedness; so that (says he) thô these impudent Robbers (the Irish) went home, yet it was to return again within a short time whilst the Picts remained, being both then, and long afterwards, in the farther Parts of the Island, sometimes taking Prey and making Incursions; so that during the Truce, whilst this Wound was slightly skin'd over, another Malady more Conta∣gious was breeding.

For thô, during this short interval of Peace,* 1.9 there succeeded so great a Plenty of all sorts of Provisions that no Man's Memory could paral∣lel, yet was it attended with great Luxury, and all sorts of Wicked∣ness began also to increase, but chiefly Cruelty, together with the Hatred of the Truth, and the Love of Lies, the taking Evil for Good, and the Love of Darkness rather than Light; so that what was pleasing to God, or not pleasing with them, weighed both alike; and the worst side of the Cause most commonly prevailed, whilst all Things were done contrary to the Publick Good and Safety; nay, not only by Secular Men, but even the Clergy (whose Example should have guided others) were grown Vicious and Corrupt, many of them being given to Drunkenness, or swoln with Pride, or else full of En∣vy and Contention; indiscreet and incompetent Judges of what in the common Practice of Life was good or evil, lawful or unlawful.

This is the general Character that Gildas and Bede give us both of the British Clergy and Laity of these Times; from whence we may easily conclude, that People of this temper were not fit to be trusted with the

Government of themselves:* 1.10 but being more fond of the Name of Li∣berty, than apprehensive of the Charge of Governing well, they grew heady and violent in their Affairs, and positive in what they understood not, none being more stout and daring in Councels, none so fearful when it came to Action, all pretending to know what ought to be done, yet all drawing back in the Performance. Thus in a short time, when the Heat of Liberty was once spent, and the Enemy daily encreased, they quickly found their old Temper returning upon them, a slavishness of Mind, and slothfulness of Body, then they might have perceived it was not meer Stomach, or a hot and sudden Love of Liberty that could pro∣tect them; but that Diligence, Wisdom, and a publick Spirit, were still wanting; so that they shrunk by degrees into their former tameness of Mind, and grew as weary of their new-tried Liberty, as they had been of their old Subjection, which made them write those Abject Letters to Aetius, but now mentioned.

What particular Kings or Governours the Britains set up after they were set free from the Roman Empire, is hard to determine, only Gildas tells us in general,

That Kings were by them anointed, but none of God's anointing, but such as were most cruel, who were soon after as inconsiderately laid aside without any Examination of the Truth, whilst some were put to Death by their Anointers, to set up others more Fierce and Tyrannical, but if any of them seemed Milder, and more inclined to the Truth, against him as the Subverter of his Coun∣try, the general Hatred of all Men was presently directed.

So that the Office of a King seems to have been a very dangerous Employment in those wicked and turbulent Times, thô by what we can guess by Gildas's Epistle setting forth the Faults of all Orders and De∣grees of Men, there had been divers Kings ruling in Britain at once, not only in his own, but in former Times, but who they were, he does not particularly mention.

But to fill up this Interval, Geoffery of Monmouth furnisheth us with one Constantine, Brother of Adroenus King of Armorica. This Constantine he makes to have been elected King, and crowned at Cirencester, and being killed by a Pict, was succeeded by his eldest Son Constans, who from a Monk at Winchester, was made King; and that he being made away by the Procurement of Vortigern, he caused himself, being at that time Consul or Count of the Gevises, to be elected King in his room; but if you please to look back into the former Book, you will there find how Constantine the Usurper, with his Son Constans the Monk, the one being made Emperour, and the other Caesar, perished in France, may easily confute the falshood of this Story.

But since neither Gildas, Nennius, nor any other British Historian, make mention of this Constantine or his Son, all that we can conclude to be true in this Relation,* 1.11 is, That the Britains about this time finding themselves quite deserted by the Romans, and being now without any Head, and hard pressed by the Scots and Picts, chose this Vortigern, being then a popular Man, (thô he proved neither Wise, Valiant, nor Vir∣tuous,) for their King; in the beginning of whose Reign God was wil∣ling to purge his Family, (as Gildas words it;) the Britains not being amended with so many Corrections, were again frighted with a fresh Rumour, that the Scots and Picts were returning with greater Forces than ever, and that they threatned the Destruction of the whole Coun∣try,

and intended no less than to plant themselves from one end thereof to the other; but before their arrival,* 1.12 as if the Instruments of Divine Vengeance were at strife, which should first destroy a wicked Nation,

The residue that the Sword and Famine had left alive, were now swept away with a sore Pestilence, insomuch that the living scarce sufficed to bury their Dead; but neither were the Britains at all amend∣ed for all this, for now it seems the time drew near, that the measure of their Iniquities were full.

But before we relate how this Vengeance was executed,* 1.13 we shall here set down from the aforesaid Authors. * 1.14 Constantius and † 1.15 Bede, Germanus's Second Voyage to Britain; the substance of which is, That it being told Germanus that Pelagianism prevailed here again, thorough some promoters of it; the British Clergy (too weak it seems at dispute) re∣newed their addresses to him, that he would come over and defend God's Cause, which he had once before undertaken; which Petition he readily granted, taking along with him as an assistant not Lupus, but his Scholar Severus, who being ordained Bishop of Triers, then preached the Gospel to the Germans; as soon as it was divulg'd, that Germanus was come over, one Elaphius a Principal Magistrate of that Country, brought a Youth, (a Son of his) the Sinews of one of whose Legs had been long shrunk up, and desired Germanus that he would re∣store them, who granting his request immediately upon his stroaking the place with his hand his Leg was restored, as the other, whereupon both the Priests and the People who had followed Elaphius to the place, be∣ing astonished at the Miracle were again confirm'd in the Catholick Faith, which was followed by an admonition Germanus made them to amend their errours; but the Authors of this apostacy, being by the sentence of them all banished the Island, were delivered up to the Bishops to be car∣ry'd into the Continent, that so the People might quietly enjoy the benefit of this Reformation, who for the future persisted in the true Faith.

But after this the Britains being again pressed and over power'd,* 1.16 by fresh invasions of the Scots and Picts, King Vortigern called a Council to consider what was to be done,* 1.17 and where they might best seek assistance to repel these frequent and cruel Invasions of the said Nations; where∣upon all his Councellours together with the King (being as it were blinded) found out such a defence as indeed proved the destruction of their Country, which was that the Heathen Saxons, who were then hate∣ful both to God and Man,* 1.18 and whom when absent they fear'd almost as bad as Death it self, should be sent for to repel these Northern Nations, which seems to have been ordained by Divine providence, to take vengeance on so wicked a People, as the event more evidently prov'd.

Though at present the Council seem'd very specious, because the Saxons were then a Nation who were very terrible to all others: this Council be∣ing thus approved of, Ambassadours are immediately sent into Germany, re∣presenting to the Saxons the Britains request, and promising them very advantagious Conditions, if they would come over to their assistance; Witichindus an ancient German Writer, in his History De gestis Saxonum, represents these Ambassadours making a long Speech, wherein they promised an absolute subjection to the Saxons; but this being not at all likely, nor agreeable to the British account of it, I omit; only this is certain, that the Sax∣ons were very well pleased with this Proposal, and their Country being then overcharged with People, beyond what it was able to bear, immediate∣ly

yeilding to this request,* 1.19 made what haste they could to come away; and being as it is said chosen out by Lot, were put on board Three long Ships or Vessels,* 1.20 called in their Language Chiules, under the conduct of Two Captains, Hengist and Horsa, being Brothers, and descended from that ancient Woden, from whom almost all the Royal Families of the Saxons derive their descent. These leaders together with their followers arriving in Britain at a place called afterwards Towne's Fleet, are welcomed with great joy and applause both of the Prince and People, the Isle of Thanet,* 1.21 (where they landed) being given them for their habitation; and a League was made with them on these Conditions, that the Saxons fighting for, and defending the Country against Foreign Enemies, should receive their Pay,* 1.22 and Maintenance from those for whom they Fought; this is said to have happen'd in the beginning of the Reign of the Em∣perour Martian, and in the Four and Twentieth Year of Pharamond, first King of the French: Anno Dom. 149, as the Saxon Chronicle, and al∣most all our Historians agree. What the number was of these Saxon Auxiliaries now brought over, is not related in the Saxon Annals, or any other; but certainly they could not be above 1500, since they all came over in Three Ships, and 500 Men was as much as one of those small Vessels could well be supposed to carry.

But before I proceed further in this History, 'tis fit we should give some account of the Name, Original, and Manners of this Great and War∣like Nation of the Saxons, whose Posterity enjoy this Kingdom to this very day.

* 1.23Bede in the first place tells us, that these People came from Three Valiant Nations of Germany, viz. the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes; from which latter were derived the Kentish Men, and the Inhabitants of the Isle of Wight, and of the Province lying over against the said Isle, (now called Hampshire) and which was afterwards part of the Kingdom of the West Saxons, was also Peopled by the same Nation. From the Saxons (that is the Country which was then called old Saxony) came the East Saxons, South Saxons, and West Saxons, and from the Angles, that is, that Country which is called Angulus, and which lyes between the Countries of the Jutes and Saxons, are derived the East Angles, the Middleland Angles, or Mercians, together with the whole Nation of the Northumbrians, that is, those Northern People which live beyond the River Humber, so far Bede: But Ethelwerd, one of our most ancient Historians in his Chro∣nicle, tells us more plainly, that Old England is feared between the Saxons, and the Jutes, having for its Capital City that which is called in the Saxon Tongue Sleswic, but by the Danes Heathaby, and that Britain taking its Name from its Conquerors, is now called England.

But as for the Bounds and Extent of Old Saxony, there is a great dif∣ference between the Writers about it; yet that it bordered upon Old Eng∣land they all agree:

Arch-bishop Usher supposes Old Saxony to be that Country,* 1.24 that beginning with the River Ellis, is extended towards the North, and was afterwards called Northalbingia, being bounded in its lower parts by the Rivers Albis, Billa and Trava, and in its upper by the Rivers Eidora, and Slia; for Ptolemy appoints the same Southern Bounds to his Saxons, placing them between the Bounds of the River Albis and Calusus, or Trava (which runneth by Lubec) but the Northern bounds Egenhardus hath given us in his Annals, in the Year of our Lord 808; where (speaking of Godefrid, King of Denmark) he sets

it out thus:* 1.25 He resolved to fortifie the Limits of his Kingdom which looked towards Saxony with a deep Trench, in such a manner, as that from that Eastern Bay of the Sea which they call Ostersalt, as far as the Western Ocean, this Trench should defend all the Northern Banks of the River Eidor. And Adam of Bremen, in his Treatise concerning the Situation of Denmark, and other Northern Nations, divides Den∣mark from the Inhabitants of Saxony (whom he calls North Elbings) by the River Eidor; of which Transelbian Saxons, in another Book, he reckons up three Nations: The first, of Dithmars, lying upon the Ocean; whose chief Church was Mildenthrope; the second, Holsteiners, through which runs the River Sture, whose chief Church was Scolenfield; the third, who were more noble, are called Stormars, whose Metropolis is Hamburgh; so that this Country was the farthest part of Old Saxony.

Herewith agreeth the Anonymus Geographer of Ravenna, writing thus of the Saxons; The Saxons came into Britain under their Prince, by Name Ansehis, i. e. Hengist. And then in another place, having spoke of the Frisians: After them (saith he) are the Saxons, and on the back of them certain Islands; then followeth the Country of the Nortmanni, which is also called Dania. Those Islands Ptolemy calls Insulae Saxonum. And therefore it was not Westphalia, as Theodorit Engelhus, Wernerius, Lairius, Albert Kanez, and others of the Moderns have supposed; yet the Archbishop does not deny, but that in following Times that Country (as well as Frizeland) might be also possest by the Posterity of the ancient Saxons, but was then ra∣ther that which is now the Dutchy of Holstein, comprehending Dithmars, Stormar, and Wagria, in breadth from Sleswick to the City of Hamburgh, seated in the further part of Old Saxony; and in length is extended from the West of the Eastern Sea, or from the German Ocean to the Baltick Gulph, having Old France next adjoyning to it, then lying between the Mouths of the Elb and Rhine; for as Ammianus Marcellinus teacheth us, the Franks then reached as far as the River Rhine, yet so, that they had the Saxons next Neighbours to them; and Julian, in his Oration in Praise of the Emperour Constantius, calls both these Nations the most Warlike of all those that inhabit beyond the Rhine and Western Ocean.

Here give me leave to add what the Learned Dr. Stillingfleet, now Lord Bishop of Worcester, in his Antiquity of the British Churches, has given us on this Subject, Chap. 5. where he tells us, that Mr. Camden is of another Opinion, who, in the Introduction to his Britannia, saith, That the Saxons originally came from the Cimbrick Chersonese in the time of Dioclesian; and after passing the Elb, they partly went into those Parts of the Suevi, which is since called Saxony, and partly into Frisia and Batavia; from whence he saith, All the Inhabitants of the German Shore, who used Piracy at Sea, were called Saxons; by whom he under∣stands, the People from Jutland to Holland, for which he produces the Testimony of Fabius Ethelwerd's Chronicle,* 1.26 one of the Saxon Blood-Royal, who saith,

That the Saxons lived upon the Sea-Coast, from the Rhine, as far as Denmark.

But Ammianus Marcellinus makes them in his time to border upon the Parts of Gaul, which is much behither the Bounds of Jutland, Holstein, or Sleswick. And the same Author farther says, That the Chamavi▪ (whom he makes a part of the Saxons) had the Command of the Rhine, that Jutland made Peace with them, because without their leave Corn could not be brought out of Britain; as also

* 1.27 Eunapius Sardianus saith,* 1.28 That the Saxons in Julian's time had the Com∣mand of the Rhine. Nor was this only a sudden Incursion, since in Valentinian's time (when Ammianus wrote) they still bordered upon Gaul.

Ubbo Emmius a Learned and German Historian, gives this Account of the Saxons and their Neighbouring Nations,* 1.29 who inhabited on the North Parts of Germany. That the Fristi dwelt from the middle Stream of the Rhine, about Utrecht, to the River Amasus, (or Eemas;) from thence to the Elb lived the Chauci, divided into the Greater and Lesser by the We∣ser; a great part of these leaving their Native Soil, joyned with the Si∣cambri on the Rhine, who from their affecting Liberty were called Franks: beyond the Elb were the Saxons, and the Cimbri; the Saxons being pressed by the more Northern People, or for their own Conveniency, came Southwards, and took possession first of those Places where the Chauci dwelt; and by degrees prevailing over all the other People, who joyned with, or submitted to the Saxons, they were called by their Name, and among the rest the Fristi, from whose Coasts he supposes, the two Bro∣thers, Hengist and Horsa, to have gone into Britain; and returning thi∣ther, carried over a far greater Number with them, not so much to fight, as to inhabit there; therefore he thinks it most probable, that Hengist and Horsa, by their descent, were originally Saxons; but that the greatest part of the People, who went over with them, were rather Frisians, than Saxons; which he proves, not only from the greater facility of Passage from the Coast of Friseland, and the Testimony of their own Annals, but from the greater Agreement of the English Language with theirs than with the Saxon,* 1.30 or any other German Dialect; and also, because Bede reckons the Frisians among those from whom the English Saxons are deri∣ved; and Wilfrid, Wickbert, and Willibrod, all preached to the Frisians in their own Tongue, as Marcellinus, in his Life of Suidebert; relates. But this Author saith further, That the Affinity of their Language continues still so great, that from thence he concludes many more to have gone out of Friseland into Britain, than either of the Saxons, Jutes, or An∣gles.

* 1.31But to all this, our Learned Primate answers, That Hengist and Horsa might be truly called Frisians, there being a Frisia in the Southern Parts of Jutland, which Saxo Grammatieus calls the Lesser Frisia, and is parted by the Eidore from the Country of the Angli on the East, and the Saxons on the South; yet even Ubbo Emmius quits the Point upon Bede's Genea∣logy, and grants they were really Saxons, as being derived from Woden, from whom the Race of Kings of many of those Northern Parts are descended. But yet for all this it may probably be, that thô these Princes were not Native Frisians themselves, yet some of those Nations that followed them, and were in a large acceptation called Saxons, might come from Friseland, and the rest of the Sea-Coast as far as Old Saxony, properly so called. I omit what other German Authors have said upon this Subject, because I would not be tedious; but whoever desires far∣ther Satisfaction herein, may consult the Reverend Doctor above-mentioned, to whom I must own my self beholding for what I have now said concerning the Countries from whence the English Saxons origi∣nally came.

But as for the Original of these Saxons that now came into Britain,* 1.32 there is a much greater Dispute. Cluverius in his ancient Germany, as also our Country-man Verstegan, in his Treatise, called, A Restitution of de∣cayed Intelligence, Chap. 2. would needs have them to be derived from the Germans, which is denied by the Learned Grotius in his Prolegomena to the Gothic History, as also by Mr. Sherringham, in his Treatise De An∣glorum Gentis Origine, where he undertakes to prove, that they were a Branch of the ancient Getae, who were the Posterity of Japhet; and coming out of Scythia into Europe, first fixed themselves under the Con∣duct of one Eric their King in the ancient Scandinavia or Gothland, which is now called Sweden and Norway; and from thence some Ages, after under the Conduct of Berig, another of their Kings, sent out Colonies into all the Isles of the Baltic Sea, and the Northern Coasts of Germany, as far as the Cimbric 〈…〉〈…〉; so that the Swedes, Danes, and Saxons, had one and the same Scythic Original, as the Learned Grotius in his said Prolegomena hath fully proved; as also Mr. Sherringham, in Chap. 7. of his last-cited Treatise, as well from the ancient Gothic Chronicles written in that Language, both in Prose and Verse; as also from Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, Chap. 4. that these Getae or Goths multiplying more than these Countries could well bear, in the time of Filemar the 5th King after Berig, great multitudes of them under his Conduct removed their Dwellings into the Asiatic Scythia, called Oudin in their Language; from whence in process of Time they spread themselves as far as the Palus Maeotis; and the Northern Countries near the Euxine Sea, even to Thracia and Maesia to∣wards the South, where they still retained the Name of Getae or Gotti, thô they were also from the Countries where they lived often called Thra∣cians or Maesians, being divided into several Tribes, viz. Visigoths or Western Goths, and Ostrogoths or Eastern Goths, the former of which inva∣ded Spain, and the latter Italy.

But some Ages before this, (as the Norwegians and Swedish Annals, cited by Mr. Sherringham relate,) one Woden,* 1.33 King of a Territory and City in Asia, called Asgard, near the River Tanais, led back a great multitude of these Goths out of the Asiatic Scythia into Europe, and partly by good will, and partly by force, seized on all those Countries afterwards called Saxony; but that afterward leaving his Sons Princes of those Regions, he returned into Swedeland, where after many Travels he ended his Days, being counted a great Magician as well as Warriour, so that after his decease his Subjects and Descendants worship'd him as a God. But di∣vers Danish and Swedish Authors do very much doubt, whether this Woden, whom they thus worship'd, were the same with him from whom the Saxon Princes drew their Pedigrees; since thereby it appears, that Hen∣gist and Horsa were the Sons of Witgilfus, who was the Son of Witta, and he the Son of Vecta, and he the Son of Woden. So that these Princes were no more than three Descents removed from him, which could not amount to above 200 Years, and consequently was too short a time for their multiplying into such great Multitudes, much less for their worship∣ing him for a God; yet this is very probable, that most of the Goths that came along with this Woden changed their Names to that of the Saxons, and Peopled all those Countries already mentioned; and thô there may be a great deal of Fabulous Stuff in this Story, as it is related in the Old Swedish and Iselandish Histories called Eddas; yet thus much is certain, that there was such a Prince who brought back the Goths out of Asia

into those parts,* 1.34 since the Swedes, Danes, Norwegians and Saxons wor∣ship'd him as their common Deity, and all agree in the same Tradition concerning him.

Yet since Cluverius, and Verstegan have both affirmed the Saxons not to be derived from the Goths,* 1.35 but Germans; and that the former has en∣deavoured to prove that the ancient Getae or Gothes were not the same Nation, I shall here give you the sum of those Arguments, which Grotius and Mr. Sheringham have given us to prove, the ancient Getae, and Gothi to have been all one Nation, and that the Saxons were deriv'd from them: For the first, they alledge the Testimony of the most an∣cient Latin and Greek Authours that make any mention of the Goths, as Vospicus in his Life of the Emperour Probus, to whom may be also ad∣ded divers Christian Writers, as Origen, St. Hierome▪ and St. Augustine; and of the Greeks, Procopius, Photius the Patriarch; 〈…〉〈…〉 Georgius, Syncellus, not to mention the Gothic Writers themselves, as Jornandes and Issidore in his Gothic Chronicle; who all agree that the Goths were anciently called Getae, and that they were one and the same Nation; Secondly, from the places where these ancient Getae or Scythians first inhabited, that they were the same from whence the Goths afterwards came, who over-ran the Roman Empire, (viz.) from the Countries about the Palus Maeotis, which are now possessed by the Chrim Tartars; Lastly from their great agreement in Language; and Grotius in his said Prolegomena brings divers Instances (too long here to be recited) to prove that the ancient Scythic or Gethic Tongue was the Mother of the German, which seems to be further made out by Mr. Sherringham, from the Etymology of divers Scythian Words which are found to be the same with the Gothic and Saxon: Lastly Busb••quius in his Turkish Epistles,* 1.36 mentions some remainders of the ancient Goths who dwell among the Tartars in the Cimbric Cbersonese, some of whom he met and discours'd with at Constantinople, and gives you not only their names of numbers, but also above Forty Words which are very near the Dutch and English, signifying the same things, and which argue a derivation from the same Gothic Original; and thô this Author there doubts, whether these Goths were not some remainders of the Saxons, brought thither by Charles the Great; yet Grotius in his said Prolegamena fully removes that difficulty, and shews from the Testi∣mony of Josophat Barbarus a Noble Venetian, who had lived among them, that these People called themselves not Saxons but Goths, and their Country Gothland; which is also confirmed by the learned Scaliger in his * 1.37 Canoni Isagog; where he relates that they still lived under the Precopian Tartars, and have the Bible in the same Characters, which were invent∣ed by Ulphilas their Bishop.

But the learned Dr. Hicks hath given us much greater light into this matter, in his English Saxon, and Maesogothick Grammar; as also by re∣printing the Isleland Grammar of Ranulph Jones, in both which, by com∣paring the radical Words of the English Saxon Tongue, as also the De∣clensions of the Verbs, and Pronouns, any Man that will but take the pains to peruse it, must needs think that not only the Old Maesogothic, and Scandian Gothic, were one and the same Language, the latter being derived from the former, but that our English Saxon comes from one, and the same Original.

But if the Getae and Gothi were one and the same Nation,* 1.38 and if all the Danish, Swedish, and Saxon Writers have it that Woden was a Goth, it will also follow that all those who came into Germany along with him, were also Goths, and from whom that part of it was called at first Reid Gothland, now Jutland; in which, as Grotius tells us, there is a River called Guden Aa. i. e. the Goths River, which Country being deserted, by its ancient Inhabitants, the Jutes and Angles, was not long after seized by the Danes, who possess it to this day, and who, as we find by their Histories, had maintained Wars upon that account with the Saxons for many Ages before: I shall not here trouble the Reader with the parti∣cular Arguments and Objections that Verstegan and Cluverius have brought to prove, that Sweden, Denmark, Nor••ay and Saxony, were Peo∣pled from Germany, and not vice versa; since it is not the part of an Historian to dwell too long on Arguments pro and Con; so having given you, I hope, 〈…〉〈…〉 for this Opinion, I refer you for the more particular Answers to their Objections, to Grotius's forecited Prolegomena, and to Mr. Sherringham's said Treatise,

But, farther the very Name of Jutes, the ancient Inhabitants of Juteland, may be used as another Argument, to prove their descent from the Getae or Goths; since they are called by no Names other in our ancient Saxon Historians, then Giotas or Jutes, and in King Alfred's Saxon Translation of Bede's History, they are called Geatuin, i. e. Getes.

As for the Angles (who afterward gave their name to all the rest of the Saxon Nations of this Island) they are supposed to be derived from the ancient Cimbri, and to have passed by that Name in Julius Caesar's Time, or else they might then make a part of the Swevi,* 1.39 whom he in his Commentaries calls the most warlike of all the Germans, and whom Tacitus and Ptolemy subdivided into divers Nations, the latter making them three distinct People, (viz.) the Swevi Langobardi, the Swevi Semnones, and Swevi Angili; whom Tacitus and other Latin Authours call'd Angli, and who, * 1.40 Saffridus, in his Treatise De Origine Frisiorum, tells us, had as many denominations with the Name of Angli added to them, as there were Countries into which they were dispersed, and there reckons up a great many; and though this Nation was not at first the same with that of the Saxons, nor dwelt in the same Inland Country, in which they are placed by Ptolemy, yet they might, according to the ancient custom of the Germans, change their seats after Ptolemies Time (as Strabo observes they often did) and so removing their dwellings from the Banks of the Elbi into Holstein, they might be there conquered by the Saxons, and after make up one Nation or Common-wealth with them, though still retaining their ancient Name, as the ancient Britains, or Welsh, do among us at this day; so that I confess it remains a great doubt, why they were at first called Angles; for thô most Writers think it sufficient to de∣rive their Name from the Latin Word Angulus a corner, because forsooth they lived in a corner of Germany, yet this seems very forced, since Tacitus and Ptolemy mention them by that Name, as then well known and given them a long time before they came to be so called by the Romans; so that I still believe that this Name may be derived from some Gothic Original, though what it was, is now hard to determine.

As for the name of Saxons in general, there is a great dispute about it amongst learned Men; Goropius Becanus, and Mr. Camden from him, suppose them to have been first called Sacaesons, i. e. the Sons or Posterity

of the Sacae,* 1.41 from whom he imagins them to be derived; but this Ety∣mology is proved by Mr. Sherringham, in his said Discertation, not only to be forced, but also false in matter of Fact; for first the name of these People was never written, or pronounced Sacasons in the Plural, but Sacen or Saxons, nor can we find in Strabo, Ptolemy, or any other ancient Authour, that ever the Sacae sent any Colonies out of Asia, where they were planted near the Caspian Sea, not far from Bactria; but Strabo tells us to the contrary, that this whole Nation being set upon by the Persians at unawares, were totally destroyed.

Isidore hath found out another derivation of this Name, from the Latin Word Saxum a Stone, or Rock, because they were a strong and hardy Race of Men, excelling all others in piracy; which were not im∣proper, if this Name could be proved to have been first given them by the Romans; whereas this Nation was so called by their Neighbours (thô not by themselves) many Ages before the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had any know∣ledge of them; so that the most likely Etymology of this Name, seems to be that which Verstegan hath given us in his said Treatise, from the Opinion of the learned Lipsius, that it was first given them by their Neighbours, from their wearing a sort of long Daggers, or short crooked Swords, like Cymeters, called in their Tongue Saexen, and whence from their particular use of it, they were called Saxons, and in the Dutch, Welsh and Irish Tongues, the English are called Sacen to this day; and from whence probably the Arms of Saxony are two such crooked Daggers, placed Saltire-wise, as Pontanus hath very well observed.

But whencesoever this name is derived, it is certain they are first mentioned by Ptolemy, by the Name of Saxons, and he places them at the back of the Cimbrians; thô they were not commonly known to the Romans by this Name, till the Fourth Century after Christ, when they grew terrible by reason of their many Piracies; Ammianus Marcellinus, and Claudian the Poet, (whose Verses concerning them, I have given you in the former Book,) being the first Roman Authours, who make mention of them; and the latter says, that the Saxons are formidable above all other Enemies. After him, Orosius says, The Saxons were terrible, by reason of their Valour; but in the Time of the Emperour Theodosius, I. they were grown so formidable, that there were Ships and Watch-houses appointed on purpose in the Coast of Britain to hinder their depredations, and the Commander over them was called Comes littoris Saxonici,* 1.42 in which times they became more known to the Romans.

As for the ancient Saxons Religion, it is likewise another great argu∣ment of their Gothic Original, since the Danes, Swedes and Norweigans (who all derive themselves from the Goths) worship'd the same Gods in Common with the Saxons,* 1.43 (viz.) Thor the God of Thunder, who answer'd the Roman Jupiter, (though he was not the same.) Woden, who was their God of War, together with his Wife Friga or Frea, who was their Goddess of Love and Pleasure: So that whoever will but consider their Names of the Days of the Week, from which ours are derived at this Day, will easily perceive the chief Gods they worship'd, and from whom those Names are deriv'd, to have been all the same; only I desire the Reader to take notice, That whereas Verstegan, to prove the Saxons to come from the Germans, would make our Tuesday to be derived from Twisto the God of the Germans; Mr. Sherringham proves that Opinion not to be at all likely; since the Germans (whose peculiar God this Twisto is

supposed to be) do not call it Twesday, but Dinsday, or Zinstag,* 1.44 and the Swedes and Danes, Trisdag and Drisdag, and therefore Angrimus Jonas in his History of Iseland, rather derives it from Tyr the Son of Woden, from whom the Islanders call it to this day Tysdag, or Tyrsdag in their Language; but Ol. Wormus in his learned Work, De monumentis Danicis, would rather derive this Name from a Gothic Goddess, called Dysa or Thisa, the Wife of Thor, and whom the ancient Swedes and Danes made their Goddess of Justice, who had her Temple at Upsal; as for the Name of the last day of the Week, though Verstegan would derive it from a God called Seater (whom the Danes call Crodo) yet whither he was the same with the Roman Saturn, may be very much doubted; since the Danes, Swedes, and Saxons Worship'd these false Gods, before they ever had any thing to do with the Romans.

Besides these Seaven greater Deities, from whom the days of the Week take their Names, the ancient Saxons and Angles had many o∣ther less Gods and Goddesses, such as * 1.45 Hertha, who was the same with the Goddess Tellus; among the Romans Rheda, from whom they call the Month of March Rhed Monach; Easter, from whose Feast falling out in April, our Easter is derived; as also Mara, which was a Spectre, sup∣posed to have haunted People in the Night, and from whence comes our Word Mare, or Disease so called; as for what Worship and Sacrifices they paid these false Gods, they are very uncertain, only we find that the Swedes, and Danes (and it is likely the Saxons too) sacrificed Men to Thor before any great enterprize; but whoever desires to know more on this Subject, may consult Verstegan, Wormius, and other German and Danish Writers.

But it is now time to return to our English Saxon History,* 1.46 from which I doubt we have made too long a digression; the Saxons being thus arrived in Britain, as you now have heard, streight joyned their Forces with the Britains, and marching together against the Picts and Scots,* 1.47 who were then entred into the Country, as far as the hither part of that Province we now call Lincoln-shire, and near Stanford they joyned Battle with them, where the former fighting with Darts and Launces, but the Saxons with Battle-Axes and long Swords, they had very much the advantage; so that the Picts could not bear their Force, but provided for their safety by Flight, the Saxons obtaining a clear Victory with the spoil of the Field.

Hengist perceiving the Island to be Rich and Fruitful, but her Princes and Inhabitants given to Vicious Ease and Luxury;* 1.48 sends home word of it, inviting his Country-men to share in this good success, who coming over with Seventeen fresh Ships full of Stout men, were now grown up to a sufficient Army, being entertained without suspicion,* 1.49 on those terms already mentioned; with which last supplies (as Nennius re∣lates) came over Rowena, the fair Daughter of Hengist; upon whose ar∣rival Hengist made a great Feast for King Vortigern, and his Courtiers; where was also his Interpreter; (no Britain but he understanding the Saxon Tongue) Hengist then commanded his Daughter to wait on them, and to serve the King with Wine, with which growing Merry, he fell violently in Love with her, and demanding her of her Father, told him he should have what ever he pleased, even to the half of his Kingdom, on condition he might obtain her; whereupon Hengist taking Council with those Chief, or Ancient Men, who had come over along with him,

what he should ask of the King for his Daughter;* 1.50 they all agreed that he should demand the Country of Kent, which was presently granted him, one Guorangonus then Ruling there, being ignorant that his Go∣verment was given away to the Saxons: So the Damosel being by her Father given to the King, he Married her, and grew so extreamly fond of her, that he Divorced his former Wife, by whom he had several Sons of great hopes.

* 1.51But Hengist, not satisfied with this, told the King farther, That being now his Father-in law, he must take upon him to advise him; and there∣fore, if he would not slight his Counsel, he need not fear being overcome by any other Nation,* 1.52 as long as that of the Saxons was so potent; That therefore he would send over for his own * 1.53 Son and his Nephew, who being War-like young Men, would fight stoutly against the Picts and Scots, if the King would bestow upon them those Countries in the North lying near the Picts Wall. So the King gave him leave to send for Octa and Ebusa with 40 Vessels, who sailing round about the Picts Country, coasted the Isles of Orcades, and came and possessed many places on the other side of the Frith or Streight, even to the Borders of the Picts; Hen∣gist still sending by degrees for more Men and Ships, till at last the Countries from whence they came were left almost without any Inhabi∣tants: And now they being sufficiently increased in Number and Strength, they wholly planted the Country of Kent with Jutes.* 1.54 But by the flocking in of such numerous Troops into this Isle, of all the above-mentioned Nations, they began so exceedingly to increase, that they soon became a Terror to those who had invited them over, and now began to pick Quarrels with their Entertainers,; and first they demanded larger Al∣lowances of Corn,* 1.55 and other Provisions, openly declaring, unless this were allowed them, they would break the League, and waste all parts of the Country.

* 1.56The Britains refusing to give them what they demanded, desired them to return home, since their Numbers were increased beyond what they were able to maintain: Whereupon the Saxon Commanders resolved to break the League, and having made Peace secretly with the Picts, they immediately turn'd their Arms against their Confederates, wasting the Country with Fire and Sword from the Eastern to the Western Sea, none being able to hinder them, so that they over-ran almost the whole Island; the Buildings, as well publick as private, were ruined; the Priests were commonly slain at the very Altars, and the Bishops were destroy'd without any Respect, together with the People; nor were scarce any left to bury the dead: Whilst some of the miserable Remains of the Britains, being taken among the Mountains, were slain in Heaps, others pined away by Fa∣mine, yielded themselves to their Enemies, and to get Food were forced to undergo perpetual Servitude, if they could so preserve their Lives; others being forced to seek for Refuge among Foreign Nations; but those that remained at home, living in perpetual Fear, led a hard and mise∣rable Life among the Woods and Mountains. Will. of Malmesbury supposes the League between the Britains and Saxons to have lasted Seven years; and the first Battel between them is placed in the 6th year after; but it is most likely that they fell out some time before that.

This Flight of these Britains not only our own, but Foreign Writers relate; for some fled to Armorica, and peopled it (as some suppose,) with Britains, from whom it was called the Lesser Britain; though others think it was called

so long before, either by the Gift of the last Constantine the Great,* 1.57 or else of Maximus, to those British Forces who had served them in their Foreign Wars: To whom came those also that did not miscarry with the latter Constantine at Arles, and now last of all by these Exiles, driven out by the Saxons, who fled thither for Refuge.

But that the Britains of Armorica were setled there long before the Britains here were driven out by the Saxons,* 1.58 is proved by the above-cited Doctor Stillingfleet in his Antiquities of the British Chur∣ches, which he proves by these Authorities; First, from Sido∣nius Appollinaris, in whom there are two Passages, which tend to the clearing this matter: The first is concerning Arn••ndus, accused at Rome of Treason, in the time of Anthemius, for persuading the King of the Goths to make War upon the Greek Emperour, (i. e. Anthemius,) who then came out of Greece: And upon the Britains on the Loir, as Sidonius Appolinaris expresly affirms, who lived at that time, and pitied his Case. This hapned about Anno Dom. 467, before Anthemius was the second time Consul; from whence it appears not only that there were Britains then setled on the Loir, but that their Strength and Forces were considerable, which cannot be supposed to consist of such miserable People as only fled from hence for fear of the Saxons; (and not being able to keep their own Country, it is not likely they could that of others:) And it is farther ob∣servable, that about this time Aurelius Ambrosius had success against the Saxons, and either by Vortimer's Means, or his, the Britains were in great likelihood of driving them quite out of Britain; so that there is no pro∣bability, that the Warlike Britains should at that time leave their native Country. A second Passage is concerning Riothamus, a King of these Ar∣morian Britains, in the time of Sidonius Appollinaris, (and to whom he wrote,) who went with 12000 Britains to assist the Romans against Euricus King of the Goths, but were intercepted by him, as Jornandes relates the Story; and Sigibert places it Anno Dom. 470: Now, What clearer Evi∣dence can be desired than this, to prove, that a considerable number of Britains were there setled, and in a condition not only to defend them∣selves, but to assist the Romans? which cannot be imagined of such as meerly fled thither for Refuge after the Saxons coming into Britain. Be∣sides, we find in Sirmondus's Gallican Councils, Mansuetus, a Bishop of the Britains, subscribing to the first Council at Tours, which was held Anno Dom. 461, by which we see the Britains had so full a Settlement then, as not only to have Inhabitants, but a King and Bishops of their own; which was the great Encouragement for other Britains to go over, when they found themselves so hard press'd by the Saxons at home: For a People frighted from hence would hardly have ventured into a Foreign Country, unless they had been secure before hand of a kind Reception there; And if they must have fought for a Dwelling, had they not far better have done it in their own Country? From whence I conclude, that there was a large Colony of Britains in Armorica, before those Numbers went over upon the Saxon Cruelties, of which Eginhardus, and other Foreign Historians speak: Though how it should come to be setled there, unless some Colo∣nies were carried over before by Maximus, or Constantine, the last Usurper of the Empire, I know not, but as for this, it being very obscure, I de∣termine nothing.* 1.59

K. Vortigern, nothing bettered by these Calamities, is said to have ad∣ded this to his other Crimes, that he took his own Daughter to Wife, who brought forth a Son, who (according to Nennius) was called Faustus,

and proved a Religious Man,* 1.60 living in great Devotion by the River Ren∣nis in Glamorganshire; but for the rest of his Stories concerning the Dia∣logue between Vortigern and St. German, and that the King was condemn'd for this Incest, in a great Synod or Council of Clergy-men and Laicks, in which St. German presided, is certainly false; he being then dead, (as appears from the best approved Authours,) the year before the Saxons ar∣rived in Britain. And indeed this whole Story of Vortigern's committing Incest with his own Daughter seems altogether unlikely; for when should he do it? Not before he married Rowena, for Nennius places it afterwards; nor could it well be during the time of his Marriage with her, since, as the same Authour relates, she continued his Wife long after, when he was taken Prisoner by Hengist; and it is very strange he should fall in love with his own Daughter, when at the same time he had another Wife, whom he is said to have loved so well, that he was divorced from his first Wife for her sake.

Geoffery of Monmouth relates, That the Nobles of Britain being highly displeased at King Vortigern for the: great Partiality he shewed to the Saxons,* 1.61 and for the ill Success that followed it, beseeched the King whol∣ly to desert him; but he refusing so to do, they deposed him, and chose his Son Vortimer King,* 1.62 who following their Advice, began to Expel the Saxons, pursuing them as far as the River Diervent, or Darent, in Kent, where obtaining the Victory, he made a great Slaughter of them; be∣sides which, that he fought also another Battle with them near the Ford which is called in the Saxon Tongue Episford, and in the British Tongue Sathenegabail;* 1.63 which is also confirmed by the Saxon Annals, which say, That Hengist and Horsa fought with King Vortigern at a place called Eglesford (now Aylesford) in Kent, and that Horsa was there slain (Nen∣nius says by Cartigern the Brother of King Vortimer,) * 1.64 and that after∣wards Hengist and his Son Aesk obtained the Kingdom of Kent; and Matthew of Westminster relates, that after the Death of his Brother Horsa, the Saxons chose Hengist for their King, being 8 Years after his arrival in England.

And yet after this, † 1.65 Nennius supposes Vortimer to have fought a third Battle with them in a Field which was near the Stone Titulus, which was fixed near the Shore of the Gallic Sea, which place Arch-Bishop Usher will have to be Stonar in the Isle of Thanet; but Mr. Somner, in his Treatise of the Roman Ports and Forts in Kent, supposes it should be written Lapis Populi, in stead of Tituli; and then Folkstone in Kent is most likely to be the place where this Battle was fought, it having the same Signification as Lapis Populi in the Latin. Geoffery of Monmouth, and from him Mat∣thew Westminster, further relate, That Hengist not being able to with∣stand the Valour of K. Vortimer, was made to retire into the Isle of Thanet, whither he was also pursued by the Sea; and that at last the Saxons being forced on board their Ships, returned into Germany. Nennius adds, That they durst not return again into this Island till after the Death of Vorti∣mer, which, thô not mentioned in our English Saxon Annals, yet is very likely to be true; since Bede relates, That about this time the Saxon Army returned home, when the Natives, thô before driven out or dispers'd, began again to take fresh Courage, and come out of their Hiding-Places and Retreats.

This Year Vortimer having obtained many Battels against the Saxons,* 1.66 is supposed by our British Historians to have died. Geoffery makes him to have been poisoned by the Procurement of his Mother-in-Law, Rowena: and Nennius adds, That Vortimer lying upon his Death-bed,* 1.67 desired his Servants to bury him near the place where the Saxons used to land, saying, If that were done, thô they might take some other Haven in Britain, yet they should never have that; but notwithstanding, he is said (contrary to his own will) to have been buried at Lincoln. After whose Decease, Nennius and Geoffery make Vortigern to have been again restored to the Throne.

It is much more certain which the Saxon Annals relate,* 1.68 that Hengist and his Son Aesk this Year fought against the Britains in a place which is called Creecanford, and there killed four principal Men, (but in Florence of Worcester's Copy of these Annals, which seems to have been truest, it was 4000 Men;) and the Britains then left Kent, and fled in great fear to London.

From which Victory, Ran. Higden in his Polychronicon dates the begin∣ning of the Kingdom of Kent under Hengist, who Reigned Twenty four Years.

For Hengist being now returned out of Germany,* 1.69 (as it is related by Nennius,) King Vortigern still maintained the War against the Saxons, who thereupon took Councel, how they might intrap Vortigern and his Army; wherefore they sent Ambassadours to him offering Peace, and that the former Friendship might be renewed between them; whereupon, Vortigern, taking Advice with his wise Men, they all agreed to make Peace: So it was consented to on both sides, That the Britains and Saxons meeting toge∣ther without any Arms,* 1.70 a firm League should be made between them But the treacherous Hengist commanded all his Followers to take their Daggers or Seaxes along with them under their Coats, and that when he gave the Word, and cried out in his own Tongue, Nimed yeur Saexes, that is, Pull out your Daggers, that they should then fall upon the Britains and kill them, but spare their King, and (for his Wife's sake) only take him Prisoner, because it would be more for their advantage so to do, that he might be Ransomed. And thus being met according to Agreement at a Feast, or Drinking-bout, they talked at first very Friendly together, being placed every Saxon by a Britain; but Hengist giving the Word, they rose up on a sudden and dispatched 300 (Geoffery says 470) of the British Nobles. Vortigern alone being then taken alive and put in Fetters, was forced for his Ransom to surrender to the Saxons all those Countries that were afterwards called Eastsex, Middlesex, and Sussex; which is also recited by William of Malmesbury, who adds, That at this Entertainment the Company growing in drink, Hengist on purpose pick'd a Quarrel, and some hard Words passing, they fell to blows, where the Britains were slain.

But here being a considerable Interval in the Saxon Chronicle,* 1.71 we may very well fill it up with British Affairs, for it is about this time that the Welsh Chronicles suppose, that Aurelius was elected General of the Bri∣tains, Vortigern being as yet King, thô but in Name, having retired (as Nennius relates) to a Castle built by him in South-Wales. And to this time we may refer that Passage in * 1.72 Gildas, That when those cruel Rob∣bers the Saxons were gone home, the Remainders of the Britains being strengthened by GOD, came together from divers Places, and praying

to him with all their Hearts,* 1.73 that he would not totally destroy them, chose Ambrosius Aurelian, a modest Man, for their General, and who alone was found stout and faithful, as being of Roman Race, who in so great a confusion remained alive, his Parents who had enjoyed the Crown having been killed; but whether by the Scots and Picts, or else (which is most likely) were murdered by their Subjects, he leaves it uncertain. But * 1.74 Nennius saith little more than that Vortigern was afraid of him; and then immediately he confounds himself with Merlin, who being a Boy, tells Vortigern, (after the Story of his being born without a Father,) That he had concealed his Father's Name out of fear, but that he was one of the Roman Consuls; whereupon Vortigern gave him a Castle, together with all the Western Parts of Britain, which is as true as being born without a Father. But if Geoffery were to be believed, he tells us very plainly, That he was one of the Sons of Constantine King of Britain, who was forced to fly from Vortigern after the murder of their Brother Con∣stans by his contrivance: but we know that Constantine, and his Sons Constans and Julian, were killed abroad many Years before; and it is not probable the Romans would have permitted any one of his Sons to have remained here; or if they did, this Ambrosius must have been by this time near 60 Years of Age, supposing him to have been but One Year old when his Father died. And besides, it is certain that Constantine was slain in the Reigns of Honorius and Theodosius the Second, An. Dom. 411; and Aurelius is not supposed to be chosen General, or King of the Bri∣tains, till the Year 465.

But immediately after Aurelius was thus made General of the Britains, it is certain that he obtained a great Victory over the Saxons,* 1.75 thô the place where be not named by Gildas. But afterwards (he says) sometimes his Country-men and sometimes their Enemies prevailed, and that thus it continued till the Year of the Siege of Mount Badon, where was the latest and not the least slaughter made of the Pagan Saxons; but that the Saxons about this time received a great defeat, their own Annals intimate though they are ashamed to confess it in express words, being thus related under this very Year,* 1.76 [Hengist and Aesc fought with the Britains near Wippedes Fleat, and there slew Twelve British Commanders; but lost one Man of note on the Saxons side,* 1.77 whose Name was Wypped (who it seems left his name to that place) H. Huntington adds, that this Victory was very fa∣tal even to the Saxons themselves, both parties being thereby so weakned, that neither the Saxons durst enter the British borders for a long time; nor yet the Britains presume to Invade Kent, however the Britains, thô Foreign Wars were now for a time intermitted, did not cease to raise Civil ones among themselves: But this much appears even from the silence of Saxon Annals, that for Twelve Years following, there was no consider∣able action passed on either side, or else that the Britains had the better of it, under the conduct of Aurelius Ambrosius, which is most agreeable to Gildas's Relation.]

It is also very probable which Geoffery of Monmouth now relates, and which is followed by many of our English Historians,* 1.78 that Aurelius Am∣brosius after his first Victory over the Saxons, called the Princes and Great Men together at York, and gave Order for the repairing the Churches which the Saxons had destroyed; and that after due care taken in other places, he marched to London, which had suffered as well as other Cities; and having called the dispersed Citizens together went

about the repairing of it;* 1.79 all his design being the restoring the Church and Kingdom; from thence he went to Winchester and to Salisbury, doing there as he had done at other places: But in the passage thither Geoffrey launches out to purpose in his History of Stonehenge, translated (says he) by Merlin out of Ireland, to make a Monument for the British Nobles slain there by Hengists Treachery: Which is such an Extravagancy that it is to be wondered any should follow him in it, and yet Mat. West∣minster transcribes the main of it, and * 1.80 Walter of Coventry sets it down for Authentick History; but he adds two Circumstances, which make it seem probable that Stonehenge had some relation to Ambrosius, (viz.) that here Ambrosius was Crowned, and was not long after buried; Poly∣dore Virgil makes it the Monument of Ambrosius; and John of Tinmouth in the Life of Dubricius, calls it Mons Ambrosii; and the name of Ambres∣burg, a Town near it, doth much confirm the probability, of its being founded by Ambrosius, rather than either by the Romans or Danes, as some of our late Antiquaries and Architects have supposed. But I shall not insist any longer on this Subject; Geoffery adds yet further concerning Ecclesiastical Matters in his time, that at a solemn Council he appointed two Metropolitans for the two Sees, at that time vacant, (viz.) Sampt∣son one of Eminent Piety for York, and Dubricius for Caer-leon; but Mathew Westminster saith, that Samptson was afterward driven into Armorica, and there was made Arch-bishop of Dole, among the Britains, which is very likely to be true, being confirmed by Sigebert in his Chro∣nicle, Anno Dom. 566.

It is observed by H. of Huntington that after the Britains had a little respite from their Enemies, they fell into Civil dissentions among them∣selves, which is very agreeable to what Gildas hath said; of this Geoffrey gives us no improbable account, when he relates that one of Vortigerns Sons called Pascentius, raised a Rebellion in the North against Ambrosius among the Britains, who were overcome by him and put to flight; what became of Vortigern is uncertain, nor can the British Writers themselves agree ••ither about the time or the manner of his Death; Nennius, hath two several stories about it, the one certainly false, and the other very impro∣bable; The first is, that St. German followed him, into a Country in South Wales (which was called by his own Name Guorthigernian) where he lay hid with his Women in a Castle which he had built, called Din Guortigern, near the River Thebi; to which Castle when St. German came, he prayed, and fasted there with his Clergy three whole Days and Nights (it seems without any intermission) when the Castle about Mid∣night was set on Fire from Heaven, and Vortigern with his Wives and Family were all burnt, and this Nennius says, he found in the Book or Le∣gend of St. German; yet he declares, That others relate how that Vortigern becoming hateful to all sorts and degrees of Men, none would keep him company from the greatest to the least; till at last, as he wandred from place to place, his Heart was broken (I suppose for grief) but Geoffery of Monmouth with more probability relates, that Vortigern, being again de∣posed, was besieged and burnt in this Castle by his Successour Aurelius Ambrosius, who set it on Fire.

But now it is time to return to our Saxon Chronicle;* 1.81 where after Eight Years interval, without any action mentioned, [We now find Hen∣gist and Aesc joyned Battel with the Britains, and took many Spoils,* 1.82 and

the Welshmen vanish'd before the English like Stubble before the Fire, as the Saxon Chronicle words it.

After this there is no more said of any Victories gained by Hengist; but now after Four Years interval,* 1.83 began the Kingdom of the South Saxons; for Aella with his Three Sons, Cymen, Wlencing, or Pleting, (as Huntington calls him) and Cissa, landing in Britain at a place called Cymens ora (which signifies in the Saxon Tongue Cymens Shore or Coast,) there they slew a great many Britains, and made the rest fly into the Wood or Forrest, called Andredes Leage (supposed to be part of the wild of Kent, and the Woody parts of Sussex) where now are, or were lately Aishdowne, and Arundel Forrests, with several others now disforrested. Henry Huntington giveth a large account of this Action, and tells us that upon the Saxons first landing, a great many Britains immediately drew toge∣ther at the Alarm, and streight ways a great Fight was begun, but the Saxons being taller and stronger Men, received them couragiously; and the Britains coming on very rashly in small stragling Parties were killed by the Saxons, who were drawn up in close Order, and so the Britains were routed upon the first encounter; whereupon these Saxons possessed themselves of all the Sea Coast of Sussex, enlarging their Terri∣tories more and more, until the Eighth Year after their coming; when Aella fought against the Britains, near Mearcredes, Burnamstede or Mecredes∣burne (but where it lies is uncertain) now it seems (as H. Huntington relates) all the Kings and Princes of the Britains were got together,* 1.84 and fought with Aella and his Sons, where the Victory remained doubtful, for both Armies returned home very much weakned; whereupon Aella sent unto his own Country for fresh supplies.

The same Year also Aurelius Ambrosius, is supposed by the Welsh Chro∣nicles to be chosen King (having been before only General) of the Britains,* 1.85 and to have Reigned Nineteen Years. Nennius tells us, That he being King of all Britain, bestowed Buelt, and another Country in South Wales, upon Pascent Son to Vortigern.

About Three Years after this, Hengist King of Kent dyed; For this Year (as the Saxon Annals relate) Aesc (who is also called Oisc, and by our Historians, called Osric) his Son began his Reign, which continued Twenty Four Years; but of Hengist his Father, Will. of Malmesbury very well observes, that he obtained a Crown by Craft, as much as Valour; but Aesc his Son (who succeeded him) maintained his Kingdom by the Valour of his Father, rather than his own Merit, and did not much encrease his Dominions: This happened in the Time of Zeno the Emper∣our. Nor can I here omit what Geoffery of Monmouth, and (from him) Mathe•• of Westminster falsly relate, concerning the Death of Hengist; That fighting against Aurelius Ambrosius, he was taken Prisoner near Coninsburgh in Yorkshire; and not long afterwards beheaded by Eldol (a feigned) Duke of Gloucester; which since it is not found in the Saxon Chronicle, nor in any other Authentick Historian, deserves little credit.

* 1.86Aella and Cissa having now received fresh recruits out of Germany (wherein they much confided) did this Year besiege Andredesceaster (supposed to be that we now call Newenden in Kent) and took it by Force, putting all the Britains to the Sword; but H, Huntington is very particular in the manner of this Siege, and tells us that the Britains raised a great Army to relieve it, and made many assaults upon the Saxons Rear, whil'st they

lay before the Town; who thereupon raising the Siege,* 1.87 turned all their Forces against the Britains; whil'st they being more nimble, presently ran away to the Woods, when the Saxons returning again to the Siege, they were as soon upon their backs;* 1.88 by which means the Saxons being for a time tired out, received a great loss, till they divided their Army into two bodies; so that whil'st the one assaulted the City, the other should defend the Assailants: whereby at last the Citizens being quite spent with hunger and fatigue, could no longer endure the Force of the Besiegers, and all perished by the Sword, even to the very Women and Children, none escaping; and the Saxons quite destroyed that City, which remain∣ed a vast heap of Ruins in his Time, thô the Town of Newenden was afterwards built where it stood in the Reign of Edward the I.

But news being carried into Germany, of the good success of the Saxons; it gave occasion for new Commanders, together with their Armies to come over hither to try their Fortunes; and thus Five Years after be∣gan the Kingdom of the West Saxons.

For now Two Commanders, viz. Cerdic, and Cynric his Son,* 1.89 landing in Britain, with Five Ships at a place, called Cerdicisora, (i. e. Cerdic's Shore) the same day fought with the Britains: this Cerdic was the Tenth in de∣scent from Woden; His pedegree (which is needless here to be recited) I have referred to another place; but in Six Years after their coming, he and his Sons conquered all the Country of the West Saxons: This Cerdic reigned Twenty Five Years; to his Son Cynric whom succeed∣ed.

Then follows, in the Saxons Annals, the whole Succession of these Kings as far as K. Edward (called the Martyr,) Son of Edgar, which I have omitted, because it serves for no other use, but to let us see about what time these Annals were drawn into the form we now have them; but to return to the History, H. Huntington further informs us, that the same day in which Cerdic landed, there assembled a great multitude of Britains to oppose him; the Saxons standing in Battel array before their Ships, the Britains boldly assaulted them, but were forced to return without any great Exe∣cution, because the Saxons could not be over come, though they fought till Night parted them; whereupon the Britains finding the Saxons too strong to be dealt with, were forced to retreat, it proving a drawn Battel; but after this, Cerdic and his Son seised all the Countries upon the Sea Coast, though not without divers Battels.

But about Six Years after came over to their assistance,* 1.90 Porta with his Two Sons Bleda and Megla, who landed in Britain with two Ships at a place, which (from him) is still called Portsmouth: Here as soon as they landed, they slew a Young British Prince, or Commander, who (as H. Huntington relates) being then Governour of this Province, advancing with a great multitude, without any Order they all perished in the twinckling of an Eye, so that Port and his Sons obtained a great Victory; but in Anno Dom. 500.

Aurelius Ambrosius King of the Britains,* 1.91 is said by the Welsh Chronicles to have dyed, being poysoned as (Geoffery relates) by the procurement of Pascent, Son to Vortigern, who had before rebelled against him; Thô who succeeded him is uncertain: for as to his supposed Brother Uther Pendragon, whom Geoffery of Monmouth would here bring in, he is looked upon even by the British Antiquaries, as a mere imaginary King of his own; Therefore this must be owned for the most obscure time of all

the Welsh History; but this is certain, that for about the space of Seven Years, there is no mention made of any Wars between the Saxons and the Britains, until

* 1.92Cerdic and Cynric slew the great British King, Natanleod or Nazaleod, together with 5000 Men, from which time that Province is called Na∣tanleage, as far as Cerdicsford; but H. Huntington is more particular in this War, and tells us, That this Natanleod was the greatest and most pow∣erful King of the Britains; who having gathered together his whole Forces, Cerdic and his Son were fain to send for aid to Aesc King of Kent, and Aella King of the South Saxons, as also from Port (who came lately over) and that before the Battel, the Saxon Army was divided into two bodies, whereof Cerdic Commanded the one, and his Son Cynric the other; that the Battle being begun, King Nazaleod, seeing the Saxons Right Wing to be the strongest, fell upon it with all his Forces, and immediately routed it; whereupon Cerdic being put to flight, there hap∣pned a great slaughter on that side, which, when it was perceived by his Son Cynric from the Left Wing, he rushed upon the backs of the pursuers: So that the Battle being again renewed, King Nazaleod was Slain, and his Army totally defeated, whereby the Saxons obtaining a great Victo∣ry, remain'd undisturbed for a long time, and then came to them some Years after many Valiant assistants out of Germany.

But to make some Reflections upon this Story, before we proceed fur∣ther, it is worth our enquiry, who this Nazaleod was; some think him to be Ambrosius aboved mentioned, but others take him for his pretended Brother Uther Pendragon, whil'st others again suppose him not to be any King at all, but only the General of the King of the Britains, thô what King that was, remains as uncertain, and since it is so much in the dark, I shall not undertake to determine it.

It is also as uncertain who now succeeded this Nazaleod; most of the * 1.93 Welsh Annals here leave an inter-regnum of about Six Years, and do not begin the Reign of K. Arthur, till the Year 514, or 515. So likewise, whether he was sole King of the Britains is much questioned; since some ancient Manuscripts, Welsh Chronicles and Poems, make him to have been only King of Cornwall. As to his Father, Arch-bishop Usher very well conjectures, that this Uther, who is said to have been his Father, was no other than Nazaleod above mentioned; who for his great Actions was called in Welsh, Uther, which signifies as much as Wonderful or Terrible; and thus (as Nennius tells us) Artur (whose name signifies in Welsh an horrible bear) was also called Mabuter, that is a horrible Son, because in his Childhood he was very cruel, or rather because he was the Son of this Nazaleod, Sirnamed Uther: out of which Geoffery of Monmouth forged the Name of Uter Pendragon; if this could be proved, as it is an ingeni∣ous conjecture of the learned Lord Primate, it would go a great way to clear the British History of these obscure times: But since we are now treating of King Arthur, and that it is certain he gained many consider∣able Victories over the Saxons, thô the particular Years are not set down by Nennius, or any other Author; I shall here set them down altogether as they are found in Nennius; his first Battle was fought near the Mouth of the River, which is called Glein or Gleni (which is supposed by some to have been in Devonshire, but by others (and that more likely) to have been Glein in Lincolnshire): the Second, Third, Fourth and Fifth Battels were near another River called Dugl••s, which is in the Country of Linvis

or Linnis, (by some supposed to be the River Dug or Due,* 1.94 in Linc••ln∣shire, but others place it in Lancashire, where there is a River called Dugles near Wigan;) the Sixth Battel was by a River called Bassas (which is sup∣posed to run by Boston in Lincoln-shire) the Eighth Battel was near the Castle of Gunion or Guinion, in which Arthur carried the Picture of Christ's Cross, and of the Virgin Mary upon his back, or as Mat. West∣minster has it painted on his Target; and the Pagans were that day put to flight, and many of them slain, so that they received a very great over∣throw, the Ninth Battel was fought near the City of Legions, that is in the British Tongue Kaer-Leon, (now Chester;) the Tenth was near a River called Ribroit or Arderic; the Eleventh was upon the Mountain, which is called Ag••ed Cath Reginian (which is some place in Somerset-shire, but by Humphrey Lloyd it is supposed to have been Edinburgh;) H. Huntington con∣fesses these places to be unknown in his time, and therefore can be only guessed at in ours: As for the Twelfth Battel, since the certain time of it is fixed, we shall speak of that by and by: but the learned Dr. Gale (to whom we are beholding for this last Edition of Gildas, and Nennius printed at Oxon, as also for the various readings, and Notes at the end of him) supposes that all the Battels here reckoned up, were performed in the space of Forty Years, aforegoing, and althô they may be here attributed to King Arthur, yet might be fought under Vortigern, Ambrosius and others; but that some of these Battles were really fought by King Arthur, against the Saxons, is acknowledged by all our English Writers; and Ranulph Higden in his Polychronicon expresly relates, that it is found in some ancient Chronicles, that K. Cerdic fighting often with Arthur, thô he were overcome, yet still came on again more fiercely; until Arthur being quite wearied out, after the Six and Twentieth Year of Cerdic's coming over, gave him up Hampshire and Somersetshire; which Countries he then called West-Sexe: And Thomas Rudburne, in his greater Chronicle about this time we now treat of, relates, That Cerdic fought oftentimes with King Arthur, who being at last weary of War, made a League with Cerdic, who thereupon granted to the Cornish-men to enjoy the Chri∣stian Religion under a Yearly Tribute; which is likely enough to be true, supposing, as we have already said, that he was only King of Cornwal, and which shews this Prince not to have been such a mighty Monarch, as Geoffery of Monmouth would make him. Which is likewise confessed by the Welsh Historian Caradoc of Lancarvan, in his Life of Gildas; where he relates, That Glastenbury was in Gildas his time besieged by King Ar∣thur with a great Army out of Cornwal and Devonshire,* 1.95 because Queen Gue∣niver, his Wife had been ravish'd from him by Melvas, who then Reigned in Somersetshire, and that she was there kept by him because of the Strength of that Place; whereupon King Arthur raising a great Army out of Cornwal and Devonshire, marched to take the Town, when the Abbot of Glastenbury accompanied with Gildas went between the two Ar∣mies, and perswaded Melvas his King to restore the ravish'd Wife; which being done, both Kings were reconciled: Which plainly shews this Arthur to have been but of small Power, as well as Reputation, who could thus tamely swallow such an Affront. But to return to the Saxon Annals, which relate,* 1.96 [That Stufe and Withgar (Nephews to King Cerdic) arrived in Britain with three Ships at the Port called Cerdics-Ora, and fighting against the Britains, put them to flight.* 1.97 H. Huntington makes a long Description of this Battel, which, since it is not much to the pur∣pose,

I omit,* 1.98 only he tells us, That the British Army was drawn up on a Hill side, as also in the Valley; which at first put the Saxons in much fear, till recovering themselves, they put them all to the Rout. Under this Year also Ranulph Higden, in Polychron, places the Death of Aesc the Son of Hengist, to whom succeeded Otta his Son, who Reigned 22 Years, without any thing related of him, either in the Saxon Annals, or any other History.

About this time also, (thô without assigning the Year,) the same Au∣thor places the Death of Aella King of the South-Saxons, who had all the Kings and chief Men in Britain under his Command, to whom suc∣ceeded his Son Cyssa; but in a short time, his Posterity (whose Names are no where mentioned) grew weaker and weaker, till they became subject to other Kings.

* 1.99This Year Cerdic and Cynric took upon them the Title of Kings of the West-Saxons, and the same Year fought against the Britains at a place cal∣led Cerdice's-Ford, (now Charford in Hampshire), from which time the Royal Race of the Saxon Kings have reigned there; and the same Year the Emperour Justin the Elder began to reign.

It seems King Cerdic was hitherto very modest, for tho he had now been a Conquerour for 24 Years, yet did he never take upon him the Title of King till now, when he had gained a very large Territory, and his Affairs were well established by this great Victory at Cerdice's-Ford; but the Time when this Kingdom began is the more observable, because at last it conquered all the other six Saxon Kingdoms, and so obtained the sole Command of all England; so that (says H. Huntingdon) the Times of all other Kingdoms being applied to these Kings, may be by them the better distinguished.

* 1.100In this Year, as all the best British Manuscripts, as well as printed Chronicles, relate, was fought the great Battel of Badon-Hill, (which is supposed to be the same with Banesdown near Bathe,) where the British Writers suppose King Arthur to have Commanded in Person; thô divers of our Authors make him to have been only General to Aurelius Ambro∣sius, which is not at all likely; since according to the best British Ac∣counts Aurelius died above 20 Years before this Battel, This Nennius makes to be the twelfth Battel he had fought with the Saxons; yet since Mr. Milton, as well as others, have been pleased to question, whether there was ever any such King who Reigned in Britain, it were not amiss if we did a little clear and establish that Point before we proceed any further, since so great and remarkable a part of the History of the Bri∣tish Kings depends upon it. The Objections that are made against Arthur's being a King in Britain are these: First, That Gildas makes no mention of him. Secondly, That he is not so much as mentioned by any ancient British Historian, except Nennius, who lived near 300 Years after, and whom all grant to have been a very credulous, trivial Writer, and to have vented a great many Fables. Thirdly, That thô William of Malmesbury and H. Huntington both make mention of this Arthur, and his Victories over the Saxons, yet that the latter took all he has written concerning him from Nennius, as the former did either from him, or else from some Monkish Legends in the Abby of Glastenbury; and that he knew no more of this Arthur above 500 Years ago, when he wrote his History, than we do at this day. Lastly, That the pretended History of Geoff••ry of Monmouth hath made such incredible Romances concerning

this Prince's Actions and Conquests, not only in Britain,* 1.101 but in France, Scotland, Ireland, Norway, and other Countries, as are sufficient to shock the Credit of his whole History: It being a likely matter, that he, who could not maintain his own Country, should have Forces and Leisure sufficient to conquer the Kingdoms of so many Foreign Princes.

To each of which Objections we shall return these Answers. That in the first place, as to Gildas his not mentioning him, it is at the best but a Negative Argument, since it is evident that he did not design any exact History of the Affairs of his Country, but only to give a short Account of the Causes of the Ruine of it by the Scots, Picts, and Saxons, the chief of which he ascribes to GOD's Vengeance upon the Britains for their great Wickedness, and corruption of Manners; nor does he mention any Kings or Commanders of those Times, except Vortigern, and Aurelius Ambrosius. As for Nennius, thô what is objected against him be true, yet since he lived near 300 Years after Arthur's Death, (as appears by the Preface to his History,) it is highly probable he set down what he there wrote, if not from some other more ancient Writers, yet at the least from the general Tradition of his Country-men at that time, who can never be supposed to have been able to forge this whole Story of K. Arthur, and the Battles he fought; and thô it be true, that the Saxon Annals make no mention of this King, yet if these were also written from Traditions long after these Things were done, being not put into the Form we now have them till long after the Saxons became Christians, it is no wonder if there be no mention made of him; especially since they could not do it without Recording to Posterity the many Defeats he gave them; but notwithstanding this, divers of our best and most ancient, English Historians, as Radulphus de Diceto, and Thomas Rudburn, do menti••n King Cerdio's fighting divers Battles with King Arthur. But as for William of Malmesbury and H. Huntington, thô it might be true, they neither of them knew any thing of them, but what they had from Nen∣nius, or the Legends of Glastenbury; yet are not the ancient Registers of that Monastery to be wholly slighted as false, since King Arthur was there buried: But William of Malmesbury, in his Book of the Antiquities of that Church, makes King Arthur to have begun his Reign over the Britains in the Tenth Year of King Cerdic, in which he is also followed by Ran. Higden in Polychronicon, and Joh. Tinmuth in his Golden History; and thô the Tomb of King Arthur was not found in the time of William of Malmesbury, yet was it some Years after discovered, about the end of the Reign of Henry the Second, as Giraldus Cambrensis relates at large, both in his Book De Institutione Principis, and in his Speculo Ecclesiastico; where he gives a large Account of the manner of finding his Coffin, (which was made out of a solid Oak,) as also of the largeness of his Bones which he saw and handled; together with an Inscription upon a Leaden Cross of about a Foot long, fixed to the lower side of a broad Stone laid three Foot above the Coffin, on which was inscribed this Epitaph, Hic jacet sepultus inclytus. Rex Arthurus in Insula Aualonia; which Cross being preserved in the Monastery of Glastenbury till Leland's time, he saw and took a Copy of it,* 1.102 and is the very Inscription which Mr. Camden hath given us the Draught of in his Britannia.

But as for the last Objection, thô it be true what William of Malmesbury very well observes, that the Britains had vented a great many Fables of him, yet he still acknowledges him to have been a Prince more worthy to

be celebrated in true Histories,* 1.103 than Romances; and thô it must be con∣fessed, that the Stories the Welsh had then made of him, encouraged Geoffery of Monmouth to write those incredible Fables of his Conquests; yet does it not therefore follow, that all that is written of him must be Lies; since a true History may be corrupted, and yet the Substance of it remain true. But whoever desires to see more in justification of the Hi∣story of King Arthur, how much of it is true, and what most likely to be false,* 1.104 may, if they please, consult Dr. Stillingfleet's Antiquities of the British Churches. But to return to our Saxon Annals, in which, for the space of 7 Years, there is nothing at all mentioned until the time

* 1.105

When Cerdic and Cenric fought against the Britains, in a place called Cerdics-Leah. To which Year also H. Huntington refers the beginning of the East-Saxon Kingdom by Erchenwin the Son of Offa.* 1.106 He seems to be the only Prince who is derived from one Saxnat, and not from Woden; thô of this Prince they tell us nothing, except his Name and Pedigree, rela∣ting neither the Number of his Forces, the Place of his Landing, nor so much as the least Encounter he had with the Britains. In the same Obscurity we might have also passed over Sledda his Son, had he not married Rici∣cla Daughter of Emerick, King of Kent, and Sister to Ethelbert the first Christian King; so that this Kingdom being at first Tributary to that of Kent, and then to that of the Mercians, never came to be very conside∣rable, thô it had London (the chief City of England) under its Domi∣nion; But in the Year·

* 1.107

530, Cerdic and Cenric conquered the Isle of Wight, and slew a great many Men in Withgarabyrig.

But 4 Years after, Cerdic King of the West-Saxons died, and Cenric his Son succeeded him,* 1.108 and Ruled 26 Years.

These two Kings bestowed the Isle of Wight on Stuf and Withgar, who were Nephews to Cerdic. This (according to H. Huntingdon) hap∣pen'd in the time of Justinian the Emperour.

* 1.109

Offa King of Kent dying, his Son Ermeric succeeded him. Ran. Hig∣den places it (thô falsly) An. 544.

* 1.110

This Year the Sun was Eclipsed the 14th of the Calends of March, from early in the Morning, to the third Hour, (i. e. till nine of the Clock.) And the Year following,

* 1.111

The Sun was again Eclipsed the 12th of the Calends of June, and the Stars shewed themselves for near half an hour after nine in the Morning.

But to take a View of the British History.

* 1.112King Arthur died this Year, (as all the British Writers agree,) but as for the manner of his Death, it is uncertain. The British Chronicles suppose him to have been slain in a Fight at Camala against his own Nephew Mordred, who had usurped the Crown in his absence. It is more uncertain who succeeded him; Geoffery of Monmouth makes Arthur at his Death to have bequeath'd the Crown to one Constantine his Cousin, Son of Cador Duke of Cornwal, whom he makes to have fought several times with the Sons of Mordred, that he slew them, and after 4 Years Reign died: But divers of the ancientest British Chronicles we have seen make no mention of this Constantine, but leave here an Inter-regnum of near 11 Years. But to return to our Saxon Annals.

* 1.113

Withgar died, and was buried at Withgarasbyrig; which Place being called after his own Name, was certainly some Place in the Isle of Wight; and is supposed to be the same with Caresbrook Castle in the same Island.* 1.114

Let us now look back to the British Affairs:* 1.115 King Constantine being supposed by Geoffery to have died about this time, he makes his Nephew Aurelius Conan to have succeeded him, who Reigning about two Years, was followed by Vortipore; who also dying four Years after, was suc∣ceeded by Malgo, (called by Gildas, Malgoclunus,) and is supposed to be the same with Maelgwn Guined, (so often mentioned in the Welsh Annals;) so that according to Geoffery, these three Princes reigned successively after one another, which can by no means to reconciled with Gildas's Epistle, who speaks to all of them, as living and reigning at one and the same time; so that it is most likely that Malgo, or Malgocunus, was only King of North-Wales, or else of the Northern Parts of Britain, (as some of the Welsh Chronicles affirm;) but that Vortipore was King of that part of South-Wales called Demetia, Gildas himself relates, whilst Aurelius Conan ruled in Powis Land, or some other Southern Province, (as Arch-Bishop Usher with preat probability supposes;) but Gildas's Epistle, wherein he so sharply inveighs against all these British Kings above-mentioned, is to this effect.

Britain has Kings, yet Tyrants; it has Judges, but preying upon, and oppressing the Innocent; their Kings have Wives of their own, yet are Whoremongers; often Swearing, yet as often Perjuring themselves; often making Wars, but those unjust, or Civil Ones; prosecuting Thieves, yet having the greatest near them, even at their own Tables; sitting in the Seat of Justice, yet not observing the Rules of right Judgment; despising the Innocent and Peaceable, and countenancing the Bloody and Adulterous; keeping Men in Prison, whom they have put there rather out of Malice, than Desert.

And then proceeds par∣ticularly to all the Kings then reigning, beginning with Constantine, whom he calls The Tyrannical Whelp of an impure Damonian Lioness; and accuses him this very Year, in which he wrote that Letter, to have been guilty of murdering two innocent Youths of Royal Blood at the very Altar, and under the Cope of the holy Abbot: (These are supposed to have been the two Sons of Mordred.) He likewise accuses this Prince, that being polluted with frequent Adulteries, he had, contrary to Christ's Precept, put away his own Wife.

In the next place, applying himself to Aurelius Conan, he accuses him of the like, if not worse Parricides, besides Fornications and Adulteries; and that hateing the Peace of his Country, he had out of desire of Prey fomented Civil Wars.

In the third place he comes to Vortipore, whom he calls The wicked Son of a good Father, and Tyrant of the Demetae, (that is, South-Welshmen) and whom he accuses of the like Faults; and that thô his Head were then grey, yet he was guilty of Adultery, his Wife being put away; him he also advises to Repentance.

Next he proceeds to Cuneglasus, (who is supposed by some Antiqua∣ries to have been King of the Northern or Cambrian Britains;) but this is to be observed, that Geoffery of Monmouth takes no notice of him; which shews, that either he never saw this Copy of Gildas, or else, if he did, knew not where to place this Prince; having already made as many Kings to succeed each other, as the Time he had to bestow upon them would allow: But whoever he was, Gildas accuses him for fighting both against GOD and Men; against Men, by taking Arms against his own Country-men; a∣gainst God, by infinite Wickedness; and besides his other Faults, that having

put away his own Wife,* 1.116 he had married her Cousin who had vowed per∣petual Chastity.

Then he concludes with a sharp Reproof of Maglocunus, whom he calls the Island Dragon, and the Expeller of many other Tyrants; he also ac∣cuses him of Sodomy, asking him, Why, being taller in Stature, and greater in Power than all the rest of the Princes in Britain, he had made himself, in stead of being better, far worse than they? Upbraiding him, that in his Youth he had murdered the King his Uncle, with many of his Men. After many other Reproofs, threatens him with speedy Destru∣ction unless he repent.

This is the Substance of Gildas's Reproof to the British Princes; from which all that we can gather is, First, that there were no less than five Kings at this time in Britain, thô by what Means or Title they came to the Crown is uncertain; more than that it seems probable, some of these Princes here mentioned were descended from Aurelius Ambrosius; thô (as Gildas observes) highly degenerated from the Virtue of their Ancestors: But what great Actions these Kings did during their Reigns, or what good Qualities they were indued with, is not known, so that there is but a slen∣der Account of them in the Rolls of Fame; which may make us suspect they were guilty of but very few good Qualities, because we here find a large Catalogue of their bad Ones. Who succeeded each of these Kings in their distinct Territories, the most authentick British Chronicles do not mention; and therefore, thô Geoffery makes one Careticus to have now gover∣ned that part of Britain which was still left unconquered by the Saxons, and whom he will have to succeed Malgo; and that thereupon the Saxons sent for one Gormund an African King with a great Army of his Country∣men, who making a League with the Saxons, set upon Careticus, and be∣sieged him in the City of Circester, and taking and burning it, afterwards fought with Careticus, and forced him to flie beyond the Mountains of Wales: Yet since neither in our Saxon Annals, nor any other good Hi∣storian, there is any thing to be found concerning these Kings, or any Africans that ever invaded Britain, it is to be looked upon as no better than one of the bold Inventions of this Author.

But as I have given you Gildas's Character of their Kings, so I shall now give you that of their Clergy, whom he thus reproves. Britain (says he) hath Bishops, but without Discretion; many Ministers, but those Im∣pudent; many Clerks, but subtle Prowlers; Pastors in Name, but indeed Wolves; i••tent upon all Occasions not to feed the Flock, but to pamper and well line them∣s••lves, making use of their Churches only for Lucre's sake; teaching the People sound Doctrine, but they themselves shewing evil Example; rarely Officiating at the Altar, and then scarce ever standing there with pure Hearts; not correcting the People for their Sins, as guilty of the same themselves; despising the Precepts of Christ, and fulfilling their own Lusts; usurping the Chair of Peter, but through the blindness of their own worldly Lusts stumbling upon the Seat of Ju∣das; deadly haters of Truth, and lovers of Lies; looking upon the poor Chri∣stians with Eyes of Pride and Contempt, but fawning upon the wickedest rich Men without Shame; great Promoters of other Men's Alms with set Exhorta∣tions, but themselves ever contributing least; concealing, or slightly touching the reigning Sins of the Age, but highly aggravating their own Injuries as done to Christ himself; seeking Preferments and D••grees in the Church more than Hea∣ven; and having so gained them, make it more their study how to keep, than to illu∣strate them by their good Examples; dull, and stupid to the Reproofs of holy Men,

(if ever they hear them at all,* 1.117) but shew themselves very attentive to the trivial Discourses of the Laity; ready to act any unlawful Things; carrying their heads a loft, but having their affections (nothwithstanding the checks of their own Consciences) as low as Hell; sad at the loss of a penny, but joyed if they can get one in Apostolical Censures, either through their own Ignorance, or the greatness of the Sins; Dull and Mute, but very skillful in the cheating Tricks of Worldly business; from which wicked sort of Conversation many run into Priests Orders, which they buy for Money, taking the Priesthood, without observing its Rules and Institution, or knowing what belongs to matters of Faith or Manners. And then proceeding in a tedious invective against Simony, he at last thus addresses himself to the Laity: What can ye expect, O unhappy People, from these Beasts, all Bellies! Shall these amend thee, who (as the Prophet says) weary themselves in commiting Iniquity? Shalt thou s••e with their Eyes, which regard only those ways that lead to Hell; leave them rather, (as bids our Saviour), least ye fall both blindfold into the same Perdition. But are all thus? Perhaps not all, or not so grosly: But what did it avail Eli, to be himself blameless, whil'st he con∣nived at his Sons, that were wicked? Who of these hath been envied for his better Life? Who of them have hated to cons••rt with such, or withstood their entring into the Ministry, or zealously endeavoured their casting out? This is the Sense of what he there says, it being not only tedious, but impossi∣ble to Translate Verbatim, so barbarous and obscure a Writer, thô other∣wise he seems to have been a Man of great Wit, and ardent Piety, above what that Age would admit of: But hence we may learn what the State of the Government and Religion among the Britains was in that long Calm of Peace, which the Victory at Badon Hill had produced.

Also at the end of his History, he gives a farther account of the sad state of Affairs, and great corruption of Manners in those Times;

And complains,

That the Cities of his Country were not then in∣habited, as before, but lay ruined and deserted; for though Foreign Wars were ceased for a time, yet so were not the Civil, so that there did still remain upon the face of the Island evident marks of so mis∣erable a destruction; but that also as long as the memory of that un∣looked for assistance lasted, their Kings, as well as their Bishops and Priests did pretty well observe due Orders; but those deceasing, as the next Generation succeeded, which had not seen the former Calamities, and were only sensible of the present Prosperity, all the Principles of Truth and Justice were totally shaken and subverted: So that scarce any footsteps remained of them in all the Orders and De∣grees of Men above mentioned, except some, and those but few, very few in respect of those who go to Hell; so that although they are the only true Sons of our Mother the Church, yet by reason of the smallness of their number, she can scarce take any notice of them, albeit they lye in her very Bosome.

This much may suffice to give an account, as well of this Epistle of Gildas, as of his History, which Caradoc of Lancarvon in his Legendary Life of this Author supposes to have been writ whil'st he lived at Gla∣stenbury. But these passages, I thought good to Transcribe from him, as not unuseful to be inserted in these Annals; not out of any desire to rip up, or expose the faults of the ancient British Clergy or Nation, much less to insult over their Calamities; but rather to serve as a warning to us, who live in this loose and corrupt Age, that we may avoid the like Sins, lest we provoke God to send the like Judgments upon us: But to return to the Saxon Chronicle;

* 1.118[This Year began the Northumbrian Kingdom, or in the Words of our Annals; Ida began to Reign, from whom is derived the Royal Family of the Northumbrian Kings;* 1.119 the Saxon Annals here give us a long pede∣gree of this Ida, who reigned Twelve Years, and built Bebbanburgh (now Bamborough Castle in Northumberland) which was at first encompassed only with a Trench, and afterwards with a Wall.

H. Huntington says, This Prince was always in War, and Will. of Malmesbury, and Mat. Westminster, make him to have had Twelve Sons partly by Wives, and partly by Concubines: And the latter also tells us that he together with his Sons came into Britain, and landed at Plensburgh with Forty Ships.

But though Ida was the first that took upon him the Title of King, yet there were Princes of the Saxons, in that Country many Years be∣fore; for the same Authors tell us, That Hengist had long before sent his Brother Ottha, and his Son Ebusa, Men of great Experience in War, to Conquer the North Parts of Britain; who pursuing his directions, met with a success answerable to their endeavours; for fighting often times with the Natives of the Country, and conquering all those who indea∣voured to resist them, they received the rest into their Protection, and so enjoyed the fruits of Peace. But though they had by their own industry, as well as the consent of their Subjects, gained some Power in those Parts;* 1.120 yet did they never till now take upon them the Title of Kings, the same moderation descending also to their Posterity: So that for near an Hundred Years, the Princes, Earls, or Dukes of Northumberland lived like Vassals, under the Protection of the Kings of Kent. But this Nation being naturally haughty, in the Year above recited, (that is Sixty Years after the Death of Hengist) this Principality was changed into a Kingdom, Ida first reigning there; who without doubt was a very gallant Man, being then in the prime of his Youth; but whether he enjoyed that Principality in his own Right, or whether he had it by Election, our Author will not take upon him to determine, because the Truth was very obscure; only it was certain, that thô he was descended of an Ancient and Royal Family, yet by his Great and Noble Qualities, he added much to the greatness of his Birth, and that being invincible in War, he tempered the Severity of Kingly Majesty with his own natural affa∣bility. To return now to the affairs of the West Saxons, Anno 552.

After Five Years, Cynric fought against the Britains, at a place which is called Searebyrig (i. e. Old Sarum) and put the Britains to flight; then follows a Repetition of his Pedigree, as far as King Ethelbert, who was the first Christian King; which shews that these Annals were continued by several hands, at several times long after those Kings lived.]

About this time, some British Chronicles place the Death of Malgo∣clunus, or Mailgwn Gwined, thô Mr. R. Vaughan a Learned Welsh Antiquary would rather understand this of his Civil than Natural Death; that is, to his resigning the Crown, and professing himself a Monk, as Gildas in his Epistle saith he did; For it is certain he lived and reigned long after; and he is in the Welsh Annals reckoned as the Supreme, or sole King of the Britains; being, (as it seems) after the breach of this Vow, Chosen by the Welsh Nobility and People to that Dignity, some Years after: So that divers of the Welsh Chronologers, begin his Reign over all Wales and Cumberland from this very Year, thô Humphrey Lluyd

in his Description of Britain, out of an ancient British Law-Book, begins it about the Year 560, which is most likely. He is said by John Rosse, in his History, to have built Bangor near the River Menai, where now is an Episcopal See. But to return to our Saxon Annals,

This Year Cynric, and Ceawlin his Son,* 1.121 fought a Battle against the Bri∣tains at Berinbyrig, (now Banbury in Oxfordshire,) and put them to flight. H. Huntington is very large in the Description of this Battle, relating,* 1.122 That the Britains having gathered together all their Forces to revenge the Losses they had received for five Years aforegoing, marched as far as Beranbury, where they drew up their Men in nine Divisions; but the Saxons being drawn up in one great Body, and setting boldly upon them, having broken their Lances, finished the Victory with their Swords, which remained doubtful till night drew on. Some Years after this, (viz.)

Ceawlin began also to reign over the West-Saxons in the room of Cynric his Father; the same Year Ida dying,* 1.123 Aella began to reign over the Northumbers. His Pedigree likewise follows, thô needless to be inferred; but it terminates in Woden, thô from another Ancestor than Ida's.

But you are here to observe,* 1.124 That now the Northumbrian Kingdom be∣came divided into two, for this Aella reigned over the Kingdom of Deira, while Adda, the eldest Son of Ida, reigned at the same-time over the Bernicians, (as Florence of Worcester testifies.)

This Year also Ethelbert succeeded in the Kingdom of Kent, which he held for 53 Years. In his time Pope Gregory sent us Baptism, (that is, made the English Saxons Christians,) in the 32d Year of this King's Reign.

This Year (as Bede, and also the Saxon Annals relate,* 1.125) Columba the Priest or Presbyter came out of Ireland, (which in his Epitome he also calls Scotland,) to preach the Word of GOD to the Northern Picts, that is,* 1.126 those that were divided from the Southern by a large Tract of high Mountains; for the Southern Picts had been already converted from Idolatry to the Christian Faith by Nynias, a Reverend Bishop of the Bri∣tish Nation, (as hath been already declared.) But Columba came into Britain in the 9th Year of the Reign of Bridius the Son of Meiloch King of the Picts, and having converted the said Nation to the Christian Faith, received the Island [of Hy], therein to build a Monastery. Then Bede, after giving us a short Description of this Island and Monastery,* 1.127 has this remarkable Passage, viz.

But this Island (viz. Hy,) is always wont to have for its Governour the Abbot or Presbyter, to whose Au∣thority all the Province, and even the Bishops themselves, after an unusual Order, ought to be subject, according to the Example of their first Teacher, who was never a Bishop, but a Monk.

But the Saxon Chronicle is more express, and says,

That there must be always in Hy an Abbot, and not a Bishop, and that all the Bishops of Scotland ought to be subject to him.

From the above-mentioned Passage in Bede, some Writers have inferr'd, That Bishops were not then thought so necessary, since the Church of Scotland was able to subsist so long without them; and the Abbot of Hy, without being ordained Bishop, exercised Episcopal Authority over those that were Bishops; to which, Arch-Bishop Usher in his before-cited Work, De Britan. Eccles. Antiquit. answers,* 1.128 That this Authority of the Abbots of Hy, their exercising Jurisdiction over the Bishops of Scotland, was a

Superiority of meer Jurisdiction,* 1.129 and not of Order; and he there cites certain ancient Annals of Ulster, to prove, That this little Island had al∣ways a Bishop residing in it, either in or near that Monastery: Which is also further enforced in the Learned Bishop Lloyd's Historical Account of Church Government,* 1.130 &c. where he brings several Authorities to prove, that this Columba received his Orders from Finean Bishop of Meath in Ire∣land, before ever he came from thence; and that if he refused being made a Bishop, it was out of a pure Monkish Humility, having from his Youth devoted himself to a Monastic Life; but that he himself did own the Order of a Bishop to be above that of a Presbyter, is urged from Adamannus his Successor, who wrote his Life; particularly mention∣ing Columba's refusing to break the Bread to be received at the Commu∣nion, together with a concealed Bishop, (as two Priests used to do in their way of Consecration) but would needs make him break it alone, (as a Bishop ought to do,) asking him, Why he had endeavoured to conceal himself, that they might give him due Veneration? Which Words of Columba a Presbyter to a Bishop, are supposed sufficiently to shew, that he acknowledged the Episcopal Order superiour to his own; and that the Scots ever acknowledged, that Bishops were necessary for the Ordaining of others in the Ministery, the said Bishop further urges from Bede,* 1.131 who there tells us,

There was a Bishop of all that Province; as also from another place in the said Author, where he relates, That when King Oswald becoming a Christian, desired to have a Bishop from Hy. to plant a Church among his Northumbrians; Aidan was sent to him, having first received the Degree of a Bishop, in the time when Segenius, Abbot and Priest, was over that Monastery; and also, that after he came into Northumberland, he chose the Place for his Episco∣pal See in the Isle of Lindisfarn, where he was with his Clergy; and there he was Abbot with his Monks, who all belong to the Care of the Bishop, where he was also succeeded by divers other Bishops; till that Church being destroyed by the Danes, the Bishop's See was remo∣ved to Durham.

I need say no more upon this Subject, but shall refer the Reader to the said Learned Bishop's Dissertation,* 1.132 to prove, that no other Church-Government, but Episcopal, was ever setled amongst the Scots, Picts, or Saxons, upon their Conversion to Christianity. But that we may return again to our Saxon Annals.

* 1.133

Adda King of Bernicia dying this Year, (as Florence of Worcester and M••tthew of Westminster relate) one Glappa reigned in his stead two Years; but who he was,* 1.134 or how descended, these Authors do not tell us.

The same Year died Maelgwn Guineth King of the Britains, after five Years Reign over all that part of Britain that was left them: This is ac∣cording to the account of that Learned Antiquary Mr. Robert Vaughan; thô Mat. of Westminster, Dr. Powell, and Sir John Price, make him to have began his Reign long after, viz. the former of these in 581, and the latter in 590; both which Opinions the said Mr. Vaughan Learnedly con∣futes in a Manuscript I have now in my possession; but who succeeded Maelgwn Guineth as King of all the Britains, since the Welsh Annals are silent, I shall be so too; for as to those Successors which Geoffery hath gi∣ven him. I have already said sufficient to destroy his Credit in this mat∣ter; and Will. of Newberie's Censure of him is not less sharp than true:

That concerning the Successors of Arthur, he does not lie with less Impudence, when he gives them the Monarchy of all Britain, even to the 7th Generation.

The next year Ceawlin, and Cutha his Brother,* 1.135 beginning a Civil War, fought with King Ethelbert, and drove him back into Kent, and killed two of his Commanders, Oslac and Cnebba, at Wibbendon, (now Wimbledon in Surrey.)

This King Ethelbert (as Will. of Malmesbury ob∣serves) was in the beginning of his Reign a Scorn to the Neighbour∣ing Princes; for being beaten in one or two Battels, he could scarce de∣fend his own Territories: But when in his riper Years he learned more Experience in War, in a short time he brought under his Subjection all the Nations of the English-Saxons, except the Northumbrians; and that he might also gain the Friendship of Foreigners, he became allied to the King of the Franks by the Marriage of Bertha his Daughter. But of this King we hear no more for many years, till his Conversion to the Christian Faith.

Glappa King of Bernicia dying, Theodwulf succeeded him for one year.* 1.136 But then he also deceasing,

Fr••othwulf reigned after him for seven or eight years more.* 1.137 We are beholding for the Succession of these two Kings, to Florence of Wor∣cester and Rog. Hoveden, being omitted by all other Authors; they are also more exact in distinguishing this Kingdom from that of Deira, most of the rest confounding them together.

Cuthwulf the Brother of Ceawlin (as it is in H. Huntington) fought against the Britains at Bedicanford (now Bedford),* 1.138 and took four Towns, viz. Lugeanburh (now Loughborough) in Leicestershire, or else Leighton in Bedfordshire; and Eglesburh (now Ailesbury) in Bucks; with Bennington and Egonesham (now called Bensington and Enisham) in Oxfordshire.

About this time, as is supposed,* 1.139 (for the Year is not set down in the Saxon Annals, nor any other Historian) began the Kingdom of the East-Angles under Vffa (the Eighth from Woden) tho it seems there were before him divers other petty Saxon Princes,* 1.140 who had invaded and fixed themselves in the Countries we now call Norfolk and Suffolk; for in one Copy of Matth. of Westminster which Mr. Twine had seen, (tho it be not found in our printed ones) he saith, That Anno 527. the Pa∣gans came out of Germany and took possession of the Countrey of the East-Angles, and tormented the Christians with all sorts of Cruelty; but it seems this Vffa in Strength and Policy overpowering the rest of those Petty Princes, got himself made sole King, and governed with that Glory, that H. Huntingdon tells us, the Kings descended from him were called Vffings, though how long he reigned is uncertain, only that dying he left the Crown to Titul or Titillus his Son, of whom like∣wise nothing is recorded, and therefore Will. of Malmesbury takes no notice of these two Princes: The first he speaks of is Redwald, the Tenth from Woden, whom he calls the greatest King of the East-Angles; but since his Reign began after this Period, I shall reserve the speaking further of him to the next Book.

To return to the Saxon Annals:* 1.141

This year Ceawlin and Cuthwin his Son fought with and slew three British Kings viz. Commail, Candidan, and Farinmaile, at a place which is called Deorham (now Durham) in Gloucestershire, and then took three Cities, Glewancester (now Glo∣cester), Cirencester, and Bathoncester, (now Bathe.)

Who these three Kings were, is very doubtful; some suppose the first and second of them to be Cuniglasus and Aurelius Conan, both men∣tioned

by Gildas;* 1.142 but for the third, I cannot tell what to make of him, there being no such King mentioned in any of the old British Chronicles; so all that we can guess is, that he was some Petty Prince, whose Name is wholly omitted in the Welsh Annals, or else mistaken in ours. From the time of this Battel, the Britains or Welshmen (as the English call them) being driven into that rough and mountainous Countrey we now call Wales, lying beyond the Rivers of Dee and Severn, made fewer Invasions into (what we call) England.

This year, as the Welsh Chronicle, called Triades, relates (being an Ancient Manuscript written near 1000 years ago), the Battel of Ar∣derydd was fought on the Borders of Scotland, between Aeddan Vradog, (i. e. the Treacherous) and Guendelew Son of Keidiaw, British Princes of the North Parts of Britain, on the one side; and Reiderch-hoel, (i. e. the Liberal) a British King of Cumberland, on the other side, and that upon a very slight occasion, a Lark's-Nest, and two Dogs: In which Battel Guendelew was slain, though his men fought and skirmish'd with the other Britains for Six Weeks to revenge his Death. After which Fight Aedan being there overcome, fled into the Isle of Man.

The like Story is related by Hector Boethius, concerning the Battel between Aedan King of the Scots, and the Picts, upon the like occasi∣on; so that either the Scots borrowed it from the British History, or else this had it from them; though the former be the most likely. But how this can agree with our Saxon Annals, who make Adda King of Ber∣nicia to have died Ten Years before, I know not; one of them must certainly be mistaken, since there was but one King of Northumberland who was called Adda.

This year, or the next, King Freothwulf dying, Theodoric the Son of Ida (according to Florence of Worcester and Matth. Westminster) suc∣ceeded him in the Kingdom of Bernicia, Aella still reigning in Deira. This Theodoric and his Sons (according to the Ancient Author of the English-Saxon Genealogies at the end of Nennius, lately put forth by Dr. Gale) fought with Vrbgen, or Vrien, King of Cumberland, and his Sons, with various Success, who besieged Theodoric in the Isle of Med∣cant, (now Turne Island) until by the means of Morgant, a Prince of the same Countrey who envied his Valour, Vrien was in that Expedition murthered by his own men: But the Succession of these Kings of Northumberland is very obscure and uncertain.

For the Author of the abovecited Genealogies makes one Freodguald to have succeeded this Theodoric or Deoric (as he calls him); but whe∣ther he was the same with Freothwulf, mentioned by Florence, is hard to determine; and after this Freodguald, who reigned seven years, one Hussa is said to have succeeded, who reigned seven years likewise; but whether in Deira or Bernicia, he does not say; in which he is also fol∣lowed by Rog. Hoveden, in his Prologue to his History; but the Suc∣cession of these Kings having no certain Time assigned them, I can only set them down as I find them. Here is a large Gap left in the Saxon Annals, where nothing occurs further of English Affairs for se∣ven years. To supply which, we must have recourse to the British Affairs in those Countries we now call Wales. Where (to shew you the Uncertainty of the British Chronology),

* 1.143According to Matthew of Westminster, Malgo, or Magoclunus, whom the Welsh Annals call Mael Guineth, was elected King of all the Bri∣tains

of Wales (having been long before King of North-Wales,* 1.144 as the word Gwineth in the Welsh Tongue signifies). And Humphrey Lloyd, in his Fragment of the Description of Wales, from an Ancient Book of British Laws, thus gives us the manner of his Election.

After the Saxons had obtained the Kingdom and Crown of London upon the Expulsion of the Britains, all the People of Wales met at the mouth of the River Dee to Elect a King; and thither came the men of Gwineth (or North-Wales), the men of Powis-land, the men of Dehau∣barth, Glamorgan, and divers other Countries; who all elected Mael Gwineth King:

Whom Geoffry of Monmouth fables to have been King not only of all this Island, but also to have conquered Ireland, Iceland, Gothland, Nor∣way, Denmark, and the Orcades; a story so ridiculous, that the very telling it is a sufficient Confutation: And all this he collects from those words of Gildas, wherein he calls him the Island-Dragon, and a driver out of many Tyrants; and because to express his great wickedness he says, He was drunk with the Wine of Sodom; Geoffry will needs conclude him to have been guilty of Sodomy. This Prince is supposed to have reigned as Supreme King of Wales about six years.

Ceawlin King of the West-Saxons, and Cutha,* 1.145 fought against the Bri∣tains at a place called Frethanleag (now Frethern) in Gloucestershire, where Cutha was slain; yet Ceawlin now took many Towns, with great Treasures, and other Spoil, and so returned home: As H. Huntington relates, the Britains had at first the better, but Ceawlin having sent for fresh Recruits, overcame the Conquerors. William of Malmesbury mentions a Son of Ceawlin's, of the same Name, to have been killed before his face; but either the Copy he had of these Annals differed from those we have left us, or else he was no other than this Cutha here men∣tioned, who was his Brother.

About this time began the Kingdom of the Mercians,* 1.146 (according to H. Huntington and Matth. of Westminster) whose first King was Crida, or Creoda; this, though the last erected, yet was one of the largest of the English Saxon Kingdoms, and was also one of the last that was con∣quered by the West-Saxons.

This Year also (according to the Welsh Annals) happened a great Slaughter of the Britains of the North; for now Gurgi and Fredur, two British Princes, being Brothers and Twins, the Sons of Oliver Gosgard Vawr, (i. e. Oliver with the great Train) a Prince of Cumberland, fought with Aedda, or Adda, the Saxon King of Northumberland, at a place called Caergrew, where both the Brothers were slain, many of their men treacherously deserting them the Night before the Battel.

'This year Aella King of Deira died [after 30 years Reign],* 1.147 and Athelric succeeded him, and reigned 5 years over all Northumberland, having (as Will. of Malmesbury relates) obtained the Kingdom in his Old Age, his Youth being spent in a very narrow Fortune; yet having, according to Florence of Worcester's Account, reigned two years over Bernicia in Aella's time. And this year also, according to Matth. of Westminster, this Athelric (for so I suppose it should be, and not Ethel∣frid, who had not yet begun to reign) married Acca, Daughter to Aella King of Deira, and on her got seven Sons, whose Names he there gives us.

* 1.148Also this year in the Welsh Annals, as well as those of Vlster, Constan∣tine is mention'd to be converted to the Lord; whom Archbishop Vsher understands to have been that wicked Constantine, King of Devonshire and Cornwall, whom Gildas has before inveighed against, and who at this time, being now bereft of his Wife and Children, was also weary of his Kingdom, and therefore went privately into Ireland, and there building a Monastery, took upon him the Habit of a Monk; as John of Tinmouth, in his Life of St. David, relates. And this Constantine Hector Boethius in his * 1.149 Scotish History, will have to have been sent over by a certain Irish Bishop to preach the Gospel to the Scots, and being by them martyr'd, to have been some Ages after canonized for a Saint: But this sounds like a Legend, since the Scots had been long before con∣verted by St. Patrick to the Christian Faith.

* 1.150This year there was a great and bloody Battel fought at Wodensbeorge (now called Wodensburg, a little Village in Wiltshire) between the Bri∣tains and the Saxons, though it is not here said who were the Generals on either side; only H. Huntington tells us, that the Britains having drawn up their Army after the Roman manner, and the Saxons charging them boldly, but confusedly, there followed a sharp Battel, in which GOD gave the Victory to the Britains; for the Saxons being wont to have the better in all their Wars, being now grown more careless, were vanquished, and the whole Army almost destroyed, which (as W. of Malmesbury relates) happened through the English joining with the Britains against him (though of what Countrey the English were, he does not tell us); so that Ceawlin being driven out of his Kingdom, and Ceolric Son to his Brother Cuthwalf obtaining it, reigned five years. Ceawlin being thus expell'd after 31 years Reign, was forced to take Re∣fuge in some other Kingdom; but whether in this Island, or else beyond Sea, our Histories are silent: He had been a little before the greatest and most powerful of all the English-Saxon Kings, his Atchievements being a Wonder to the English, and till then a Terror to the Welsh or British.

About this time Geoffry of Monmouth makes Careticus above menti∣oned to have succeeded Malgo (who perhaps was the same with Mael Gwineth) in the Kingdom of the Britains, whom he describes to have been a lover of Civil Wars, and to be hateful to God and all the Bri∣tains; so that the Saxons seeing his weakness, invited Gormund an Afri∣can King out of Ireland, to Invade England with Six thousand Africans, who joining with the Saxons invaded the Territories of Careticus, and beating him in many Battels, at last besieged him in the City of Ciren∣cester, which being taken and burnt, he again joined Battel with Care∣ticus, and forced him to fly beyond Severne into Wales; and then Gor∣mund destroying all the Neighbouring Cities, never left till he had de∣stroyed the whole Island from Sea to Sea; and so for a time obtained the Supreme Dominion of the whole Kingdom.

But of these Kings Gareticus and Garmund, since not only the most Authentick Welsh Chronicles, but the Saxon Annals are wholly silent, I suppose them to have been only Romances, and invented by Geoffrey to fill up this Gap in his British History; not that I will deny that one Gormund a Danish King might reign in Ireland about this time; but that he ever reigned in England, is utterly false, no other Historian but him∣self, and those that borrow from him, making any mention of it.

This year Gregory was made Bishop of Rome.* 1.151

Ceawlin (late King of the West Saxons) died in Banishment; and the same year died Cwichelm (his Brother),* 1.152 together with Cryda [King of the Mercians, to whom succeeded his Son Wipha or Wippa]; and Ethelfred began also to reign over both the Northumbrian Kingdoms, being the Son of Ethelric the Son of Ida.* 1.153 This Prince did not only de∣fend his own Territories, but also invaded and seized those of others. But the third year after was very remarkable,

For now Pope Gregory sent Augustine into Britain with many Monks to preach the Word to the English Nation.* 1.154

As for the British Affairs, we have but little more to remark ever since the Death of Maelgwin Gwineth, for the space of 24 years; only we find in the Book of Landaffe, that about this time Tudric King of Glamorgan, who was still Victorious, is said to have exchanged his Crown for an Hermitage; till going in Aid of his Son Mouric, whom the Saxons had reduced to great extremity, taking up Arms again, he defended him against them at Tinterne, by the River Wye, but he him∣self received a Mortal Wound.

But about the end of this Century (as Geoffry of Monmouth relates) when the Britains could not agree for 24 years who should be their Go∣vernor, at last they chose Cadwan Prince of North Wales to be King of all the Britains; but the year of this Election is not set down by Geoffry, nor is this Prince mentioned by any other British Author or Chronicle, before he wrote. But I shall defer speaking farther of this Prince, till I come to the next Book.

Ceolwulf began to reign over the West-Saxons,* 1.155 who making conti∣nual Wars all his time, fought sometimes against the other English-Saxons, sometimes against the Britains, or else against the Picts and Scots; but (what is more remarkable) this year Augustine the Monk, with his Companions, arrived in Britain.

But before I conclude this Period, I cannot omit taking some further notice of the Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Affairs, in that part of Bri∣tain, now called Wales, where the Remainders of Christianity in this side of our Island, were now wholly confined; Bangor in the North, and Caer-Leon upon Vsk in South-Wales, being the chief Places for Learning, as well as Religion, the last of these being also the See of an Archbishop; where was likewise a College of Philosophers,* 1.156 of which (as Alex. Elsebiensis relates) Dubritius, Archbishop of that City, was the Founder; who resigning his Bishoprick, became an Anchoret in the Isle of Bardsey; to whom succeeded David (afterwards Sainted), who flourished about the year 509, and is said to have been Uncle by the Mother's side to King Arthur; he removed the Episcopal See from Caer-Leon to Menevia, now called St. David's, in Pembrockshire. Nor can I pass by several Learned and Holy Men among the Britains of this Age; as first, Daniel the most Pious Bishop of Bangor; Cadocus Abbot of Lancarvan in Glamorganshire, whose Life is written by John of Tin∣mouth. In the same Age also flourished Iltutus, a Pious and Learned Man of that Countrey; to whom we may also add Sampson his Scho∣lar, consecrated Bishop by Dubritius, Successor to St. David; this Sampson was afterwards Archbishop of Dole in Britain, having upon his leaving Britain carried away the Pall along with him, (as hath been already mentioned): Not to omit Patern and Petroc, the former a

Preacher at Llan Patern in Cardiganshire, and the other in Cornwal; be∣sides Congal Abbot of Bangor, and Kentigern the famous Bishop of Ell∣wye in North-Wales, as also Asaph his Scholar, and Successor in the same See, now from him called St. Asaph; to whom I may also add Taliessen, the famous British Poet, whose Verses are preserved to this day. All these flourished from the beginning till the middle of the Sixth Century, which now as much abounded in Learned and Pious Men, as the former Age was wanting of them.

Thus, omitting Fables, we have given you a View of whatever we find can be relied on for Truth, transacted in Britain since the Romans first conquered and then forsook it: Wherein we may observe the many Miseries and Desolations brought by Divine Providence on a wicked and perverse Nation; driven (when nothing else would reform them) out of a Rich Countrey into a Mountainous and Barren Corner, by Strangers and Heathens: So much more intolerable in the Eye of Heaven is the dishonouring the Christian Faith and Religion by Unchristian Works, than downright Infidelity. Yet am I not of Bede's Opinion, That the Britains omission to preach the Gospel to the English-Saxons (though they inhabited the same Island) was any of their crying Sins; since it was not to be expected, that they could either Preach, or the Saxons would ever Receive the Gospel from those who were their utter Ene∣mies, and had taken their Countrey from them by Violence: Yet God was not wanting to this Nation, but appointed other Preachers to con∣vert it to the Christian Faith; which how it was brought about, shall be the Subject of the ensuing Book.

The End of the Third Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Tit. Cumber∣land.
• * 1.2

  Anno Dom. CCCCXXXV
• * 1.3

  Gildas, and Bede, l. 1. c. 12.
• * 1.4

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLVI.
• * 1.5

  Gild. Bede, Ib. c. 12, 13.
• * 1.6

  In some Ma∣nuscripts and Printed Copies it is written Agitius, but in the Bodlei∣an Manuscript it is written right, as thus.
• * 1.7

  Vid. Chron. Herman. Con∣tracti.
• * 1.8

  Gild.
• * 1.9

  Ibid.
• * 1.10

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLVI.
• * 1.11

  An. Dom. CCCCXLV. CCCCXLVII.
• * 1.12

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLVII.
• * 1.13

  Anno D••m. CCCCXLVIII.
• * 1.14

  Lib. 2. cap. 2.
• † 1.15

  Lib. 1. cap. 21.
• * 1.16

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.17

  Gildas.
• * 1.18

  Bede, l. 1. c. 13.
• * 1.19

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.20

  Malmes. lib. 1.
• * 1.21

  Gildas p. 8. Bede lib. 1. cap. 15.
• * 1.22

  Hen. Hunt. l. 11.
• * 1.23

  Lib. 1. cap 26.
• * 1.24

  Ant. Brit. Eccl. cap. 12. p. 197.
• * 1.25

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.26

  L••b. 1.
• * 1.27

  Excerpt. Le∣gat. p. 15.
• * 1.28

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.29

  Rer. Frisic. l. 1.
• * 1.30

  Lib. 5. cap. 10.
• * 1.31

  I••id.
• * 1.32

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX·
• * 1.33

  Chap 1••▪
• * 1.34

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.35

  Ibid.
• * 1.36

  Epist. 4.
• * 1.37

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.38

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.39

  Bell. Gal. l. 4. Vide Sherring∣ham de orig. G••nt. Angl. c. 2.
• * 1.40

  Lib. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.41

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.42

  Vide Not. Jon. Imperii.
• * 1.43

  Vide She••ring∣ham d•• Anglor. Gent. Orig.
• * 1.44

  Anno Dom. CCCCXLIX.
• * 1.45

  Vide Voci•• de moribus Germ.
• * 1.46

  Anno Dom. CCCCL.
• * 1.47

  Gild. Bede. H. Hunt.
• * 1.48

  Anno Dom. CCCCLI.
• * 1.49

  Nennius c. 3. Bede lib. 1.
• * 1.50

  Anno Dom. CCCCLI
• * 1.51

  Anno Dom. CCCCLII.
• * 1.52

  N••n. ibid.
• * 1.53

  Will. of Malmsbury calls this Octa the Brother of Hengist; from whom he suppo∣s••s the Northum∣brian Kings to have be••n des∣cended.
• * 1.54

  Bede.
• * 1.55

  Gildas, Sect. 23.24.

  Nenn••us c. 36. Bede lib. 1.
• * 1.56

  Anno Dom. CCCCLIV.
• * 1.57

  Anno Dom. CCCCLIV.
• * 1.58

  chap. 5. p. 55••.
• * 1.59

  N••n. c. 38.
• * 1.60

  Anno Dom. CCCCLIV.
• * 1.61

  Geoffery of Monm.
• * 1.62

  Nennius, c. 38.
• * 1.63

  Anno Dom. CCCCLV.
• * 1.64

  Camden in his Britannia, (Tit. Kent) says, He was buried near Horsted, (to which he gave Name.
• † 1.65

  Nen. c. 46. Ran. Higden. Polychron.
• * 1.66

  Anno Dom. CCCCLVI.
• * 1.67

  Geoff. Monm. Mat. West.
• * 1.68

  Anno Dom. CCCCLVII.
• * 1.69

  Nennius, cap. 47.
• * 1.70

  Ibid. c. 48.
• * 1.71

  Anno Dom. CCCCLXV
• * 1.72

  S••ct. ••5.
• * 1.73

  Anno Dom. CCCCLXV.
• * 1.74

  Cap. 14.
• * 1.75

  Gildas.
• * 1.76

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.77

  Anno Dom. CCCCLXV.
• * 1.78

  Vid Dr. Still∣ingfleets Orig. Britan. Chap. 5. from whence this ensuing pas••age is bor∣rowed.
• * 1.79

  Anno Dom. CCCCLXV.
• * 1.80

  MS. Penes R. Episc Wig••••.
• * 1.81

  Anno Dom. CCCCLXXIII.
• * 1.82

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.83

  Anno Dom. CCCCLXXVII.
• * 1.84

  Anno Dom. CCCCLXXXV.
• * 1.85

  Vid. Dr. Powel's Cata∣logue of the K••ngs of Wales
• * 1.86

  Anno Dom. CCCCXC
• * 1.87

  Anno Dom. CCCCXC
• * 1.88

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.89

  Anno Dom. CCCCXCV.
• * 1.90

  Anno Dom. DI.
• * 1.91

  Vi. Dr. Powel•• Ca••alogue of British Kings.
• * 1.92

  Anno Dom. DVIII.
• * 1.93

  Vid. Those Annals at the end of Dooms-Day Book in the Exchequ••r.
• * 1.94

  Anno Dom. DVIII.
• * 1.95

  Vid. Usher de Ant. Britan. Eccl. c. 13.
• * 1.96

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.97

  Anno Dom. DXIV.
• * 1.98

  Anno Dom. DXIV.
• * 1.99

  Anno Dom. DXIX.
• * 1.100

  Anno Dom. DXX.
• * 1.101

  Anno Dom. DXX.
• * 1.102

  Somersetshire, New Edit. p. 65.
• * 1.103

  Anno Dom. DXX.
• * 1.104

  Cap. 5. p. 332.
• * 1.105

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.106

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 D••XXVII.
• * 1.107

  Anno. Dom. DXXX.
• * 1.108

  Anno Dom. DXXXIV.
• * 1.109

  Anno Dom. DXXXVI.
• * 1.110

  Anno Dom. DXXXVIII.
• * 1.111

  Anno Dom. DXL.
• * 1.112

  Anno Dom. DXLII.
• * 1.113

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.114

  Ann. DXLIV.
• * 1.115

  Anno Dom. DXLIV.
• * 1.116

  Anno Dom. DXLIV.
• * 1.117

  Anno Dom. DXLIV.
• * 1.118

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.119

  Anno Dom. DLXVII.
• * 1.120

  W••ll. Malm. lib. 1. cap. 3.
• * 1.121

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.122

  Ann. DLVI.
• * 1.123

  Anno Dom. DLX.
• * 1.124

  Sax. An.
• * 1.125

  Anno Dom. DLXV.
• * 1.126

  Lib. 3. c. 4.
• * 1.127

  Ibid.
• * 1.128

  Cap. 16. p. 367.
• * 1.129

  Anno Dom. DLXV.
• * 1.130

  Cap. 5.
• * 1.131

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.132

  Ibid. cap. 5, 6, 8.
• * 1.133

  Sax. Ann.
• * 1.134

  An. DLXVII.
• * 1.135

  Anno Dom. DLXVIII.
• * 1.136

  Anno Dom. DLXIX.
• * 1.137

  Anno Dom. DLXX.
• * 1.138

  Anno Dom. DLXXI.
• * 1.139

  Anno Dom. DLXXV.
• * 1.140

  Vid. Will. Malmesb. l. 1. H. Huntingd. l. 2.
• * 1.141

  Anno Dom. DLXXVII.
• * 1.142

  Anno Dom. DLXXVII.
• * 1.143

  Anno Dom. DLXXXI.
• * 1.144

  Anno Dom. DLXXXI.
• * 1.145

  Anno Dom. DLXXXIV.
• * 1.146

  Anno Dom. DLXXXV.
• * 1.147

  Anno Dom. DLXXXVIII.
• * 1.148

  Anno Dom. DLXXXVIII.
• * 1.149

  Lib. 9.
• * 1.150

  Anno Dom. DXCI.
• * 1.151

  Anno Dom. DXCII.
• * 1.152

  Anno Dom. DXCIII.
• * 1.153

  Mat. Wes••m in hoc Anno.
• * 1.154

  Anno Dom. DXCVI.
• * 1.155

  Anno Dom. DXCVII.
• * 1.156

  Vid Uss••r•••• Br••∣t••in. Eccles. An∣tiqiut. cap. 5.12, 13.