The six voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, Baron of Aubonne through Turky, into Persia and the East-Indies, for the space of forty years : giving an account of the present state of those countries, viz. of the religion, government, customs, and commerce of every country, and the figures, weight, and value of the money currant all over Asia : to which is added A new description of the Seraglio / made English by J.P. ; added likewise, A voyage into the Indies, &c. by an English traveller, never before printed ; publish'd by Dr. Daniel Cox

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE PERSIAN TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER: BEING A Politick and Historical Description of PERSIA: With the ROADS FROM ISPAHAN to ORMUS. (Book 5)

CHAP. I. The Genealogy of the Kings of Persia, of the last Race.

AFter that Tamerlane had extended his Conquests into Asia, and de∣feated the Army of Bajazet, whom he took Prisoner, together with his Wife, he return'd into Persia, where at that time liv'd a Cheik, whose name was Aidar, a person in high reputation for his Holi∣ness. He was a person of great wit, and the first in the dignities of the Law, which gain'd him great authority and belief among the people. He gave great honour to Tamerlane, and shew'd Eminent kindnesses to all the Officers of his Ar∣my; in recompence whereof, Tamerlane, who was a generous Prince, and full of gratitude, made a Present to the Cheik of a great number of Captives, which he brought along with him out of Turky. The Cheik planted one part of these Slaves about Ardevile, and seated the other near his own residence. Now in regard he assum'd to himself to be descended in a direct line from Maho∣met, he cover'd his head after another manner then all the rest of the Persians, wearing a kind of flat Bonnet, growing broader and broader to the top, and so pleighted, as to make twelve Pleights of a Ruff, in honour of the twelve Pro∣phets. In the middle, a kind of a Pyramid about a fingers length seem'd to rise out of the Bonnet, but was indeed sow'd to it. Such a Bonnet as this the Cheik appointed all the Slaves to wear that Tamerlane had giv'n him, and this is that which at this day distinguishes their Successors from the other Persians. And it is the custom, where Kans or Governours of Provinces reside, that all the Sophies both in the City and the neighbouring parts, meet in the Piazza every Friday in the afternoon, where they pray to God for the health of the King and the Kan, and for the prosperity of the Kingdom; after which the Kan sends

them Victuals to eat, not without some other effects of his Liberality.

The Cheiks Sons considering of what a number of Slaves they were Masters, and that the greatest part of the people, prepossess'd in favour of their Father, out of the opinion they had of his Sanctity, took their part; the more pow∣erfully to engage them, shew'd themselves liberal to all, and when they found themselves strong enough, revolted against Alamout King of Persia, their law∣ful Soveraign. After many Skirmishes, at length they gave him Battel near to Tauris, wherein Azimout was defeated, and slain by the hand of Ismael Sophi, the Cheiks third Son, who is properly to be accounted the first King of that Race: I mean of the Race of them that did not embrace the Alcoran, but according to the Interpretation of Haly, Mahomets Son-in-Law.

To Ismael Sophi succeeded Sha-Tammas his Son, and to Sha-Tammas Sha-Ismael the second, who reign'd but a short while; for his cruelties constrain'd the Nobility of the Country to set up in his room Mahomet-Coda bendé his Bro∣ther; though little skill'd in the affairs of Government or War. Many thought he was blind, but he was only dim-sighted, through the application of a hot Iron to his eyes, by the Command of his unnatural Brother in the beginning of his reign. He was the Father of Sha Abbas, that succeeded him, who setl'd the affairs of Persia in a very good condition.

Sha Abbas the first, by his Valour and good Conduct gain'd the name of Great. When he came to his Throne, upon the North and West side he found nothing in his power but the City of Casbin; but afterwards, as he was a per∣sonage of great wit as well as courage, partly by policy, and partly by force, he recover'd several Provinces to the West, and conquer'd the Kingdoms of Lar, Ormus, and Candahar.

Of many Sons that Sha-Abbas had, not one surviv'd but only Sophi-Mirza, a Prince of great wit, and dextrous at his Arms. All the people lov'd him, which made his Father jealous of him, that he waited for his death to ascend the Throne. And that which augmented his jealousie was, for that one day being a hunting, Sophi-Mirza drew the first arrow at a Boar; it being a capital crime in Persia to shoot before the King. However Sha Abbas for the time conceal'd his displeasure, unwilling to fly out in fury against the Prince, in regard he had no more Sons. But Sophi-Mirza having had a Son by a Slave, which pleas'd him, Sha Abbas's joy encreasing as the Child grew, his jea∣lousie also daily encreas'd against the Father of the young Prince; so that being no longer able to dissemble his fear, he caus'd his eyes to be put out. Nay his jealousie went a great way farther; for he now fear'd the blind Prince, and having therefore resolv'd his death, he commanded a Lord of the Court to bring him his head. The Lord in an astonishment refus'd to obey the King, and be∣sought him rather to take away his life, than to constrain him to embrue his hands in the blood of his Prince. The King offended at him for his refusal ba∣nish'd him his Court; and the next day gave the same command to another Lord, who without any scruple put it in execution, and brought him the head of his Son in a Bason of Gold. That object of pity brought him to himself; so that not being able to look upon so sad a spectacle without tears in his eyes, upbraiding the villany of the Lord, he expell'd him from his sight, forbad him his presence for ever, and sequesterd all his estate, only allowing him a Mamoudi, or nine French Sous a day. The other Lord, who had so ge∣nerously refus'd to aid him in so bloody an act, the King recall'd from Exile, and bestow'd upon him one of the best Governments of the Empire.

Ever since that time all the Male Children of the Blood Royal are shut up in the Womens Haram, where they are bred up in ignorance, having only two or three Eunuchs to teach them to write and read, and to keep them company in their recreations, whether it be in shooting with a Bow, or riding about the Gardens upon an Ass; for they never allow'em a Horse: besides that all that time they are never permitted to see the people. In this manner it was that Sha Abbas bred up his little Grandson, many days causing him to take Opium to render him more stupid. So that when he came to the Throne, after his Grand∣fathers death, the Physiicians thought it convenient that he should drink Wine, to restore his natural heat, and renew his vigor. Sha Abbas reign'd forty years,

and dy'd at the end of the year 1628. Before he dy'd, he gave command, that he should be bury'd in some place unknown to all the world; and that they should set his Grandchild upon his Throne, and give him the name of Sha-Sefi.

So soon as Sha Abbas's eyes were clos'd, the General of the Horse, and the chief Captain of the Harquebusses, with whom the Commands were left, rode in all haste to Ispahan, and coming to the Palace, desir'd to speak with the Mo∣ther of the Child. The Mother was in a sad affright, believing that they came to put the young Prince to death. But when they had dissipated her fears, and that she understood that they came to set him upon the Throne by the command of his Grandfather, she embrac'd the young Prince, and return'd him into the hands of the Eunuchs. When he was come out of the Haram, the two Lords, attended by several others, saluted him King, and acknowledg'd him for their Soveraign. At the same time they took off his Clothes and tore them, which in Persia is a mark of mourning; and according to custom, put him on another plain Garment, which he wore till midnight. Then they disrob'd him again, and put him on his Royal Robes, and set him upon the Throne, where all the Lords came and did him homage, and the next day he was acknowledg'd by all the Acclamations of the people. For when the Royal Habit is put upon the new King, the Drums, Trumpets, Timbrels, Hautboys, and other Instru∣ments, make a din in a peculiar place of the Meydan appointed for that purpose. Which is the Signal to give notice to the people to meet the next morning, to acknowledg the new King. Sha-Sefi for many years was a Novice in the art of Government. But time opening his eyes, the first remarkable thing which he did, being at Casbin, was to cut off the head of Ali-Kouli-Kan, that great Captain who had conquer'd the Kingdoms of Lar and Ormus for Sha Abbas; and the heads of three of his Sons. After that, returning to Ispahan, he cut off the heads of seven of the principal Lords of his Court; and by little and little took the Government into his own hands. Of those Lords whom Jani-Kan was the chief.

For 'tis thought that Sha Abbas had left a private order with Mirza Také, and the Dowager Sultaness, to rid themselves of those Lords so soon as Sha-Sefi should be setl'd in his Throne, and that they had plac'd Governors in all places where in the King might confide. These Lords having smoak'd the private order of Sha-Abbas, and believing that the time of execution drew near, prevented the Athemadoulet Mirza Také; for meeting one morning before the Palace-door, they kill'd the Porter, and entring his Bed-Chamber, stab'd him before he could rise. After this execution, they went to the King, whom Jani-Kan boldly told, that they had slain Mirza Také. The King at that time dissembling his anger at so bold an enterprize, and an attempt upon the Royal Authority, answer'd him, that he had done very well, and that he had prevented those orders which he intended to have giv'n him. The Sultaness his Mother then govern'd the King∣dom, together with the Athemadoulet, from whom she receiv'd four hundred Ducats in Gold every day for her little pleasures; and held a private Coun∣cil with him in her Haram, where he had free admission, as being cut close. In this Council it was, that these two persons overthrew in the night whatever the Lords concluded in the day; chang'd the Kings mind, and over-rul'd his thoughts as they pleas'd themselves, by vertue of that power which they had over him. Eight or nine days after, as these Lords were sitting in Council with the King, an Eunuch enter'd, which was the signal for the King to get out of the way; and as soon as the King was gone, the Chamber was fill'd with Eunuchs, that rushing in immediately fell upon Jani-Kan and his Accomplices, and cut off their heads. Their heads and bodies were immediately expos'd to the view of the people in the Meydan; and for that it is not the custom in Persia to take any cognizance of what the King does, the most part of the people, spurning the heads with their feet, cry'd one to another, See the heads of those Dogs that have disobey'd the will of the King.

I told ye, that Mirza Také was clean cut; which occasions a particular story: He was Governour of Guilan in the Reign of Sha Abbas, and having abus'd one of his Pages, the young Ladd stole secretly to Ispahan, and made his com∣plaint

to the King; who having heard it, immediately sent him to be Go∣vernour of Guilan, in the place of Mirza Také, and order'd him to send him his head by one of the Officers, which he dispatch'd along with him. The King also, in regard the Page was very young, appointed him a person able to advise him in his affairs. In the mean while Mirza Také missing his Page, and making no question but he was gone to make his complaint to the King, which would of necessity prove his ruin, if not prevented; he resolv'd to di∣vert the storm by punishing himself, and caus'd that part to be cut clean off that committed the crime. At the same time, and in that bad condition where∣in he then was, he caus'd himself to be put into a Litter, and taking his Chi∣rurgeon along with him, he gets to Ispahan by another way which was not usually travel'd, for fear of meeting the Page, and causing himself to be car∣ry'd into the Palace in that pitiful and languishing estate, desir'd to speak with the King, who was surpriz'd at his arrival. But the Kan having presented him in a Plate of Gold with the undoubted marks of his repentance, besought his Majesties pardon. Whereupon the King considering the rigor and extraor∣dinary punishment which he had inflicted upon himself, sent him back to his Govern∣ment, and recall'd the Page, whom he otherways gratifi'd. And this was the man whom Sha Abbas upon his Death-bed order'd that Sha-Sefi should make Athemadoulet, as being the fittest for the employment of any person in his Kingdom.

Sha-Sefi not content to have rid himself of the Lords that had presum'd to invade his Authority, was resolv'd to have the head of Ali-merdan-Kan, Go∣vernour of Candahar; of whom he was jealous, by reason of his vast riches, his Plate being all Gold, and his House as magnificently furnish'd as the Kings. But the King could not bring about his design; for the Kan being press't to come to Court, and believing it was only to take away his head, to free himself from the danger, deliver'd Candahar to the Great Mogul, by whom he was kindly entertain'd, and highly caress'd. Neither was Ali-merdan-Kan's wealth of his own getting, but left him by inheritance, as being descended from the ancient Kings of Candahar, who were originally Tartars. Now whatever favours or ad∣vancement the Great Mogul bestow'd upon Ali-merdan-Kan, the same did the Persian King bestow upon his two Sons; whereas all the world believ'd, that after such a piece of Treason committed by their Father, the King would have ript up their bellies. This piece of policy of Sha-Sefi was very advantageous to Sha-Abbas the second, when he besieg'd Candahar with fifty thousand men. For the greatest part of the Moguls Army being compos'd of Persians, they remembring how kindly Sha-Sefi had us'd the two Sons of Ali-merdan-Kan, made little resistance against the King of Persia, who enter'd Candahar in a small time. The Great Mogul troubl'd at the loss, ask'd Ali-merdan-Kan, by what means he might retake Candahar; who presently made answer, that it would be very easie, if he could find such another Traytor as he had been.

But to return to Sha-Sefi; his Reign was very violent, of which I will give you this Example:

One day the King returning from the Kelonters House in Zulpha, having drank to excess, commanded that the Sultaness should come to him; who un∣derstanding that he was in drink, made no great haste, so that the King in the mean time fell asleep. But waking again soon after, and not seeing the Queen, he call'd for her a second time; of which when she had notice, she came im∣mediately. When she came into the Chamber, she perceiv'd the King asleep, and in expectation of his waking, hid her self in a Nich behind the Hangings; where generally the Mattresses and Coverlets are laid by. The King waking, and not yet perceiving the Sultaness, in a great chafe demanded why she was not yet come. The Queen-Mother, who was a Georgian Slave, and mortally hated the young Sultaness, who was the Daughter of the King of Georgia, and therefore disdain'd by her, took an occasion to put her out of the Kings fa∣vour; and having first spok'n ill of her, made a sign to the King to let him understand that the young Queen was hid in such a Nich. Upon that the King rising in a great fury, stab'd the poor Princess with his Dagger four or five times in the belly, and hardly knowing what he had done, went to bed again. The

next day, forgetful of the fact, he call'd for the Queen; but when they told him what had happen'd, he began to be deeply sensible of his error, and sor∣row'd excessively; and at the same time sent an express order through his Ter∣ritories, that no man should drink Wine, and that the Governours should break all the Wine-Vessels wherever they found any, and spill the Wine. But this order did not last above a year.

During the Reign of Sha-Sefi, the Kan of Erivan sent him a Colt, which I saw, which was begot by a Mule. Not long after the King dy'd of a Surfet, with excess of drink ing, after he had reign'd fourteen years.

Sha Abbas the second was set upon the Throne at Casbin, with the usual Ceremonies, at the end of the year 1642, and made his entry into Ispahan in the beginning of the year following. Upon the day of the Solemnity all the Citizens were order'd to be in Arms, and to march out of the City, where they were fil'd off upon each side of the Road. In the same manner were all the standing Infantry and Cavalry rang'd for five Leagues together. All the Road for two Leagues together without the City was cover'd with Tissues of Gold and Silver, with Carpets of Silk, and other rich Stuffs; all which costs the King nothing. For the Sha-Bander, who is like our Mayor, takes care to tax every one what he is to furnish toward that Solemnity. The English and Hollanders went also forth to meet the King; among whom I was one. When we came near the King, Jani-Kan, General of the Cavalry, gave the King notice who we were. Whereupon we all alighted, and the King holding his Leg stretcht out of his Stirrup, we all kiss'd his Boot. When he came where the way began to be spread with rich Carpets, he found the Grand Mufti and the Grand Cadi, at∣tended by a great number of Moullahs, who made a Prayer after their man∣ner. Prayers being ended, the King rode on, the Athemadoulet being on the left hand, which is the most honourable, and the General of the Cavalry on the right, yet not even with him, but so as that their Horses heads reach'd to the Crupper of his. There was no person but the King that rode over the Tissue, that Honour belonging to him alone; nor is the way spread above the breadth of the Stuff; and as soon as the King is pass'd over it, the people fall to scram∣bling, and carry away every one what they can get for themselves.

About a quarter of a League from Ispahan is a Garden, with a Great Room over the Gate, where the King made a halt, thinking to have made his Entry into the City. But an Astrologer came to him, and told him, that the hour was past, and that he must tarry three days before the hour would prove pro∣pitious again. So that he was constrain'd to betake himself to the Garden of He∣zardgerib till the time came; whither the Nobility also were all forc'd to come be∣times in the morning, and to stay till the evening. The day that the King made his Entry, the way from the Garden to the City was also spread with Carpets. For three days together the Fire-works play'd in the Meydan; and round the Piazza from top to bottom were lights hung out; and in the prin∣cipal Inns, the richest Merchants had adorn'd the Doors and Windows of their Chambers, according to the Mode of the Country; and I believe it cost the Chief of the Holland Company, above nine hundred Tomans.

In the year 1643, came the Prince of the Usbecks in person to desire aid of Sha Abbas against his Children, who had caus'd his own Subjects to rebel and make war against him. His eldest Son first took Arms, and getting the advan∣tage of a Battel, the other Brother treacherously took part with him; which nothing dismay'd the Father, to whom the chief of the Nobility still adher'd. Toward the end of the year 1642, the Prince lost another Battel and his left eye, which was shot thorough with an Arrow; which constrain'd him, so soon as he was cur'd of his wound, to come and crave succour from the King of Persia; which he easily obtain'd. Sha Abbas designing to receive him honou∣rably sent above ten thousand Horse as far as Cashan, which is four days jour∣ney from Ispahan, and five or six thousand Foot two days journey from thence to meet him. Every day he was attended by different Officers. Every day they set him up a new Tent, and spread new Carpets; and every day chang'd the twelve Horses that were led before him, whose furniture was all over cover'd with Jewels. For a League and a half from the City the way was spread with

all sorts of Silk Stuffs to the very Palace; and the King of Persia went him∣self to meet him, as far as where the Stuffs were begun to be laid. Though Sha Abbas was very young, yet he was resolv'd to shew, that he look'd upon himself as a potent King in the peaceable possession of his own Dominions, and that he went to meet a dethron'd Prince, that came to desire his Aid. For so soon as he perceiv'd the King of the Tartars, he made a shew of spurring on his Horse; and being come up to his Horses head, he put his foot out of the Stir∣rup, as if he intended to have alighted, but did not. The Tartarian Prince, as old as he was, presently leap't to the ground from his Saddle to salute the Persian King, who return'd him some slight Compliments about his having alighted; at which time the Athemadoulet and other Lords remounting him, the two Kings rode together upon the Silks, the King of Persia giving the left hand to the Tartar. The King of Persia very generously lent him a considerable assistance of 15000 Horse, and 8000 Foot, and sixty thousand Tomans in Mo∣ney. The Tartar in Exchange gave him one of his Provinces bordering upon Persia, which yeilded him a very good Revenue, in regard the Inhabitants were all Shepherds, or Turcomans, that breed an infinite number of Cattel, where∣in the wealth of that Province consists.

While he reign'd, he had a present made him from the Governour of Schiras, of a wild Ass, whose Skin was as red as Scarlet, having a Horn growing out of his forehead about a foot long.

Sha Abbas reign'd about twenty-four years, and dy'd at Tehzon, of an in∣flammation in his throat, which came by excessive drinking. His body by his own order was buri'd at Kour. So soon as he was dead, the Lords that were about him, sent advice of his death to the Prince that now reigns, by the To∣pigi-Basha, who is General of the Musqueteers, and Mirza Bayad the Cheif of the Astrologers. So soon as they came to the door of the Haram, they de∣sir'd to speak with the Mother and the Son; who believ'd them come upon some dismal design. But they presently confirm'd them to the contrary. For as soon as the Prince came forth of the Haram, they fell at his feet, and saluted him King, declaring the death of his Father. Whereupon the Prince imme∣diately tore his Garment according to the custom. And indeed they have ano∣ther custom, that as soon as the new Prince comes after much entreaty out of the Haram, he throws himself to the ground, at the door of the Haram, and then rising and sitting upon his heels, one of the Lords that are sent, girds the Scimiter about his waste, saying these words, May it please your Majesty to remember your Slave, that had the Honour to grid you with this Scimiter. Which done, he goes and sets the Trumpets a sounding, and the Drums beating, where∣upon all the people in the morning come running to the Gate of the Palace, crying out, Patsha Salamalek, I salute thee Emperor. Which is all the Cere∣mony us'd when any King of Persia ascends the Throne. For I never saw any Crown set upon the head either of Sha Abbas or Sha Sefi. Only in Persia they gird on the Scimiter, as in Turky they put on the Bonnet of the Sophi's, which is very richly set with Jewels, but has not the least resemblance of a Crown. The same Ceremony of girding on the Scimiter, is us'd to the Mogul, the Kings of Visapour and Golconda; and they also put the Bonnet upon their heads, which is set with the richest Jewels in the possession of those great Monarchs.

Sha-Sefi the second, some time after his coming to the Throne, fell dange∣rously sick, not having ever enjoy'd a perfect health before. Now it is the custom in those Countries, that upon such an occasion all the Lords of the Court, and Governors of Provinces, give a sum of money, according to their willingness and liberality. This sum is usually in Gold, which they put into a Bason very richly set with pretious Stones, and bear it three times over the Kings head, pro∣nouncing these words, Patsha Bashena Olson, This money is sacrific'd for the health of the Kings head. If the King recover all that money is giv'n to the poor, to which the King and his Haram add very liberally. But if the King dies, the money is put into the Treasury, and the poor have nothing. The twentieth of August 1667, was the critical day of his distemper, and every one thought he would have dy'd. Upon which all the Grandees of the Court seeing him in that condition, went to the Mosquee call'd Babaron, which is without the City, to

pray for his health, and altogether gave near a thousand Tomans to the poor. The next day they commanded the Christian Armenians to pray for the reco∣very of the King. Whereupon as well the Ecclesiasticks as the Laity went to their prayers upon the side of the River which is between Ispahan and Zulpha. They also sent their Kelonter, with fifty Tomans in Gold, to bear over the Kings head; though the Armenians pronounce not the same words as the Persians, saying only, Berai te Sadduk, destin'd for Alms.

Thus the danger being over in a few days, they made it their business to re∣cover him to a perfect habit of health; but in regard the King continu'd in a languishing condition, and for that the Physicians could not discover the cause of the distemper, the King began to beleive that it proceeded from the igno∣rance of the Physicians; for which reason some of them had receiv'd none of the best entertainment already. At length it came into the thoughts of some others of the Physicians, who were afraid for themselves, that in regard Persia was thus doubly afllicted, with Famine and the Sickness of the King, both at one time, it must of necessity be the Astrologers fault, that miss'd the favourable hour when the King should have ascended the Throne. Thus being troubl'd at their disgrace, pretending to have no less skill in future knowledg than the Astrologers, who had not chos'n a true time for the King to ascend the Throne, they concluded that for the perfect recovery of his health, and the restoring of plenty to the Nation, it was necessary to renew the Ceremony at a lucky hour, and to change his name. This proposition pleas'd the King and his Council. The Physitians and Astrologers joining together, observ'd the first unlucky day, which would certainly be follow'd by another that would prove fortunate. Now there being among the Gaures, some that pretend themselves descended from the Rustans, who were ancient Kings of Persia and Parthia, that very morning one of those Gaures setting himself upon the Throne, with his back against a wooden Figure which represented him to the life, all the Grandees of the Court came and did him homage as their King, as he had order'd them to do. This action lasted till the favourable hour was come, which happen'd a little before Sun-set. Then it was that an Officer of the Court came behind and cut off the head of the wooden Figure, while the Gaure immediately took his heels and fled. Presently upon that the King appear'd in the Hall, upon whose head when they had put the Bonnet of Sophi, and re-girt him with the Scimitar, he ascend∣ed the Throne, and took the name of Soliman. He was forc'd to act this Co∣medy to satisfie the Law, which contriv'd that he should change his Name, and take a new possession of his Throne, by ejecting a Usurper that had wrong∣fully claim'd it. For which reason the Gaure was set up as Pretender, as laying claim to the ancient Lineage of the Persian Kings, and being of a different Religion. From that time the King recovering, and the Famine decreasing, the Physicians were in great repute, and the Astrologers were cast out of fa∣vour, except two or three of the most skilful.

Sha-Soliman before his coming to the Crown, had convers'd with none but Women and black Eunuchs; from whom he could not learn the art of Ruling. At present he only divertizes himself with his Wives in going a hunting, very rarely troubling himself with business, but relying wholly upon his Ministers of State. He will not be seen for ten or twelve days together; all which time there are no Petitions to be preferr'd, nor Complaints to be made.

CHAP. II. Of certain particular Actions which denote the Vertues and Vices of the Kings of Persia, from Sha Abbas the first to Sha-Soliman the present King. And first of Sha-Abbas the Great.

SHa-Abbas, who was a passionate Lover of Honour, sought all ways ima∣ginable to furnish his Empire with the supports of wealth and good Government. He would not suffer any Indian or Banian to live as a Trader in his Dominions; they having crept in since under the Reigns of Sha-Sefi the first, and Sha-Abbas the second, who came very young to the Throne. Neither had Sha-Abbas any reason to permit them to trade in his Kingdom; for they are worse Usurers than the Jews, and seldom it happens, but that they have all the Money in the Nation, which they take up at nine or ten in the hundred, and let out again upon pawns at two and a half per Cent. a month. From such devou∣ring Pests and Vipers as these, Sha-Abbas thought it but reasonable to preserve his people; so that before these Vermin crept into Persia, the Money was all in the hands of the Armenians of Zulpha. And indeed those Banians have been the ruin of many poor people, of which I will only bring one example among many.

I was at Ispahan in the year 1662, when one of those Banians lent six or seven Tomans per Cent. a month to a poor Persian, who had utter'd several pieces of Linnen upon the place. Those Banians will have their interest paid every month; but the Persian had slipt three or four, having no Money to pay, in regard his Debtor could not pay him. Thereupon the Banian dunn'd him perpetually, and threaten'd to have him drub'd till he pay'd it, according to the Persian custom. The Mother of the Persian troubl'd to see her Son haunt∣ed in that manner, one morning as he was going to the Meydan, bid him, if he met the Banian, that he should be sure to bring him home, and she would pay him his interest, and some of the principal, with some Money that she had sav'd of her own. Toward evening the Banian met his Debtor, whom he rea∣dily follow'd home upon promise of payment. The Mother desir'd him to set upon the Coursi, which is the place where they make their fires, it being cold snowy weather, and set fruits before him to eat. While he thus eat and warm'd himself, night came on apace, and the woman putting him in hopes of payment, spun out the time so long, that the Banian not being unaccustom'd to cold wea∣ther and late hours, was easily perswaded to stay all night at the Persians House. When 'twas time to go to bed, the Banian threw himself upon one Quilt, and the Persian upon another. About two hours after midnight, the Mother comes sostly into the Chamber, with a sharp Razor in her hand, intending to have cut off the Banians head; but unfortunately mistaking, kill'd her own Son in∣stead of the Banian. The Banian having had such an escape, stole cunningly out of the House, and declaring the murther to the Divan-bequé, or the Chief Justice, He caus'd the woman to be apprehended, and brought before him; who con∣fessing the fact, he commanded her to be ty'd to the tail of a young Mule, and to be dragg'd about the City till the Mule had kick'd her to death.

In the year 1667, eight or ten days before I departed from Ispahan, there was a Banian found buri'd in a Street near the Capuchins house; they had cut off his arms and legs, and so put him into the hole; but buri'd him so shallow that the Dogs scrap'd away the Earth, and discover'd him; but who committed the fact, was not then known.

Sha Abbas was not only willing that all the trade should be in the hands of his Subjects, to make profit thereby, and to draw the Money into his King∣dom, but he would not suffer it to be transported when it was brought in. He saw that the Pilgrimages of his Subjects to Mecca, their Expences and Pre∣sents carry'd out abundance of his Ducats of Gold; therefore more politick than religious, he strove to hinder those Pilgrimages as much as in him lay; and

going himself in person to Meshed in Pilgrimage to the Tomb of Iman-rez al∣ready spoken of, over which one of the Legs of Mahomets Camel hangs as a a great Relict; and upon his return relating and giving out strange Miracles of Iman-rez, on purpose to divert his Subjects from going to Mecca.

Among the rest of the cunning knacks that Sha-Abbas made use of, to know how squares went in his Kingdom, without trusting too much to his Ministers, he oft'n disguis'd himself, and went about the City like an ordinary inhabi∣tant, under pretence of buying and selling, making it his business to discover whether Merchants us'd false weights or measures or no. To this intent one evening going out of his Palacein the habit of a Countryman, he went to a Bakers to buy a Man of Bread, and thence to a Cook to buy a Man of Rost-meat, (a Man is six Pound, sixteen Ounces to the Pound). The King having bought his Bar∣gains return'd to Court, where he caus'd the Athemadoulet to weigh both the Bread and the Meat exactly. He found the Bread to want fifty-seven Drams, and the Meat forty-three. The King seeing that, fell into a great chase against three or four of them that were about him, whose business it was to look after thos things; but especially against the Governour of the City, whose Belly he had caus'd to have been ript up, but for the intercession of certain Lords. Besides the reproaches that he threw upon them for being so negligent in their Employments; and for their little affection to the publick good, he laid before them the injustice of false weights; and how sadly the cheat fell upon poor men, who having great Families, and thinking to give them eight hundred Drams of Bread, by that fraud depriv'd them of a hun∣dred and forty three. Then turning to the Lords that were present, he de∣manded of them, what sort of justice ought to be done those people? When none of them daring to open their mouths, while he was in that passion, he com∣manded a great Oven to be made in the Piazza, together with a Spit long enough to roast a man; and that the Oven should be heated all night, and that they should make another fire to be kindl'd hard by the Oven. The next morning the King caus'd the Baker and the Cook to be apprehended, and to be led quite thorough the City, with two men going before them, who cry'd to the people, We are going to put the Baker into a red hot Oven made in the Piazza, where he is to be bak'd alive, for having utter'd Bread by false weights; and the Cook is to be roasted alive, for having sold meat by false weights. Thus those two men serv'd for an example not only to Ispahan, but to all the Kingdom, where every one dreaded the severe justice of Sha-Abbas.

CHAP. III. Of what fell out most memorable in the Reign of Sha-Sefi the first; and particularly of the death of Iman-Kouli-Kan, and his three Sons.

I Man-Kouli-Kan was the last Kan of Schiras, whose Government extended over the Province of Lar, to the Golf of Persia, under the Reign of Sha-Abbas; these Kans being the most potent in all Persia. Iman-Kouli-Kan was he who in the Reign of Sha-Abbas conquer'd the greatest part of the Kingdom of Lar, and the Kingdom of Ormus, with all the Coast of the Per∣sian Golf, from Cape Jasques to Balsara.

This Iman-Kouli-Kan was prodigiously rich, belov'd and respected by all the world; besides he was wonderfully magnificent, his expences almost equalling the Kings; which occasion'd Sha-Abbas, who discours'd with him one day parti∣cularly upon that Subject, to tell him, that he desir'd him to spend every day one Mamoudy less than he, that there might be some difference between the expences of a King and a Kan.

The noble qualities of this Iman-Kouli-Kan had gain'd the affections of the people; for he was magnificent and liberal; highly recompenc'd brave Soldiers and Students; he lov'd Strangers, and had a particular care to cherish Arts and Sciences. To which purpose he built a fair Colledg at Schiras, for the in∣struction of Youth; and several Inns, as well in the City as upon the Road, for the benefit of Travellers. He caus'd Mountains to be cut thorough to shor∣ten the way; and join'd others by Bridges, of such an adventurous Structure, that it is hard to conjecture how such prodigious Arches could be made over such vast Precipices and Torrents.

Now in regard Iman-Kouli-Kan was strick'n in years, he seldom went to Court, chusing rather to continue in his Government, where he was belov'd and respected by all men. But the King being young, and the Government of the Kingdom in the hands of the Queen-Mother and the Athemadoulet, who were extreamly jealous of the Kan, those two persons link'd together in interest for the maintenance of the Kings Authority and their own, fretted to see the Kan's Court almost as splendid as the Kings; and that nothing of the Reve∣nue of Schiras, Lar, Ormus, or any part of the Persian Golf came to the Kings Coffers, as being solely at the disposal of the Kan; but that on the contrary, the King was oblig'd to send him Money to pay the Army. But that which troubled the Queen-Mother most of all, was the pretention of the Kan's eldest Son to the Crown, whowas also a person of a daring and ambitious courage. For the Kings of Persia esteem it a great Honour to bestow upon any Kan or great Lord, one of their Wives out of their Royal Haram; and Sha-Abbas had given to Iman-Kouli-Kan one of his own proper Wives, whom he lov'd extreamly. 'Tis thought that when she left the Haram she was three months gone with Child by Sha-Abbas, for somewhat above six months after she was bedded by the Kan, she lay-in of a Son, of which the King was the reputed Father, and who being born before Sha-Sefi, pretended a right before him to the Throne. By vertue of this claim, contrary to the will of Sha-Abbas in favour of Sha-Sefi, this ambitious Lord, who only pass'd for the Kan's eldest Son, vehemently sollicited his Father to seize upon Sha-Sefi, and to make him∣self King, or at least to op'n a way for him to the Throne. Now it happen'd, that one day being a hunting with the young King near Schiras, the impatient young Lord coming to his Father; Sir, said he, see now the opportunity that offers you the Throne; for I will go presently and bring you Sha-Sefi's head. But the Kan holding his Son by the Arm, told him, that he would never con∣sent to the death of his King; protesting to him, rather to dye a thousand deaths; adding withall, that it was the Kings will to appoint Sha-Sefi to suc∣ceed him, as being the Son of his Son, and consequently his lawful Heir; that

the young Prince was recommended to his care, and in regard he had pro∣mis'd and sworn, he was so far from falsifying his trust, that he would main∣tain his possession to the last gasp.

This generous resolution of the Kan broke the young Lords design upon the Kings person. However the Sultaness being not ignorant of the train that was laid for the young King, and against the repose of the Kingdom, thought it her wisest way to prevent the blow, and to rid her self of such persons as had conspir'd the death of the King. The Kan's two other Sons took part with him they call'd their elder Brother. And as for the Kan himself, though he were upright in his Loyalty, yet his power, his wealth, his reputation among the Souldiery, and the affection that the people bare him, concurr'd together not only to render him suspected, but guilty. The Sultaness and the Athemadoulet took counsel together, which way to divert the storm that threaten'd the Kings head, to whom they represented, that he was not safe in his own person so long as Iman-Kouli-Kan and his three eldest Sons liv'd. The King easily be∣liev'd them, and resolv'd to be rid both of Father and Sons together; but the difficulty was to get 'em to Court, wherein opportunity it self assisted them. For at that time Amurath the Great Turk at the head of a vast Ar∣my, was already advanc'd within the Confines of Persia, had tak'n Erivan, and had ruin'd Tauris. Upon the first news of this march the King sends for all the Kans and Governours to attend his person, with all the Forces under their command. Among the rest, the Kan of Schiras receiv'd the same orders; who thereupon assembl'd all his Troops, both Horse and Foot, who were not only the most numerous, but the best disciplin'd and stoutest Souldiers of all Persia. As he was upon his march to Casbin with his three Sons, the eldest having well consider'd of affairs; Sir, said he, We are making hast to the King, to the end our heads may the sooner fall at our feet. Perhaps my Son, reply'd the Kan, thou maist speak the truth; but to this day I never was a Rebel against the King, I have done whatever he commanded, and whatever may happ'n I will obey him till death. The Kan arriving at Casbin, was by the King welcom'd with great de∣monstrations of joy. Some days after, he took a general Muster, and then made a great Feast which lasted three days, to which all the great Lords and Kans that were at Casbin were call'd. The three Sons of Iman-Kouli-Kan were of the number; but the Father excus'd himself, as well by reason of his age, as also representing to his Majesty, that it better befitted him to employ his time in taking care of his affaires, and in praying for his Majesty; however if it were his Majesties express command, he would not fail to obey; to which the King return'd for answer, that the Kan of Schiras was at his liberty to do as he thought fit. The third day of the Feast the King rose from his Seat, and going out of the Hall, without speaking a word to any person, went into a Room hard by. Half an hour after, three sturdy resolute Fellows with some other Ragamuffin attendants, entring the Hall with their Scimeters drawn, seiz'd upon the Kans three Sons, and cut off their heads. They were put into a Gold Bason, and presented to the King; who commanded the Fellows to carry them to their Father, and as soon as he had seen them, to take off his head to make the fourth. The Assassinates found him at his prayers; but being in∣terrupted to see the heads of his three Sons, he desir'd leave only to conclude, which having done, with a countenance undisturb'd, and without any other words or expressions in his mouth than what is usually said among the Per∣sians, Let the Kings will be done, he submitted to a death which he might have easily avoided. The four heads were brought back to the King, to be sent into the Haram to his Mother. So soon as he had taken off the heads of the Father and the three Sons, the King dispatch'd away certain Chappars or Cour∣riers, with order to the Lieutenant of the Kan, to put to death all the rest of the Children. The command was obey'd, and they were all put to death, but only two that were at Nurse, whom their Nurses so well conceal'd, that never any tidings could be heard either of the Nurses or of the Children.

After the death of Iman-Kouli-Kan, the Province of Schiras, with its de∣pendances, has been govern'd by a Vizir, who agrees with the King what Rent to pay him yearly. In the years 1665 and 1666, the Vizir gave him fifty

thousand Tomans a year. But in the year 1667, the King abated him eight thousand Tomans, in regard he had taken from him a small part of his Govern∣ment to pleasure a Favourite.

Besides what the Governour of Schiras pays to the King in ready Money, he is oblig'd every year to send him a present of all the rarities that grow on are bred in the Province. These Presents consist in Horses, of which there is the best breed of any Province of Persia. In Granates, Oranges, and Le∣mons, sweet Oils and Waters of several sorts, especially Oil of Roses, with which the women rub their bodies and heads; and the water of a certain Flower that grows upon a tree not much unlike our Willows, which water is call'd Arak-Bilmitshe, which is a great refreshment to those that use it; be∣sides other Oils and Essences which the Governour is oblig'd to present. Yet were he only oblig'd to present the King, the expence might be born well enough; but for fear of being displac'd by any other Favourite, he is con∣strain'd to make Friends of all the other great Lords and Favourites at Court; which there is no way to do, but by continual presents. Whereas the ancient Kans, who were a kind of petty Soveraigns in their Governments, were only wont to send a few Baskets of new Fruits in their season for the service of the Kings Table. To defray this expence, the Governours are forc'd to ty∣rannize over the people; who when they come, as many times they do, two or three Villages together, to complain to the King, are forc'd after long wait∣ing, to return with empty Purses home again, by reason that they who should give them admission, are the only persons that debar them from it; and pa∣tiently to submit to the Extortions of the Vizir; which is a piece of policy pra∣ctis'd likewise by all the other Kans and Governours of the Persian Provinces. As for Sha-Sefi himself, he was very severe, and one whose punishments oft'n amounted to acts of cruelty. One day being a hunting, a poor Countryman appear'd from behind a Rock, with a paper in his hand, being deputed by the Village to make some complaint to the King. But while the poor man cry'd for justice, the King without making any answer, shot two arrows into his body and slew him. That which mov'd Sha-Sefi to this act of cruelty, was because he had some of his Wives with him in company. For then there is no mercy to those poor people that happ'n to be in the way where the King chances to pass by; no not for them that are in the Country round about, where the Eunuchs have order to kill all men they meet. When the King gives notice of his intention to carry his Wives into the Country, this is call'd Courouk; and there is nothing more troublesome nor more inconvenient in the world to the poor people that live in the Villages through which these women are to pass; for upon notice giv'n them, they must leave their Houses for a League or two of either side. When there is a Courouk at Ispahan, let the weather be never so bad, the people must leave their Houses, and if they have no Friends in some distant quarter to retire to, they have no way but to repair to the Moun∣tains. Such is the excess of the jealousie of the Kings of Persia; which indeed derives it self to all his Subjects, who will not permit their women to be seen by any but their own Husbands.

The Persians both men and women are so addicted to take Tobacco, that to take their Tobacco from them, is to take away their lives. So that if the King should prohibit Tobacco for any time, he would lose a good part of his revenue. However Sha-Sefi in a humor having once forbidd'n Tobacco to be taken in any part of his Dominion, his Spies (that are in every City) found in the Indian Inn two rich Merchants of that Nation smoaking their noses. Imme∣diately they were seiz'd, bound, and carry'd to the King, who commanded forth∣with that Justice should be done upon them in the Meidan, which was that they should pour melted lead down their throates till they were dead.

The people thought the King had only intended to have scar'd them, and would have repriev'd them upon the place. Insomuch that four Banians went to the Athemadoulet, and offer'd to pay two thousand Tomans into the Kings Treasury, so that he would be pleas'd to spare the two Merchants lives. The chief Minister made the proposal, but the King falling into a passion, and asking the Atbemadoulet, whether those Indian Dogs thought that a King of Persia would

sell justice, sent a second order for the execution of the Merchants without delay.

The same Sha-Sefi having giv'n command that the Eyes of a young Lord of the Court should be put out, one of the principal Officers of the House being present, and seeing the Executioner prick the eyes of the unfortunate young man with the point of a small knife, shut his own eyes and turn'd away his head, as abhorring such a spectacle. The King perceiving it, and vex'd to see those signs of pity, and a dislike of an act that he approv'd; What, said he in a fury, art thou afraid to punish the wicked? And at the same time com∣manded his eyes to be pull'd out of his head.

It is a custom, that if any man points at the King as he passes along in the Street, or upon the Road, he must lose his hand. One day Sha-Sefi being in the Country, two Merchants of Constantinople were upon the Road, where the King and his Train were to pass. They stopp'd to see the King, and when he came near, one of the Merchants pray'd his Friend that oft'n had seen him, to shew him which was he. The other knowing that only the King wears the Heron tops in his Bonnet, innocently lifted up his hand to distinguish him, by pointing, from the rest of the Lords that follow'd him. For which act two Horsement came presently to him, and cut off his hand with a Scimiter.

CHAP. IV. The tragical and memorable Story of Ralph Sadler, Native of Zurich, in the Reigu of Sha-Sefi, who had retain'd him in his Service.

RAlph Sadler, born in Zurich, was a Watchmaker by Profession, who put him∣self into the service of the Emperors Resident at the Ottoman Court, with whom he went to Constantinople. This man I desir'd to take along with me into Persia; and coming to Ispahan, he set himself to work, and made a small Watch about the bigness of half a Crown; which being a neat piece of work, the English would needs buy, to present it to Iman-Couli-Kan paying the price demanded, which was two hundred Crowns. Iman-Couli-Kan presented it to the King; who was mightily pleas'd with it, in regard it was the least striking Watch that ever had been seen by the King, who therefore carry'd it hanging about his Neck under his Clothes, in a Gold Chain. One day the King happening to wind up his Watch, and turning the Key the wrong way, broke the Fusil, for which he was so much troubl'd, that he sent for the Watch-maker from Ispahan to Casbin; whither when Ralph came, he presently made the Watch as good as ever. The King thus satisfy'd in his work and in his per∣son, order'd him a Pension of thirty Tomans, and Diet for him and a man, and provision for two Horses; commanding him withall to make some new pieces of work. Now a skilful workman in the service of the Persian King, has this advantage, that if he pleases the King, besides his Wages that are duly paid, the King out of his liberality bestows on him a present, which usually amounts to a third part or half his Wages; or else his Wages are rais'd, which is more advantageous than a present.

Ralph was oblig'd every morning to wait upon the King at his rising, to wind up his Watch; and was so much in the Kings favour, that every morn∣ing when he came out of the Kings Chamber, he had a Glass of Wine pre∣sented him, as a mark of esteem. And indeed the King had such an affection for him, that to retain him in his service he often sollicited him to turn Maho∣metan.

The Embassador of Holstein coming to Ispahan, and seeing Ralph so much in favour with the King, endeavour'd to gain his Friendship.

Thus Ralph oft'n keeping company with the Embassadors, and having one time tarry'd till late at night upon the debauch with them, returning home to

his Lodging, where he kept a young Nestorian girl, in the Court of the House met a young Persian, Brother to one of the Kings Porters. The Persian know∣ing himself guilty, and surpriz'd to see Ralph so soon return'd, skip't over the Wall into the Garden and fled. The next day Ralph (who knew who he was) told his Brother of it, and desir'd him to speak to the young Persian not to come any more to his House; for if he did, he must expect what follow'd.

Some days after, the Embassadors treated all the Franks; when Ralph be∣ginning to be warm, call'd the young Persian to mind, and slipping home with∣out taking his leave, open'd the door softly, and found the young Persian again with his Mistris. Thereupon Ralph calling his Slaves to help him, bound his arms, and ty'd him to a Tree in the Court; and so leaving him there, went to bed. By and by one of Ralph's Servants, who knew the Persian, fell a jeering him; which so incens'd the Persian, that he having his feet at liberty, and the fellow within his reach, gave him sach a kick upon the bottom of his belly, that he first swooned away, and then dy'd. The other Slaves seeing him fall, waken'd Ralph with their cries, who thereupon snatching up a Pistol that was charg'd with a brace of Bullets, shot the Persian into the head. The Persian being thus slain, Ralph went in the morning to wind up the Kings Watch; and being ask'd by the King, as he was wont to do, what news in Ispahan, told him plainly what he had done, and the reason why. The King upon his re∣port told him, he had done well according to the strictness of the Country.

The Athemadoulet at that time was Mirza-Také, who hated Ralph. For the Armenian Merchants having presented the Athemadoulet with several Watches at a time, it happen'd that once he sent to Ralph above thirty Watches toge∣ther to be mended. For which the Athemadoulet, to gratifie him, and knowing that he kept four or five Servants, and seven or eight Horses, sent him fifteen or twenty Camels load of Straw and Barley for his Horses. But Ralph slight∣ing such a present as that, Go (said he to the Athemadoulets Servant) tell thy Master, that I am neither a Horse nor an Ass, and therefore let him eat his Present himself. Which message so provok'd the Athemadoulet, that he study'd nothing but revenge.

Thereupon the Athemadoulet, whose business it is to attend the King when he rises, and to report to him the news of the Town, told him, among the rest, what Ralph had done. The King reply'd, that Ralph had consess'd it to him already: and that he had pardon'd him, in regard he had reason to do as he did. But the Athemadoulet made answer, that Ralph had minc'd the mat∣ter; and represented the story to the King far otherwise than it was, making the worst of it he could upon Ralph's side; and the more to incite the King, he put him in mind of the fair occasion he had to force him to turn Mussulman, there being no way to expiate his crime, but by turning Mahometan, or suffering the Law. The King thus over-rul'd, sent for Ralph, told him, he was now better inform'd of the crime he had committed, and that he must either turn Ma∣hometan or dye. Thereupon the King sent him to Prison. Eight days after, the King (who had a great love for him, and therefore troubl'd that he must be constrain'd to put him to death, unless he would turn Mahumetan,) sent for him again, and offer'd him two thousand Tomans, after a powerful perswasion by words, but all signify'd nothing. Upon that he sent him back again to Pri∣son. But yet remembring that he had once approv'd the fact, he sent for Ralph a second time, and offer'd him ten thousand Tomans, and a Wise out of his Haram, with all her Jewels; all which Ralph refus'd, with the same resolu∣tion as before. The King incens'd at the fierceness of his resolution, deliver'd him to the Brother of the party slain, to execute the Law upon him. The Holstein Embassadors were resolv'd to have beg'd his life; but the Athema∣doulet, smelling their design, would not permit them Audience. However, the King commanded all the Franks, and all the Armenian Clergy to be present at the Execution, to save all his blood, and put him in a Coffin; he commanded also, that he should be buried at Zulpha in the Armenian Church-yard, and have a Tomb made over him.

Thereupon Ralph was lead to the Meidan, with that triangular Instrument of Wood which the Persians call a Palenk, about his neck. This Palenk was the

cause that the Brother of the deceas'd, who was to be the Executioner, not only miss'd his first blow, but wounded himself in the Leg, while his Skain being born off by one of the sides of the triangular Instrument, by the force of the blow lighted upon himself. Whereupon the people making a great shout hinder'd farther execution for that time. The King being advertis'd thereof, re∣manded him to Prison, and after a few days sent for him a third time into his presence; but though the King offer'd him a thousand Tomans, and that the Lords urg'd him to turn, though it were but for a while, and in outward appearance; yet neither threats nor promises could move the Zurickian, who was thereupon executed at the end of October, 1637.

All the Franks willingly contributed to raise him a Tomb; which was co∣ver'd with a small Duomo, supported with four Pillars, ten or twelve foot high. The Armenians have made him a Saint; so that when they are sick of a Fea∣ver, they come and make their devotions at this Tomb; and every time they come, they carry away a piece of a Stone; so that the Tomb wants repair∣ing every year.

The Athemadoulet, to the end the King might be the less sensible of the want of him, had told the King, that his Majesty would find no great miss of him, in regard he had a Servant who was almost as good as himself. But some few days after, the Kings Watch that he always carry'd about him, be∣ing out of order, and Ralphs Apprentice not being able to remedy the fault; the King for madness that he had been the Watchmakers death, threw the Watch at the Athemadoulets head. There, cry'd he, Dog as thou art, by thy advice I put Ralph to death, the most skilful man of his Profession that ever will come into my Kingdom. Thou deservest for thy counsel, to have thy belly ript up. But I swear by my Throne, that from this time forward I will never put a a Christian to death for his Religion. And I question whether any of you would have had the same courage to have dy'd for the Law of Haly. And indeed they have been very cautious ever since; nor has any of the Franks been put to death, though they have flown out before the King in words and actions rash enough.

CHAP. V. Of some particulars under the Reign of Sha-Abbas the second.

SHa-Abbas the second, Son of Sha Sefi, was no less cruel then his Father; and would be no less punctually obey'd.

He had two Sisters, which he marri'd to two of the richest Lords of his Kingdom, though of a very mean extraction. Some time after, the King un∣derstanding that they were both with-Child, order'd Physick to be given them to destroy the fruit of their Wombs. About three months after, he was told that they were big again; then he suffer'd 'em to be brought to bed; but com∣manded that they should not give the Children any nourishment, but let'em starve to death.

The same Sha Abbas caus'd the tongue of one that fill'd him Tobacco to be cut out for a word spok'n idly. For the King calling for Tobacco, one of the Pages ran hastily for it to him that had it in charge, and bid him dispatch; who answer'd him briskly, Gehennemé sabreijlé, that is, to Hell, have a little pa∣tience. The King being inform'd of it, commanded his tongue to be cut out. The poor man desir'd him that was the Executioner, to cut it as deep as he could in his throat, and to leave it very short; by which means he spoke some words muffling.

The people cry'd out against the Nazar, who being a person of low ex∣traction, and advanc'd to that high dignity in a short time, grew so proud that he contemn'd all the Lords of the Court. There was no dealing with him

about any business, unless he were first presented; and he paid no body with∣out making some advantage of it. Every body had reason to complain; yet no person knew how to come at the King to make their complaints. At length they bethought themselves of making their application to two black Eunuchs, who had the Kings ear in the night. One was call'd Aga-Saron, who was the Meter or Master of the Wardrobe; and the other Aga-Kafour, or high Treasurer. These two Eunuchs seeing the King in a good humour one night, let fall certain words concerning the Nazar, and his management of affairs, and thence slid into a discourse of His injustice, that caus'd the people to cryout against him, and speak evil of his Government. Now it happen'd one morning that the King intending to go a hunting, the Grand Master, who had always a large train at∣tending him, coming to the Kings Tent, the Meter deny'd him entrance. About the same time the King came forth, and seeing the Nazar, commanded his Officers to take off the Bonnet from the head of that Dog that took Gifts from his people; and that he should sit three days bareheaded in the heat of the Sun, and as many nights in the Air. Afterwards he caus'd him to be chain'd about the neck and arms, and condemn'd him to perpetual imprisonment, with a Ma∣moudy a day for his maintenance; but he dy'd for grief within eight days after he was put in prison.

Jafer-Kan, being a generous Lord, and one that kept a magnificent train, was Governour of Asterabat. At first he was very mild, but at last he began to exact such sums from the people, that his oppressions were very heavy; nor were these violences of his conceal'd from the Kings ear; who being one day drinking with some of his Lords, and seeing the Master of his Musick in the Room, who was a merry droll, and had always some pleasant news or other to tell the King; his Majesty was pleas'd to ask him, what the people said of Jafer-Kan; adding withall, that he had made him Governour of several Pro∣vinces, and had never heard any complaint of him before, but that now he was accus'd of strangely tyrannizing over the people. The Musick Master being a meer flatterer, and knowing that Jafer-Kan was extreamly belov'd by the King, confidently averr'd, that the Governour was falsly accus'd, and that he had al∣ways known him apter to give than to receive. There was at the same time in the Room, an Agis call'd Manouchar-Kan, lately return'd from a Pilgrimage to Mecca; him the King also ask'd, what was his opinion of Jafer-Kan, and his Government, being a person that had been long acquainted with him; to whom the Agis, thinking to please the King, return'd the same answer, that the Mu∣sick Master had giv'n. Whereupon the King, who had been well inform'd of the Kans behaviour, turning toward the Lords that were present, What think you, said he, of these two Flatterers, that absolutely know the contrary to what they speak? And at the same time commanded two of the Musick Masters teeth to be pull'd out of his mouth, and to be driv'n into the head of the Agis; which had like to have cost him his life, being a very old man. As for Jafer-Kan, he was disgrac'd for a time, but being a person endow'd with noble qualities, valiant, generous, and pleasing in conversation, he was recall'd to Court, and knew so well how to make his tale good, that his Majesty gave him the Government of Shemeloubostan, of which Semeran is the Capital City. Shemelou∣bostan signifies a Country manur'd to bear fruit. Nor is there any Province in Persia that so abounds in Pastures and Castles, that daily fall to ruine.

Jafer-Kan being restor'd to favour, the King sent for several Lords of the Court to come and drink with them. He also commanded five French Artifi∣cers which he had in his service to wait upon him, a Goldsmith nam'd Sain, two Watchmakers Lagis and Varin, and two Musket-makers Marais and Ber∣nard. After they had heated themselves a little with Wine, the King drew a Ruby out from off his finger, which I sold for him a hundred Tomans, and a Dia∣mond Jewel worth thirteen or fourteen hundred Tomans, which he gave to Jafer-Kan, with whom he was whispering at the same time. Now though the Nazar were at a distance, yet without doubt somewhat of the discourse was heard; insomuch that the Wine emboldning him, he told the King aloud, that if he would let him have but four thousand Horse, he would cut all that Rab∣ble to pieces. The King bid him hold his tongue and go to sleep; testifying

his displeasure at his discourse. For the Nazar conjectur'd that the King was talking to Jafer-Kan about the incursions which the Usbeck Tartars often made from Meshed side. As for the Franks three of the five were gone home to sleep, Sain, Lagis, and Bernard: Maras and Varin stay'd behind in the Room. But Marais being of a humor that when he was drunk he could not hold his tongue, and having heard what the Nazar said, he likewise took upon him to tell the King, that if the King wanted a General, there was none fitter to make a General than Jafer-Kan, and presently began a long repetition of his praises. The King commanded him to hold his tongue, which he did for awhile, but then falling again into his former impertinencies, the King commanded him to be dragg'd out of the Room by the feet, and that they should rip up his belly. Thereupon Marais was seiz'd upon by the Meter, who having a great kind∣ness for the Franks, and knowing that the King had a singular love for Ma∣rais, delay'd the execution of the Kings command, pulling his Cloathes off very slowly; and finding that the King did not rise to go into his Haram, which is the sign of no pardon to be given, he caus'd him to be dragg'd as near the person of the King as he could, thereby to try whether the King would have compassion on him or no; while certain Lords took the boldness to implore the Kings mercy in his behalf. At last when the King saw him dragg'd along, he commanded the Officers to let him go, and withall order'd him to put on his Cloathes again, and resume his place.

The King of Persia's eldest Son comes very raw to the Throne; and his first divertisement is to make short journeys into the Provinces, thereby by little and little to gain the knowledge of such things as concern him. Above all things he never fails to visit the principal Church of the Armenians at Zulpha. That which makes him so curious, is his desire to see the Armenian women, who are very handsom; being also further incited thereto by the Sultanesses, who are glad of any recreation. And then he has a Courouk through all Zulpha, at what time all the men must retire to Ispahan, or to their Friends at a distance. Sha-Abbas the second went several times in that manner to Zulpha; and one day among the rest, upon the report of the beauty of the Wife of the Ke∣lonter Gorgia Sasras, Son of Kelonter Gorgia Nazar, the King having seen her, lik'd her very well, and desir'd her to go along with the Sultanesses, who carry'd her into the Haram, where she continu'd fifteen days, and then return'd home with a fair Neck-Lace of Pearls, which the King gave her when she went away.

To say the truth of Sha-Abbas the second, he was a man too much given to drink, and too much govern'd by his passion; otherwise he was a lover of justice, and very magnificent and generous to Strangers.

CHAP. VI. Of the misfortune of Mahomet Beg in the raigne of Sha-Abbas the second,

MAhomet Beg was born at Tauris, the Son of a Taylor, who bred him a Scho∣lar. He had a quick apprehension, and was naturally enclin'd to vertue; and being desirous to advance himself in the world, he had the good luck to ob∣tain the employment of Major-Bashi, or chief of the Essayers and Refiners of Mo∣ney, who has a power to visit all places where money is coyn'd. After that, he became acquainted with the Aila Verdi Beg, or Mr. Godsgift, the Kings chief Huntsman, by the title of Mert-Shekar-Bashi, who gladly presented him to the King, to whom the King was very thankful, so soon as he had found the noble Qua∣lities of the person he had presented. Thereupon so soon as Mahomet Ali-Beg, grand Master of the Kings House dy'd, the King bestow'd that Employment upon Maho∣met Beg, who not only gain'd the favour of his Majesty, but the good will of all the Lords of the Court. He had a great respect for them all, without medling with any of their employments, and supprest his revengeful spirit, not finding it seasonable as yet to disclose his passions.

Kalise Sultan at that time Athemadoulet hapning to dye, the King conferr'd that place upon Mahomet Beg, who at first behav'd himself in that employment to the satisfaction of all men. He apply'd himself particularly to the searching out of Mines; for there had a report ran among the people for many years, that if certain mountaines nine or ten miles from Ispahan toward the West were well digg'd into, their might be found store of Gold, Silver and Copper. To which purpose he made use of a Norman, whose name was La Chapelle de Han, who vanted at that time to have great skill in Chymistry, Mines and Minerals, for which reason he was recommended by the Governor of Ispahan to the Athemadoulet then at Casbin with the King, who presently sent him back again to the Governour to furnish him with all things necessary for his Expences, and for the work which he undertook in the Mountains. Thither went La Chapelle, and after fifteen days toyl return'd to Ispahan with two or three hunder'd weight of earth, and set up fur∣naces to draw out the metal. The Athemadoulet was so wise as to give order to the Governour of Ispahan, and three or four more persons of Quality to overview the Norman, to see that he play'd no foul play. But though there was not so much as a half peny worth of silver in all the earth from the bottom to the top, though the Persians watch'd him so narrowly as they did, he made a shift to shuf∣fle in an Abassi among the earth, as it was in the furnace without being perceiv'd. Nevertheless the Athemadoulet, to whom it was carry'd, presently found out the cheat, though he took no notice of it, hoping to make better use of the Norman in other things; only he forbad him to dig any more in that place, in regard the expence would exceed the profit.

La Chapelle, who was very skilful at putting off his merchandize, and one who knew to make the best use of the least smackering that he might perhaps have in Mechanicks, and the power of Motion, had the cunning to amuse the Athemadoulet for ten years together, being a passionate Lover of new Inventions; and the better to insinuate himself into the Kings favour assum'd to himself the Invention of several Rarities which he shew'd the King, who thereupon allow'd him a very handsome pension. Thus encourag'd, he undertook to cast Canons, bring the water to the top of the Kings house, and several other things, yet when all his designs fail'd for want of Art, and that he found he could do no more good in Persia, resolving for India, he dy'd at Ormus.

The Athemadoulet missing of Gold and Silver Mines, apply'd himself to the dis∣covery of Copper Mines, wherein he was more fortunate; for in those Mines he also found veins of Azure, of which there is a great quantity consum'd in painting the Grotesco Flourishes upon the Ceilings and Arches of their Houses. He also found out a Mine of Lead near Yerde: and being still upon new discoveries, he found out

a Mine of Talk, Stone, Allum, and Coles, but of neither so good as in other Coun∣tries. He was so obstinate in the searth of Metals, that if any person had an occa∣sion to speak with him, let him be never so busie upon never so important affairs, it was enough to bring him some stones of a supposed Mine, or something rare ei∣ther for Colour, Figure or Weight. He also gave full power to them that brought him any tidings of a Mine to go to the place, and to press the Countrymen from their labour to dig in the Mountains and break up rocks: and if they found no∣thing he cast the fault upon the ignorance of the Labourers.

He also apply'd himself to the study of Mechanic Motions. He would have found an Invention, whereby the half Vail that hangs in the Kings Megeler, or Council Chamber, and is drawn to and fro by certain Officers in the Summer, to gather the cool Air, should have bin made by Engine-work. Then he took a fan∣cy for water Engines, the most necessary thing in the world for Persia to relieve the drowth of the Country, but wanting necessaries, as Beams, Rafters, Wheel-work, Cordage and Iron, he could not begin those Engines, the figures whereof La Chapelle had left him in a Book.

But as Mahomet Beg was studious in these things, so was he Ambitious and Re∣vengeful to that height that he could not observe a moderation in his resentment against those that had given him any distaste. In his height of Passion he caus'd several Kans to be depriv'd of their Provinces, and by confiscating their Estates reduc'd them to utmost necessity.

The Kan of Erivan had a Son who was a lovely and a well proportion'd Gentle∣man, and always attended at the Kings Elbow. One day that the King was drinking with some Lords, he commanded the Kan of Erivans Son to carry a Gold Cup full of Wine to the Athemadoulet, who perceiving that he had enough already, made a sign with his eye to the young Lord to return it back. The young Lord passing by the King told him ingeniously that the Athemadoulet had no desire to drink, whereupon the King commanded him to go and powre the Wine into his bosome. As the one vvas oblig'd to obey, the Athemadoulet vvas forc'd to suf∣fer, and to permit the young man to open his bosome and povvre dovvn the Wine; for not daring to shevv his Anger, he vvas forc'd to dissemble the best he could for that time. But having resolv'd to revenge the affront upon the Kan of Erivan Father of the young Lord, vvho had only done vvhat the King command∣ed him, he resolv'd to lay hold upon the opportunity that presented it self, knovv∣ing that there vvere several complains come against him from the Armenians of Erivan. Thereupon the Athemadoulet sends for the Kelonter, encourages him in his suit, and gives him instructions hovv to proceed. To this end Mahomet Beg appoints him to meet him such an hour at the Kings Stables, whither the King presently coming, the Kelonter threw himself at the Kings feet, and be∣sought him for Justice against the Kan of Erivans oppressions: while Mahomet Beg fail'd not to heap up aggravations against the Governour, and the King, though he had heard but one side, as easily condemn'd him upon the Accusation of the Kelonter and his Prime Minister. Thereupon an Officer of the Kings, call'd Negef-Couli-Beg, a man of a quick and active spirit was commanded to go in all haste, and seize upon the Person of the Kan. Who being come to Erivan found him upon his seat of Justice, confiscating and condemning to fine and Corporal punishment a near Kinsman of the Kelonters. The Messenger boldly enter'd into the Megeler or Council Chamber, goes directly to the Kan, told him he was the Kings prisner, and gave him a blow with his fist upon the neck, about which he was to wear the Triangle of great thick pieces of wood already describ'd, into which the neck is enclos'd, while the Arms and Hands of the Prisner are put through another piece of wood that crosses the Triangle, which is a great pain to the Prisner. Thus was the Kan carry'd night and day to Ispahan, but when he came there the King shew'd him more mercy, and allowed him his house for a prison, yet not suffering him to go to the Bath, nor to shave his hair, nor to stir out of the Apartment where his women were. These are penalties impos'd upon those that fall into disgrace at Court, whom the King shuts up in their houses, in∣tending no severer punishment. For the Kan being belov'd by the King was re∣stor'd to his favour, and to his former charge of superintendant of the Kings Mosquee.

Neither did this sright'n others from bearing up against the Power of Mahomet Beg, though every one had not the same success. For ill it far'd with the Go∣vernour of Schiras, who was call'd Mirza Haddi. He was a person of great wealth and knowledge, and one day in Council took upon him to tell Mahomed Beg, that he was not of his opinion, and withall to lay before him his defects, and ill conduct. But the Primce Minister so deeply lay'd to heart the boldness of Mirza Haddi, that he resolv'd to revenge himself by all means imaginable. He suborn'd false witnesses, and other persons to make complaints before him of the Governour of Schlras. There was a necessity for the party accus'd to appear before Mahomet Beg as his Judge, but the Governor trusting to his Innocence, nere minded the rage of his ad∣versary, not believing he could receive any injury from him. In the mean time Mahomet Beg inform'd the King what he pleas'd himself, and overpow'ring him by his authority, confiscated all Mirza Haddi's Estate, and sent him to prison to the House of the Nazar, who was call'd Ismael Beg. When he came there they hung him upon Tenter-hooks by the feet against the wall, and drub'd him so long, that he was forc'd to be carri'd into another Room upon a Slaves back. His Lieu∣tenant and an Eunuch, that had bin his Treasurer, were serv'd in the same sawce, and all three put into a high Chamber that serv'd instead of a prison. His Vizier or Lieutenant was releas'd in a short while, but Mirza Haddi and his Eunuch were still kept close.

Nor is the manner of his revenging himself upon Mir-Kassem-Beg, the Deroga, or Provost of Ispahan less remarkable. While Mahomet Beg was only Majer-Ba∣shi, there was some gold Plate stoll'n out of the Kings Kitchin. Thereupon the Deroga sent his Officers to seize upon all the Goldsmiths in Ispahan, that knew nothing of the matter, as being utterly innocent of the Robbery. In the mean time he put them all in prison, and lockt them close up, intimating to them that he was resolv'd not to release them without a good sum of money. The poor Goldsmiths thus ill us'd, apply'd themselves to the Majer Bashi, who sent his Of∣ficers to entreat the Deroga to consider that the Gold-smiths were innocent of the Robbery, and that being in some manner under the Jurisdiction of the Mayer-Bashi, as being Artificers in Gold and Silver, he ought not to refuse to discharge them at his request. But the Deroga not seeing the money come, bid the Officers of Ma∣homet Beg tell their Master that he knew what belong'd to his Employment, and further, said he, Let the Taylors Son meddle with his own business; tell him withall, added he, that if he pleases I will shew him his Sister's drawers. For a little before the Deroga had by his Spies surpriz'd her toying in a Garden with two young Lords, from whom he squeez'd a considerable sum of money. Mahomet Beg not powerful enough then to prosecute his revenge, let it sleep, but when he came to the height of preserment, he remember'd the Deroga, and bethought himself which way to ruin him. Nor was it long ere an opportunity offer'd it self. For there being a report that the Enemy appear'd about Candahar, a Frontier Town of Persia upon the Mogulls Territories, the Athemadoulet adviz'd the King to raise a good number of Souldiers about Ispahan, as being lusty nimble fel∣lows and us'd to labour, and to send them to Candaliar, to be ready against all accidents. The King having an entire confidence in the Athemadoulet, order'd him to lose no time, but to commit the management of the Levies to such persons as had perfect knowledge of the plain Country. Then Mahomet Beg, studying his re∣venge, told the King that there was no person fitter for the employment than the Deroga. Mir Kassembeg, who according to his cruel and covetous humor, soon abus'd his Commission, the thing which he, who had procur'd it, chiefly desir'd. For whereas the King intended that none should be enroll'd but those that were wil∣ling, the Deroga forc'd every body, especially the Sons of the richest Farmers, who rather than part with their Sons gave the Deroga his own demands to spare them. When Mahomet Beg had got matter enough against the Deroga, he underhand stirr'd up the Country people to make their complaint, giving them to understand that it was contrary to the Kings intention to have them tormented in that manner, that his Commission was only to list those that would go of their own accord. The Villages, easily encourag'd, sent their Deputies to Ispahan, whom he kindly recei∣v'd and presented the same hour to the King. His Majesty having heard them, and Mahomet Beg having seconded their complaint, the King order'd that they

should make an exact list of what the Commissioners of the Deroga had robb'd them of. Mahomet Beg lost no time, but by vertue of his Authority and the Kings command, sent his Officers into all the Villages to take the Oath of eve∣ry Countryman to the end they should declare the truth, under the penalty of a Fine and Corporal punishment, of what had been exacted from them to the ut∣most Shayet. This Oath was to be put in Paper, sign'd by every one that made it, in these words, Let my head be confiscated to the King, and my goods to his Divan, if I obey not punctually the Order of his Majesty. The accompt being made of all the money for which they had compounded with the Deroga, it was presented by Mahomet Beg, who aggravated the Tyranny of the Deroga, and represented to his Majesty that for thirty years he had thus devour'd the Territories of Ispahan. Thereupon by the command of the King, who was then at Ispahan, the Deroga was to be carry'd into the Meydan, and being ty'd up by the heels to receive a certain number of Bastinado's upon the feet for so many Fridays one after another; and moreover the nerves of his heels were to be cut, and his ankles to be boar'd tho∣rough. The Kings command being thus seal'd, Mahomet Beg committed the ex∣ecution thereof to his trusty Instrument Negef-Couli-Beg, who coming to Ispahan assembl'd the chief of the City, together with the Vizir or Governour, and the Deroga or Provost, who thought of nothing; being met, before they broak open the Kings Seal they made a publick Prayer for the prosperity of the King; which being ended, the Vizir open'd the Letter and read it with a loud voice. When the Vizir came to read the Sentence against the Deroga, he was seiz'd with astonish∣ment; at what time Negef-Couli-Beg coming to the Deroga, and striking him upon the Neck with his fist, threw him down under his Horses feet, and caus'd him to be bound according to custom. Immediately he was hurri'd to the Piazza, where he receiv'd so many Bastinado's upon the soles of his feet that his nayls fell off. The next Friday they brought him to the same place, where they repeated the same Execution, and boar'd his ankles. The Deroga being very ancient, his pains put him into such a condition as mov'd Negef-Couli-Beg himself to compassion, who wrote presently to Court, that the continuance of so much torment, would infal∣libly be the death of the old man. Upon that the King order'd that there should no more be done to him; only that he should be shut up in the inner part of his House with his Wives, depriving him of his employment, but leaving him his Estate.

But Mahomet Beg, not having yet compleated the revenge he sought, was re∣solv'd after he had thus tormented him, to deprive him also of his Estate. To which purpose he advanc'd to the Office of Deroga, a Georgian Renegado who was call'd Padada-Beg, whom he taught all the tricks imaginable to pick the peoples pockets. The design of Mahomet Beg in this, was to let the King under∣stand, that if the new Deroga could heap up such a sum of money in five or six months, what a prodigious sum must Mir-Kassembeg have heap'd up in so many years. In short, the new Deroga instructed and encourag'd by Mahomet Beg, le∣vy'd unjustly such a vast number of fines, committed so many extortions and ra∣pines upon the people, that at the end of six months the people began to tumulc at the Palace gate. The Divan Bequi, who is the first Minister of Justice, took the peoples part; whereupon Mahomet Beg perceiving he had been too hasty in his design to be reveng'd upon the Divan Bequi, who had cross'd his designs, one morning caus'd several files of Musqueteers to be drawn up at the Kings Haram. The King surpriz'd at the sight, Mahomet Beg told him that his Majesty was not safe so long as the Divan Bequi stirr'd up the people to Rebellion: which so in∣cens'd the King, that he caus'd the Groom Porter to go immediately and pull out the Divan Bequi's eyes, which was immediately done; nor did the old man say any more, but with his face all besmear'd with his own goar, desir'd the servant upon whose arms he lean'd, to turn him toward Mecca that he might pray for the prosperity of the King. All his goods were confiscated and brought into the Trea∣sury; but Mir Kassem-beg still enjoy'd his, though he was forc'd to spend the remain∣der of his days in his own house.

Thus Mahomet Beg preserv'd himself still in the Kings favour, and had remov'd all those persons from the Court that had no kindness for him, and was indifferently safe, till Mir-Tchekar-Bashi another favourite, whom the King highly lov'd, began

to make head against him. These two haughty spirits would not give an inch one to another: and both equally strove to possess the Kings favour, to have the dis∣posal of Affairs. Mir-Tchekar-Bashi, who had brought Mahomet Beg into Fa∣vour, being the elder pretended a respect due to his years, and Mahomet Beg pre∣tended more due from him by reason of his place. During this contest ran a re∣port of a rebellion upon Georgia side. Whereupon the Athemadoulet perswaded the King to send Mir-Tchekar-Bashi, lately made Koular Agasi or General of the Slaves toward Georgia, that so he might remove his Rival from Court. The Fa∣vourite sets forward with a flying Camp, but not finding any Enemy that oppos'd him, wrote back to the King that he saw no appearance of an Enemy, and that therefore it was a needless thing to tire the Souldiers in a Country where there was no face of War, and begg'd his Majesties leave to return. The Athemadoulet on the other side labour'd to hinder his return by preaching to the King the ad∣vantages of the stay of those forces in those parts.

In this interim the Usbek Tartars had made inroads upon the Frontiers of Ca∣rassan, and had slain several of Manoutcheks people, who was governor of the Pro∣vince. Mahomet Beg who was his Kinsman, gave the King to understand that the Kan of Corassan had behav'd himself valiantly, but conceal'd the defeat of the Kan. On the other side the Koular Agasi sent Letter upon Letter to the King, but perceiving that none of them came to the Kings hands, he sent to Ispahan one of his discreetest and most trusty servants, who coming to Court intermix'd him∣self among the rest of the Lackeys. The Athemadoulet spying an unknown face, and being always mistrustful, demanded who he was? To whom the Messenger an∣swer'd that he was a poor Souldier upon the frontiers of the Kingdom, who be∣cause he could not get his pay there was come to Court to see if he could there get any recompence for his service: upon which reply the Athemadoulet took no farther notice of him. Presently after, the young man meeting the Meter told him he had Letters of importance to deliver into the Kings own hand, of which the Meter giving notice to the King, the messenger was immediately call'd in. The King having read the Letters which discover'd to him what the Athemadoulet had conceal'd from him touching the no necessity of keeping forces upon the Frontiers of Georgia, and the loss which the Kan of Korassan had receiv'd, transported with choler against his prime Minister, sent for him, and after he had most bloodily revil'd and reproach'd him, he was within a little of killing him with his own hands. But the Nazar and some other Lords there present took the boldness to represent to the King the long services which Mahomet Beg had done the Kingdom, and that since his Majesty had rais'd him from the dust to the highest honours of the King∣dom, it would not be for his honour to destroy at one blow a person that he had lov'd, and might still be useful to him. This discourse somewhat appeas'd the King, so that he only gave him in custody to the Nazar. Three days after the King exil'd him to Kom, with all his Family, not permitting him to shave himself, go to the Bath, or to come abroad. This Exilement lasted for several years. But my Letters from Persia in the year 1674. enform'd me that Sha Solyman, the present King, has restor'd him to his Primier Dignity, and that he still governs as Athema∣doulet, the King finding no man more capable than himself.

CHAP. VII. Of the Rebellion of the Prince of Jasque, a Vassal to the King of Persia, in the raigns of Sha-Sefi I. and Sha-Abbas II.

BEtween Cape Jasque, and Cape Guadel which are the two most Southern points of Persia, there lies a mountainous and mershie Country, which extends it self from the Ocean toward the Province of Kerman, and in several places is inac∣cessible. It is possess'd by three petty Princes, the one a Mahumetan, the other two toward the East both Idolaters. The first is the most potent of the three, and nearest to the Province of Ormus. He also assumes the title of Prince of Jasque, as his Ancestors did before him. Now after Sha-Abbas the first had conquer'd Or∣mus, he went about to have made himself master of all the coast that extends it self beyond Cape Jasque; but meeting with resistance, he only obtain'd that the Prince of the Country should acknowledge the King of Persia for his Lord, and that as his Vassal he should pay him an annual tribute. And indeed during the raign of Sha-Abbas, who knew how to make himself fear'd, the Prince of Jasque pay'd his tri∣bute very orderly. But Sha-Sefi succeeding his Grandfather very young, this tributary Prince shook off his yoak, and refus'd to pay. Which not being regard∣ed in the raign of Sha Sefi, the Prince of Jasque thought to do the same in the raign of Sha Abbas the second. But at length after he had refus'd to pay for some years, the Kan of Ormus pretending the Country to be under his Jurisdiction, and that the Kings honour was concern'd in the Princes refusal, incited Sha Abbas to send forces against him to reduce him to obedience. The King granted the Com∣mission to him that had undertaken the business: who presently gathering toge∣ther an Army of 20000 men, the most part Horse, thought to have surpriz'd his Enemy. To which purpose that he might take the nearest way, he march'd direct∣ly toward Cape Jasque. But as it was the shortest cut, it was the most dangerous; insomuch that the Kan, who hunted all the way he march'd, according to the custom of Persia, had the misfortune to fall into a bogg, where he was stifl'd, to∣gether with 20 or 30 horsemen more. The death of the Kan being divulg'd, the Army retreated back again: but as soon as the King receiv'd the news, he sent the Brother of the deceas'd Kan to succeed him. In the mean while the Rebel Prince believing within himself, that he was not to be thus at quiet, and expecting to be attack'd by the new Kan, stood upon his guard. And indeed the new Kan march'd with all the speed he could, and enter'd the territories of the rebellious Prince, but being beat'n was forc'd to make more haste back again to Ormus, with the loss of an abundance of men.

The Prince of Jasque puft up with this success, did not believe that the Persi∣ans would be so hasty to come again: and thereupon he resolv'd upon a Voyage for Mecca to give the Prophet thanks for his Victory. To which end he embarqu'd at the nearest place he could to Cape Jasque, thence to make fail toward Arabia. But the Governor of Kan understanding his design by his spies, way-laid him by Sea, took him and brought him to Ormus. At that time the heats being exces∣sive, the Governour was retir'd, according to custome, to the Mountains some ten or twelve Leagues from the City, whither the Prince was carry'd and brought to the Kans tent. But while the Kan was expecting the return of the Messenger which he had sent to the King for orders what to do with the Prisner, the Princes wife hearing of her husbands misfortune, and being a woman of a manlike cou∣rage, taking along with her about five or six hundred horse, with little noise and by long marches she at length fell unawares upon the Kan about midnight, kill'd him with her own hand, cut in pieces the greatest part of his men, whom she found asleep, carry'd away ten or twelve of his wives, and set her husband at li∣berty in spite of the Persians, who had not time to rally themselves.

The news of this defeat coming to Court, the King being highly incens'd, sent away the third Brother to be governour of Ormus, with special command to the

Governours of Schiras, Lar and Kerman forthwith to raise 30000 horse to revenge affront and reduce the Rebel. The Kan of Ormus march'd at the head of that Army, and gave Battel, but the Prince being succour'd by the other two Idola∣trous Princes his neighbours, the Persians were again beaten. Only the Prince of Jasque lost his Lieutenant General, a valiant Captain, and a very good Soul∣dier.

The King understanding that the Lieutenant General was the Kans Prisner, gave him leave to do with him what he would, in revenge of his Brothers death: who thereupon devis'd the most cruel torments that ever were heard of. For he first caus'd the body of the Lieutenant General to be larded with lighted Candles, and then setting him upon a Camel order'd him to be led softly about the streets eve∣ry day in the very heat of noon. A torment almost insufferable, which the hero∣ic Indian nevertheless endur'd with an invincible courage. After the Kan had tormented him in this manner three days together, the chief of the Holland Com∣pany and other strange Merchants abhorring so much cruelty, begg'd of the Kan to surcease his rigour, who readily granted them their request.

CHAP. VIII. Observations upon the raigne of Sha Soliman the present King.

ALi-Couli-Kan had bin three or four times exil'd from the Court, for speaking with two much liberty. For he was bold and could not keep his tongue be∣tween his teeth. For which reason he was call'd the Kings Lyon, who was wont to chain him up when he had no occasion for him, and to let him loose when he had any business for him to do. The last time he was exil'd, he was kept five or six years in a Fortress out of which he had never stirr'd: but one day, having a smooth tongue, he overperswaded the Commander to give him leave to go a hunting with him. When he return'd, with the help of some of his servants, he fell upon the Commander, and gave him so many Bastinadoe's upon the feet, that he had like to have kill'd him: telling him withall, that it was to teach him his duty not to let a man go that the King had committed to his charge. Sha Sephi, though very young, hearing of this, and desirous to see Ali-Couli-Kan, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Grandees to hinder his return, commanded him to be set at liberty, and that he should have a better allowance to live upon. Two or three days after, the King sitting in Council, the whole Assembly was amaz'd to see Ali-Couli-Kan enter, who approaching his Majesty with a profound reverence, told him that the Lyon being now let loose was humbly come to kiss his hands. Thereupon the King fell a laughing, and casting a favourable glance upon him, told him he had done well. Nor was it long ere the King finding him no less pleasant in conversation, then a valiant and expert Captain, made him Generalissimo of his Armies, as he had bin in the raigne of Sha Abbas.

When the Court saw Ali-Couli-Kan so well receiv'd, every one then labour'd to testifie their joy for his return. They sent him Horses, Mules, Camels, rich Carpets, and every thing fit to furnish a Lords house. But all this while he wanted money, which because he could not meet with among the Persians, he was forc'd to have recourse to the Armenians, of whom he desir'd to borrow five or six hunder'd Tomans. As for the Kalenter he would have had the sum lent, but the rest would not. Thereupon the King taking a walk to Zulpha, Ali-Couli-Kan put it into his head to go and see the great Cathedral belonging to the Armenians, where several Bishops with several Monks reside. The King entring into the Church, where the Bishop stood ready at the head of the Clergy to receive him, and seeing all things new and strange, as coming but lately out of the womens Haram, ask'd his fa∣vourite what sort of people those were clad in such an extraordinary manner. Ali-Couli-Kan told him they were Devils, Devils! said the King, What! added he, dost bring me into a house of Devils? The King thus incens'd against the Armenians,

resolv'd to force 'em to turn Mahumetans. But Ali-Couli-Kan, being a Georgian, repenting that he had rais'd the Kings indignation to so high a pitch, and not be∣lieving it would be any advantage to him for the Armenians to turn Mahumetans, contented himself only with frighting them, which was enough to bring the Arme∣nians upon their knees, and to make them come and beg the Intercession of his authority. Which favour, as he order'd it, cost the Armenians ten thousand To∣mans to the King, and four or five thousand Tomans to his Favourite.

The 23. of September 1677. the King made a Cavalcade, then which there could be nothing imagin'd more magnificent. All the richest Furniture was brought out of the Exchequer into the Meydan. The golden buckets to water the Horses. The golden Fat out of which they take the water, together with the buckles, harness and nails of gold, to which the Horses are ty'd. After the King had play'd at Mall, as I have already describ'd, and had also shot at the Goblet upon the top of the Mast in the middle of the Meydan, he went and fate in the Divan, which is over the Gate call'd Ali Capi, where he had the pastime to see Lyons, Bulls, Bears, Tygres and Rams fight. But that which was most admirable, was to see a man stand upright upon the Saddle while the horse ran full speed, which he did three times the whole length of the Meydan. The first time, 'tis true, he fell, but the two last times he stood firm.

On day the same Ali-Couli-Kan presented two handsom Youths to the King, which had both delicate voices. The King hearing them sing, was very much troubl'd that he could not make use of them in his Haram, which Ali-Couli-Kan observing, sent for a French Chirurgeon, and promis'd him a great reward if he could cut the youths and save their lives. The Chirurgeon for lucre of a large recompence, cut them both and cur'd 'em very well. Which done, Ali-Couli-Kan, presented the two youths to the King, who was surpriz'd to see them, but was well pleas'd that he had got two such new attendants in his Haram. But see the reward of such a wicked action. Ali-Couli-Kan dy'd soon after. The Chir∣urgeon never was pay'd: and being advis'd to present a Petition to the King by the Meter, the Meter ask'd him whither he would turn Mahometan: which when the Chirurgeon deny'd to do, the Meter bid him be gone like a Rascal, telling him withall that he did not think the Religion of the Christians had permitted such acts of villany. The two youths were born at Cashan, and had both Fathers and Mothers, and were promis'd in Marriage. When their Parents heard of it, they came to Ispahan, to weep over their Children. Which the King observing, to appease their sorrow, gave them a Pension during life.

CHAP. IX. Of the Government of Persia.

THE Government of Persia is purely Despotick or Tyrannical. For the King has the sole powre of life and death over all his Subjects, independent from his Council, and without any Trials or Law-proceedings. He can put to what death he pleases the chief Lords of the Kingdom, no man daring to dispute the reason: nor is there any Soveraign in the world more absolute then the King of Persia.

The King deceasing and leaving Male Issue behind him, the Eldest ascends the Throne, while his Brothers are kept in the Haram, and their eyes are put out: and if there be the least suspicion of any contrivance against the King, they are forth∣with put to death without any farther examination. And not only they, but the Children also of the Kings Brothers and Sisters. I remember when I first travell'd in∣to Persia, they were not so rigorous, but were contented to move a red hot iron to and fro before their eyes. But Sha-Sefi perceiving his command had bin neg∣ligently executed, and that the poor unhappy Princes had some sight left them,

he order'd their eyes to be digg'd out of their heads. Sha-Sefi's cruelty went yet farther, for he spar'd not his Eldest Son Sha Abbas, the lawful Heir to his Throne, ordering one of his Eunuchs to move an Iron before his eyes, no man being able to tell the reason. But the Eunuch compassionating the young Prince, did indeed move an Iron, but not a red hot Iron before his Eyes, and teaching him to counterfeit himself blind, preserv'd his sight till his Father lay upon his death-bed: at which time his Father was very penitent, for having put out the eyes of his Eldest Son, to whom the Throne of right belong'd. The Eunuch seeing the King so sadly afflicted and ready to give up the ghost, assur'd him that he would restore the Prince to his sight, and to comfort him at his death, brought the Prince with perfect eyes to the bed side. The sight of which pro∣long'd the Kings life till next day; and gave him time to command all the Gran∣dees of the Court to obey Sha Abbas his Eldest Son, as his lawful Successor and their King.

But to return to these blind Princes; There were several at Ispahan when I was there: and I knew one particularly, who is still alive, and is a person of ex∣cellent natural parts. As blind as he is, he is a great lover of Curiosities, and has built him a House in Ispahan, which is worthy a mans sight. He is overjoy'd when any person brings him any rarities out of Europe, feeling them in his hands, and causing his Eunuchs, which are very apprehensive, to tell him the meaning of every thing. He is a great admirer of Clock-work and Watches, and can tell by his finger when a Watch is right in the Case. To know what a Clock it is, he has little points set up in the Dial-plate, and a half hand, to the end he may not be deceiv'd which part of the hand points to the hour. By means of certain figures which he makes of soft wax, and sets in or∣der upon a Table, he will cast up an accompt very exactly. Several other good qualities I admir'd in him; and it griev'd me to see a man reduc'd to that miserable Condition, only because he was of the blood Royal of Per∣sia.

Though the Employments of the Kingdom generally fall from Father to Son, yet the King if he pleases may bequeath the Governments of Provinces or any other dignities to any of his Goulams which are his Slaves, if he find them ca∣pable, and thinks they may be fit for his service. The Father to leave the Em∣ployment to his Family, labours by degrees to introduce his Son, and to obtain the Survivorship for him. But if the Father dye, and leaves the Survivorship to an Infant, there is generally a person of Age and Experience sent along with him. Some there are also that obtain employments by presenting the Favourites at Court.

The State of Persia is distinguish'd like most of the European States, into three Bodies. The first is that of the Sword, which answers to the Nobility, and com∣prehends the Kings houshold, the Kans, and all the Souldiery. The second is that of the Quill, comprehending all those that belong to the Law and the Courts of Justice. The third is compos'd of Merchants, Handicrafts-men and La∣bourers.

CHAP. X. Of the first of the three Orders or States of Persia, which comprehends the Kings Houshold, the Kans or Governours of Provinces, and the Souldiery.

THE Primier Minister of the Kingdom is call'd Athemadoulet, or the support of Riches. His office is the same with the Grand Vizir's in Turkie, and may be compar'd to the ancient Mayors of the Palace in France. In regard all the af∣fairs of the Kingdom pass through his hands, he ought to be rather a Gowoman then a Souldier: and herein he only differs from the Grand Vizier, who is always to be at the head of the Army, and for every slight fault or distaste is subject to be strangl'd by the Grand Signior. Whereas in Persia where the Government is milder, the Prime Ministrers generally dye in their beds, or if they are Depos'd, they are only exil'd to some frontier City, where they live as private men.

When the King is young, the Prime Minister has a hard game to play, for then the Favourite Eunuchs and the Sultanesles disannul and cancel in the night what∣ever orders he makes in the day time.

The Nazar or Seer has the charge of all the Kings goods, of his breeds of hor∣ses, of his moveables, of his Cloaths and Plate: much like the grand Master of the Kings House in France.

The Mehter, who is always a white Eunuch, is the first Gentleman of the Kings Chamber, and follows the King with a kind of bag hanging by his side full of handkerchiefs. And as he is always at the Kings elbow, if he have the Kings ear, it is easie for him to befriend or do unkindnesses, as his inclination leads him. During the minority of the King, some of these Mehters have been known to go∣vern the Kingdom.

The Mir-Akhor-Bashi, or Grand Esquire, has the Charge of the Kings Stables, which as well as the Gate of Ali-Capri, are a place of Refuge, and whoever saves himself therein, let it be for Murther or Debt is safe. All the Horses in the Kings Stable are mark'd with a hot iron upon the left hip, and those that belong to pri∣vate persons upon the right. Those that the King gives to them that serve in his Armies, have the Kings mark, and are not to be sold, but they may be chaffer'd away. If any of those Horses happens to dye in a Horse-mans hands, he must flea off the Kings mark, and carry it to the under Officers of the General of the Cavalry, to have another, otherwise he would be forc'd to buy another at his own expences. Those people by laying the skin in the water, know, though by what art I cannot tell, whither the Horse dy'd of age or sickness, or whither he were malitiously kill'd. For in times of Peace there are some Horsemen that will kill their Horses, to save the Charges of keeping any more than themselves: then at the next Muster they bring the skin of their Horse, with the mark on, to the Of∣ficers, and get another, unless they be found out. Nor are their Horses only mark'd, but their Scimitars, Musquets, Bows and Quivers, all which they must shew to the Commissioners every Muster.

Sha-Abbas the second being at Casbin in the year 1654, took a general view of his Cavalry, which lasted for ten or twelve days. For the King sitting in the Portal of one of his Gardens, with his Officers standing about him, every day caus'd so many troopers to ride by him: which were all stout active men and well mounted. Every Souldier gallop'd singly by him; and coming just under the King, he shot an Arrow against a Butt of Turf that was thrown up upon his left hand, and when the Muster was over, the King advanc'd the Pay of every Horse-man, who according to the sentence of the Judges had shot nearest the mark.

I was then at Casbin, and I remember one Souldier, who quite contrary to what the other Horse-men did, walk'd his Horse along by the King, and never shot, but only lay'd his hand upon his brest, and then upon his forehead, which is the

Ceremony of Salutation us'd by the King. He was a very homely fellow, with a flat tawny countenance: so that his behaviour and his presence offending the King, in a chafe he commanded that black rascal to be cashier'd out of his service. Immediately they took away his Horse and his Arms, and were going about to have drubb'd him, but that the General of the Cavalry made them a sign to let him alone. Immediately the General gave the King to understand that he was one of the best Souldiers in the Army: as he had signally made it appear at the Sieges of Erivan and Candahar. Upon that the King caus'd his Horse and Arms to be restor'd him again, and commanded him to ride by him as the rest of the Souldiers had done. When he came against the Butt, instead of obeying the Kings command, he turn'd his Horse to the right and left, without saying a word. The General fearing he would offend the King again, bid him shoot. What shall I shoot at? Sir said he. Against the place where all the rest have shot, answer'd the Gene∣ral. Then the Souldier shaking his head and smiling, 'Tis not my way, said he, to spend my Arrows against a wall; for I know how to make use of 'em better against the body or head of the Enemies of my King. I would then shoot thrice before another could shoot once. At the same time he draws out two Arrows out of his Quiver, one of which he held in his mouth, and put the other to his bow: and then set∣ting spurs to his Horse he out-rid the Butt for the nonce, to shoot backward, which he did, and hit the very middle of the white, then turning his horses head and passing the Butt as before, he shot the second Arrow into the same hole, whence they had pull'd the first Arrow. Then the General approaching near the King, told him that by what he had heard and seen, he might well believe that Horseman to be as brave a Souldier as any in the Army: which his Majesty con∣fess'd, and from three Tomans advanc'd his pay to 15 Tomans.

The Mir-Shikar-Bashi, or the Grand Master of the Hunt, who is also employ'd as Grand Falconer. He has under him a thousand Officers, and a great number of Birds of prey, and manag'd Hawks.

The Seguan Bashi receives the orders of the Grand Master of the Hunt. He has charge of the Doggs, Lyons, Leopards, and other Beasts for Chace.

The Kindar Bashi, who has charge of the Kings Saddles.

The Zinkan-Courlshisi is the chief of the Querries, that hold the Kings stirrup, when he gets a Horseback.

The Kelege-Courlshisi carrys the Kings sword.

The Oriaje-Courlshisi carrys his Bow and Arrows.

The Vakanviez is as it were the chief Secretary of State: an employment never conferr'd but upon a Favourite. He also reads all Petitions and Papers that are re∣presented to the King.

The Kasnadar-Bashi is he that keeps all the Money which is in the Kings Cof∣fers, whom we call the High Treasurer.

The Ishik-Agasi-Bashi is the Grand Master of the Houshold, who has several Of∣ficers under him.

The Mehmender Bashi is the Master of the Ceremonies.

The Hakim-Bashi is the Kings chief Physitian, by whose allowance all the Physiti∣ans of the Kingdom are licens'd.

The Munedgin Bashi is the chief of the Astrologers.

The Divan-Bequi is the chief Justiciar, as well in Civil as in Criminal causes, and he keeps his Court either in Ali Capi, or in the Kings House, where his Majesty sometimes presides himself when he pleases. Before him as being an Officer of great Authority all the Criminals in the Kingdom make their appeal, and he makes out process against the Kans, and other Grandees of Persia.

The Deroga is much like the Lieutenant Criminal in France, from whom it is lawful to appeal before the Divan Bequi. He has an eye upon Robberies, Batte∣ries and Murthers, and he has power to suppress Houses of Debauchery. If he catch any debauch'd persons, he has power to give them the Bastinado, or to fine them: and most commonly he spares corporal chastisement to punish their pur∣ses.

The Sofragi-Bashi is he that spreads the Sofra before the King.

The Chirakgi-Bashi is he that has charge of the Wine: chiefly the Schiras wine, which is particularly kept for the King, who seldom drinks any other. Nor can

any particular person in Schiras make Wine till the Court be first serv'd, and that with the leave of the Chirategi-Bashi; there being none but the Franks and Jews that make it.

The Mesheal-Bashi is the chief of the Torch-bearers; who furnishes the Court with Candles, which are all of Wax. To this Mesheal-Bashi belong all the fines of those that play at Cards or Dice, the Law of Mahomet forbidding all Games of hazard. This Officer has several inferior Officers under him, who go from place to place to spy where they can find any persons at play: and he has power to break open any house, unless the Master be of great Quality.

The Kahuergi-Bashi is he that has eare of the Kahué, the Rose-water, and other distillations which the Persians drink; as Bilmishe, made of the buds of brown Sallows.

The Kara-Setashe is the King's Chirurgeon, or Barber, who lets him Blood, and shaves his Head, and cannot part with his place to another.

The Capigi-Bashi is the great Porter, who has under him several other Of∣ficers.

The Melikultugagear is he that has charge of the Stuffs for the King's Houshold, and puts them out to the Taylors. He takes an account of the shreds and old ha∣bits, which serve to make Clothes for the Souldiers, deducting for them out of their pay.

The Gelander-Bashi is the chief of the Foot-men.

The Mir-ahe, or the Prince of the Seals, is the Superintendent of the Seals; and for profit, is one of the best employments in the Kingdom. He has the sale of the Canal-water to the Countrey-men; for which he makes the Farmers pay a severe rate.

The Karkrone is the House for the Royal Manufactures, where the Gold and Silver-Carpets are made, as also those of Silks and Worsted, together with Tis∣sues, Velvets, and Taffeta's. There are other Workmen that make Coats of Mail, Bows, Arrows, Scimitars, and other Arms. In other Apartments are Limners that paint in Water-colours; Lapidaries, and Goldsmiths, that only make Silver-Rings. For in regard the Persians cannot say their Prayers when they have any Gold about 'em, they never wear Jewel or Ring of Gold, because it would be troublesome to pull 'em off, and lay 'em up so many times a-day. And therefore the King of Persia causes all his Jewels to be set in Silver, as we set all our Stones in Gold. As for working Goldsmiths, they have none in Persia; all their Gold and Silver-Plate being wrought by the Copper-smiths in round figure, for they have not the art to frame an Oval.

The Nakkashe-Bashi is the Serjeant-Painter, who only works in miniature; they cover their Pictures with a Varnish made of Mastich steep'd in a certain Oil that distills from a Rock that points upon the Caspian-Sea not far from Shamatri. It distills out of the Rock at first like water: but afterwards it thickens till it be∣come as thick as Sallet-Oil, preserving still its whiteness. There are also three other Rocks not far from the former, from whence this Oil distills; but it is thicker, and of darker colour.

The Negeach-Bashi is the chief of the Joyners.

The Embardar-Bashi has the charge of the King's Granaries, and other Provi∣sions, having several Officers under him.

The Odondar-Bashi is the Master of the Woodyard.

The most part of these Officers have their diet in the King's House, or else an allowance of Diet from thence.

The Tushemal-Bashi is the Clerk of the Kitchen. He orders what shall be serv'd up to the King, and when the Table is clear'd, he sticks his Knife in the best dish, and orders it to be carri'd home to his own House.

Now for the Officers of War, the principal are; First, the Sepeh-Salar, Gene∣ralissimo of the King of Persia's Armies, who is never constituted but in time of War; which being ended, his employment ceases. His place in Council is im∣mediately next to the Athemadoulet.

Now in regard the Militia is divided into three sorts, there are also three Ge∣nerals. The three Bodies of the Militia are the Corschis, the Goulams, and the Tusenlegis.

The Corschis are descended from a forreign race, which have still a great repute for their Valour. These people live in Tents, like the Turcomans; and they send their Youth betimes to the King. They furnish their Youth also with all neces∣saries, and maintain them till they come to be taken notice of by the King. They are all Horse-men, well paid, and well look'd to, and are many times advanc'd to the Supreme Dignities of the Kingdom. They are generally call'd Kesel-Bashi, or Red-heads, because that formerly they wore red Bonnets. It is said that the King has about 22000 of these Corchis in pay, all good Souldiers, that do won∣ders in Battel. Sha-Abbas the first did what he could to abolish this Militia, and to set up the Goulams in their stead. His hatred against them was only because he thought them too powerful; for he was wont to say to his Favourites, that nothing but the Puissance of the Corchis, could oppose the Royal Power. There∣upon he took away some of their Priviledges, and gave them to the Doulams; but he could not bring about his design any farther.

The General of the Corchis is call'd Corschi-Bashi, and ought to be one of their Body; nor can the King impose another upon them. The Mim-Bashi commands a thousand Men, the Yux-Bashi commands a hundred, and the Om-Bashi com∣mands ten. The Corschi-Bashi has 150 Tomans a year; the Mim-Bashi sixty-two; the Yuz-Bashi thirty, and the Om-Bashi fifteen. The pay of every Horse-man is from nine to fifteen Tomans a year. Besides, every year the King makes a gene∣ral Muster, and then he gives to the Corschis a third part more than their usual pay; however, to some more, to others less, either according to favour or merit. When the King has resolv'd to put a great Man to death, he commits the execu∣tion of his command to a Corschi.

The Gouler-Agasi is General of the Goulams, or Slaves. For indeed they are either Slaves, or the Sons of Slaves of all sorts of Nations, who do the King ve∣ry good Service They are for the most part runnegade Georgians; and there are about 18000 of these Goulams, being all Horse-men; whose pay is from five to eight Tomans a year. The Corschis are very good Husbands; but the Goulams, as soon as they have receiv'd their pay, fall a drinking and swaggering; whereas the other, if he has a Piaster to spare, will buy a Sheep with it: For in regard they live in Tents, their Riches consists in Flocks. The greatest part of the Court of Persia is made up of these two Bodies. The Goulams have this peculiar to them∣selves, that they are very rarely known to revolt. For being all Slaves, and of different Nations, there are no ties of Affection or Kindred between them: And if the King has an occasion to punish any of them, the chief of their Body is to execute his orders. The Goulams carry no other Arms besides a Bow and Ar∣rows, with a Skain. Though some wear Coats of Mail, and Head-pieces: others Vambraces and Battel-Axes. These Horse-men never entrench in the Field like ours in Europe, nor have they any Field-Marshals to assign them quarters. For after the chief have taken up the best places, the rest set up their Tents as neer as they can to the Pavillion of the General.

The Tufenkgiler-Agasi is the General of the Tufenkgis, who compose the third Body of the Militia. This part of the Souldiery was but lately instituted, being compos'd of men taken from the Plough, as being most fit for labour. They are Foot-men with only a Scimiter and a Musket. But when they march, they have a Horse or a Mule between three or four, to carry their Baggage and Provisions. Their pay is not above four or five Tomans a year. And for their Officers, their pay is more or less according to their Quality and Command. They are in no great reputation, being laugh'd at by the old Souldiers, as being a company of poor Countrey-men, that dare not look an enemy in the face. Not but that the Infantry of Persia is able to do good service; though, as numerous as they are, the King never makes use of them, but in case of necessity. When he marches in person, he sends for eight or ten thousand, which he sends for out of what Province best pleases him, and they prove very useful to the Army, as Sutlers. This Infan∣try is compos'd of the Countrey-men that live in Tents, abiding in the Mountains all the Summer, and betaking themselves in the Winter to the hot Countrreys. Every Tribe or Family knows how many men it ought to set out. And there is not a Foot-man that has not his new-Suit in his Chest, and his Musket and Scimi∣ter in very good order. They are well train'd, and well disciplin'd; for every

three months the Governor of the Province takes a review of all the Souldiers in his Province, and causes them to be exercis'd in his own presence. They are order'd to shoot at a mark, and they that hit it, are sure to have some reward from the Governor. When the King sends for any part of his Infantry, they pre∣sently know who is to lead 'em; and they are all lusty, and well clad, never put∣ting on their best Clothes but when they muster, or march into the Field. They pay to the King little or nothing: for of all their Cattel great and small, they pay but one in the hundred to him, and one Abassi, or 18 Sous of our Money.

The Eshek-Agasi, or chief of the Keshekshi's, who are the King's Guards, and carry a Musket with a very wide bore. They were but lately instituted by the Athemat-doulet, when he intended to destroy the Divan-begui. This Officer has about 2000 men under him, of which he disposes every night a certain number, round about the Palace. When the King sits in Council, he stands there with a Battoon in his hand, and throws himself to the ground when the King beckons to him to come and receive any command from his mouth. The Topigi-Bashi is the Master of the Ordnance, and ehief of the Sea-affairs, but he has little to do in either employment. For, as for the Cannon, there are only some two or three pittiful Guns in some of the Frontier-towns: And for Ships, there are none in Persia but what come from Europe or the Indies to Ormns or Balsara. The Per∣sians themselves have no other Ships than some few large Barks in the Persian-Gulph, and in some parts of the Caspian-Sea, where they keep a Fleet against the Usbeck Tartars, the Kalmoukes, and other people.

As for the Kaus or Governors of Provinces, they are generally chosen out of the body of Corschi's and Goulams; who are handsom persons, and generally much more Valiant than the natural Persians. For the natural complexion of the Per∣sians is not good, as may be seen by the Gaures, the original Inhabitants of the Countrey, who are for the most part tann'd, and ill-shap'd. So that there is hardly a Persian, from the King to the meanest of his Subjects, who is not a Georgian, or sprung from the loins of Georgidns. For they fetch a great number of Slaves out of Georgia; by the frequent Marriages of whichwomen, the Georgian Valour and Beauty are become Natives of Persia.

The Kans or Governors of Provinces are as so many petty Kings, fear'd and re∣spected by all the people. And when they are settl'd, they are never depos'd, but upon repeated complaints of their excessive Tyranny. There are some of these Governments that yield the Kan seven or eight thousand Tomans. But they are bound to present the King every year at Nourons, or New-years-tide.

Under the Kans there are also Governors of lesser quality, who are also im∣mediately preferr'd by the King, and cannot be depos'd by any person but him∣self. If they abuse their Authority, the complaints brought against him are first carri'd to the Kan,; which, if they concern the Government of the Kingdom, the Kan is bound to inform the King thereof. But if the complaints are not considerable, then the Kan may do Justice himself, and make the Sultans know their duty.

There is yet a third sort of Governors, call'd Asephs, who are the King's Lieu∣tenants in places where he had Kans in former times; or where he ought to have them still, but only to save charges. For in the Provinces where Kans Govern, they and their Officers, almost equalling in name and number the Officers of the King's Houshold, devour all the profits of the Province, but what the Kan is ob∣lig'd annually to pay.

By what I have wrote as well concerning the King's Houshold, the Governors of his Provinces, and the Officers of his Army, it may be easily concluded that the King of Persia's Court is the most magnificent and glorious of all the Courts of Asia; and besides, that it is the most Polite and Civil of all the Orient.

CHAP. XI. Of the second Order, containing all those that belong to the Ecclesiasti∣cal Law, and their Courts of Justice; and, in general, of all the Gown-men; such as are chiefly the Officers of the Chamber of Ac∣counts.

THE second of the three Estates of Persia comprehends the Gown-men, such as are the Doctors of the Law, the Officers of Justice, and those of the Chamber of Accounts.

As the Athemat-doulet is the Prime Minister in Temporals, the Sedre is the Prime Minister in Spirituals, and the High-Priest of the Law. However, he does not pretend to take place before the Athemat-doulet either in Council, or in the publick Ceremonies. There is this difference between the Sedre and the Mufti in Turkey, that in Persia Ecclesiastical Dignities are no bar from Civil Employments; so that the Sedre is many times made Athemat-doulet.

The Dignity of Sedre is not limited to one single person, but may be divided between two, in regard there are two sorts of Legacies, the one from the King's of Persia, the other from particular persons. Therefore for the more careful Superintendency over these two sorts of Legacies, there are sometimes two Se∣dres appointed. The one is call'd Sedre-Kras, particular or peculiar Sedre, who manages all the Revenues of the Royal Foundations, and distributes them to the Mullaks and Students according to their merit. The other is call'd Sedre-el-man∣koufat, who has the management of private Foundations. In the year 1667 the King created two Sedres, and marri'd them to two of his Sisters.

The Sedre has two men under him, whose Authority is almost equal to theirs. The one is call'd Speik-el-selom, and the other Cadi: and these are they that decide all controversies in Religion, judge of Divorces, make Contracts and publick Acts. These two Dignities are in the King's nomination: and in all the principal Cities of the Kingdom there are two of these Ecclesiastical Judges for all matters that concern the Law.

To every Mosquee there belongs a Pichnamaz, who is always first there before Prayers begin; and he teaches the people to Pray by learning of him, having their eyes always fix'd upon him to that end. This Picknamaz is the same with him whom the Turks call Iman. The Moullah's are the Doctors of the Law, as are the Hodgia's in Turkey, and they are well paid out of the Legacies giv'n to the Mosquees, for reading every Friday, and interpreting the Alcoran to the people. He that reads, sits in one Chair; and he that interprets, in another, somewhat lower upon the left-hand of the Reader. They are also bound to teach the Sci∣ences to all those that require it: and, as a mark of Sanctity, they wear a great white Turbant, with a single Chamlet-habit of the same colour. Their gate is grave, and their discourse very serious; yet all this is but pure hypocrisy. When they light into any considerable company of people, they presently rise, and ex∣hort 'em to go to Prayers. At the same time they wash their heads, their hands, and their feet, and spread a felt upon the ground, or if they are poor, a single mat. Upon this, at one end, the Maulla kneels, at the other lies a flat Stone about the bigness of the paulm of a man's hand, which was brought from Mecca. Which Stones the Moullah's always carry about 'em; for being commanded while they are at their devotions often to kiss the ground, they rather choose to kiss a Stone brought from so holy a place, than the prophane Earth. They have a kind of a Mariners compass, which directs them punctually where Mecca stands, to the end they may know which way to turn when they say their Prayers. The Prayer which the Moulla's make, seems to be accompani'd with a great deal of zeal, and they take great notice all the while whether the company be atten∣tive or no. Some Persians are so superstitious, that a Vizir of Schiras suffer'd his leg to rot off, because he would not let a Christian Chirurgeon touch him, for fear of being defil'd.

There belongs also to every Mosquee a Monteveli, who looks after the repairs of the Building, and the Provision of what belongs to the Mosquee; together with a Mouazen, who cries morning and evening from the top of a Tower, That there is but one God, and that Mahomet is his Prophet.

Colledges, the Persians call Medrese; where there are a great number of Scholars bred up at little charge, out of the Legacies left to the Foundations. They al∣low them a Chamber without any Furniture, they being to provide a Coverlet and a Mattress for themselves. They have no certain Masters, but sometimes they go for their instructions to one, sometimes to another, seldom to the Princi∣pal of the Colledg, who is call'd Monderes, and is generally the greatest Block∣head of them all. But there are several other persons in every good City that are forward to teach the Sciences to purchase honour to themselves. For which reason they are very liberal, to get a great company of Fol∣lowers together, who are as so many Trumpets to publish the wisdom of their Akroom or Doctor. But when their Liberality ceases, the Trumpets want breath at the same time.

Now, as to their manner of studying, the Student first reads two or three lines, and then the Doctor Expounds. Then another reads two or three lines more, and so one after another; every one rising up out of respect after he has done reading, and standing upright till the Doctor bids him sit down again. One of these Doctors shall teach all manner of Sciences in one day; for he is not learned that cannot talk of all. And certainly had the Persians those advantages of Books, and that method of study which we have in Europe, they would prove to be men of great understanding: for with those little helps they have, they will give a good account of their own Theology, of Logick, Physick, and the Mathematicks, wherein they strive to reach the bottom of things as deep as they can. Their Books are for the most part the works of an ancient Persian Author, whose name was Kodgia Nesir in the City of Thouss, in the Province of Korassan. Tis very probable he was well skill'd in the Greek and Arabick, having translated into Per∣sian several Books out of those two Languages. They have some pieces of Ari∣stotle which are accounted the best in the West: The Almagistes of Ptolemy, which they call Magesti; some tractates of Euclide, some fragments of Archimedes: the Opticks of Ebne, Heister, and other excellent Books. Some have affirm'd that they have been skill'd in the doctrin of Sines and Tangents for above this 800 years: and indeed they are very curious at this day in Mathematical Instruments. They have also a great inclination to Poetry, the chiefest grace whereof they be∣lieve to consist in design of accidents, and high comparisons, observing Rhime as we do. As for Physick, they have Galen, whom they call Galenous; Averroes, whom they call Aboualt, or great Father; and Hermes Trismegistus, whom they call Or∣mous. The most considerable of their Historians is Ronze el Sapha, who wrote a Chronology from the Creation of the World to his time; wherein there are abundance of fables, but little truth. He says that the World was inhabited by Devils for an infinite number of years before the Creation of Adam, and that God for their enormities depriv'd them of their power upon earth, and gave it to man to manage. Their Books, though deer, are very common, and every Trades-man buys 'em, being very ambitious to learn the Sciences themselves, and to encou∣rage their children to do so too. They send them betimes to the School, which they call Meklebe, of which there are several in every Quarter. They make a hideous noise in their Schools, repeating their Lessons altogether aloud, while the Master corrects every Boy that does not keep along with the Cry. As for the children of persons of Quality, they have Tutors at home, never stirring out of doors till they are 18 years of age, unless it be to go a hunting or a shoot∣ing now and them. Hence it comes to pass, that the Children are discreet, civil and modest; so that you shall never hear an ill word come out of their mouths.

In the Chamber of Accounts are many Officers, whom I look upon as Gown∣men. All the Books and Registers pass through their hands, particularly such Pa∣pers as concern'd the King's Revenue. All which are register'd in the Chamber of Accounts at Ispahan, which is call'd Defter-Krone. As to the Fee-Lands call'd Moulkerbar, which belong to particular persons, they owe to the King a certain

annual Rent, which the Governors of Provinces exact with a severe extorti∣on.

The Mestempti and the Memalek are they that value the Rent of all Lands in Demesh, which is one of the principal charges of the Defter-Kroon. They also take cognisance of all the King's Farms, Quit-Rents, Provisions and Ex∣pences of Receivers and Collectors. There is also a Mestempti to value Lega∣cies.

The Nazer controuls the Mestempti and the Memalek, and his hand is requir'd to all Papers of dispatch.

The Deroga or Provost of the Dester-Kroon is to prosecute and punish all that are guilty of false Receipts, or of Exaction.

Into this Office are deliver'd all the Grants and Assignations of the wages of the King's Officers. Every man comes and receives his own, or sends for it to those places upon which this Money is assign'd.

In every Village or Borough there is a Reis, or chief of the place, to whom the Officers apply themselves for their Money: for should they terrify the Countrey-man, he would run quite away, and pay nothing. The greatest cheat in this Chamber of Accounts, is, that in regard the Officers keep the Roll of the Officers wages, they will give them divers Bills to receive little parcels at several places distant from one another, till the Sum be made up; to which trouble rather than the Kings servant will be put, he will give a good gratuity to the Officer to pay him all together. But because the Officers are not able to satisfy all that come, there are certain Thahsilders or hoarders up of Rent, who buy for ready Money as cheap as they can, such Bills as private men come to receive at the Chamber; and when they have got a good number together, they go and receive them altogether at the Chamber, and make great advantage. By this misgovernment of the Dester-Kroon, several persons are very much opprest. For he that has but 30 Tomans a year, shall be forc'd to give a good share out of it to have the rest in ready Mo∣ney; which has been often the ruine of the Persian Army, through the abuses and defalcations put upon the poor Souldiers. During the Reign of Sha-Abbas the 1; and toward the beginning of the Reign of Sha-Sefi his Son, the Exche∣quer was better regulated; but when the Persians came to be at Peace with their Neighbours, the King and his Lords have minded nothing less than the payment of the Souldiery.

The greatest part of the Lands in Persia belong to the King, and are only farm'd by private persons. The rest of the Lands are measur'd, and every Land pays so much a measure. The King also has a vast income by the Merchandizes that pay Custom and Toll. The Port of Bander-Abassi alone brings him one year with another, when least, besides accidents, neer upon 20000 Tomans.

CHAP. XII. Of the third Estate of the Kingdom, comprehending the Tradesmen and Merchants: as also of the Trades, Manufactures, and Commodities of Persia.

THe Commerce of Persia, as in all other Kingdoms, consists in the Trade of the Country and Forraign Traffick. Only with difference, that the Country Trade is in the hands of the Persians and Jews, the forraign Traffic in the hands of the Armenians only, who are as it were the Kings and the Noble mens Fa∣ctors to sell their silk.

As for the Handicraft trades, there are some Corporations that pay a certain yearly duty to the King, as Shoemakers, Cutlers, Smiths, and others. Some are free, as the Joyners and Masons: though he get by their labour as much as others pay him in money. For when the King requires twenty Masons for a work which is in hast, the Marmar Bashi who is their Chief, summons them together, and they that give most are excus'd. For when the King requires but twenty, he summons forty: and thus every man lives by his calling. The practice is the same with the Chief of the Joyners, and all other Trades, who are Officers pay'd by the King, and never work unless they please themselves, commanding all that are under their Jurisdiction. As for Carpenters and Joyners work, the Persians know little what belongs to it, which proceeds from the scarcity of Wood, that does not allow them materials to work upon. So that for Chairs, Tables and Bedsteads, there are no such things to be seen in Persia: the Joyners business being only to make Doors and Frames for Windows, which they make very neatly of several pieces of wood join'd together, so that a man can hardly put a Tennis Ball through the holes where they put the glass. Nor can it be expected that the Persians should work like other Europeans, having no other Tools then a Hatchet, a Saw, and a Chizzel, and one sort of Plainer, which a Frenchman brought among them.

Their nobler Arts are Writing, for Printers they know none. All their Books are writt'n, which is the reason they so much esteem that Art. There was an Armenian who had set up a Printing-Press at Ispahan, and had Printed the Epistles of St. Paul, the seven Penitential Psalms, and was going about to Print the whole Bible, but not having the way of making good Ink, and to avoid the ill consequen∣ces of the Invention, he was forc'd to break his Press. For on the one side the Children refus'd to learn to write, pretending they wrote the Bible themselves, on∣ly to get it the sooner by heart: on the other side many persons were undone by it, that got their living by writing.

The Persians use three sorts of hands, the first is call'd Nestalick, or the Set-hand: the second Shakeste or Divanni, which is their Court-hand: the third Neskre, or the Running-hand, very like the Arabic. They write with small Indian Reeds; and say, that to write well, a man ought to lean so slightly upon his Pen, that should a fly stand upon the other end it would fall out of his hand. When they write they hold their Paper in one hand to turn it according to the motion of the Pen, other∣wise they could not make their dashes large and free, as the Character requires. They make their Paper of Cotton Fustian, very course, brown, and of no strength, for the least folding tears it. They sleek it with a sleek stone, and then rub it over to make it more sleek. Their Ink is made of Galls and Charcoal pounded together with Soot.

The Persians reck'n four Languages among 'em. The Persian call'd Belick, that is, sweet and pleasing. The Turkish, call'd Sciascet, or the Rodomontado Language. The Arabian, to which they give the Epithite of Feschish or Eloquent: and the fourth, call'd Cobahet, or the Speech of the Country people. The Persian in use among the Gentry is compos'd almost of all Arabic words: by reason that the Persian is very barren. But the Gibbrish of the Country people is so corrupt that they in the City can hardly understand 'em. The Arabian is the Language of the Learned, in which tongue their Books are written. The Language of the Court

is Turkish, but much more soft and elegant then at Constantinople. As for the Persian Language, it is spoken in the Courts of the Great Mogul, and the Kings of Golconda and Visapour, in all which Courts a Noble man would take it for an af∣front to be spok'n to in the Indian Language.

As for their Painters they only paint in miniature, and for Birds and Flowers they will draw them indifferently well: But for figures and stories they know not what belongs to any such thing.

The Persians are most excellent Artists for manufactures of Gold, Silk and Silver, of which their rich Carpets and Tissues are made: nor do their Gold and Silver Manufactures ever grow black or loose their luster by long wearing or lying by. There are abundance that work in Silk stuffs of all sorts, and others that make Bonnets and Girdles of Gold and Silk. Others there are whose business it is to fast'n flowers of Gold and Silver to their Taffata's, with gum water, of which the women make Shifts and Drawers. And now they begin to make such large quantities of Taffata's, that they care not for the stuffs which are brought out of India, though they be much finer.

They also make great quantities of Linnen Cloth of all sorts of colours, upon which they fast'n several flowers with gum water, and some figures, though the Law forbid it. Which they learnt to do upon the Armenians carrying out of Eu∣rope some ill-favour'd cuts and pieces in distemper which they bought here without judgment: these pieces they hang before their doors, and those hollow places in the walls where they put their Quilts and Carpets when they rise.

The Persians are excellent Artists at Damasquing with Vitriol, or engraving Da∣mask-wise upon Swords, Knives, and the like. But the nature of the Steel which they make use of, very much contributes to their Art, in regard they cannot perform the same work neither upon their own nor ours. This steel is brought from Golconda, and is the only sort of steel which can be damasqu'd. For when the workman puts it in the fire, he needs no more then to give it the redness of a Cherry, and instead of quenching it in the water as we do, to wrap it in a moist Linnen cloth: for should he give it the same heat as to ours, it would grow so hard that when it came to be wrought it would break like glass. I speak this to undeceive those people who think our Scimitars and Cut-lasses are made of steel of Damascus, which is a vulgar error; there being no steel but that of Golconda that can be Damask'd.

The Persians are also excellent Artists at making Bows and Arrows, and such other weapons as are us'd in that Country. As for Bridles and Saddles their Ar∣tists far exceed ours, especially in their sowing, which they do so neatly and with so much art with a kind of back-stitch, that it looks almost like an embroidery. There are an infinite number that live by dressing Seal-skins and Goat-skins, the first to make boots for the Gentry and better sort of Merchants, the latter for the poor people.

There is also a sort of earthen ware made at Kerman which is very fine, and be∣ing brok'n looks as white within as without. It does not endure hear so well as Porcellane, which has this quality, that if you powre never so hot liquor into a Porcellane cup, neither the foot nor the brims a-top will be any thing the warmer.

There are abundance of poor people that get their living by mending glass To∣bacco-pipes, for when they are brok'n they join them together again with a cer∣tain mastic made of lime, and the white of an egg, then with a Diamond-pointed piercer they make holes in the glass, and bind the pieces together with a thin Latten-wire.

The most considerable commodities of Persia are the Silks which come out of the Province of Guilan. But there is not so much transported out of-Persia as men imagin. For formerly great quantities of Velvets, Tissues and Taffata's were transported out of Persia into these parts: but now we make them better and cheap∣er in Europe.

There is also a vast quantity of flat silk transported out of Persia into Turkie, Muscovy and Poland, which the women use in embroidery: for the Colours being lively, they embroider their shifts, hankerchers, vails, and other linnen with it.

The Seal-skins and Goat-skins which are dress't in Persia are transported by the

Hollander into India and Japan. Great quantities also of both are transported into Muscovy and Poland.

The Ronas, that famous Root, of which I have already spoken, is transported over all India, where there is also a great vent of Persian fruits pickl'd in Vinegar, as also of their sweet waters.

Their Pistaches grow in great abundance about Casbin; Almonds from the Terri∣tories of Yesd and Kerman, Raisins from several parts of the Kingdom, especially from Schiras: And their purgative Prunes, which they call Alonbacara, from the Frontiers that border upon Tartary.

Great store of Quinces candied, and boxes of Marmaled made at Balsara, are thence transported into India, where they are bought up by the Mahometans and Portugueses. For the Banians will eat none, for fear they should by accident bury a fly in their stomachs.

Great store of dry'd Fruits are brought out of the Country of the Medes, and transported to Tocat, to Diarbequir, Nineveh and Dagdat. Among the rest a sort of small Abricots, very pleasing to the taste, which being boyl'd in water make a pleasant syrrup, and are the only diet for the sick in those parts.

There are also great store of painted Calicuts made in Persia, which being course, are only worn and made use of by the poor, so that there is very little transported out of the Country, but what is carried into Turkie.

The Persians also make a great deal of money of their Cattel; and to begin with their Camels, they sell vast numbers of them into Armenia and Natolia. But the Governours of the Provinces are very unwilling to part with them; which very much abates the trade. For the Turks very highly esteem the Persian Camels, as being stronger than their own. They also sell great store of Horses and Mules; but that trade is not so considerable, the chiefest part being only sent into India.

As for their Sheep, 'tis a wonderful thing to see what prodigious numbers come out of the Province of the Medes and the Higher Armenia, and the Forraign Mer∣chants come as far as Tauris and Hamadan to fetch them away. They drive them as far as Constantinople and Adrianople, and the greatest part of the Mutton which is spent in Natolia and Romania comes out of Persia, which very much enriches Persia with ready mony. But when Lamb is in season, as we travel with the Ca∣ravans, we meet at every turn with flocks after flocks, the least of which consists of a thousand Lambs: and in regard there are some of those Lambs that are weary, and lag behind, we buy them at a very cheap rate, the Shepheards that are not able to carry them, being glad to be rid of 'em.

Formerly the Merchant Fewellers brought some Turquoises of the old rock out of Persia; but for these 15 years last past there have bin none found. The last time I was there I could only meet with three, which were but reasonable. As for those of the new rock, they are of no value, because they do not keep their colour, but turn green in a little time.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Justice and Policy of the Persians.

THe Justice of the Persians is very exact and very speedy. Suits are determin'd upon the place without any need of Advocates or Proctors. Not but that the Officers of Justice are easie to be corrupted, but in their unjust exactions, which they carry as secretly as possibly they can, they are sooner satisfi'd then the Turks: and if their injustice be discover'd, upon complaint to the King they are punisht without mercy.

The Kans do Justice in their Provinces, as representing the Kings person. Be∣sides that, the King has a Divan Begui in every City, and the Kan places under him a Deroga, who is like the Lieutenant Criminal in France. He has under him an Aatas, who is a kind of Captain of the watch; who goes about the streets in the night to hinder disorders, and carries all people to Prison that he finds abroad at unseasonable hours, if they cannot give a good accompt of themselves. There is also a Kelonter, that is, the chiefest or greatest, who seems to resemble the Tri∣bune of the People among the Romans, or the Provost of Merchants in France. The Kelonter is only responsible to the King, who places one in every City, and it is his business to defend the People from the injustice and oppressions of the Go∣vernours.

Murther is severely punish'd, nor will money save the Criminal. When the Murtherer is tak'n, they carry him before the Divan Begui, who makes quick work. For he delivers him to the Parents or kindred of the person slain, who carry him to the place of execution, and without any compassion torture him to death.

I remember the Kan of Schiras had a Favourite, who falling in love with a young Persian Gentleman, would needs endeavour to have the use of his body. One day meeting upon the Road together, and lying at night under the same Tent, the Favourite about midnight came to his bed side, and after many sollicitations would have forc'd him. But being violently resisted, the Favourite for madness to see himself disappointed, and liable to be discover'd, stabb'd the young Gentle∣man to the heart, and fled to the Mountains. The Murther being divulg'd, the Mother, Widow and Sister of the young man repair'd to the Kan for Justice, who willing to save his Minion, offer'd them money: but they scorning his proffer, threaten'd to complain to the King. The Kan being thereupon constrain'd to pur∣sue his Favourite, at length took him and sent him to Ispahan, telling them that he would not judge of the Affair, but refer it to the King. The Mother, Widow and Sister immediately follow'd the Murtherer to Ispahan; and demanded Justice of the King with that eagerness, that though the King had an inclination to have spar'd the Kan's Favourite for his Masters sake, he was forc'd to abandon him, and to bid them pay themselves with his blood. Immediately he was carri'd to the Meydan, where the Widow first stabb'd him to the heart with a Dagger, then the Mother took her turn, and after the Sister; and then holding a Cup to receive his blood, drank every one a cup full to quench the thirst of their revenge.

Nor are they so exact in the punishment of Murther only; for they punish dis∣orders in houses of Debauchery with a proportionable strictness, of which I will give the Reader two examples. A young Hollander, coming to Ispahan, presently put himself into a Persian habit; and going in the evening to a house of good fel∣lowship, met with certain Persians, with whom he happen'd to quarrel, and being well beaten for his pains, thought it not convenient to stay any longer where he had bin so ill entertain'd. Thereupon the Dutch Interpreter went and complain'd to the Athemadoulet, who inform'd the King. The King immediately sent for the people that had beaten the Hollander, and ask'd them why they abus'd a stranger? To which the others made answer that they saw no stranger, but only a man clad after the Persian garb. Whereupon the King told the Interpreter, that if the Dutch-man had worn his own Country habit, his Subjects durst not have abus'd him, but as the case stood, he had no reason to punish 'em.

One day it happen'd that there was a great hubbub in one of those houses of debauchery, where the woman had prostituted her own Daughter. The King in∣form'd of it, commanded the Mother to be thrown headlong from a Tower: and that the Daughter should be torn a pieces by his doggs, which he keeps a purpose for such chastisements.

Above all things there is an extraordinary care taken for the security of the High-ways. For which purpose guards are set at convenient distances, who are ready to pursue upon the least noise of a Robbery, and who examin people whence they come and whither they go. If they answer not as they should, or trip in their Answers, they carry them before the next Governor. Those Radars are so posted over all Persia, that you need no more then send to the places where they keep station, to know what is become of any person that has committed a crime. For it is impossible to scape, all the Passes are so well guarded. If any one endeavours to travel through the Mountains or unfrequented roads, then the Radars who are in all places, seize such persons upon suspition, for not taking the direct road.

As the Caravan was one day setting out from Tauris for Ispahan, a poor fellow took an occasion to rob a Cloak-bag during the hurly-burly of packing up, and fled cross the fields not knowing his way: the Merchant missing his goods, complain'd to the Governour who having sought for him in vain, sent order to the Guards of the High-ways, to make a strict examination, and to send the person to him so soon as they had seiz'd him. In a short time the Thief was constrain'd to forsake his Cloak-bag and to come a thwart the fields for water. Who being examin'd by the Radars why he came alone by such a by way, and not knowing what to answer, was carri'd to the Governour. He was soon convicted and condemn'd to death, for Thieves find no mercy in Persia. Only they are variously put to death. For sometimes they are ty'd to a Camels tayl by the feet, and their bellies rip't open. Sometimes they are buried alive all but their heads, and starv'd to death: in which torment they will sometimes desire a Passenger to cut off their heads; though it be a kindness forbidden by the Law. But the most cruel punishment of all, is when they set the Thief a Horse-back, with his extended Arms fasten'd to a long stick behind: then larding him with lighted Candles, they suffer the Candles to burn into his very bowels. Another and I met two in this misery, who desir'd us to hasten their deaths, which we durst not do, only we gave them a Pipe of Tobacco according to their desire.

As for those that steal in Cities, they tye them by the heels to the tayl of a Ca∣mel, and rip up their bellies: and then as the Camel drags the poor creature along the streets while one goes before him crying, The King has punish'd him for such a crime. If yet he be not dead, they hang him upon the next tree.

The Radars have little wages, which makes them use their Rhetoric to get what honestly they can out of the Travellers, to whom they tell long stories of their care for the security of the high-ways.

If it happen that a Merchant be rob'd, the Governour of the Province is to make good to the Merchant whatever he has lost, according as he shall make out by his Oath or his Book. Nor dare the Governors deny satisfaction, fearing a complaint at Ispahan. I my self was rob'd of two Bales of goods, between Lar and Schiras, to the value of 1400 Piasters, but upon complaint to the Governour upon my own oath and shewing him my Book, he pay'd me all my loss in gold, and gave me a present in wine besides.

The Posts or Shappars are those that carry the Kings dispatches to the Gover∣nours of Provinces. When they are sent any whither, the Kings Esquire finds them a Horse, and a man that runs to the end of the Stage, to bring him back again. If these Curriers meet a Horseman upon the road, they have power to dis∣mount him, if their own be not so good, or be tyr'd: and the Horseman must ei∣ther run after his Horse, or send some body to the end of the Stage. Sometimes these Curriers abusing their power, within a quarter of an hour after they have chang'd their Horse, if they meet another better mounted, they will take away his Horse too. Nor dares the Horseman resist, though he be never so much too strong; for there is no pardon for them that lay so much as a finger upon one of these Shappars; at other times they will pretend to take away a mans Horse

only to get money. But they are forbid to deal so by the Franks; and I have pass'd by them, when they have said nothing to me.

Their Government in relation to Belly-timber is the best in the world. For there is a Mohteseb, who is the chief of the Government, whose business it is to set a rate upon all sorts of Provision, being assisted by three or four more Assessors. Every first day of the week there is a public Proclamation of taxe upon the weight of every thing. Which Assessors in the evening advize together against the next day whether to raise or abate the price before set. This order was esta∣blish'd by the great Sha Abbas, and was in his raign more punctually observ'd then it has been since. By the by observe, that all provisions of belly-timber are sold by weight and not by measure: so that you may send a Child to Market; for if the Commodity be not weight,'tis well if the buyer be satisfy'd with having his money again. For if the seller be discover'd to sell by false weights, they are led about the streets with a Taktekolas, or a Bonnet like a Bee-hive upon their heads, and a Bell about their necks to expose'em first to the laughter of the people: after that they are fin'd, and receive so many drubs upon the soles of their feet.

If this good order were not observ'd in Persia, the poor would suffer very much. For the handicraft tradesmen that work all day in shops remote from their houses, where their wives are continually shut up, eat nothing at noon but a little fruit in season: and then in the evening when they leave work, they go to the Market and buy for their Families boyld or roast meat, of which there is great plenty. Therefore are they so exact, least so many poor labouring men should be de∣ceiv'd.

One day a Baker of the City came to the Kan, complaining that the Judge of the Government had set too low a price upon bread, so that he should be a great loser. To whom the Kan made answer, that'twas not his business to alter the price: bidding him go to the Magistrate that was concern'd. But the Baker belie∣ving the Kan could do any thing, sent him a present of fifty Tomans. The Kan seeing the ill design of the Baker to oppress the poor people, and the ill opinion he had of him as a seller of Justice, commanded him to be carri'd to the Piazza, and there to be drub'd upon the soles of his feet till he pay'd the other fifty Tomans, which the Kan forthwith distributed to the poor, and caus'd the price of bread to be abated instead of raising it.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Manners and Customes of the Persians.

THe Manners and Customes of the people are usually correspondent to their Religion. The Persians never preserve the name of their Predecessors, but like the Jews, for distinction sake, say, such a one, the Son of such a one. When they Circumcise a Child and give him a Name, they write three or four Names like Lots in Paper, which are drawn by a Child, and which the Child draws, that is the Name of the Child. The women that are barren, swallow that which is cut from the Child, believing it will make them conceive.

The Persians are generally very inquisitive after the time to come, consulting their Astrologers like Oracles: The King has always two or three by him, to tell him the good or bad hour. There is an Almanac which is sold every year in Per∣sia, which they call Tacuim; but is indeed an Ephimerides, containing the Longi∣tudes and Latitudes of the Planets, the Conjunctions and Oppositions; and other such things. This Tacuim is full of predictions about Wars, Sicknesses and Famin. It sets the proper seasons to put on new cloathes, to let blood, to Purge, or tra∣vel, with many other instructions of the same nature. They give great credit to this Tacuim, and they that can get one, govern themselves in all things according to the Rules there set down. Others to know the success of their affairs, go to

a Doctor of the Law, and desire him to open the Al-couran, and to tell them the issue of their business. Thereupon the Doctor muttering some strange words, * 1.1 opens the Book, and if he meets with affirmative commands, he declares the undertaking shall prosper. If negatives, he disswades from the enterprize. I re∣member a Gardiner belonging to the Capuchin Friers, would needs go to one of those Moullah's, to know whether he should get by an Ox that he was about to buy. Whereupon the Moullah assur'd him he should reap great profit by his bar∣gain: but quite contrary, the Ox dy'd upon his hands within three days, to the great astonishment of the Gardiner. When a Capuchin tax'd the Moullah for the falsities of his pretended Art, the Moullah reply'd, that God knew that the Gar∣diner would spend his Money upon lewd Women, and therefore took from him the means and support of his debauchery.

They also use a sort of divination, which is call'd Rambé, by even or odd, the Masters of which mystery, call'd Rammals, keep Shops on purpose to delude the people. When they see people coming, they have persons suborn'd on purpose; who holding out their hands shut, ask the Rammal what he thinks they have in their hands. The Rammal at first seems to be at a stand; throwing certain Dice, call'd Kiabetain, the specks whereof are some even, some uneven; but when there are people enough gathered together, he tells point by point how many specks his fellow-Cheat has in his hands. Who counterfeiting astonishment, encourages the poor silly creatures that stand gazing, to spend something for a lye which they sell them. They also make use of the Faal; which is to open a Book, & by numbers even or odd, to prognosticate good or bad fortune. In their interpretation of dreams, the Interpreter foretells the future to him that enquires conformable to what he says he saw in his dream. He has a great Book lying before him, full of little Pictures and Grotesco-work, wherein he strives to shew the people some Fantasm or Apparition, which they will tell you they saw in the night. These chears are usually practis'd about the Palace, where all the idle people flock together; as al∣so upon the Road to Zulpha, where they lye upon the Road to catch the silly Passengers.

The Persians are mightily addicted to ill language, and foul-mouth'd reproaches. So that when two men fall out, instead of fighting with their fists, they fight with their tongues, and curse one another. But they never blaspheme God: for if they should hear one swear, or wish themselves at the Devil, they would ery out in an astonishment, Is not that Fellow a fool to give himself upon trust to the Devil, and renounce Paradise? When they would affirm any thing to be true, all their Oaths are Ser-azire-sha, By the King's beloved head; or, Erva pigumbir, by the Spirit of the Prophet. I remember once at Galata, walking with some of the French Embassador's Servants, we saw two Turks: at Cuffs; after they were par∣ted, one of them gave the other a thousand curses; to which, the other reply'd no more than only this; I wish, said he, thy Soul may have no more repose in Paradise, than the Hat of a French-man has in this World, alluding to out manner of salutation, and putting off our Hats so often as we do.

The Persians are naturally great Dissemblers and Flatterers; and they make so their study to acquire esteem and applause. They love to give and receive Pre∣sents: more especially to present the King. Which Presents are valu'd, and ac∣cording to the estimate, they must send ten per cent. to the Serjeant Porter, and five per cent. to his Deputy: which, if they do not pay willingly, they are fotc'd to pay: which I saw the Deputy of the Holland-Company forc'd to do.

The Luxury and the Expences of the Persians is excessive, as I have in several places observ'd. And though it be against the Law of Mahomet to make use of Gold or Silver-plate, which sets aside that metal only for Commerce and for Mo∣ney; none but the poor observe that Law, for the rich make no scruple to trans∣gress it.

The Persians are very much accustom'd to make mutual Visits one to another at their solemn Festivals, and to wish one another good cheer, and a merry season. The more noble sort stay at home to expect the Visits of their Inferiors, after that they get a Horseback, and return their Visits. The Curtisans continue their Visits all the year long, and going to the Noble-mens Houses, stay in the great Hall till they come out of their Harams. Whither, when the Noblemen come,

they lay their hands upon their stomachs, and bow, which is their manner of sa∣luting the Company that tarries for them. After some few Compliments, they get a Horseback, attended by all their Visitants, who accompany them to the King's House, in expectation of some kindness, by vertue of their favour. The favours which the King usually does to such people, is to send them to the Gover∣nours of Provinces with a Hawk or a Calaat, with order that the said Governours remember the Serjeant Porter.

The Kan being advertiz'd that the Calaat is coming, he rides forth of the City to meet it, attended by all his principal Officers, the chief of the City, and the greatest part of the Inhabitants. The Juglers also must give their attendance, to∣gether with the Drums and Trumpets, and all the Musick-makers. They rendez∣vouz usually in a Garden one or two leagues from the City, where the King's Mes∣senger stays with the Calaat. So soon as the Governour perceives him, he makes a low obeysance, and a Prayer for the King; giving God thanks for that the King is pleas'd to preserve him in his memory: then he puts on the Calaat, which is according to the quality of the Governour: sometimes the Robe alone; some∣times Robe and Cloak: sometimes Robe, Cloak, Girdle, and Bonnet; to which, if he be a Grandee, are added the Scimitar and Dagger: which method is also observ'd toward Embassadors. When the Kan has put on the Calaat, he returns to the City with all his Retinue, goes to the King's House; (for the King has a House in every City,) kisses the Columns of the Gate, and makes certain other Prayers for the prosperity of the King: At length he rides home, where he makes a great Feast, shewing the Calaat to all persons that come to him, who by way of complement cry Moubarek-bashet, that is, may it be blest, and prove a good omen.

The Persians are not much addicted to play: for besides, that the Law forbids it; the Meshaldar-Bashi has a power to fine and punish Gamesters, as I have said already. For which reason he has spies, to which the meaner sort of people dare not refuse entrance into their Houses: but the richer sort laugh at 'em; and will give 'em nothing. Among the Persian Games, there is one game at Cards which the Persians call Gengesé. We have but four distinct marks upon ours, but they have eight. They also play at a kind of Chess, and at Trictrac; which two Games are most in use. The Shopkeepers play in the Streets with little Marble-bowls, not much unlike our Childrens Bowling-stones. But as for Bowling-greens, or Tennis-Courts, they know not what they mean.

Neither the Persians nor any of the Eastern People accustom themselves to walk as we do. And therefore when they see us walking to and fro together in a Garden-Ally for two or three hours together, they are amaz'd. They only spread a Carpet in the fairest place of the Garden, and set themselves down to contem∣plate the verdure of the place: and if they rise, 'tis only to pull the fruit from the trees. For they love to eat what they gather themselves, never caring for what others have handl'd.

The Men never dance, only the Women of Pleasure, which are always sent for to their Feasts; where they dance open-fac'd, and shew a thousand postures to divertise the Company. Their juglers are every jot as good as ours; but whereas ours make use of Balls, they shew their tricks with large Hen-eggs. Their Dancers upon the Ropes far exceed ours. I have seen some of them that have ty'd a Rope to the top of a high Tower, and fasten'd the other to the ground, and then walk∣ing up to the top with their counterpoises in their hands, have laid themselves up∣on the Rope upon their backs, and have slid to the bottom with a swiftness like lightning.

The Persians are altogether as superstitious as the Turks. Before they say their Prayers they are oblig'd to wash: every one having a Reservatory for water in his own House, which is always full of water. They plunge their heads in the water, wash their mouths, rub their forheads; and if a man shews them any nasti∣ness in the Vessel, there's water enough, they cry, for purification; though, if it be Pond-water, it must be four or five foot deep. But if it be Running-water, the least quantity in the World serves to purify 'em, and render 'em fit to pray: while they ground their beliefupon this maxim of the Law of Mahomet, that if it should run through Pishkill, or Camels-dung, it would be sufficient for purification. There is one sort of washing appointed by their Law, which is, to go to their

Baths after they have been with their Wives; and there are some so superstitious as to go there every day. These Baths are round Chambers, so close, that there is no light but what comes from little round windows made in the top of the roof. In the first place, there is the Krasiné, which is a Chamber seven or eight foot square; where, in the middle of the Room, is a great Copper-plate, in the form of a flat Bason, and underneath they make a fire of Brushes or Horse-dung: so that the Plate heats all the water which is in the Chamber: When it is hot enough, a servant belonging to the Bath goes up to the Terras, and winds a horn, to give notice to them that have a mind to come. Should a Persian or a Mahu∣metan miss once in eight days, he would feel an itching all over his body not to be endur'd. For the pores, which the heat of the Bath had open'd, coming to be shut, the vapours of the body not able to get out, prick and tickle the skin. The Men go early in the morning, and stay till two hours after Sun-rising: At the en∣try of the Bath is the place where they undress; and when they are stript all but the secret parts, which they cover with a napkin, they pour hot water upon their shoulders; and then comes a man and rubs off all the sweat and filth of the Body with a coarse Cloath; after which they plunge themselves into a Reservato∣ry of hot water, which they call Kolletain. But these common Baths are very dangerous, and many people of both Sexes have got the fowl Disease, who were never addicted to impurity.

There are also in Persia hir'd people, which they call Saka's, whose business it is to give water to the people as they go along the Streets. Their Barbers are very neat, and surpass ours for lightness of hand; for a man can hardly feel their Ra∣sors. They have also a Knife to pare the nails of the hands and feet, which they do very dextrously. As for their Beards, those that belong to the Law cut it with Scissers, but they leave it not so long as the Turks do, by much. But the Courtiers and Souldiers shave all off, except from their upper-lips, where they take it for a mark of great honour to wear long Mustaches, which they say is the ornament of the face.

The habit of the Persians is a Robe which they call Cabaye, that comes down a little below their knees. This is of very fine quilted Cloath, well cotton'd in the Winter, but much thinner in the Summer.. These Linnens would be very cheap, but that the Persons of Quality change their Robes every day. Their Sleeves are long, and close to their arms, and reaching as far as the wrist. The Robe is fit to their Bodies as far as the Wast; but then it is made wide and loose. Over this they wear a noble Girdle of Silk, adorn'd at the end with flowers of Gold, over which they were another Girdle of fine Kerman-wool. The richer sort are so vain as to wear three Girdles, two of Silk, and one of Kerman-wool, which is ty'd uppermost. Under the Robe or Vest they wear a short Wastcoat of flower'd Fustian quilted, their Shirts being of Silk of divers colours. They use as little Soap in Persia as they can; for Soap is very rare in Persia. When we come out of the Indies, we are forc'd to bring with us Linnen enough to serve us for six months, and then to carry it back again; for they wash much better in In∣dia then in Persia. Their breeches being of Silk, come down to their Ankles, without any codpieces. Their Sesse, or Bonnet, which we call a Turban, is made of a piece of fine Silk mingl'd with Gold, being in form much like our large Pompions: the top thereof is a little flat; and here it is that the end of the Silk being garnish'd with flowers of Gold and Silver, ends in a kind of Posie. These Bonnets are very heavy, especially those that are for the most part nothing but Gold and Silver. The meanest of those is worth 200 Crowns; but there are some which the King and the great Lords wear, that are worth four or five hundred. You shall seldom meet an Officer of any Quality that does not wear a rich Jewel in his Bonnet. The Courtiers and Souldiery wear their Daggers upon their stomachs, stuck in their girdles. The meanest Souldier inlays the handle and sheath of his Dagger; but the Grandees have them all beset with Pearls. There was in the handle of Sha-Abbas the Second's Dagger, a Diamond of above sixty Carats, which, with some other Stones that belong'd to it, was valu'd at 13000 Tomans, or 200000 Crowns. Over their Vest they wear a Justicoar, much like ours. It is fasten'd at the top with a button: and most usually they have nine tufted buttons before set by three and three at an equal distance: but they only

serve for ornament. This Justicoar is either of Cloath, or Tissue; which in Win∣ter is lin'd with Martins, or else with a grey Lambskin that comes from Korasan. And indeed the Persians love diversity of colours in their habits: for their Justicoar is of one colour, their Vest of another, their Breeches of another; and their Shooes, especially the Womens are green, red, yellow, or violet. The Girdle and Turban are always of strip'd Stuff, unless it be the Moullah's, which are always plain.

Besides all this, in the Winter they wear a long Cloak down to their heels, with sleeves of the same length, lin'd with rich Furs. The Persons of Quality, and some of the meaner sort of people make no more of Cloath of Gold and Siver, then we do of Druggets. A man that has but seven or eight Tomans a year, shall spend five in Clothes; which excess in habit is crept down among the Rabble, so that a man can hardly tell the Servant from the Master. And it is a Proverb among the Persians, Corbebé Lebas, fine Clothes make Men esteem'd at Court. Neither Sha-Abbas the Second, nor his Grandfather Sha-Abbas the First, would allow of this disorder, but that Men should go clad according to their conditions. For one day seeing one of his Servants with a pair of Cloath of Gold-breeches, deman∣ded what wages he had? but when he understood that it was nothing neer sufficient to maintain him at that rate; to deter others from the like vanity, he order'd him so many Bastinadoes upon the soles of his feet, that he dy'd in a few days. Others say that the Fellow being surpriz'd at the King's Question, made him answer, that being troubl'd with the Gout, he had been advis'd to wear that sort of Stuff for its warmth. To which the King reply'd, that he had been told a very bad remedy, and that he would shew him a better and a shorter way to cure the Gout, and so commanded him to be drubb'd, as before is rela∣ted.

In regard it is very cold in Persia, they make use of three sorts of Furs. The Lamb and Fox's skin for the meaner sort, together with the Cat's and Fox's skin. But the third sort, which is the Martin's Fur, is for Grandees of the Court, and other Persons of high Quality. They have also a way to make Callocks that will keep out the rain, the wind, and the cold, which are made of Kerman-wool, as our Felt-makers make their Hats.

And now I have said 'tis cold, give me leave to tell ye how they warm them∣selves. In all Houses there are little Chambers, in the middle whereof there is a square hole about a foot deep, and three or four foot long, according to the bigness of the Chamber. Over the hole is a thing like one of our Tabourets, which covers the hole with a large Carpet, to keep in the heat of that which is kindl'd in the hole; so that being plac'd under the Tabouret as far as the wast, though as cold as ice before, in a minute you shall be almost in a sweat, and be ready to fall a-sleep, if you take not a great care. All the Nobility have Cham∣bers with Chimneys, where they set the Wood upright; the Mantle-tree comes forward, low, and semi-circular. It is two or three foot deep, and as many wide, to avoid smoaking.

They are full of their Compliments, which they call Travezea: and their man∣ner of salutation is quite different from ours. For they never uncover their heads, but bow, and lay their right-hand upon their brests. When they come into the company of their Betters, they fall upon their knees to set themselves upon their heels, which is a mark of respect.

The Women in Persia are very richly habited; but their habit is all of a piece, though little different in shape from the Mens. It is open before, and comes not down below the calf of the leg. Their Girdle is not ty'd fast, but hangs carelesly: their Sleeves are also close to their arms, and reach to their wrists. Upon their heads they wear a little Bonnet rais'd like a little spire, and adorn'd with pretious Stones, according to their Quality; from which Bonnet falls a veil behind, which is very graceful. They wear Breeches like the men, and their Shooes are almost like theirs. The Women of Ormus wear only a sin∣gle pair of Breeches with a shift over them. The Armenian Women wear besides, a little Justicoar without sleeves, and upon their heads, a fine Linnen-Coif ty'd under their chins. Their hair is gather'd into a long tress, to which they sometimes add more, which is false, to make a long lock that is done

up in a Velvet or Sattin-Case embroider'd, and hangs behind down to the wast.

Handsome Women are very plentiful in Persia, as well the tawny as the white. For the Merchants that bring both from all parts, choose the handsomest they can pick out. The white Women are brought from Muscovia, Poland, Cirassia, Mengrelia, Georgia, and the Frontiers of Tartary. The black from the coast of Melinda, and the Red-Sea.

The Persian Women are seen by none but their own Husbands. They are very idle in their Houses, not so much as looking after any thing of Housewifery. In∣deed every thing is at the Husband's disposal, so that the Women are rather Slaves then Wives. They spend their time in taking Tobacco, after several fashions. When they go to the Baths, she's the Woman that wears the best Clothes, and brings the best Collation. They that have Slaves, cause 'em to rub their arms, their legs, and their thighs, till they fall asleep; having no other divertisement in their voluptuous Prison. The higher a-man is in dignity, the more he glories in having a great number of Wives and Slaves; and his absolute power keeps them in order either willingly, or by constraint.

There are two sorts of Eunuchs for the guard of the Sultanesses and the Wives of the Nobility: Some are white, but they never come neer the Women, but are order'd to guard the first doors of the Haram. The others are black, frightful to look upon, and flat-nos'd; who attend only upon the Women. If there be a necessity for a Woman of Quality to go abroad, the Eunuchs go before and be∣hind with Battoons in their hands, to make the Corrouk, and drive all the people out of the way. When the King goes into the Countrey if any one be asleep in the high-way, and be perceiv'd before he wakens, he is immediately cut to pieces as he lies. In the time of Sha-Abbas the Second, one of the Fellows that help'd to set up the Womens Tents, being weary, fell asleep in one of them upon the ground. When the Women came, they, seeing a man asleep, set up a shrieking; upon which, the Eunuchs coming in, wrapt up the Fellow in the Carpet as he lay, and carrying him into the Fields, buried him alive, Carpet and all.

CHAP. XV. Of the Diseases of Persia, and the manner of curing them

THE Persian Children are seldom sick of the small-Pox, but in lieu of that, they are very subject to Scald-pates, till ten or twelve years old. Which, it may be, proceeds from their shaving so young, and so often: for they shave at five or six months old, and two or three times a week.

As to the Pox, the Persians would be more troubl'd with it, but that the dry Air of the Countrey is an enemy to it: besides, they never lye twice with the fame Woman, without going to the Bath to sweat out the venom of that distemper. As for the Gout or Gravel, the Persians know not what it means: But the Ar∣menians are troubl'd with the latter, especially those that in their youth accustom'd themselves to drink more Wine then Water.

To those that are troubl'd with the Cholick, they usually prescribe the eating of Horse-flesh; and I have seen many cur'd by that means.

Generally the Persians, especially the rich, or those that have wherewithal to live handsomely, are much less subject to Sickness then the people of Europe. Some take the reason to be, because of their China-drink, which they drink every Spring, boyling an ounce in three pints of water, and so continuing the Dose for ten or twelve days one after the other: all which time they keep a very moderate diet, and eat no fruit for a month together. This drink causes the Patient to sweat; and the sweat being wip'd off, dyes the Linnen, nay the very walls of the Cham∣ber of a yellow colour. As for any method of Physick, they have none in Persia.

For the Dysentery, they take sower Curdl'd-milk, with Rice unbruis'd boyl'd in water, to which they add a little Rhubarb powder'd.

At the beginning of a Disease they forbid Bread, and instead thereof prescribe Rice boyl'd in Hen-broath, or sometimes in fair water. For diet is the chief Re∣medy which the Physitians prescribe in all Diseases, and account most soveraign. Indeed the remedy is well prescrib'd in many distempers; however it is by them never prescrib'd according to reason or method, but only according to custom; whereby it often comes to pass that they forbid that which is good, and prescribe that which is bad. If the Patient be so poor as not to be able to send for a Physitian, two or three men set him upon an Ass, with a Scarf about his neck, which denotes him to be a sick person, and so lead him to the Physitian; who presently seels his Pulse, lets him Blood, and by and by taking his Pen in his hand, in a small piece of Paper prescribes more Hog-wash at one stroke, then three mens bellys are able to contain.

When a Physitian is call'd to a Consultation, he pretends not to take any Money: But his Atar or Apothecary finds a way to have the Doctor satisfi'd for his pains. They never permit the Sick to change their Linnen, how nasty soever it be. When they come home to the Patient, though they find him ready to expire, they tell the Servants that he will certainly recover; but then, on the other side, they go to the Parents or Kindred of the Patient, and tell them that the Patient is in a desperate condition, and cannot live. By this means they save their credit; for happen what will, they have told truth either of the one side, or the other.

CHAP. XVI. Of the division of Time among the Persians.

THE Persians divide the natural day into four parts. The first is from Sun∣rising to Noon; the Second from Noon to Sun-set: The third from Sun-set till Midnight; and the fourth from Midnight till Sun-rise. At Midnight, Morning, and Sunset, they make a most horrible din in every great City, of Kettle-Drums, Haut-boys, Latten-Basons, and other Instruments: upon which there are certain men hir'd to play for a quarter of an hour together, in some place where they may be heard all over the City. They have also great Cornets, about seven foot long, with deep mouths, which may be heard above half a league. But these Cornets are never us'd but in Cities where the Kans or Governours reside. These Instruments are also always employ'd at their great Solemnities; as also when the King creates any new Officer or Governour. These Instruments have also a pri∣viledg to play at all Houses where they understand there is a Male-child born. The meaner sort dare not refuse 'em; but the Nobility value not their priviledg of a straw.

The Persians in the computation of time make use of Lunar-months. The first Mouharrem, the second Cepher, the third Rebia-el-Avel, the fourth Akner, the fifth Gemadil-Avel, the sixth Gemadil-Akner, the seventh Regeb, the eighth Shaabon, the ninth Ramezan, the tenth Shaval, the eleventh Zikadé, the twelfth Zil∣hagge. And every Month begins from the first appearance of the Crescent.

In their Astronomical Accounts, and the Calculations of the Longitude and La∣titude of the Planets, for the composing their Almanacks, they make use of Solar-months, thus call'd: Azar 31 days. Onzon 30 days. Ajar 31. Harizon 30. Te∣mouzé 31. Ab 31. Eiloul 30. Techrion-el-Avel 31. Techrion-el-ilani 30. Ranon-el-Avel 31. Kanon-Elsani 31. Shaabat 28 or 29, answering to our February. The first month Azar begins upon our eleventh of March: so that it answer'd to our month of March before the Gregorian Reformation. Therefore they call this month Mah-Roami, or the Roman months. They also make use of the Egyptian months, which are thus call'd: Terverdin, Erdi-be-hoct, Kourdad, Tir, Mordad, Sheriver,

Mohré, Abon, Azer, Dei, Bahmen, Espendarmouzé,. The first month, Ferverdin; begins with the Vernal Equinox, every month not containing above 30 days, ad∣ding the five which remain to the end of the year, which they call Kramsi Mouste∣relzé.

The day of the Vernal Equinox is the first day of the year, which they call Neo∣zonze, and is one of their Principal Festivals. For that day all the Grandees ap∣pear at Court, and present the King according to their quality. If they can meet with nothing that is rare, they present him in Ducatts of Gold, and there are some that present him to the number of ten Thousand. They also give God thanks for preserving them to see the new year, and for preserving the fruits of the Earth from bad seasons, for the Corn is by that time well come up. Upon this first day of the year, if a Persian has not money to buy him a new habit, he will go and mort∣gage his own body to have one. So proud and luxurious are the Persians from the highest to the lowest.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Feasts and ordinary Diet of the Persians.

THE Persians are nothing eager after delicacies or dainties; both the nobler and the meaner sort being very temperate in dyet. In regard that wood is so scarce and dear about Ispahan, they never eat boyl'd meat above once a day: and as for their Dinner which they call Shate, it consists of bread, cheese-curds, milk, burnt wine, melons and other fruits in season, to which the rich add wet and dry sweet-meats: At night their usual food is Pilaw and rost meat. They buy their Provision from hand to mouth, especially the Mahumetans, which is a double charge. But for the Armenians, they live thriftily, and buy at once a good quan∣tity of provisions to last for so long time.

Muttons, Kidds, Pullets and Pidgeons, are the usual dyet of the Persians; for as for Beef they very rarely eat it. The King and the great Lords will eat a piece of a Hare sometimes when they have been a hunting: but when they have kill'd a wild Boar, they send it always to some Christian, in expectation to be presented for the honour done him. They have no diversity of Victuals or made Dishes in Persia, their dyet being more proper to satisfie hunger, then to please a nice palate. Mutton and Lamb would be very good in Persia, if they knew how to roast it our way. But the Persians roast only at an oven, which is a hole made in the ground two foot and a half broad, and five or six foot deep. They burn nothing but bushes, and a kind of Turf mix'd with the dung of Cattel, and dry'd in the Sun. There are several roasting Cooks at Ispahan, that roast a whole Sheep at a time, where he that comes to buy may have as much cut out as he pleases. Other Cooks shops are only for boyl'd meat or rice: their fruits which they pickle up in Vinegar being the only sawce which they have.

As for their Bread it is very white, for they have wheat enough to furnish the whole Kingdom. They bake every day, making up their Dow in the form of a thin Cake, strow'd over with Sesamum. They bake these Cakes in their Ovens in the ground, covering the batch over with little round flint stones, that are quick∣ly hot and retain the heat. At Ispahan they make a great fire in an earthen pot, and when it is hot they spread the Dow against the sides of the pot. The Ar∣menians make a sort of bread as thin as Paper, which they bake upon a thin Iron plate which is as thin as paper. Their Plate and Dishes are of red Copper tinn'd within side. For they are forbid to make use of Silver by the Law of Mahomet. Nor does the King use any other then Gold Plate, of which he has great store. They have also a sort of Porcellane made at Kerman. To eat their broths they make use of wood'n spoons: for as for their rice, which is thick, they take it up in their fingers, and wipe their hands upon their handkerchiefs.

The first thing set upon the Table is the Pipe, the Tobacco, and the dish of

Coffee; and indeed thus it is that they begin all their debauches. They suck and smoak of their Tobacco through water in a long glass bottle, by which means it comes cool into their mouths: else they would never be able to take it all day long as they do. They sing very little in their Cups: but they recite a vast num∣ber of wicked Verses, which they rehearse with a great deal of gravity. They are so accustomed to take Tobacco, both men and women, that a poor tradesman that has not above five Sous to spend, will lay out three of them in Tobacco. If they had none, they say they should not have damaque, that is, gladness in their hearts. Many will confess that their excessive taking Tobacco is hurtful; but if you tell 'em of it, they answer in a word, Adedchoud, 'Tis the custome.

Besides their Tobacco they have also Opium made of Poppies, cut as they grow, out of which they draw the juice and make it into Pills. They take no more at first then the head of a pin, increasing their dose by degrees, till they come to take the quantity of half a wall-nut. When they are come to that pitch they dare not give over, for fear of endangering their lives, or addicting themselves to drink wine. In their youth you shall see these Theriakis or takers of Opium, with pale pensive and dejected countenances, and the use of their speech almost lost: If they omit to take for a day together this ill-continued drug that heats their brains, and cau∣ses them to act ridiculously and to talk idly, when it has done working, they are as cold and stupid as before, which obliges 'em to take it again. For this reason they are short liv'd: or if they do live till forty, they complain heavily of the pains that proceed from the cold venome of the herb. They that have a mind to kill themselves, swallow a large piece, and drink Vinegar after it, to prevent the re∣lief of any other Counterpoy on, and so they dye smiling.

They have another sort of drink to make themselves merry, which they call Kokomaar, compos'd of boyld Poppy seed. They take it in broth, and there are particular houses call'd Kokomaars Krone, where people meet to divertise those that see the ridiculous postures which that intoxicating drink causes them to shew. Before it works they quarrel with one another, and call one another all to naught; but never fight. When the drug begins to work, they grow friends; and some are for making complements, others for telling a long tedious story, which renders them very vain. They have also another sort of liquor, which is call'd Bongue, very bitter, being made of the leaves of Hemp and some other drug mix'd with it. It makes those that use it shamefully foolish and ridiculous, which is the reason the Law has forbid that and not the former. The Usbecks have brought into Persia, the Custome of taking in Pipes Tchouherse, which is the flower or rather the woolly substance which is found in hemp-closes. This fills the head with strange conceits, sometimes pleasant and sometimes furious; those that take it being quite besides their sences for two or three hours.

Their Feasts are thus order'd: The guests come in the morning to the house whither they are invited, and all the day long they spend their time in taking To∣bacco and telling stories. Between whiles they have Sweetmeats, Coffee, and Fruits set before them. In the evening the Sofra is spread, and the table serv'd with boil'd and roast. If the person that treats be of any quality, he has a kind of a Governour of his house, that sits upon his heels with a Ladle or great wood∣en spoon in his hand. Then the Inviter makes his complements to the chief of his guests, assuring him that the entertainment is only provided for him, only at his command he is ready to let the rest share with him. The Complements being thus pass'd, the Governour of the House with his great Spoon puts rice and meat upon the little plates, which the servants present by equal portions to every one of the guests. Then they fall too, taking out the rice by handfuls, and the meat with their fingers. Sometimes they mix curdl'd milk with their rice and meat, and making up a lump of all together as big as a Ten∣nis ball, put it all in their mouths at a time, which is the reason they never sit long at Table; one making room for another till they have all done: for as soon as one has done, another comes into his place without any farther Ceremony. They have several Liquors in the room in Porcellain Vessels, but at meals they only drink to drive down their meat and to prevent thirst. When all is done, they bring a Bason with an Ewre full of hot water to wash their hands and faces. After which the Inviter complements his guests, and every one returns home; at which

time the servants are very diligent to bring every man his shoes, in hopes of some little piece of silver.

The Armenians entertain their friends in the same manner; only that they be∣gin their Feasts with a cup of strong water, and some sweet-meats, after which they give a couple of hard Eggs to every one of the guests. The Persians also have soon done, but the Armenians eat swift, and a long time without drinking, which they never do till the end of the meal. After they have given thanks and taken away the cloth, then they fall to drinking to excess. He that gives the enter∣tainment never thinks he has done well, till his guests are not able to find the way out of the room, and the more they tumble about the room, the less he thinks he has spent his money in vain.

To conclude, the Persian's are very Gentile, and afford their victuals with a free∣will to all that will come and eat with them at Supper time: admiring at the custome of the Franks, who shut their doors when they sit down to their meals.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Marriages of the Persians.

THe Persians betroth their Children very young, that is at nine or ten years; but among the Armenians there are some marry'd and lye together at five or six. The Law of Mahomet allows them but four lawful Wives, whom they call Nekha. But there are others whom they call Amoutha or hir'd women, and of whom they may have as many as they can keep, and for so long time as they please, which is ratifi'd by the allowance of the Judg. They may also enjoy the Slaves whom they purchase. The Children both of the one and the other are ac∣compted lawful, and inherit all alike, without the distinction of Elder or Younger; but two Daughters can have but the share of one boy. When the womans time that was hir'd is out, the man dismisses her, and she is oblig'd to stay forty days before she engage again, that it may appear whither she be with Child or no.

The man gives to the woman that he marries a Dowry assign'd upon his Estate, and sends her money and silks to make her cloaths. The maid also sends something to him, but very little, and all by the interposition and intercourse of the women. For the two parties never see one another. Upon the wedding day, they send to the Bridegrooms house, by the sound of Drums and Trumpets, certain Horses and Men laden with the Brides goods, which is many times done out of vain-glory, and more for shew then substance. The Bridegroom is led a foot, attended by se∣veral women with Tapers in their hands, and a noise of Drums and other Instru∣ments marching before them. Being come to the door of the Bridegrooms House, if he have promis'd a larger Dowry to the woman then he is able or willing to give, he keeps his door shut. The Parents of the Maid knock, and he declares he will not have her at that price. But at length after some contests on both sides they agree, and the Virgin enters with her Mother and all her Kindred. Then the Moullah reads the conditions of Marriage; which being done, the women retire into the inner part of the House, the men feasting by themselves, and the women by themselves.

This is all that is done upon the Wedding-day, but the following days are not al∣ways so pleasing, and it often follows that both parties do not agree, or that the husband misuses his wife. Then the woman that requires separation, requires the Dowry promis'd her by her husband: which the man oft-times refuses and if she persists in her demand, is many times so severely us'd by him, that she is constrain'd to cry, I'th Devils name let me go, I demand nothing of thee. Then they both repair to the Casi, or Cheit-Lesloon, who is a Doctor of the Law, and in his presence they discharge one another. This they may do by their Law three times.

After that, the same woman can never return to her Husband again.

The Children derive their Nobility from the Father, whither he be born of a Slave, or an Amoutha, or a Legitimate wife. The Nobility of the Persians which is call'd Negabet, is founded upon their being descended from Mahomet. They who claim that extraction, have the title of Mir or Prince: and their Daughters carry the appellation of Mirza or Princess. They are very numerous and very poor. But the title of Mir without a good Estate or high Employment signifies little or nothing.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Death and Burials of the Persians.

'TIs the Custome among the Persians, that when the Patient lyes very dange∣rously ill, they light several fires upon the Terrass of the House, to give the People notice to pray for him. So soon as the breath is out of his body, the whole house rings with cries and lamentations, especially of the women who tear their hair, and shew such antick postures, that a man would think them possess'd. In the midst of their tears they make long repetitions of the worthy actions of the deceas'd, and every foot they set up a yelling. Then they go and advertize the Casi, that such a one is dead, to whom the Casi answers Sarchoama Salamet-Bashet. May your head be in safety. In the mean while he seals a Licence to the Mour∣derchour, to take the body and wash it in a house which is built on purpose near a running water. After that come a great number of Moullah's, with the Ensigns of the Mosquee, which are long staffs like Pikes, at the end whereof are thin plates of Iron and Latten, so weak that they bend downward with the least motion: the bodies of the staves being wrapt about with certain pieces of Taffata. These Moul∣lahs tear their throats crying out Alla, Alla, Alla, repeating nothing else, and dancing sometimes upon one foot and sometimes upon another; and because they that baul loudest get the most money, they put their thumbs in their ears with their fingers upon their cheeks, and tear their throats with all the force they have. The body being wash'd, the cloaths of the deceas'd belong to the Mourderchour. When they carry the Beire, it is the custome that every one that meets it, prof∣fers their shoulders to help carry, while the others ease themselves; for which the Kindred of the deceas'd make some acknowledgment. If he be a person of Quality, all his Horses are bridl'd and saddl'd, and others perhaps borrow'd: One carries his Turban, another his Scimitar, another his Bow, another his Arrows, another his Buckler, and whatever else is of any use to set forth his Quality and his Courage. The biggest Church-yard that belongs to Ispahan, is Calreston, but there is not one handsome Tomb in it. The Armenians lay a great stone over the grave, and the rich set up an Arch with four Pillars, under which they eat and drink in the shade when they visit the Tombs of their Ancestors.

Their graves are six foot long, six foot deep, and two foot wide, wherein they lay the bodies with their faces turn'd toward Mecca; and then they set up two tiles of each side his face to keep the earth from falling upon it. If he be a rich man, or have been a stout Souldier, they bury with him his Turbant, Scimitar, Bow and Arrows, and set Victuals by him; which part of the hole being made up with brick, the rest is fill'd up with earth. The Moulla's alone return to the house of the deceas'd, where they have meat set before 'em, and are also farther pay'd for their singing and bawling. A while after the Kindred coming to visit the Heir, discourse him upon the contempt of the world, tell him that it is but as a Caravan, some of which arrive sooner at their journeys end then others. Eight days after the Heir returns their visits. As for the Grandees they order in their Wills that their bodies shall be either carry'd to Mecca or Meshed.

As well the Persians as the Turks, believe that as soon as the grave is fill'd, that the two Angels Neguir and Manguer, revive the dead as far as his wast; ask him

the reason of Faith, and which way he said his Prayers, and that according to his merits they use him well or ill. As for the torment of Souls before the Resur∣rection, that only consists in a grief for not having arriv'd to those perfections and Sciences to which they might have attain'd, and consequently for not having attain'd to that perfection which God requir'd of them. Others hold that the Souls of the unfortunate are tormented with Dreams and Visions; but that the Souls of the happy always enjoy the sight of pleasing objects; till the Saheb-el-zaman, or Master of time shall come to confirm the Law of Mahomet, who shall kill Dedgar, who is like our Antichrist, with his own hand; at which time all then alive shall dye in an instant, and then shall happen the general Resurrection, which they call Moavedet-hechre. That the same Bodies and Souls shall unite to appear at the day of Judgment before the Throne of the great Judge of the world; and that to go thither they must pass over a bridge call'd Polserat, shar∣per then the edge of a razor, which nevertheless the Mussulmen shall pass over without any danger with the swiftness of a bird. But that misbelievers shall fall as soon as ever they set their feet upon it, and shall fall into a torrent of fire a∣mong a thousand Devils arm'd with Cramp Irons, Pincers, and tenter-hooks. So that it is a kind of a Proverb among the Persians, if a man cannot obtain of ano∣ther the Justice of his bargain, or to yield to right, Well, says he, before thou passest Polserat, thou shalt restore it me double, for I will take hold of thy Coat, and hinder thee from getting over till thou hast given me satisfaction; But the craftier sort laugh at this, and make answer with a smile, Well, well, we will venture stumbling as we pass over Polserat. The Porter of Paradise whom they call Ru∣suen shall open them the gate. There they shall sit upon the banks of the great Kausser, which is a fountain where their Prophet shall give them of the water to drink out of a Ladle, and that afterwards they shall have a great number of women created on purpose for them, with all sorts of most delicious food. And for fear of fouling this place of recreation and holiness with the excrements of eating and drinking, they say, that those things shall always evacuate in a persum'd sweat, and that they themselves shall always remain in that condition. Others more refin'd, and not believing material enjoyments, affirm that Beatitude consists in the perfect knowledge of the Sciences; and for the sences they shall have their satisfaction according to their quality.

CHAP. XX. The Author departs from Ispahan to Ormus, and describes the Road to Schiras.

I Set forth out of Ispahan the 24. of Feb. 1665. in the afternoon, and stai'd a League from the City, in a field whither some of my friends would needs ac∣company me. About ten a clock at night, I set forward again, and travell'd till break of day; and then I came to a place where the Radars kept guard half a league from a great Town call'd Ispshaneck, which you are to cross. About ten a clock in the forenoon I came to Mahiar, where there is a very good Inn. But the Land between this and Ispahan is all very barren and without wood.

The 26th, three hours after midnight, I set forward through a dry Plain, which begins to grow more fruitful, about a League from Comshe a great City, where I arriv'd by eleven a Clock in the morning. In it are several Inns, and indifferent handsome ones, considering that they are built only of Earth. This City is com∣pos'd of a row of Villages that extend about half a League in length. About three quarters of a League on this side the City stands a neat Mosquee with a pond full of fish. But the Moullahs will not permit you to catch any, saying that they belong to the Prophet to whom the Mosquee is dedicated. However because it is a shady place in the Summer, Travellers rather choose to lye by this pond, then to shut themselves up in the City.

The 27th I travell'd from four in the morning till ten in the forenoon, through a plain sow'd with store of grain, and lodg'd in an Inn call'd Maksoube∣gui.

The 28th I departed two hours after midnight, and after eight hours travel through a barren plain, I arriv'd at Yesdecas, a little City built upon a rock in the midst of a great Valley, and lodg'd in an Inn at the foot of the Rock. The same day in the morning I pass'd on to a neat house with sine Gardens, call'd Amnebad; built by Iman-Kouli-Kan, Governor of Schiras.

The first of March I departed an hour after midnight, and a little after I cross'd a short mountain, but so rugged and so craggie, that they have given it the name of Kotel-Innel-tebekeni, that is, the Mountain that breaks the Horses shoes. The next day we pass'd by a scurvy Castle call'd Gombessala; then travelling through a flat Country, I came by ten in the morning to Dehigherdou, or the Village of Wall-nuts. I endur'd very sharp weather all the morning, for all that Country, and that which I travell'd the next day, is very cold at some times of the year.

The second day I travell'd from midnight till ten a clock in the morning, through the Snow over a barren Plain to come to Cuzkuzar, where there is a new Inn well built.

The third I was a horseback from five in the morning till noon, first over the same Plain by a Lake side in a very bad way cover'd with snow that hid the holes; then passing a tedious long and rugged mountain, I descended to a Village call'd Asepas, where there is to be seen an old ruin'd Castle upon the point of a Hill. The Inhabitants were all Georgians by descent, but now turn'd all Mahumetans. I met with wine and fish, in regard of the many Rivolets, but the Caravahsira is old, and ill provided.

The fourth, setting out by day-break, I rode over a Plain, which Sha Abbas the first gave the Georgians to till, and in eleven hours I came to Ondgiom, a large Vil∣lage upon a River, over which there is a fair stone bridge.

The fifth, I got a horseback by two a clock in the morning, and had two leagues in the first place of deep miery way; afterwards I pass'd a steep Mountain, craggy and durty. I pass'd through a Village call'd Iman Shade, from the name of one of their Prophets that lyes buried there, and gave the Mountain its name, being all cover'd with bitter Almond-trees. I travell'd sometime between rude and craggy rocks, after which I met with a small River, which runs to Mayn, a little City where I lodg'd in a fair Inn.

The sixth, I departed three hours after midnight, and travell'd through a large Plain encompass'd with high and rugged Mountains; upon one of which that is divided from the other, stood a Castle which they say was ruin'd by Alexander the Great, of which at present there does not remain the least sign or footstep. I cross'd the river of Mayne over two stone Bridges, and then came to Abgherme; a place that stands in a Plain where there is an Inn half built; so call'd by reason of a Spring of hot waters that rises not far from it. In the morning I pass'd over a fair and long Causey, call'd Pouligor, being above 500 paces long, and 15 broad, divided also by certain Bridges, to give the water free passage, by reason the Country is very full of mershes. At the end of this Causey stands an Inn very well built, but the gants that haunt it will not suffer it to be frequented. I pass'd along by the foot of a Mountain, and after three hours travel, I stopp'd a while at an Inn that stands at the foot of another steep and craggie mountain.

I arriv'd at Schiras about six a clock at night. But here give me leave before I enter the City, to make two observations, the one touching the Road from Ispa∣han to Schiras, the other concerning the ruins of Tche-elminar.

As to the Road from Ispahan to Schiras, observe that in winter time when the Snow is fallen, when you come to Yesdecas, you must of necessity leave the direct road, because it is impossible to pass the streights of those Mountains, which I have mention'd. Therefore you must keep the left hand road eastward, through the Plains, taking a guide along with you.

This way, which is the longer by two days journey, was formerly unknown, because of a River, that in one place beats upon a steep rock, and closes up the passage. But Iman-Kouli-Kan with a vast expence of time and money, caus'd a

way to be levell'd out of the Rock about 15 or 20 foot above the River, which he secur'd to the water-side with a Wall three or four foot high. This way con∣tinues for half a league, and then you come to lye at a great Village in a Plain, where you take Guides to shew you the Fords of the River.

Having past the River, you cross over several fertil Plains water'd with great store of Rivers. Then you ascend a Mountain, from whence you have but a league and a half to Tche-clminar.

At the point of the Mountain, upon the right-hand of the great Road, are to be seen twelve Pillars still standing, that form a kind of a square. In the spaces of the Mountain are a great number of Niches, that are opposit to the Pillars, and were certainly the places where the ancient Persians put their Idols. Thence you come to Tche-elminar; where are to be seen a great many old Columns, some standing, and some lying upon the ground, and some ill-shap'd Statues, with little four-square dark rooms. All which together, easily perswades me, who have well consider'd the principal Pagods of Iudia, that Tche-elminar was only a Temple formerly dedicated to Idolatrous worship. And that which confirms my opinion, is, that there is no place more proper for an Idolatrous Temple then this, by rea∣son of the abundance of water. Besides, that the dark Rooms could be no other then the Chambers for the Priests,; and where the Rice and Fruits that were the feigned nourishment of the Idols, were the better secur'd from goats and flies.

Leaving Tche-elminar, you come to lye at a Village half a league farther, where is very good Wine. From thence to Schiras is a hard days journey; especially when the Snow begins to melt: for then the Road looks like a little Sea.

CHAP. XXI Of the City of Schiras.

THE City of Schiras lies in 78 degr. 15 min. of Longitude, and 29 deg. 36 min. of Latitude. It is seated in a Plain that extends it self about four leagues from the North to the South, and from the West to the East about five leagues. Upon the South-east there is a Lake of salt water four leagues in com∣pass: leaving the Plain as you travel to the South, you pass between two Moun∣tains, which are not so close, but that they leave room for certain pleasant Valleys a league and a half wide.

The Soil about Schiras is good, and fruitful; and it is particularly famous for the most excellent Wines of all Persia. As for the City it self, there is nothng handsome in it: for it looks rather like a Town half ruin'd then a City. For∣merly it was begirt with walls of Earth, which are now utterly decaid. The Houses are of the same Earth dri'd in the Sun, and whiten'd over with lime; so that when it happens to rain, when the Earth comes to be well moisten'd, the Houses fall of themselves. Only the Colledg which Iman-Kouli-Kan built, and some of the Mosquees are are of Brick: and the best of those Mosquees is call'd Sha-Shiraque, which out of a particular devotion is kept somewhat better in re∣pair. However, there is nothing in it worth taking notice of. Upon the North∣east side, the City runs within a quarter of a league of the Mountain: and from a Stone-bridg, as you go out of the City to the foot of the Mountain, is a long Street in a streight line, where there stands a Mosquee, built by Iman-Kouli-Kan. Without, it appears fair enough; but within, it falls to ruine. There is an Octo∣gonal Piazza before the Gate, and in the middle of the Piazza an Octogonal Vase, which is fill'd by a little stream that runs through the Street from the Mountain. Both sides of the Street from the Mosquee to the Mountain are wall'd in: and at certain spaces are great Gates one against another, with rooms over them; the Windows whereof open into the Gardens behind the walls; all along by which runs a row of Cypress-trees in a direct line: and in the middle of the Street,

about two hunder'd paces on this side the Mosquee, is another Vase, which receives the same water as it runs from the Mountain. This Street was made by Iman-Kouli-Kan, after he had cut the Mountain at the end of it, to shorten the way from Schiras to Ispahan.

There are in Schiras three or four Glass-houses, where they make great and small Bottles, to transport the Sweet-waters that are made in the City. There are also made the several sorts of Vessels wherein they pickle their fruits of all sorts, which they send in great quantities into India, to Sumatra, Batavia, and other places.

There is no Silk made, nor any other manufacture in Schiras: only there are some few Chites or Painted-cloaths made there, which nevertheless are very coarse, and in use only among the meaner sort.

As you go out of the City upon the North-west side, you meet with a long Alley or Walk, in three parts whereof are plac'd three Stones, which they call Mills. At the end of this walk is a Garden call'd Bay-Sha, or the King's Garden. Over the Gate whereof is a great Room half ruin'd: and at the end of a large Walk planted with Cypress-trees, stands a neat piece of building, but altogether neglected. Upon the left-hand whereof is a great Pond pav'd with Free-stone, being all the beauties of the Garden: which, it is true, was full of Fruit-trees, Roses and Jasmins; yet, for want of order, it look'd like a Wilder∣ness.

From the Garden to the Hill is a Plain of two leagues long, and one broad; which is all but one large Vinyard belonging to several persons. Beyond the Vinyard rise very high Mountains, from whence fall several little Springs that form a River, which is call'd Bend-Emir, from the name of a Town where the biggest Spring rises. This River of Bend-Emir waters the whole Vineyard of Schiras; where it never rains from Spring till Autumn: which is the reason that in the Summer there is no water in the very Channel next the City.

Their Wines are the best in Persia; but there is not so great a quantity made as people imagin. For, of all this great Vineyard, and in all the places round about the City for four or five leagues together, good part of the Grapes are dri'd, and a greater quantity pickl'd: and of the Wine, there are many Vessels full, which are burnt for the benefit of the poor Travellers, and Carriers, who find it a great refreshment to drink it with water.

Their Wine, as all other things, is sold by weight, and not by measure: In the year 1666, a most plentiful year for Wine, the Provision of the King's House amounted to 50000 Mens of Keukné, or the ancient Men containing nine pound of ours, at sixteen ounces to the pound, (being the only weight for Wine,) and the King allows as much to the Franks, as for his own Houshold. The Jews of Schi∣ras, who boast themselves of the Tribe of Levi, make above a hunder'd and ten thousand Mens, it being their chiefest livelihood; but the Governour of Schiras knows how to share with them in their profit. The whole account of Wine made at Schiras amounts to 200025 Mens, or 4125 Tuns, at three hunder'd pints to the Tun.

In Schiras is an ancient Mosquee, wherein is the Sepulcher of a Sadi, whom the Persians esteem the best of their Poets. It has been a very fair one, accompani'd with a large Building, which was once a Colledg; but it runs to ruine, as do also many other Edifices within the City. Just against this Mosquee you descend by a pair of Stairs into a large Well, at the bottom whereof is a Vase full of Fish, which no-body dares to touch, it being Sacriledg to rob the Sadi of what belongs to him. A little beyond this Mosquee, upon a high Rock, stand the ruines of a Castle; and upon the top of all the Rock is a square Well cut out of the Rock. It is very deep, and ten or twelve foot broad: formerly, they told me, their Adulteresses were all thrown into it. There is one wonderful Well in this City; which is 15 years rising, and 15 years falling; that is, the water is one fifteen years rising to the top, and another fifteen years sinking to the bottom.

There are in Schiras two or three Bazars well built, through the midst whereof the water runs in a Channel.

To the South-west, a good league from the City, there is a little Hill divided from the great Mountain, upon which Hill are three Gates to be seen, the remain∣der

of an Idolatrous Temple. There were four Gates, but the South-Gate is tumbl'd down: the rest are standing, compos'd of three Stones: Upon both the Stones that make the Jaums, there are two figures in half Relief, with their faces one looking upon another, with their arms extended; one holding in his hand a Pan, out of which issues a flame of fire; and the other a Towel folded up. The other Statue holds as it were a Purse in one hand, and a bowl of Fire in the other; the Figures being as big as the Life, only their faces are spoil'd; and as for the other doors, they are both the same.

Two Musquet-shot from thence, in a plain, rises a little Mountain, from the North-side of which fall many Springs that meet in a large Pond full of Fish. Some high Trees grow there, to shade the Habitation of a Dervi's that lives there. The place is pleasant, and all the Springs together fill a Channel large enough to water the neighbouring Fields. Here it was that certainly the ancient Idolaters came to wash, and thence went to the Temple to say their Prayers, and make their Offerings.

Half a league beyond, at the foot of a Mountain, is a place about 500 paces in compass, whence there fall a good number of Springs that meet in a Pond, en∣viron'd with high Trees, and full of Fish. In one corner of the Mountain stand Figures, cut out of the Rock much bigger than the Life. The two which are uppermost look one upon another; and that upon the left-hand carries a large Turbant, such as the Grand Vizier of Constantinople wears when he goes to the Divan. From his Turbant to the middle of his Forhead, he was bound with the Tresses of his own hair, the ends whereof were fasten'd together with large Buckles behind in his neck. His habit was a Robe after the ancient fashion, with a kind of a Cutlace by his side. Nor did the opposite Statue much differ from this, only instead of a Turbant, he wore a kind of Miter upon his head. The two other Statues underneath the former, stretch'd forth their arms one to the other: the one representing a Man, the other a Woman. The Man seem'd to present the Woman a Nosegay of Flowers; but in truth it was a difficult thing to discern them, in regard they were both cover'd with a Fig-tree that grew just be∣fore them out of the rock.

About two thousand paces farther, there is a Lake of salt water about ten leagues in compass, which is fill'd by several Springs that fall from the Mountains: and here it is that the people make a great quantity of Salt. There runs into it also a salt River, over which you cross upon a large stone-Bridg about three miles from Schiras, in the way to Bander-Abassi.

Half a league from the City are two remarkable Wells: the one upon the top of the Mountain, the other upon the descent, cut out of the Rock: both of an extraordinary depth. There is no water in either, because they are half full of Stones, which they that come to see the Wells, throw into 'em. There are also to be seen the ruines of a Castle formerly built there for the Guard of the High∣ways. But since Iman-Kouli-Kan made the new way, he caus'd all those For∣tresses to be defac'd, as being expensive to the King, and burthensome to the Mer∣chant, from whom the Guards exacted Toll in those places. Now all the ways are free, and the Merchants travel securely.

About half a league from the City, toward the North, upon the brow of a high Mountain, stands a little Mosquee, like a Hermitage: and fifteen foot below it gushes out a fair Spring, which is the best in the places neer to Schiras. Neer to it is a little place encompast with a Pale, with four Pillars that uphold a Ceeling. Here it is that a Dervis sits, and entertains all them that come to visit him, to whom he presents Tobacco, according to the custom of the Countrey. This place is one of the best Prospects in all Syria, from whence you behold one way all the plain of Schiras, and all the City from one end to the other, with the Gar∣dens. But people go not thither for the fair Prospect, or to visit the Dervis, but to admire a Cypress-tree not above three or four paces from the Prospect, planted among the Rocks; and of that bigness, that four men can can hardly fathom it: it is proportionably high, and is look'd upon to be the fairest Cypress-tree in all Persia, where so many grow besides. This Tree is fed by the Spring which I have mention'd, falling some eight or ten foot below into a Cistern, which is always full; whence through a Canal it runs into a Garden in the plain some seven or

eight hunder'd paces from the Mountain. In this Garden are to be seen the re∣mains of a Palace of one of the ancient Kings of Persia: yet what is still to be seen, does not declare it to have been very magnificent. The King was call'd Padsha quieshel, the Scald-pated King. A thing not to be wonder'd at, in regard there are few Persians but such as either have or have had scald heads.

Two leagues from Schiras, to the South-west, at the foot of the great Moun∣tain, stands a Hermitage, call'd Pir-Bouno, where three or four Dervis live, as be∣ing a pleasant place; for the Dervis always choose out the most delightful places to pitch their Tents in: where they sit smoaking their Pipes with that gravity, that if the King himself should come by, they would not stir to give him re∣verence. That which adds to the pleasure of that Hermitage, is a fair Spring of water that refreshes the Garden, and the number of fair Trees that are about it.

About a quarter of a league from the City, toward the West, is to be seen a Church-yard encompast with Walls; in the middle whereof, looking toward Mecca, stands a Monument very much frequented by the Dervis, and other devout people, who say their Prayers there, it being the Sepulcher of Hougia Hafiz, for whom they have a very great veneration. The year of his decease is set down upon his Tomb; being in the year 1381: and he purchas'd that great esteem among the Persians, for having compos'd a great Book of Morality, and for that he was also one of the best Poets of his time. He has left one great Poem behind him in the praise of good Wine; which has caus'd many to aver, that Hougia-Hafiz was no good Mussul-man, in regard he has so highly prais'd a thing which is so strictly forbidd'n by the Law of Mahomet.

Neer to the Church-yard is a fair Garden, which men go to see for the beauty of the Cypress-trees, which are its chief ornament. They are to be admir'd for their height and bigness, among which there is one that was planted by the hand of Sha-Abbas the Great himself, in the year 1607; and it may well deserve to have been planted by the hand of a Monarch; for it was bigger then the rest that had been planted above a hunder'd years before.

Without the City, upon the North-side, at the foot of the Mountain, is a Gar∣den belonging to the ancient Kings of Persia, call'd Bag-Firdous. It is full of Fruit-trees, and Rose-trees in abundance. At the end of the Garden, upon the descent of a Hill, stands a great piece of Building, and below a large Pond af∣fords it water. The rich Inhabitants of Schiras have been formerly very curious to have fair Gardens, and have been at great expences to that purpose. But nei∣ther at Schiras, nor at Ispahan, is there any thing that may compare with those lovely Paradises of France and Italy.

There are many Inns in Schiras, but the Franks generally lodg at the Convent of the Carmelite Friars: and they that would be more private, lodg at another House that belongs also to the same Friars, which they would fain sell, as being a charge to 'em at this time.

CHAP. XXII. A continuation of the Road from Ispahan to Ormus, from Schiras to Bander-Abassi.

THE sixth of March, by eight of the Clock in the morning, I departed from Schiras; and after six hours travel through the plain that continues fertil for a league together beyond the City, I came to an Inn call'd Badaadgi. The water is bad, being as it were luke-warm. Here cold weather begins to cease. The next day I set out by break of day, and came to a large and well-built Inn, only it stood remote from any Town. It is call'd Mouzaffert, and is the only place in Persia where I met with black Saligots, or Water-nuts, as big and as good as ours in Dauphine. The Countrey breeds nothing but Goats and Sheep: and about two leagues off runs a River along by the Mountain to the West.

The 18th I departed by day-break, and travell'd eleven hours through a stone-Countrey, cover'd with bitter Almond and Turpentine-Trees. I lodg'd in a fair Inn, call'd Paira, neer to a River that comes from the West, and makes the Coun∣trey fertil. There is some Wood in the Valleys, and some Villages appear on the other side of the River toward the South.

The 19th I set out by four of the Clock in the morning, and travell'd along a Valley, wherein were many Villages receiving the benefit of the River last men∣tion'd. About eight in the morning I stopt at an Inn built in an Octogonal form, a good league from the River, with several Villages between. The name of the Inn is Kaffer.

The 20th I set out two hours after midnight, and travell'd till ten in the morn∣ing through a dry Valley. By the way I met several Shepherds and Herdsmen, who were forsaking the hot Countreys, and driving toward Schiras for cool∣ness.

They that travel upon their own Horses, and would see one of the richest parts of Persia, and some Antiquities, setting out from Kaffer, instead of following the Caravan-road, take the right-hand way by the side of the River, that runs a league and a half from the same Inn. When you have past the River, the way is very streight, and lies for two leagues together through a steep Rock, the Mountain up∣on the right, and the River upon the left, where there is not room in some places for two Horses to ride a-brest. All along this way, toward the top of the Moun∣tain, are little paths that lead to Caverns, some of which are so large, that they will contain two or three thousand men. Having past this way, you come into a Plain call'd Dadivan, four or five leagues in circuit; the greatest part of which is planted with Orange-trees, Citrons, and Granats. Some of these Orange-trees two men can hardly fathom, being as high as our Walnut-trees; and this is one of the most delicious situations in all Persia. I have travell'd through it several times, and sometimes only to divertise my self. The rest of the Plain is sow'd with Rice and Wheat. You set up your Tents under these Trees, and then the Countrey people bring Provision of several sorts, especially Partridges, Hares, and wild Goats. The River that crosses the Plain is full of Carps, Barbels, Pikes, and Crey-Fish. I remember one time a Countrey-man carri'd me down to the water, and before my face took up a Fish with his hand. He was so nimble at it, that having caught one which he did not think big enough, he threw it back again, and took up another. Now in regard that Travellers generally stay about ten or twelve days in that place, the Tumblers that live there-abouts, fail not to come and give you a Visit, to shew ye some of their tricks, and to tast your Schiras Wine. The English and Hollanders usually spend the end of the Summer in this Plain, for the benefit of the River, and the Trees: which become so large and fair, by means of the River, which the Countrey-men bring in by Canals, and shut it up in Ponds, among the Trees, to water their Grounds; which is all the good this River does in Persia: for all the rest of its course is through cragged Rocks, and salt Marshes.

The 20th of March, by ten in the morning, I came to an Inn which was call'd Moushek, which is a-lone-House at the foot of a Rock. There is a Spring about five hunder'd paces from it, but the water is hot, and has a sulphury tast; so that the Cattel will hardly drink it. Therefore you must go to a Cistern about two Musquet-shot from the Inn, where there is one newly set up, instead of another that was there before, into which a Jew once chanc'd to fall in, and was therefore broken by the superstitious Mahometans.

Three quarters of a league from Moushetz are two roads that lead to Lar, the one for the Camels, the other for the Horses and Mules. The first is the long∣est by three days journey, and is call'd the Road of the Desert; for after you have past a great Town inhabited only by Camel-Masters, where you lye the first night, between that and Lar, you shall meet with nothing of Houses but only Herdsmens Tents, that feed sometimes in one place, sometimes in another. Upon the Camels Road there are another sort of Fowl like the great Partridges in their bodies, but their legs and feet resemble those of wild Ducks. The Camels take this Road, because it is impossible for them to pass the Mountain Jarron, over which the Horses and Mules are hardly able to travel.

I set out from Moushek the 21th of March, at two in the morning, and having travell'd till eight through a plain, but stony Countrey, I came to the little City of Jarron, which is rather to be call d a Forrest of Palm-trees that bear excellent Dates. I lodg'd in an Inn five hunder'd paces from the City, and staid there two days.

The 24th, setting out presently after midnight, I travell'd a good hour, and then I began to mount the steep Mountain of Jarron, which is very high, and very long; but the descent is the most dangerous that ever I saw in all my Travels; and besides that, the Moon did not shine. Being at the top, after you have descended three or four hunder'd paces, you meet with a Bridg of one Arch, that reaches from one Mountain to another: a bold piece of Architecture, not enough to be admir'd, being rais'd at the charges of Iman-Kouli-Kan for the benefit of Travellers. Be∣ing come to the bottom of this, you must pass two others as steep in their ascent as in the descent; upon the top of one of which stands a Cistern, which, though it be very large, is generally emptied by the end of the Summer. Upon these Mountains there is such an infinite quantity of Partridg that a man cannot miss that will but shoot. By eight in the Morning I came to an Inn which is call'd Shakal, which is a-lone House in a Desert Countrey, but stor'd with bitter Almond-trees, and Turpentine-trees. Approaching neer to the Inn, you meet with two or three Cisterns, which are a great comfort to Travellers, water being very scarce upon this Road. There are at Shakal nine or ten Radar's for the Guard of the Road, who are also Masters of the Inn: So soon as you are alighted, they ask you if you will eat any Kid, being sure of their blow, and having no more to do but to go to the Mountain and fetch one, where they swarm. There are store of Partridges, which are almost as big as Pullets; of which you may easily kill as many as you please.

The 25th I travell'd five hours, from morning till noon. An hour after I took Horse, I met with a Mountain, the descent whereof was very steep. They call it the Mountain of H••shen, at the foot whereof is a Fountain of excellent water. A good league farther you meet with a fair Inn call'd Mouezeré, in the midst of a pleasant Grove, where there is an excellent Spring of water; but because there is no food to be had, you must go as far as Detadombé, a Village seated in a plain. A quarter of a league on this side, upon the top of a Mountain, appears the ruins of an old Castle; the Village it self being surrounded with Palm-trees. The Inn is a good one, provided with a very good Cistern.

The 25th I travell'd through a plain for three hours, and stopt at Banarou, a lit∣tle City well built, at the foot of a high Mountain; upon which appears the re∣mains of a large Castle. Bonarou is the Frontier Town of the Province of Fars, bordering upon the Province of Lar.

The 26th I departed an hour after midnight, and travell'd till nine in the morn∣ing, partly through the Plain, and partly through the Mountains, where I saw an old Tower for the guard of the Road. I staid at Bihry, a little City seated upon a plain, that borders upon a high Mountain. The Inn is new, and very magnifi∣cently

built by the Mother of Aimas, Kan of Lar, when the great Sha-Abbas took this Countrey from the Gaures, whom he constrain'd to turn Mahu∣metans.

The 27th I set out at four of the Clock in the morning, and about seven I past through a Village seated in a small plain. A league from thence I lodg'd in an Inn call'd Pai-Cotali; that is to say, the foot of the Mountain, as being built at the foot of the Mountain. From thence to Lar is not above four or five hours tra∣velling; but the way is very bad, and several swift Torrents are to be past over.

You may take another Road from Bihry, upon the right-hand toward the West; it is the shorter way by two or three leagues: but so bad, and so narrow, that in many places two Horsemen cannot ride a-brest, being for the most part all Rocks and Precipices.

Lar is the Capital City of the Province of the same name, which formerly bore the title of a Kingdom. It is but of an ordinary bigness, enclos'd on both sides with high Mountains, being built round about a Rock, upon which there stands a Castle of Free-stone, wherein the King keeps a Garrison. The whole Country is very hot, nor have they any water but Rain water, which they pre∣serve in Cisterns, and which sometimes causes a wide Torrent that runs by one side of the City, and falls from a Cascade two stories high, made of Free-stone. In the City and parts adjacent, grow a great number of trees, especially Date trees and Tamarisk. The Gardens also and Mountains are full of Orange trees.

There are but two Inns in Lar, the one within the City, which is not a very good one; the other at the end of the City toward Ormus, which would be convenient, but that it is always afloat when the Rains fall; for which reason the Franks generally lye at the Hollanders House at the end of the City. And there is a necessity for staying at Lar, to change the Camels; for the Camels that come from Ispahan can go no further; every City having their particular priviledges. Which sometimes proves prejudicial to the Merchant, in regard the Governour will delay the change of the Camels till he is presented.

The Fortress of Lar takes up the whole surface of the top of the Rock; and there is but one way to climb it up, with great difficolty. It is more long than broad; and the four corners are fortifi'd with four Bastions, or Bulwarks, between which are rais'd several Towers, for the Souldiers Lodgings. That Fortress is the Royal Prison, whither the King sends such Prisoners as he takes in war, or sur∣prizes by stratagem. I met with two there, one a Prince of Georgia, the other of Mengrelia. The two Princes had each of them a Toman a day allow'd them, and ten or twelve Servants to wait upon them. Upon one of the corners of the Castle, toward the West, was built a Banquetting House with three or four Cham∣bers. In the middle of the Court stands the Magazine, full of Bows and Arrows. Bucklers and Muskets, enough to arm fifteen hundred men. For the Inhabitants of the Province, but more especially of the City of Lar, are accounted the best Musqueteers in Persia, and the best at making the Barrels of Muskets, all but the Breach, which they know not how to order so well as we. The Governours House answers to the great Road; but there is nothing at all of nearness without, only before the door there is a good handsome Court, about sixty paces square, and clos'd in with Walls, which leads you into two large Bazars of good Stone, very well arch'd.

The most part of the Inhabitants of Lar are Jews, who are famous for several Silk Manufactures, especially for making neat Girdles. The Countrimen were up∣on their heads a kind of a felt of fine wool, and very well wrought. It resembles a Cap not yet shap'd, with four Corners behind, and cut on the sides; and these sorts of Caps are made at Kerman.

There are an infinite number of Cisterns, as well within the City, as in the parts adjacent; and all but little enough, in regard that sometimes it does not Rain for three years together. When the Rains fall they do nor fill their Cisterns the first day, but rather cover them quite up, till the earth be well soak'd. Now for the distribution of this water they take an excellent course; for they never keep open above three Cisterns at a time; and when they do op'n them, the Governour or some other person appointed for that purpose, is present; so precious is water

in that place, though never so bad. The water thus standing in the Cisterns some∣times for many years together, breads worms, so that whither you strain it, or boil it, there will appear a kind of foulness in it, which is the seed of these worms. And this corruption it is that breeds worms in the legs and feet of men; which puts me in mind, that after my return to Paris, the fifth time of my travelling, I had one came out of my left foot an Ell an a half long, and another from under the ankle of my right foot half an Ell long.

The first of April I set out from Lar by five in the morning, and travell'd till three in the afternoon, through a barren stony Country, except it were only one Village call'd Tcherkah; near to which I met with some Corn-land, and several Palm-trees. I lodg'd at a little Inn call'd Shamzenghi. It is low, built like a Cross, with four doors to receive the cool winds every way. All the Inns are built in this fashion between this and Bander, and near to one another for the ease of Travellers. As for the Beasts, they lye without, for they have no Stables. All the Houses from Lar to Ormus are built after one manner. For there is a kind of a Pipe, like a Chimney, that runs from the bottom to the top to gather wind.

The second I left Shamzenghi about four in the afternoon, because the heat is cool'd by a gentle breeze toward the evening. Three hours I travell'd through a barren Plain, afterwards over most fearful Rocks, and about ten at night I came to Cormout, a great Village well stor'd with Palm-trees.

From Lar to Cormout is the worst way in all Persia. For many times there is no water to be found.

The third, I parted from Cormout a little after midnight; and having travell'd se∣ven hours in very bad way, full of great stones and filthy puddles, I came to a new Inn call'd Tenquidalen. In the middle of it is a little vase of running water, fed by a little stream that falls from the Mountain. But the water being some∣thing brackish, they have since that built a very fair Cistern. They also broach'd the Mountain to bring the water into a Plain, which was barren before, but is now fruitful, and beautifi'd with two good Villages. This was done by a rich Merchant, whose Children enjoy the Revenues of both.

The fourth, I set forward an hour after midnight, and travell'd through an un∣inhabited Countrey, full of wide Torrents when the rain falls. There are but two small Inns upon the Road, and about eight in the morning I arriv'd at that which they call Gourba-Sarghant. It was built with the Money which a Merchant of Ormus left for that purpose; whose strength fail'd him in that very place, for want of a resting place. This Inn is not far from a Village that stands upon the Mountain to the North.

The fifth, setting out a little after midnight, I travell'd till seven in the morning through a dry and desert Countrey, yet stor'd with Lentisk-trees, and lay at a good Village call'd Cauvrestan, where the people were mowing large Fields of Barly. Here, if the Inn be full, you may lye at the Countrey-mens Houses, who are ac∣custom'd to entertain Travellers, and get well by it. This place is famous for water-Melons, as big as our Pumpkins; and are the best in all Persia. The meat is very red, and as sweet as Sugar, which is a great refreshment to Travellers. The Ketonter of the place gave me two Raddishes, one weighing 30, the other 45 pounds, and were very good meat.

The 6th I set out after midnight, and travell'd till it was day through plains of Sand, over which it is impossible to find the way without a guide. About three a Clock in the morning I cross'd over two Bridges joyn'd together by a long Causey. Before I came to the first, I rode over another for a good quarter of a league, which Causey runs on a great way to the second Bridg, under which flows a salt River; the shoar of which is full of moving sands; so that before those Bridges were made, it was dangerous to foard it without a guide.

This Causey and the two Bridges were made and built by a Persian, whose name was Aly; who wanting employment at home, apply'd himself to the King of Golconda, who lik'd him so well, that he made him General of his Army. Being thus advanc'd, he also turn'd Merchant, and trading first with one Vessel, then with two, got a great Estate. At length, all that he had thus got in forty years, to get himself a name in Persia, he employ'd in making this Causey and the two Bridges.

These Bridges are both built over a River that comes from toward Kerman, and is swell'd by other streams that fall from the Mountains with a great noise, and discharges it self into the Persian Gulph, neer to Bander-Congo; but becomes brackish by passing through Mountains that are nothing but Salt.

From the great Bridg to Guitchi is one of the most pleasant Countries in all Persia, being a continu'd Grove. Guitchi is a place accommodated with two Inns, one a very fair one, and convenient; the other very ill seated, by reason of the dust that continually annoys it, standing upon a sandy ground. It stands neer ten or twelve Arabian Tents; so that as soon as you come to the Inn, the Arabian Women presently bring Milk and Butter, and other refreshments.

A league and a half from Guitchi you meet with two Roads, one upon the left∣hand that seems more beaten, the other upon the right. There a man may easily be deceiv'd that has no guides. For the left-hand way is a dangerous pas∣sage, and a kind of a continu'd Labyrinth among Rocks and Precipices. The right-hand way, which is the best, is all upon the sand to Bander-Abassi, and is usually a days journey. You meet with two Inns by the way, the last of which is call'd Bend-Ali, built by the Sea-side.

From Ben-Ali to Bander-Abassi, is but a little more then two leagues through a Countrey abounding in Palm-trees.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Island of Ormus, and of Bander-Abassi.

ORmus is an Island in 92. d. 42. m. of Longitude, and in 25. d. 30. m. of Lati∣tude. It lies at the mouth of the Persian Gulph, two good Leagues from the firm Land. There is neither tree nor herb that grows in it: for it is all over cover'd with Salt, which is very good and as white as snow. And as for the black shining Sand-dust of Ormus, it is very much us'd for standishes.

Before the Portugueses came to Ormus, there was a City where the Kings of Ormus, who were also Kings of Larr, resided. When the Portugals took it, there were in it two young Princes, Sons of the deceased King, whom they carri'd into Spain. Where, in regard they were handsomely proportion'd, though somewhat swarthy, the King entertain'd them very kindly, and gave them an honourable al∣lowance. One day that he had shew'd them the Escurial and all the chief pieces of Architecture in Madrid, the King ask'd them what they thought of living in Spain. To whom they answer'd, that they had seen nothing but what was worthy admiration, but then fetching a deep sigh, and perceiving the King desirous to know the meaning of it, they gave him to understand that it was for grief that they must never more sit under their own Tree. For near to the City of Ormus was a Bannians tree, being the only tree that grew in the Island.

The Portugals being masters of the Island from an ill-built City, rear'd it to that hight of Magnificence which that Nation admires; so that the very barrs of their doors and windows were all guilt. The Fortress was a noble thing, and in good repair: and they had also a stately Church dedicated to the Virgin, where they were also wont to walk. For other place of promenading they had none. Since the Persians took it, the Castle indeed stands in good repair, with a Garrison in it: but the City is gone to ruine; for the Dutch carried most of the stones away to build Battavia.

Between the Island of Ormus, and the Continent the Sea is not very deep; for the great ships that sail in and out of the Gulf, pass by the other side of the Island. As for the Fortress which stands upon a poynt of the Island, it is almost encompass'd with the Sea, and lyes right over against Persia.

Bander Abassi, so call'd because the great Sha-Abbas the first brought it into re∣putation, is at present a City reasonably well built, and stor'd with large ware∣houses, over which are the lodgings of the Merchants. While the Portugueses kept Ormus, though they liv'd in the City, all the trade was at Bandar-Abassi, as being the most secure Landing-place upon all the Coast. About 15 years ago it was an op'n town, but because it was an easie thing then to get into the Town, and rob

the Custome-house in the night, it has bin since enclos'd with walls. To this place come all the ships that bring Commodities from India for Persia, Turkie, or any part of Asia or Europe. And indeed it would be much more frequented by the Merchants from all Regions and Countries.

But the Air of Bander is so unwholesome and so hot, that no strangers can live there, in probability of health, unless it be in the months of December, January, Fe∣bruary and March; though the Natives of the Country may perhaps stay without prejudice to the end of April. After that they retire to the cooler Mountains, two or three days journey off, for five or six months, where they eat what they gain'd before. They that venture to stay at Gomron during the hot weather, get a malignant Fever, which if they scape death, is hardly ever cur'd. However it bequeaths the yellow Jaundies during life to the party. March being pass'd the wind changes, and blowing at west south west, in a short time it grows so hot and so stifling, that it almost takes away a mans breath. This wind is by the Ara∣bians call'd El-Samiel, or the poysonous wind, by the Persians Bade-Sambour, be∣cause it suffocates and kills presently. The flesh of them that are thus stifl'd feels like a glewie fat, and as if they had been dead a month before.

In the year 1632. riding from Ispahan to Bagdat, I and four more Persian Mer∣chants had bin stifl'd but for some Arabians that were in our Company. For when they perceiv'd the wind, they caus'd us to light, lye down upon our bellies and cover our selves with our Cloaks. We lay so for half an hour, and then rising we saw our horses were in such a sweat, that they were hardly able to carry us. This happen'd to us two days journey from Bagdat. But this is observable, that if a man be in a Boat upon the water when the same wind blows, it does no harm though he were naked at the same time. Sometimes the wind is so hot that it burns like Lightning.

And as the Air of Gomron is so bad and dangerous, the soil is worth nothing: For it is nothing but Sand, nor is the water in the Cisterns very good. They that will be at the charge fetch their water from a fountain three leagues from Bander, call'd the water of Issin. Formerly there was not an herb to be seen: but by often watering the ground, Lettice, Radish and Onions have begun to grow.

The People are swarthy, and wear nothing about them but only a single shirt. Their usual dyet is dates and fish. Which is almost the dyet of their Cattel, for when they come home from browsing the barren bushes, they give them the heads and guts of their fish boyl'd, with the kernels of the Dates which they eat.

The Sea of Bander produces good Soles, good Smelts and Pilchards. They that will have oysters must have 'em caught on purpose, for the people eat none.

Upon Land they want neither for wine of Schiras nor Yesd; nor for Mutton, Pi∣geons and Partridge, which are their ordinary dyet.

There are two Fortresses, one upon the East, the other toward the West. The Town increases in trade and building, and fills with inhabitants, who build their houses with the remaining ruins of Ormus.

The reason why the Trade is settl'd rather at Bander Abassi, then at Bander Con∣go, where the Air is good and the Water excellent, is because that between Ormus and Congo lie several Islands, which make the passage for ships dangerous, besides that the often change and veering of the wind is requir'd: neither indeed is there water enough for a Vessel of 20 or 25 guns. Then the way from Congo to Lar is very bad. From Bander Abassi to Lar it is very good, and provided with good Inns.

From the day that a Merchant takes up mony at Gomron, he is bound to return it in three months, and the change goes from six to twelve per Cent. When the Goods come to Ispahan or any other place, the Merchant is not to touch them, till he has pay'd the money which he borrow'd, unless the Creditor will trust him farther. Some Turkish and Armenian Merchants take up money at Gomron to pay it at Suratt; where they take up other money for Ispahan; at Ispahan for Erzerom or Bagdat, paying the old debt with the new sums, which they take up in each place. The money taken up at Erzerom is pal'd at Bursa, Constantinople or Smyrna. Money taken up at Bagdat is pai'd at Aleppo.

I always made accompt, that to take up money at Golconda for Ligorn or Venice, at change for change, the money returns at the cheapest rate, to 95 per Cent. but more oftentimes it amounts to a hunder'd.

CHAP. XXIV. Of the Road by Land from Casbin to Ispahan to the Frontiers of the Territories of the Great Mogul, through Candahar.

THe most usual road from Ispahan to Candahar, which the Merchants choose * 1.2 in regard of the plenty of water which they meet with, lies thus,

From Ispahan to Sakunegi	Agats 7
From Sakunegi to Mouchena de Radar.	10
From Mouchena de Radar to Nanni.	8
From Nanni to Danaraquie.	15
From Danaraquie to Basabad.	15
From Basabad to Abiger.	9
From Abiger to Biabanact.	5
From Biabanact to Caseni.	5
From Caseni to Samagi.	10
From Samagi to Sadarou.	15
From Sadarou to Chechme-cha.	8
From Chechme-cha to Karte.	14
From Karte to Tabas, ville.	4
From Tabas to Espaque.	7
From Espaque to Teoque.	7
From Teoque to Talkeaue.	6
From Talkeaue to Cors.	10
From Cors to Tesaitan.	9
From Tesaitan to Berjan.	7
From Berjan to Moti.	7
From Moti to Sarbicha.	5
From Sarbicha to Mont.	7
From Mont to Dourat.	12
From Dourat to Chechmeband.	6
From Chechmeband to Zela.	10
From Zela to Fara, ville.	10
From Fara to Tecourmazetan.	6
From Tecourmazetan to Stabe.	6
From Stabe to Bacou.	4
From Bacou to Dilaram.	6
From Dilaram to Chaquilan.	4
From Chaquilan to Dexkak.	4
From Dexkak to Griche, ville.	12
From Griche to Kouskienogout.	10
From Kouskienogout to Candahar.	12

All this while the Men ride upon Horses, and the goods are carri'd by Camels.

The City of Candahar is the chief of one of the Conquer'd Provinces of Persia, having been often the occasion of war between the Kings of Persia and India. At length Sha Abbas became Master of it, the Prince that then raign'd there, choosing to put himself under the Protection of the King of Persia rather then of great Mogull: but upon this condition, that the Governour should be always one of his race. And therefore Alimerdan-Kan was the Son of the last Prince of Candahar. That Prince left behind him such a vast Treasury, that his Plate

was all of Gold, and he had so much Gold in his Coffers, that when he went to the Great Mogul he would not accept of any thing for his maintenance, but contented himself with one of the highest Dignities in the Empire, which he enjoy'd till his death. At Jehanabad he built a most neat House, with a fair Garden upon the River.

He got his wealth in some measure, for the greatest part came by Inhe∣ritance, by the great advantages which he made of the Caravans that then pass'd oft'ner through Candahar then they do now adays. For by delaying the Merchants at the Custome-house, and by treating them himself, and re∣ceiving treatments from them again, he caus'd them to spend their Provisi∣ons, which they were forc'd to recruit again at Candahar.

The Grand Sha Abbas left the peaceable Possession of Candahar to Sha-Sefi his Grand-child. In whose time Alimerdan-Kan deliver'd it up to the Great Mogul. Sha Abbas the Second retook it in the year 1650. Where∣upon Sha-gehan sent his eldest Son to drive him out. But though his Army consisted of three hundred thousand men, yet the place was so well defend∣ed that he lost the best part of his Army before it. The next year Sha∣jehan sent another Army under the Command of Sultan-Sujah, but he had no better success then his Brother. Thereupon Begum Saheb, Sha-jehan's el∣dest Daughter, and passionately belov'd by him even to Incest, bearing the greatest sway in the Kingdom, and having a vast Treasure, rais'd an Army at her own charges, and made Aurengzeb Commander of it. After many as∣saults, Aurengzeb discoursing with his Generals one day who should have the honour if he took the City, and being told that his Sister would have the honour in regard she had rais'd the Army, the Prince either jealous of his Sister, or else not loath to give occasion of being envy'd by his Brothers, as∣saulted it no more, and when the rains came, rais'd his siege.

• A. The Principal Citadel.
• B. Another Citadel.
• C. The Mountain that reach'd to the next Citadel, which Sha Sefi cut away after he took the City.
• D. The Governours House.
• E. The Lodgings for the Officers and Souldiers.
• F. The Piazza of the City.
• G. The great street.
• H. The two Causeys that lead to the City.
• I. The Path that leads from the Mersh to the City.
• K. The lesser way that leads from the City to the Citadel.

Thus I have finish'd the most considerable Observations as well in reference to Turkie as to Persia. I have been curious to understand things, and have lookt with a strict eye upon them: and I am oblig'd to inform the Reader, that he must not travel into Asia, in expectation of mending his experience in any of the nobler Arts of Painting, Sculpture, Goldsmiths work, or Turning. As for the Coverlets, Embroideries, Tissues of Gold and Silver, which are made in Persia, and which we admir'd formerly in France, all these give place to our new manufactures. Insomuch that the Persians themselves admire the rich goods of Europe, and when we carry any thither, they are immediately bought up by the King and the Nobility. They neither understand any thing of Architecture: nor is there any thing in all Asia that equalls the Riches and Beauty of the Loure, or of any other of the Kings houses in France, which infinitely excell in workmanship all the magnificence of the Eastern Monarchs. Which has made me with astonishment admire that so many Travellers have ascrib'd to Persia and other Regions of Asia, those beauties for which they were never beholding either to Art or Nature. For if all they have said had been true, those won∣ders could never have escaped my sight; and I dare assure the Reader that I have describ'd the naked truth of things as really they are.

The End of the Relations of Persia: and of the first Part of Asian Travels.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Alcouran is the Book of the Law, so entitl'd for its excel∣lency, as we say, the Bi∣ble.
• * 1.2

  The Persi∣ans count the distances of places by Agats, that make a large Provence League.