The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile.

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus, From the Death of AUGUSTUS.

Book II.

Vol. I.

IN the Consulship of Sisenna Statilius Taurus and of Lucius Scribonius Libo, a War began in the King∣doms of the East and the Roman Provinces on that side, whereof the Parthians were the occasion1 1.1, who

having desir'd, and received Vonones from Rome for their King, afterwards despis'd him as a Foreigner, although he was of the Family of the2 1.2 Arsacidaea 1.3. He had been given as an Hostage to Augustus, by Phraatesb 1.4, who, notwithstanding he had repuls'd the Roman Armies and Generals, paid all the respect and submission imaginable to Augustusc 1.5, and sent some of his Childrend 1.6 as a Pledge of his Friendship, not so much out of fear of us, as be∣cause he distrusted the Fidelity of his own Subjects3 1.7.

II. After the Death of Phraates and the [two] suc∣ceeding Kings, the Principal Men amongst them, being weary of domestick slaughters1 1.8, sent Ambassadors to Rome to demand Vonones, the Eldest of his Sons. Tibe∣rius looking on this to be much for his honour2 1.9, sent him away with rich presents, and the Barbarous People receiv'd him with joy, as they usually do new Kings3 1.10. But they soon began to be asham'd4 1.11, that they had so far degenerated, as to go to another World for a King that had been trained up in the Arts of their Enemies, and that the Kingdom of the Arsacidae was thereby esteem'd,

and dispos'd of as a Roman Province. Where, said they, is the Glory of those that slew Crassuse 1.12, and put Anthonyf 1.13 to flight, if the Parthians are to be govern'd by one, that hath been so many years a Slave to the Roman Emperor? He himself heightned their Indignation and Contempt, by differing so much from the Manners of his Ancestors, loving neither5 1.14 Huntingg 1.15, nor Horses6 1.16; passing thro'

the Cities in a Litter, and contemning the Parthian Feasts. They made a Iest of the Graecians which he had in his Train, and at the ••ealing of the Meanest Utensils of his House. But his easie access, and his affable way, being Virtues, that the Parthians were unacquainted with, pas∣sed for new Vices, and they equally hated what was good, as what was bad in him, because it was contrary to their Customs7 1.17.

III. Wherefore they call in Artabanus, one of the Blood of the Arsacidae, educated amongst the Dahae, who

having been defeated in the first Battel, raiseth new For∣ces, and Dispossesseth Vonones, who fled into Armenia, where he found an empty Throne, and a Nation flu∣ctuating betwixt the Parthian and the Roman Power1 1.18, ever since the Perfidious Act of Anthony, who after he had under colour of Friendship, invited Artavasdes, King of Armenia, to come to him, put him in Chainsh 1.19, and at last to Death2 1.20, whose Son Artaxias, resenting our base Usage of his Fathe••, enter'd into an Alliance with the Arsacidae against us, with whose assistance he defend∣ed himself and his Kingdom, until he was assassinated by the Treachery of his own Kindred. After which, Au∣gustus gave this Kingdom to Tigranesi 1.21, who was put in possession of it by Tiberius Nero. But he had no long reign, nor his Children after him, although they, ac∣cording

to their Customk 1.22, were united by Enter-mar∣riages, and Partnership in Government. Artavasdes suc∣ceeded next, by the appointment of Augustus, and was afterwards dispossess'd, but it cost us dear.

IV. Hereupon, the settling of the Affairs of Armenia, was committed to Caius Caesarl 1.23, who plac'd on the Throne Ariobarzanes of Medish extraction, the Arme∣nians consenting to it, he being a Person of a Majestick Presence1 1.24, and of great Endowments of Mind; but he dying suddenly, they would not admit his Children to succeed him, but were for trying the Government of a Woman, named Erato, whom they soon laid aside2 1.25 and

thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition3 1.26, and rather without a Master than in Liberty, they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones4 1.27. But as soon as Artabanus threatned him, and it appeared that there was little re∣liance on the Armenians, and as little expectation of as∣sistance from the Romans, who could not defend him, unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians, he retires to Creticus Silanus, the Governor of Syria, who, although he had invited him, set a Guard upon him as soon as he came, leaving him, however, the Title and the State of a King5 1.28. How he endeavour'd to escape

from this Pageant-Royalty, we will relate in its proper place6 1.29.

V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius, since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been ac∣custom'd to his1 1.30 commandm 1.31, and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger. But the more he was hated by his Uncle and

loved by the Soldiers, the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel, in order to which, he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting, and what had succeeded well or ill with him, after three years War in this Country. He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels, and on even Ground; that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes, in short Summers and early Winters; That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms, than for the Wounds they had receiv'd; That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses; That his long train of Carriages, was much exposed to the Enemy, and not easily defended. Whereas if they went by Sea, where they were Masters, and the Enemy Strangers, they would be Earlier in the Field; the Le∣gions together with their Provisions, the Horsemen and their Horses, would be all safely carry'd through the Mouths and the Chanels of the Rivers, into the very Heart of Germany.

VI. He resolves therefore on this Method, and whilst he dispatcheth P. Vitellius, and C. Antius, to receive the Tribute from the Gauls, he appoints Silius Anteius, and Cecinna, to provide a Fleet. A thousand Ships were judg'd sufficient, and they were soon Equipp'd; some of them were short with a narrow Poop and Stern, and a wide Belly, that they might better endure the Waves; others with flat Bottoms, for the conveniency of landing in shallow places; several with Sterns at both ends, that with only changing the stroak of the Oars, without turning the Vessel, they might advance or retire; many were cover'd with Bridges for the carrying of their Ar∣tillery, with conveniencies also for Horses and Provisions, and all of them were made both for Sailing and Rowing, and the eagerness and shoutings of the Soldiers, added much to both to the shew and the terror of the Fleet. The Isle of Batavian 1.32 was appointed for the place of their

rendezvous, because it had good Landings, and lay con∣venient for receiving the Forces, and for their passage thence to the Seat of the War. For the Rhine keeps one Channel, or at most makes but little Islands till it enters the Country of Batavia, where it divides it self as it were into two Rivers; whereof, that which runs through Ger∣many retains its Name and rapid Course, till it discharges its self into the Ocean; the other which washes Gaul, runs with a broader and a gentler Stream, and is by the People of the Country call'd, the Wahalo 1.33, which name it afterwards changes into that of the Meuse, through whose wide mouth it falls into the same Ocean.

VII. Whilst they were launching the Ships, Germani∣cus order'd his Lieutenant, Silius, with a Flying Army to invade the Country of the Chatti; and hearing that a Fort which stood on the River Lippe was besieg'd by the Enemy, he march'd himself with six Legions to its re∣lief. Silius, by reason of a sudden fall of Rains, did no∣thing more than bring away the Wife and Daughter of of Arpus, Prince of the Chattti, with a little Plunder. Nor did the Besiegers give Germanicus opportunity to ••ight, but stole away from the Siege at the News of his approach; however, they first demolish'd the Monu∣ment erected to the Legions of Varus, and the old Altar consecrated to Drusus. Germanicus repaired the Altar, and himself with the Legions, performed funeral rites in honour of his Father, by a Mock-fight before itp 1.34. It was not thought fit to rebuild the Monument, but he

fortified all that lay between the Fort of Alison and the Rhine, with the addition of a new Line and Works.

VIII. After the Fleet was arrived, and he had sent the Provisions on board, and assigned the Legions and the Auxiliary Troops their Ships, he enter'd the Drus••an Ca∣nalq 1.35, which took its name from his Father Drusus, to whom he made a Prayer, that he would favour his Son who after his Example was making this attempt. He had a good passage thence through the Lakes and the Sea, into the Mouth of the River Amisia, and anchor'd his Fleet at a Port of the same Namer 1.36, which was an over∣sight, it being on the left hand of the River, and not high enough; so that several days were spent in making bridges for the Army to pass over to the other side. The Cavalry and the Legions safely forded it at low Water; but the Auxiliaries who were in the Rear, especially the Ba∣••avians, whilst they sported in the Waters, and were am∣bitious of shewing their skill in swimming, were overtaken by the Tide and some of them drowned. As Germanicus was Encamping, news was brought him, that the Angri∣variis 1.37, whom he had left behind him, had revolted, where∣upon he dispatched Stertinius with a body of Horse, and light-arm'd Foot, who reveng'd their treachery with Fire and Sword.

IX. The Armies of the Romans and the Cherusci, being

separated only by the River Weser, and Arminius, who▪ with his Principal Officers stood on the Bank, under∣standing that Germanicus was come, desired that he might speak with his Brother Flavius, who was in the Roman Army, and who had signaliz'd himself by his Fidelity, and by the loss of an Eye some years before in a Battel, when he served under Tiberius. His request was granted, and as Flavius came near him Arm••nius saluted him, and ordering those that came with him to withdraw them∣selves, he desires that our Archers who lin'd the Bank of the River might likewise retire; after which Armini∣us ask'd his Brother how his Face came to be so disfi∣gur'd; who freely telling him the Place, and the Battel where he received the Wound, the other ask'd him far∣ther, What reward he had received for it; Flavius an∣swers him, That his Pay was augmented, and that he was adorned with a Chain, a Crownu 1.38, and other Military H••∣nours1 1.39,

which Armenius ridicul'd as base prizes of Sla∣very.

X. Whereupon they begin to be hot; Flavius, extols the Roman Grandeur, and the Power of the Emperor; His Seve∣rity towards those that are Conquer'd, and his Clemency to∣wards those that submit; and that his Wife and his Son were well treated. Arminius, on the other hand, insists on the Rights of his Countrey, their ancient Liberty, the Tutelar Gods of Germany; and adds, that it was their common Mother's request as well as his own, that he would at last chuse rather to be the General of his own Nation, than the Deserter and the Traytor of it. They proceeded by degrees to bitter

reproaches1 1.40, and had certainly come to blows, not∣withstanding the River was betwixt them, had not Ster∣tinius ran and held Flavius, who in a Rage2 1.41 call'd for his Horse and Arms. Arminius, on the other side, with a Menacing Countenance, was heard to Challenge us to a Battel, for he spake several words in Latin, having formerly serv'd in the Roman Army, as a Commander of some Auxiliaries of his own Nation.

XI. The next Day the German Army was drawn up in Battel, on the other side of the Weser. Germanicus thinking it not prudence in a General to hazard the Le∣gions1 1.42, before he had laid Bridges and Guarded them, orders the Cavalry to pass the River where it was Forda∣able

under the Command of Stertinius and of Aemilius a Primipilex 1.43, who passed over at distant places from each other, that they might divide the Enemy. Cariovalda, General of the Batavi, passed the River in the most ra∣pid part of it, but was by the Cherusci, who seigned flight, drawn into a Plain environ'd with Woods, where they had planted an Ambuscade, whence they sallying out on a Sudden, and surrounding them on all sides, they knocked down those that made resistance, pursued those that gave ground, and broke the rest that had drawn themselves into a Ring, either by fighting with them hand to hand, or by galling them at a Distance, with their Darts and Arrows. Cariovalda having sustain'd the Enemy's Fury a good while, exhorted his Men to draw into a Close Body, and to break through the Enemy's Troops, and he himself led the way into the thickest of the Fight, where his Horse being kill'd under him, and himself over-power'd with Darts, bravely fell with many of the Nobility by his side: The rest escaped either by their own Valour, or by the Assistance of Stertinius and Aemilius, who came in with the Horse to their relief.

XII. When Germanicus had pass'd the Weser, he was informed by a Deserter, that Arminius had chosen the Place of Battel; that other Nations had joyned him in a Forrest consecrated to Hercules, and that they designed to Storm our Camp by Night. He gave credit to this Intelligence, and the rather because their fires were dis∣cern'd, and the Scouts who had been sent out brought back word, that they heard the Neighings of Horses, and a confus'd Noise like that of a Numerous and Undisciplin'd Army on their march. It being like to be a Decisive Battel, and this the critical time of Danger, Germanicus thought it fit to try how the Minds of the Soldiers stood affected, but how to be assur'd of this was not so easie; He con∣sider'd, that the Tribunes and Captains used to give ra∣ther acceptable than true Accounts; that the Freemen were of slavish Tempers, and that Friends were too prone to flatter. That if he should call a Council of War, nothing was more common than for all the rest to applaud that Advice, which happen'd to be approv'd by a Few at first1 1.44, and therefore he concluded, that the on∣ly certain way of knowing the Soldiers Minds, was when they were at their Meals in their respective Tents and un∣observ'd, at which time, if ever, they discoverd their Hopes or Fears.

XIII. Wherefore, the Evening being closed he goes out of his Pavillion by the Augural Gatey 1.45, cover'd1 1.46 with the skin of a Wild Beastz 1.47, having no more than one Person to accompany him, and as he passes the Lanes of the Camp through By-ways that were unknown to the Sentinels, he listens at the Tents, enjoys his own Fame; hearing some extoll his high Birth and his good Mein, o∣thers his Patience, his Affability, and his even Temper both in Business and Pleasures, and all of them acknow∣ledging, that they were oblig'd in gratitude to serve him to the utmost in the Battel; and that these perfidious vi∣olaters of the Peace, ought to be sacrificed to his Glory and Revenge In the mean time, one of the Enemy that understood the Latin Tongue, came on Horseback up to the Line of our Camp, and with a loud Voice de∣clares in Arminius's Name, that as many as would come over to him, should have each 100 Sestercesa 1.48 a day, du∣ring the War, and Wives and Lands assigned them for the rest of their Lives. This Affront exasperated the Le∣gions, who said, the Day was coming in which a Battel would decide that; in the mean time, they accepted it as a good Omen, that the Germans Lands and Wives were to be the Fruits of their Victory. About the third Watch

of the Nightb 1.49, they approach'd our Camp, with a De∣sign to Storm it; but finding it strongly guarded and ••o advantage to be taken, they did not attempt it.

XIV. The same Night Germanicus had a pleasing Dream, wherein he seemed to himself to Sacrifice, and that his Robe being stained with the Blood of the Victim, he re∣ceived a more splendid one from the hands of his Grand∣mother Augusta. Encourag'd by this Presage, which was confirmed by the Auspicesc 1.50, he calls an Assembly, wherein he proposes the Measures which he had resolved on for the ensuing Battel. The Romans, said he, with good Conduct, can fight as well in Woods and Forests, as on the Plains, for the Unweildy Targats, and the long Pikes of the Enemies are not so easie to be manag'd amongst the Trunks of Trees and the Shrubs, as your Darts and Swords, and your Armour which sits tight to the Body; so that you may re∣double your blows, and make directly at the Faces of your Ene∣mies. The Germans have neither Breast-plate nor Helmet, and their Bucklers are not strengthened with Iron or Cords, and are made only of Osier Twigs, or of thin Painted Boards. Their foremost Ranks indeed are armed with a sort of Pikes, but the rest have only Stakes hardned in the fire, or short Darts▪ And although they are terrible in their Looks, and vigorous in their first Charge, yet they will not stand after they are once wounded, but run away without any concern for their own Honour or their General's Safety. They are utterly dispirited under ill-fortune, as they are a most insolent People upon Suc∣cess, having regard neither to Divine nor Humane Laws. To conclude, if being fatigued with long Voyages and Marches, you desire to see an End of this War, the Elbd 1.51 is now nearer

to us than the Rhine, and as I follow the Steps of my Fa∣ther and my Uncle, so I do not desire to carry my Conquests farther than they did theirs. The General's Speech was follow'd with the Acclamations of the Soldiers, and the Signal of Battel was given.

XV. Neither was Arminius and the rest of the German Nobility wanting to encourage their Men, telling them, that these were the fugitive remains of Varus's Army, who re∣bell'd to avoid the fatigues of War, of whom some having shameful Wounds on their Backs, others their Limbs disabled by storms at Sea, were now again exposed to their incens'd Enemies, without any hopes of success, the Gods being against them. Although they had gotten a Fleet, and taken the most unknown ways of the Sea, that none might meet them as they came, nor pursue them after they should be defeated; yet when they joyn'd Battel, they should find that Oars and Winds would prove but little succour to a routed Army. Let the Germans only remember the Avarice, Cruelty, and Pride of the Romans, and resolve either to defend their Liberty, or die with it.

XVI. The Germans thus encourag'd, and eager to fight, Arminius draws them down into a Plain call'd Idistaviso, which winds with an uneven space betwixt the Weser and the Hills, as the Course of the River gives way to it, or the Hills jet upon it; behind it grew a Wood of high Trees with spreading tops, but with void spaces betwixt their Trunks. The Barbarianse 1.52 possess'd them∣selves of this Plain and of the Entrances of the Wood, only the Cherusci kept the Hills that they might fall down upon the Romans when they were engag'd. Our Army marched in this order: The Gaulish and German Auxiliaries were in the Front, follow'd by Archers on Foot, next to whom was Germanicus himself with four Legions, two Praetorian Cohorts and the Flower of the Cavalry: After them as many Legions more, with Light∣arm'd

Soldiers and Archers on Horse-back, and the rest of the Confederate Troops, all of them being very care∣ful to march in order of Battel.

XVII. Germanicus perceiving the Cherusci to advance boldly towards us, commands some of the best of the Cavalry to charge them in the Flank, and Stertinius with another Party of Horse to surround them, and to fall upon their Rear, promising that he himself would be ready to support them if there should be occasion. In the mean time appear'd an auspicious Omenf 1.53, eight Eagles were seen to fly into the Wood, which as soon as Germanicus observ'd, he cry'd out, That they should march and follow the Roman Birds, which were the Tutelar Godsg 1.54 of the Legions1 1.55. The Infantry charg'd them, and

the Detachments of Horse that were sent before, at the same time attack'd them both in the Flank and Rear, and which was most surprizing two Bodies of the Ene∣my ••led counter to one another; they who were posted in the Wood ••led into the Plain, and they who were drawn up in the Plain betook themselves to the Woods. The Cherusci who were posted betwixt these two Bodies were beaten from the Hills, amongst whom Arminius, who might be distinguished by the motion of his Hand, by his Voice, and by his Wounds, bravely maintain'd the Battel. He charges furiously on our Archers, and had broken them if the ••aetih 1.56, Vindelicii 1.57, and the Gaulish Co∣horts had not supported them; however, through his own strength and the fleetness of his Horse, he made his way through them, having besmeared his Face with his own blood that he might not be known. Some say, that the Chauci who were amongst our Auxiliaries, knew him, but let him pass. Inguimerus escaped by the like Stra∣tagem or Valour. Almost all the rest were slain, many as they endeavour'd to swim over the Weser, of whom some were either kill'd by our Darts, or carry'd away by the Force of the Stream, or were sunk by the Weight of People that threw themselves into the River after them, or of the Banks that fell upon them. Some cowardly climbing to the top of Trees to hide themselves in their Boughs, were shot by our Archers, as Birds, by way of Diversion, and others fell to the Ground with the Trees which were cut down. This was a great Victory, and cost us but little blood.2 1.58.

XVIII. The slaughter lasted from Eleven a Clockk 1.59 in the Morning▪ until Night; so that for the space of ten miles all the Country was strewed with Arms and Dead Bodies, and amongst their spoils were found Chains which, as being sure of the Victory1 1.60, they had prepared for the Romans. The Soldiers proclaimed Tiberius Empe∣ror in the Field of Battel and raised a Monument, whereon they fixed, in the Form of Trophees, the Arms which they had taken, and inscrib'd underneath the Names of the Conquer'd Nations.

XIX. The Germans were more incens'd and troubled at the sight of this, than for their Wounds and their De∣feat1 1.61. They that before thought of nothing but leaving their Countrey, and retiring beyond the Elb, now take Arms again, and will have another Battel. The Com∣mons and Nobles, Old and Young, surprize the Roman Army, and put them in some Disorder. At length they Encamp on a Wet-piece of Ground, having a River on one side of it, and a Wood on the other, surrounded with a deep Marsh, except in one place, where the An∣grivarii had cast up a large Work to separate themselves from the Cherusci. The Infantry were posted in this Place; the Cavalry cover'd themselves in an adjoyning thicket, that they might fall upon the Rear of our Legions, as soon as they were entred the Wood.

XX. Germanicus was ignorant of none of these things, he knew the Enemy's Posture, and their secret Designs1 1.62, as well as what they gave out, and turn'd their

own Stratagems on themselves to their ruine. Having given his Lieutenant Sejus Tubero the Command of the Cavalry, with orders to draw them up in the Plain, he divided the Infantry, that one part of them might enter the Wood where the Ground was even, whilst the other part forced the Works which the Enemy had thrown up, and which, as being the most difficult to attack, he com∣manded himself2 1.63, and left the other to his Lieutenants. They who were to gain the Even Ground, easily brake in; but those who were to force the Works, found al∣most as much resistance, as if they had been to scale a Wall. Germanicus perceived that they fought with great disadvantage so near, and therefore causing the Legions to retreat a little, he order'd the Slingers and the Engi∣neersl 1.64 with their Stones and Darts to beat off the Ene∣my from their Works: And they no sooner began to play upon them, but they galled them extremely, and dis••odg'd them; especially those that were in sight. This Post being taken, Germanicus at the Head of the Praeto∣rian Cohorts broke into the Wood, where the Germans made a stout Resistance. They were shut in by a Morass behind them, and the Romans by the River and the Hills, so that both were under a Necessity to stand their Ground, and no hopes but in their Valour, nor safety but in Vi∣ctory3 1.65.

XXI. The Germans were not inferior to the Romans in Courage, but their disadvantage lay in their Arms and in the Manner of the Fight; for they being very nume∣rous, and couped up in strait Places, had not room to wield their long Pikes, nor was their Agility of Body of any use to them, when they were forced to a standing Fight, without moving scarce a Foot: Whereas our Sol∣diers, who were armed with Breast-plates, and who had their Hands guarded with the Hilts of their Swords, made terrible thrusts at the large Bodies and the Naked Faces of the Enemy, and opened themselves a way by the Slaugh∣ters that they made. Arminius now began to flag, being either fatigued with continual labour, or disabled by a fresh Wound, but Inguimerus did his utmost to rally the Forces, and wanted rather Fortune than Valour1 1.66. Ger∣manicus, that he might be the better known, took off his Helmet, and desir'd them to give no Quarter, telling them, That they had no need of Captives, and that there was no way of ending the War, but by the entire Excision of the Nation2 1.67. Towards the Evening he retir'd with one Le∣gion

out of the Fight, to prepare a Camp, and the rest pursued the Enemy with a great Slaughter till Night. As for the Cavalry, they drew off without any advantage on either side.

XXII. Germanicus having made a Speech in praise of his Victorious Army, erected a Trophy of Arms, with this lo••ty Inscription; The Army of the Emperor Tiberius having conquer'd the Nations which are betwixt the Rhine and the Elb, have consecrated this Monument to Mars to Iu∣piter and to Augustus. He made no mention of his own Name1 1.68, either to avoid Envy, or because he thought his own Conscience was Theatre enough2 1.69. He ordered Stertinius to march against the Angrivarii, unless they would immediately submit, which they did, and by ac∣cepting

what Conditions were imposed on them, obtain'd their Pardon.

XXIII. The Summer declining, some of the Legions were sent back by Land into Winter-Quarters; Germani∣cus with the rest Embark'd on the River of Amisia to re∣turn by Sea; which was so calm at first, that there was no noise heard but of the Oars or Sails of a thousand Ships, but the sky being all on a sudden darkned with black Clouds, which pouring a Hail-storm upon them, and tempestuous Winds blowing at the same time from all quarters, the Waves ran so high, that they were neither able to steer their Ships, nor see their Way. The Sol∣diers unacquainted with such disasters, were under a great Consternation; and whilst they endeavour'd aukwardly to help, they hinder'd the Seamen. At last the Heavens and the Sea yielding to the Force of the Southwind, which gathering strength from a vast tract of Clouds, the rapid Rivers and High Mountainsm 1.70 of Germany, as well as from the Cold Neighbourhood of the North, is gene∣rally very violent in those parts, and dispersed these Ships through the Ocean, or split them on Rocky Islands, or threw them on Quick-sands1 1.71, whence those that were

upon the return of the Tide, got off with great difficul∣ty, were afterwards driven at the Mercy of the Winds, the Mariners not being able to cast Anchor, or to pump out the Water which broke into them. Their Horses, Arms, and Baggage were thrown over board to lighten the Vessels, which were often driven on their sides, the Waves beating over them.

XXIV. As Germany hath the most boisterous Sea, and the sharpest Climate, so this Wreck exceeded all others for the Greatness and Uncommoness of it. They had no prospect but of an Enemies Country, or of a Bound∣less and Bottomless Ocean, wherein some of our Ships were sunk, others cast on remote and desart Isles, where the Soldiers were starv'd for want of Food, except some that kept themselves alive with the Flesh of the Horses which the Waves had thrown up on the same Shoresn 1.72.

The Galley in which Germanicus was, came alone to the Coast of the Chauci, where as he continu'd several days about the Rocks and Promontories, hoping to get sight of some of his Ships, he was always condemning himself as the Cause of this Calamity, and so sensibly was he touch'd with it1 1.73, that his Friends had much ado to restrain him

from throwing himself into the Sea. At length the Sea settling, and the Wind favouring them, several Ships re∣turned very much shatter'd, some almost without any Oars, others with Cloaths spread instead of Sails, and many so disabled, that they were tow'd by those that were in a better Condition. Having order'd these to be re∣fitted with all haste, he sent them to the Isles in search of their Companions, by which means many of them were recover'd. The Angrivarii, who had lately submitted, brought several whom they had ransom'd from some of their Neighbouring Nations. Some who had been dri∣ven on the British Coast, were sent back by the Petty-Kings of that Island. Those that came from remote Countrys made strange relations of uncommon Whirl∣winds, Monstrous Birds and Fishes, and Creatures half Man and half Beast, which they had seen, or which their fears made them fancy so.

XXV. As the News of this great Disaster that befell our Fleet, reviv'd the Hopes of the Germans, so it a∣wakned the Care of Germanicus to prevent them1 1.74. He orders C. Stertinius to go against the Chatti with thirty thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, whilst he him∣self with a greater Army invades the Marsi, whose Ge∣neral, Malovendus, lately come over to us, discover'd that the Eagle of one of Varus's Legions was hid under ground

in an adjacent Wood, and but slightly guardedo 1.75. A Party was immediately sent out to attack the Enemy in the Front, and by light Skirmishes to draw them from their Posts, whilst another detachment was to wheel a∣bout behind them, and open the Earth where the Stan∣dard lay, and both succeeded. Wherefore Germanicus advances farther into the Country, which he lays waste, and presseth upon the Enemy, that durst not give him Battel, or whenever they did make resistance were imme∣diately beaten, and as the Prisoners reported, were never under greater Consternation. For they now said, that the Romans were invincible, and to be broken by no Misfortunes, who after such a loss of their Fleet and of their Arms, after the Shores had been cover'd with the Carcasses of their Men, and of their Horses, fought with their wonted Courage and Vigour, and as if their Num∣bers had been increased.

XXVI. Hence the Army returned into Winter-Quar∣ters, rejoycing that they had repair'd their Losses at Sea, by this prosperous Expedition, and Germanicus with his Bounty increas'd their Ioy, by making up to every one of them what loss they had receiv'd; And there is no doubt but that the Enemy was brought so low, that they de∣sign'd to sue for Peace, and that the next Summer would have put an End to the War. But Tiberius by repeated Letters importun'd him to return home to the Triumph

that was decreed him; telling him, That he had seen va∣riety of Events, had run hazards enough, and had fought great and successful Battels. That he would also remem∣ber the great Losses he had receiv'd1 1.76, not through any Error of his own, but from the Winds and Waves. As for himself who had been by Augustus sent nine times in∣to Germany, he did more there by Conduct than Force2 1.77. It was by this way that he oblig'd the Sigambrip 1.78 to sub∣mit, the Su••vi, and King Marobod••••s to accept a Peace. That now the Romans were reveng'd and their Honour repair'd; the Cherusci and the other rebellious Nations might be securely left to worry one another by Domestick Quarrels. Germanicus desiring one Year more to com∣pleat his Undertaking3 1.79, Tiberius more briskly attacks his

Modesty with the Offer of a New Consulship, which he was to execute at Rome in Person; adding, That if the War should continue, he ought to leave it as a Scene of Glory for his Brother Drusus, who, now the Empire had no other Enemies, could not acquire the Title of Impe∣rator, nor merit a Triumph, unless in the German War4 1.80. Germanicus press'd it no farther, though he knew well e∣nough 5 1.81, that these were no other than specious Preten∣ces, and that he was recall'd through Envy, when he was at the very Point of accomplishing his glorious Enter∣prizesq 1.82.

XXVII. About the same time Lib•• Drusus of the Fa∣mily of the Scribonii, was accus'd of a Conspiracy against the Government. I shall give an exact Account of the Rise, Progress, and Issue of this Affair, because this was

the first time those pernicious Practices were set on foot, which for a long time after afflicted the State, and prey'd on the very Vitals of it. Firmius Catus, a Senator, and an intimate Friend of Libo, puts this imprudent Young∣man, who was apt enough to be amused with vain Hopesr 1.83, upon trinketting with Astrologers, Magicians, and Inter∣preters of Dreams1 1.84; and to kindle his Ambition reminds him at the same time of his Illustrious Ancestors, that

Pompey was his Great Grandfather; Scribonia, Augustus's first Wife, his Aunt; and the Caesars his Kinsmen2 1.85; per∣suades him to a more Splendid way of Living, to borrow Money to support it; and that he might have the greater Evidence against him, becomes himself a Com∣panion in his Debaucheries, and a Surety for his Debts.

XXVIII. As soon as Catus got witnesses enough, and some of them Libo's Slaves▪ who were ready to corrobo∣rate his Evidence, he gave Tiberius, by the means of Flac∣cus Vescularius a Roman Knight who had his Ear, some account of the Person, and of the Matter which he had to discover, and desir'd that he might himself have ac∣cess to him. Tiberius did not slight the Discovery, but re∣fus'd to admit him into his presence1 1.86, seeing whatsoever was to be said on either side, might as well be commu∣nicated by the intercourse of Flac••us. In the mean time, he honours Libo with the Praetorship; takes him to his Table; discovers not the least anger or strangeness

in his Countenance, or in his Words, so dextrous was he in concealing his Resentments; and when he might have stop'd him in his courses, he chose rather to let him go on that he might know all2 1.87; Until one Iunius who had been sollicited to raise Infernal Spirits by Spells, discover'd the Matter to Fulcinius Trio, an Eminent Pro∣moter, and one that was ambitious of making himself fa∣mous by Villanies3 1.88. He immediately draws up an Ac∣cusation

against the Criminal, goes to the Consuls, re∣quires the Senators to be assembled. The Senators are summon'd with this Notice, that they were to consult about a Criminal Matter of great Importance.

XXIX. In the mean time, Libo puts on a Mourning Habit, and accompany'd with some Ladies of the Great∣est Quality in Rome, goes from House to House to in∣treat their Relations that they would appear in his behalf, but they excus'd themselves upon different pretences, but all from the same Fears1 1.89. On the Day of his Tryal, be∣ing much enfeebled with Grief and Fear, or because, as some say, he would be thought sick, he was brought in a Litter to the Door of the Senate-House, where leaning on his Brother, in the most submissive manner, he begs Pardon of Tiberius, who appear'd not in the least mov'd thereby: By and by the Emperor reads the Accusati∣ons, and the Names of their Authors, with such temper, that he seemed neither to extenuate nor aggravate the Crimes.

XXX. Besides Trio and Catus, there came also two Accusers more, Fonteius Agrippa, and C. Livius, amongst whom there was some dispute which of them had the Right to accuse him; but when they could not agree amongst themselves, and Libo came without an Advo∣cate, Livius declar'd, that he would exhibit the several Crimes wherewith he was charged. Of which one was, That he had consulted with the Astrologers, whether he should ever be rich enough to cover the Appian way from Rome to Brundusium with Money, and the rest were much of the same nature, Ridiculous and Pitiful. Only there was a Writing in Libo's hand, upon which the Ac∣cuser insisted very much, wherein were the Names of the Caesars, and of some Senators, with Dangerous and My∣sterious Notes added to them. Libo disowning it, 'twas

thought ••it to put some of his Slaves who knew his hand to the Question. But because it was forbidden by an an∣cient Decree of the Senate, to examine a Slave by tor∣ture against the Life of his Master; Tiberius, who was ingenious at inventing new Laws1 1.90, order'd Libo's Slaves to be sold to the Publick Register, that they might be examin'd against him by torture, without infringing the Law2 1.91. Upon which Libo having desir'd that he might

have time given him till the next Day for his answer, went home, and sent, by the Hands of his Kinsman P. Q••irinius, his last Petition to the Emperor; whose An∣swer was, that he must address himself to the Senate.

XXXI. In the mean time, his House was beset with Soldiers, who made such a Noise in the Porch, as if they desir'd to be taken notice of; so that perceiving what he was to expect, he was Melancholly at this last Feast, which he had made to take his farewell of Pleasure, and called for some body to kill him; laid hold on his Servants, and put a Sword into their Hands; but they trembling and drawing back threw down the Light that stood on the Ta∣ble, and the Horror of the Darkness suiting with his design, he immediately gave himself two stabs in the Belly. His Freed man hearing him groan as he fell, ran to him, and the Soldiers retired at the sad Spectacle. The Accusati∣on was still prosecuted in the Senate with the same Heat: However, Tiberius swore, that he would have interceeded with the Senate for his Life, notwithstanding his Guilt, had he not prevented him by a Voluntary Death.

XXXII. His Estate was divided amongst the Accu••ers, and his Prae••orship was given to some of the Senate before the Assembly was held for the Election of Officers. At the same time Cotta Messalinus moved, that Libo's Image might not be carry'd in the Procession of the Funerals of his Kindred. Cneius Lentulus, that none of the Family of the Scribonii might take the Sirname of Drusus.1 1.92 Pom∣ponius

Flaccus, that a Publick Day of Thanksgiving might be appointed for this Deliverance. Lucius Publius, Gal∣lus Asinius, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius, that an Oblation might be made to Iupiter, to Mars, and to Concord; and that the 13th of September, being the Day on which Libo kill'd himself might be observ'd as an Anni∣versary Festival. I have given the Names and the Flat∣tering Opinions of these Men, to shew that this is no new Evil in the Common-Wealth. The Senate also made a Decree to banish Astrologers, and Magicians out of Italy, of which number Lucius Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Stone. Publius Martius, according to the ancient Customs 1.93 was executed without the Esqu••∣line Gate, the Consuls having first pronounced Sentence on him with sound of Trumpet.

XXXIII. In the next Assembly of the Senate. Q. Haterius, who was a Consular Person, and Octavi••s Fronto who had been Praetor, spoke much against the Luxury of the City; and a Decree pass'd, that for the time to come, none should be serv'd at their Tables in Vessels of Massy Gold, nor should Men weart 1.94 Indian Silk. Fronto

went farther, and mov'd that Silver Plate, Furniture, and the Number of Servants should be regulated by sumptu∣ary Laws; for it was yet customary for the Senators to propose any thing else which they thought for the Good of the State, as well as to give their Opinion on the Mat∣ter already propos'd. Gallus Asinius oppos'd this, saying, That the Empire being enlarg'd, the Wealth of Private Per∣sons was also proportionably Encreas'd, and that this was no new thing, but agreeable to the Manners of our Ancestors. There was quite another manner of living in the Age of the Scipio's, than what had been in that of the Fabricii, and yet both suitable to the Condition of the Common-Wealth at those several times. When That was little, the Romans liv'd in lit∣tle Houses; but after that was raised to such a pitch of Glory, it was but fit that its Citizens should make a greater Figure. That there is no way to determine what is Excess or Modera∣tion in Plate, Equipage, and in those things which are for the conveniency of Life, but from the Riches of the Possessor. That the Laws had made a Distinction betwixt the Revenues of Senators and Knights, not for any natural difference that was betwixt them, but that those who were in the greatest Places and highest Stations, might be best accommodated with every thing that might contribute to the Satisfaction of the Mind, or the Health of the Body1 1.95; unless they would have

the Greatest Men be oppressed with a greater Weight of Cares, and be expos'd to more Dangers, and not be allow'd the means to sweeten their Lives, and secure their Persons. Gallus with these specious Colours, gain'd and easie assent from Persons whose Inclinations lay the same way; which, however, was no better than a Confession of their Vices2 1.96 Tiberi∣us added, That this was not a time for Reformation, and that if any dissolution of Manners appeared, the State should not want one to Reform it3 1.97

XXXIV. Upon which L. Piso complain'd of the Ille∣gal ways of obtaining Offices: of the Corruptions of the Courts of Iudicature; of the Insolence of Advocates; who menac'd People with Accusations; protesting that, he would retire from the City, and live in some remote and obscure Country, and at the same time went out of the Senate-House. Tiberius was incens'd, however he ca∣ressed Piso with fair words1 1.98, and put his Relations upon using their endeavours to prevail with him to stay. A while after, Piso gave another instance of as great free∣dom, when he commenced a Law Suit against Urgulania, who was so much in favour with Augusta, that she thought her self above the reach of the Laws. As Urgulania in∣stead of appearing to the Summons, went to the Empe∣ror's Palace2 1.99, setting Piso at defiance; so he desisted not from his Prosecution, notwithstanding Augusta complain'd that she her self was Affronted, and exposed thereby. Tiberius thinking it was but decent for him to shew so much complaisance to his Mother3 1.100. as to promise to go

himself to the Praetor's Court, and appear on Urgulania's behalf; and in order to it went out of his Palace, order∣ing his Guards to follow him at a Distance. As the Peo∣ple flock'd about him, he appear'd very composed, talk∣ing freely of several things as he went to prolong the time; in the mean time, Piso's Friends importun'd him to let fall his suit, but to no purpose; however, before the Emperor had reach'd the Court, he was acquainted, that Augusta had order'd Piso the Sum of Money that he de∣manded: So that the Issue of this Affair was not inglori∣ous to Piso4 1.101, and very much for the Honour of Tiberius. But Urgulania grew so assuming, that she refused to come and give her testimony in a Cause that was heard before the Senate, so that the Praetor was sent to examine her at her own house; whereas it was always the Custom, even for the Vestal Virgins themselves, to come into the Courts whenever they were summon'd to give their Te∣stimony.

XXXV. I would not mention the stop that was put to Publick Affairs this Year, but that it is worth the while to know the different Opinions of Cn. Piso and

Asin••us Gallus1 1.102, on this Occasion. Tiberius having said, that he should be absent for a few days, Piso was of Opi∣nion, that they ought the rather to proceed in publick Business, it being for the Honour of the Common-wealth, that the Senators and the Knights could exercise their Offices in the absence of the Princes2 1.103. Gallus seeing that Piso had prevented him in taking the Popular side, op∣posed him; saying, That nothing could be done with Majesty, nor suitable to the Gaandeur of the Roman Empire, but in the Emperor's presence, and therefore the Affairs of Italy and of the Provinces, ought to be adjourn'd until his Return. This Debate was manag'd with great heats on both sides, in the Presence of Tiberius, who held his peace; however Gallus's Opinion prevail'd.

XXXVI. Gallus had also a Contest with the Emperor, for he moved, that the Assemblies for Election of Ma∣gistrates should be held but once in five years; that the Commanders of Legions who had not been already Prae∣tors, should be then chosen Praetors Elect; and that the Prince should then nominate 12 Praetors for every year.

There is no doubt but that there was a farther Design in this Motion, which struck at the very Soul of the Monar∣chy1 1.104. However, Tiberius, who would seem to take it, as if it had been design'd to enlarge his Power, answer'd, That he could scarce with modesty chuse so many Persons, and ex∣clude as many more at the same time;2 1.105 That if it is so hard a matter to prevent Discontents now the Elections are every year, and the Disappointment more tolerable, by reason of so near hopes, what hatred should he incurr from those, who should be put out of a Capacity of being chosen in 5 years. Besides, what assurance could there be had so long before-hand, of the Continu∣ance of any Man's Behaviour or Fortunes? Persons are so apt to be assuming upon annual Designations to Offices, how much more exalted would they be, when they have the Honour of them for five years, either in Possession or Designa∣tion3 1.106.

That this would in effect, make the Magistrates five times as many as they are, and subvert those Laws, which to improve the Industry by Competitors, have limited the time both for acquiring and enjoying Offices. And with this plau∣sible Speech he prevented the Diminution of his Power4 1.107.

XXXVII. The addition which he made to the scanty Reven••es of some of the Senators, makes the ill Recep∣tion which he gave to the Petition of M. Hortalus, who was notoriously Poor, the more surprising. This young Nobleman was Grandson to the Orator Hortensius, and Au∣gustus, by the Gift of a Thousand great Sesterces, had prevail'd with him to Marry, that so Noble a Family might not be extinguish'd1 1.108. Hortalus having plac'd his

our Children before the Door of the Senate, who met that day in the Palace, instead of delivering his Opinion on the Matter which was under debate, he deliver'd him∣self to the Senate in these words, (casting his Eyes some∣times on the Statue of Augustus, and sometimes on that of Hortensius, placed amongst the Orators.) I should never, my Lords, have troubled you with these Children, whose num∣ber and tender Age you see, had not my Princes commands prevail'd with me against my own Inclinations. My Ancestors have indeed deserv'd to live in a late Posterity, but when by reason of the Changes and Calamities of the times, I was not able to raise an Estate2 1.109, or to gain the Affections of the People•• or to acquire Eloquence, which hath been the Hereditary Riches of our Family, I was contented if my narrow Fortune3 1.110 would preserve me from Contempt, and from being a Burthen to o∣thers. It was in obedience to Augustus that I marry'd, and behold here the Posterity of so many Consuls and Dictators, which I do not mention to reproach any man, but to move co••∣passion. These Children, Caesar, may hereafter, under your au∣spicious reign and the influences of your favour, arrive at Ho∣nours; but in the mean time I beseech you, rescue them from

Poverty, as they are the Grand-children of Hortensius, and the Foster-children of Augustus.4 1.111.

XXXVIII. The Favour which the Senate seem'd to have for him, was a Motive to Tiberius to oppose him1 1.112, as he did in the following words:

If all that are needy should begin to come hither and beg Money for their Children, the State would be soon exhausted2 1.113 and they never satisfy'd. When our Ancestors gave the Sena∣tors a Liberty sometimes to make a Digression from the Matter in Hand; and instead of giving their Opinions upon that, to propose somewhat else which they thought would be more for the Publick Good; they did it not with an intention that the Publick Debates should be interrupted by Private Affairs, or that such things should be propos'd which must draw on the Prince and Senate certain hatred from the Petitioners, if the Request be denied, or from the People if it be granted3 1.114. Nor can these be call'd Petitions, but

unseasonable and importunate Demands.4 1.115. When the Senate is met about other business, for a Man to rise up and press their Modesty with a Story of the Num∣ber and Age of his Children; and then to turn upon me with the same importunity, and as it were to break open the Treasury, which if we exhaust by Vain-Glorious Bounties, must be supply'd by ill practices5 1.116. August••s gave you Money, Hortalus, but without im∣portunity, and not with a Condition that he should be always giving you. If Men have no reliance on themselves, Industry will flag, and Laziness will grow upon them, and as long as they can securely depend on relief from others, they will do nothing for themselves, and be a constant Burthen to us6 1.117.

This Speech, though

it met with Approbation from those, whose custom it was to applaud right or wrong, whatsoever the Empe∣ror said or did; yet many mutter'd softly, and others by their silence shew'd their dislike7 1.118, which Tiberius per∣ceiv'd well enough8 1.119, and therefore after a little pause he added, That he had given Hortalus such an Answer, as he thought his Speech requir'd; however after all, if the Senate thought sit, he would give his Sons two hundred great Sesterces a-piece.9 1.120. The whole Senate thank'd him, only Hortalus said nothing, either out of Fear, or out of a Sense of his Noble Birth, which he retain'd in his lowest Fortune. Nor did Tiberius ever after shew him any Compassion, although his Family was reduc'd to scandalous Poverty.

XXXIX. The same year, the bold attempt of one Slave, if it had not been timely prevented, had embroyl'd the Empire in a Civil War1 1.121. He was a Slave of Post∣••umus

Agrippau 1.122, named Clemens, who as soon as he heard that Augustus was dead, laid a Design that had nothing of the Slave in it; which was to rescue his Ma∣ster Agrippa by Force or Stratagem from the Isle of Pla∣nasia, whither he was Banish'd, and to convey him to the German Army. But the slowness of the Merchant Ship on which he embark'd, made him too late for this Design, Posthumus being kill'd before he came; which, however, put him on a greater and more hazardous En∣terprize; for having stolen away the Ashes of his Master and gain'd Cosax 1.123, a Promontory of Etruria, he conceal'd himself in desart Places, till his Hair and Beard were grown long, intending to Personate Agrippa, being much about his Age, and not unlike himy 1.124. After which, by

means of his Accomplices he gives out that Agrippa was alive, which they whisper'd first in cautious and ambi∣guous Words, as they usually do obnoxious Reports; but it soon spread among the Credulous Multitude, and was readily entertain'd by turbulent Spirits, who are al∣ways dispos'd for Revolutions2 1.125. About the Evening∣twilight he went to some little Towns, but would never

appear publickly, nor stay long in a Place, because Truth is confirm'd by Sight and Continuance, and Imposture gains credit by Precipitation and uncertain Abode; he commonly came to a Place before he was expected, and left it as soon as he was known to be there; that he might prevent too curious Observation, or at least leave them in suspence.

XL. In the mean time, it was generally reported through Italy, that Agrippa was by the special Providence of the Gods preserv'd alive. It was believ'd at Rome, that he was already come to Ostia1 1.126, and he was all the subject of Discourse in their private Cabals. Tiberius un∣resolv'd whether he should chastize the Slave by force of Arms, or leave the Peoples Credulity to be undeceiv'd by time, ••luctuated betwixt Hope and Fear2 1.127, sometimes considering that nothing was to be slighted3 1.128, and again that not every thing was to be fear'd. At last he com∣mits the Conduct of the Business to Salustius Crispus, who order'd two of his Creatures (some say they were Soldi∣ers) to go to Clemens, and pretending to know his whole Affair, to engage their Lives and Fortunes in his Service, and as a Pledge of their Fidelity, to present him with a Sum of Money. They punctually execute their Orders; after which, having found a Night when he was un∣guarded,

they seiz'd him with a strong Party of Soldi∣ers, which they had ready, and hurry'd him away to Rome gag'd and bound. It is said, that when he was brought before Tiberius, and ask'd by him, How came you to be Agrippa? He answer'd, As you came to be Tibetius. He could not be brought to discover his Accomplices; nor durst Tiberius suffer him to be executed publickly4 1.129, but commanded him to be put to Death in a secret Part of the Palace5 1.130, and his Body to be privately carry'd out. And although he was inform'd, that several Courtiers and Senators, had assisted him with their Counsel and Mo∣ney; yet no farther enquiry was madez 1.131.

XLI. Towards the End of this Year, a Triumphal Arch was erected near Saturn's Temple, for the reco∣very of the Eagles, by the Conduct of Germanicus, and under the Auspices of Tiberius, a Temple was dedicated to Fors Fortunaea 1.132, in the Gardens near the Tiber, which Iulius Caesar bequeath'd to the People of Rome. A Cha∣pel to the Family of the Iulii, and Statues to Divine Augustus, in a Place call'd the Bovillae.

770 Years after the Building of Rome.

XLII. IN the Consulship of C. Caelius, and L. Pompo∣nius, on the 26th of May, Germanicus triumph'd for his Victories over the Cherusci, Chatti, Angrivarii, and the rest of the Nations lying betwixt the Rhine and the Elb. Spoils, Captives and Pictures of the Mountains, Rivers, and Battels, were carried before him; (as if the War had been ended, because he would have made an end of it had he not been Countermanded) but the Comeliness of Germanicus's Person, sitting in his Trium∣phal Chariot with his Five Children, added much to the Splendor of the Show, and the satisfaction of the Specta∣tors. But secret Fears allay'd the Ioy of those, who con∣sider'd, that the Favour of the People had not been for∣tunate to his Father Drusus; that his Uncle Marcellus was snatch'd from their Affections in the Bloom of his Youth,

and that the Love of the People of Rome was commonly fatal, and an Omen of short Life to those they lov'd.1 1.133.

XLIII. Tiberius gave the People three hundred Sester∣ces b 1.134 a Man in Germanicus's Name, and nominated him for his Collegue in the Consulshipc 1.135; but after all this he was not believ'd to be sincere in his Affection to him1 1.136, and the less when it was known that he resolv'd to send him from Court, pretending it was for his Honour; and in order to it contriv'd Occasions, or laid hold on the first that offer'd. Archelaus had reign'd fifty years in Cappadocia, and was hated by Tiberiusd 1.137, because he had never paid him any respect during his retreat at Rhodes2 1.138, which Archelaus did not omit out of any neglect of Tiberi∣us,

but by the Directions of the Principle Favourites of Augustus, who were of Opinion, that it was not safe for him to hold any correspondence with Tiberius, whilst C. Caesar was living, and had the Government of the East3 1.139. But when Tiberius came to the Empire upon the Extinction of the Family of the Caesars; he wheedles Archelaus by his Mother's Letters to come to Rome, who not dissembling her Son's displeasure assur'd him withal, that he would pardon him upon his Submission4 1.140. He not

suspecting Treachery, or not daring to shew his suspici∣ons if he did, for fear of the Emperor's Power, hastens to Rome, when meeting with a rough Reception from Tiberius, and an Accusation against him in the Senate, he soon ended his Days, whether by a Natural or a Volun∣tary Death is not certain; not that he was believ'd to be conscious of those Crimes charg'd upon him, which were meer ••ictions; but because he was broken with Age and Grief, and a Treatment that is unusual to Kings; to whom a Moderate Fortune is unsupportable, so little able are they to bear Contempt and Misery5 1.141. His Kingdom was reduc'd into the Form of a Province, and Tiberius declar'd, that by the Addition of the Revenues of it, Rome should be eas'd of one half of the Tax of the hundredth Pennye 1.142 impos'd on all Commodities that were sold; and that for the future no more than the two Hundredth should be paid. The Death of Antiochus King of Comagena, and of philopator King of Cilicia, which happen'd both about the same time, produc'd great disorders in those Nations; some desiring to be govern'd by Kings of their own, o∣thers to be Subject to the Roman Empire. The Provinces

of Syria and Iudaea groaning under the Burden of Ta••es, petition'd to be discharg'd of part of them.

XLIV. He acquainted the Senate with those Affairs, and with the State of Armenia, of which I have given an account before; telling them withal, that the Troubles of the East could not be compos'd without the Presence and Conduct of Germanicus1 1.143 who was the fittest Person for this Expedition, Drusus being too young, and himself in his declining years2 1.144. Upon which the Senate de∣creed Germanicus all the Provinces beyond the Seas, with a more absolute Power, than those Governors who ob∣tain'd them by Lot, or by the Prince's Nomination. But Tiberius had first recall'd Creticus Silanus from Syria, be∣cause he was ally'd to Germanicus3 1.145, by the Contract of the

Daughter of the Former, to Nero the Eldest Son of the Latter, and had put Cneius Piso in his Place; a Man of a Violent and Untractable temper, that inherited all the Haughtiness of his Father Piso, who had been so zealous and vigorous a Supporter of the Civil War against Cae∣sar, when it was reviv'd in Africk, who follow'd the Party of Brutus and Cassius, and who after he had Liber∣ty to come to Rome, never vouchsa••ed to put in for any Office4 1.146, until he was courted by Augustus to accept the Consulship. But he had not only his Father's Spirit, but the Nobility and Riches of his Wife Plancina to exalt himf 1.147; insomuch, that he would scarce yield to Tiberius, and thought himself much above his Sons. Nor did he believe that the Government of Syria was given him for any other Reason, but that he might be a Check on Ger∣manicus,5 1.148, and many believ'd, that Tiberius gave him se∣cret

Instructions to this Purpose. It is certain, that Au∣gusta out of an Emulation too incident to some of her Sex, encourag'd Plancina to teaze and contend with Agrippina6 1.149. The Court was divided by the secret Favour which they had for Germanicus, or for Drusus. Tiberius loved Dru∣sus as his own Son, but others had the greater Affecti∣on for Germanicus, as well because of Tiberius's Aversion to him7 1.150, as because he was of more illustrious Extracti∣on by the Mother's side, by whom Anthony was his Grand∣father, and Augustus his Great Uncle, whereas Pomponi∣us Atticusg 1.151 the Great Grand-father of Drusus, who was no more than a Roman Knight, seem'd to Disgrace the Images of the Family of the Claudii. Besides, Agrippina the Wife of Germanicus, had the Advantage of Livia, Drusus's Wife, in fruitfulness and reputation; but this E∣mulation betwixt their Relations and their Dependants,

made no manner of Impression on the two Brothers, who continu'd Constant and Unshaken in their love8 1.152.

XLV. Not long after, Drusus was sent into Illyria to gain the Affections of the Army and Experience in Arms1 1.153, Tiberius thinking that he would wear off in the Camp2 1.154 the

Debaucheries he had been us'd to in the City; and him∣self would be safer, when the Legions were under the Command of his two Sons. He was furnish'd with a Pretence by the Suevi, who came to desire assistance from him against the Cherusci; for when these Nations were deliver'd from the Fear of a Foreign Power by the re∣treat of the Romans, they according to their Custom turn'd their Arms against one anotherh 1.155, out of an Emu∣lation of Glory. The two Nations were equally match'd in Power, and their Generals in Valour; but the Title of King drew upon Maroboduus the hatred of his Country∣men, whereas Arminius was ador'd as the Patron of Liberty, and one that fought for it3 1.156.

XLVI. Wherefore, not only the Cherusci and their Allies, who had before serv'd under him, took Arms for him now; but the Suevi Semnones and Lombards, who were the Subjects of Maroboduus revolted to Arminius▪1 1.157▪ with which additional forces he would certainly have been Victorious, had not Inguiomer with all that were under his Command, gone over to Maroboduus, which he

did for no other reason but because he look'd upon it as a Dishonour2 1.158 for an Uncle that was in years to be com∣manded by a young Nephewi 1.159. The two Armies with equal hopes on both sides rang'd themselves in Battel; not as the Germans us'd to do, in little separate Parties which roved up and down, and skirmished without Order or Discipline; for by their long Wars with us they had learn'd to follow their Colours3 1.160 to obey the Orders of

their Generals, and to keep a Reserv'd Body to succour the rest as there was occasion. Arminius took a Review of his Army, and as he rode through it, he put them in mind of their Recover'd Liberty; of the Enemies Legions which they had cut in pieces, and part of whose Arms and Spoils some of them had now in their hands. He called Marobo∣duus a [Coward]4 1.161 who understood not how to fight a Bat∣tel, and who skulk'd in the lurking Holes of the Wood Her∣cinia, until he had basely bought the Alliance of the Romans, whereby he was become a Traytor to his Country, and a Slave to the Roman Emperor5 1.162, and therefore ought to have no more

quarter given him than Varus had. In the Conclusion, he de∣sir'd, them to remember the many Battels they had fought; by the Event of which, and by the Expulsion of the Romans in the End, it was sufficiently evident on whose side the Victory rested.

XLVII. Nor was Marobodu••s wanting to extol himself, or lessen the Enemy, and taking Inguiomer by the Hand; In this Person you see, said he, all the Glory of the Cherusci, and to whose conduct are owing all the Successes they ever had. Arminius himself hath neither Prudence nor Experience, and takes that Glory to himself which is not his due, be∣cause he perfidiously surpriz'd three Legions, and their un∣wary General, which action cost Germany dear, and turn'd to his own Dishonour, seeing his Wife and Children are yet in Slavery. But when Tiberius invaded us with twelve Le∣gio••s, I defended the Honour of Germany, and made Peace on equal Terms; and we have no reason to repent of what we hav•• done, seeing it is now at our choice, whether we will have a Lasting Peace with the Romans, or begin the War a∣gain with them on even ground. Besides the Encouragement of these Speeches, each Army had their peculiar Reasons to animate them; for the Ch••rusci and Lombards fought either for their Ancient Glory, or for their New-gotten Liberty1 1.163; and the other side to enlarge their Dominions.

They never fought with greater Fury, nor with more equal Success; the right Wings of both Armies were broken: and it was expected that the Fight would have been renew'd had not Maroboduus retreated to the Hills, which was a sign of Consternation; after which his Army being weakned by Desertion2 1.164, he retir'd into the Coun∣try of the Marcomanni, whence he sent Ambassadors to desire succours of Tiberius3 1.165, who answer'd at first, That

it was unreasonable for him to expect assistance from the Ro∣man Arms, when he had never sent any to them, when they were engag'd in a War with the same Enemyk 1.166. However, Drusus was sent as I said before to make a Peacel 1.167.

XLVIII. The same Year twelve famous Cities of Asia were overturn'd by an Earthquake in the Night, which was the more Fatal, the less it was foreseen; nor could the People save themselves, as many use to do, in this Calamity, by running into the Open Fields, for they were swallow'd up in the Cle••ts of the Earth. It is said, that Mountains were levell'd, Plains raised into Mountains, and that Fire flash'd out amidst the Ruines. As the Sardians were the greatest Sufferers, so they drew the greatest Compassion towards them; for Tiberius pro∣mis'd them 100 thousand great Sestercesm 1.168, and remitted

all their Taxes for five Years1 1.169. Magnesia which lies at the Foot of the Mountain Sipylus, was reliev'd in pro∣portion to its loss, which was next to that of Sardis. Tem∣nis, Philadelphis, Aegea, Appollonia, Mosthena, the Mace∣donian Hircania, Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cimes and Timolus, were discharged from all Taxes for the same space of time; and it was resolv'd to send a Senator to view, and to repair the Ruines. They Deputed M. Aletus of the Praetorian rank; because the Governor of Asia was a Consular Person, to prevent any Emulation or Contest which might arise betwixt Equals2 1.170 and retard the Business.

XLIX. After he had been thus Magnificent in Pub∣lick Bounty, he was Liberal to Private Persons, in a Way that was no less grateful. The rich Possessions of Aemilia Musa, who dying intestat and without Heirs, were escheated to his Treasuryn 1.171, he gave to Aemilius Le∣pidus, because it was probable that she was of his Fami∣ly. And the Estate of Patuleius, a rich Roman Knight, (although he had bequeath'd part of it to himself) he gave to M. Servilius, because he understood that he had made him his Heir by a former Will that was liable to no suspicions: adding, that both these Persons deserv'd a Re∣venue to support their Honouro 1.172.1 1.173 Nor would he ever

be Heir to any Man's Estate, unless he had been so much a Friend to him in his Life, as might give him some pre∣tensions to it. But he utterly rejected the Inheritance of Unknown Persons, and of those especially, who had made him their Heir, only to disappoint their own Re∣lations whom they hated2 1.174. As he relieved the Poverty

of Men of Virtuep 1.175, so he was severe against those who had ruin'd themselves by Vice and Extravagance3 1.176; and it was for this Reason that Vibidius Varro, Marius Nepos, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Sulla, and Q. Vitellius, were ex∣pell'd the Senate by him, or at least suffer'd voluntarily to quit it.

L. About the same time he consecrated the Temples of the Gods, which had been consumed by Fire or Age, and which Augustus had began to rebuild. One near the Great Cirque, which A. Posthumus the Dictator had vow'd to Bacchus, Proserpina, and their Mother Ceres. Another in the same Place to Flora, built by the Aediles, Lucius, and Mar∣cus Publicus; and that to Ianus in the Herb-Market, which was built by Caius Duillius, who obtain'd the First Victo∣ry which the Romans ever had at Seaq 1.177, for which he was honour'd with a Naval Triumph over the Carthagi∣nians. But the Temple of Hope which Attilius had vow'd in the same War, was Consecrated by Germanicus.

LI. In the mean time, the Law against Treason exer∣ted its force. Apuleia Varilia, who was Grand-Daughter to Octavia, the Sister of Augustus, was accused of Trea∣son

for speaking Scurrilous and Invective Words against Divine Augustus, Tiberius, and his Mother Livia; and for staining her self with Adultery, notwithstanding her relation to the Emperor. As for the Adultery, they thought they needed go no farther than the Iulian Law, which had sufficiently provided in that Case. And as for the Treasons wherewith she was charg'd, Tiberius desir'd that they might be distinguish'd; saying, That she de∣serv'd Condemnation, if she had spoken Blasphemy a∣gainst Augustus1 1.178; but he would not have her question'd for what she had spoken against himself2 1.179: And be∣ing ask'd by the Consul what should be done in case she should be convicted to have defam'd Livia; he return'd no answer at that time, but at the next Assembly of the Senate, he said, That it was his Mother's desire that none should be molested for any words spoken against her; and thereby acquitted Apuleia from the Indictment of Treason. He also desir'd that her Adultery might not be punish'd with the utmost rigour; and obtain'd that she might, according to the ancient Custom, be only banish'd by her Relations 200 Miles from Rome. But Man∣lius her Gallant, was banish'd from Italy and Africk.

LII. A Contest arose about the Election of a Praetor, to succeed Vipsanius Gallus, deceas'd. Germanicus and Drusus (for they were yet at Rome) employ'd their In∣terest in favour of Haterius Agrippa, who was a Kinsman of Germanicus's; but they were oppos'd by a great Party who contended, that the Competitor who had most Children, ought to be prefer'd as the Law requir'd1 1.180.

Tiberius was well enough pleas'd to see the Senate di∣vided betwixt his Children and the Laws2 1.181; and it was no wonder that the Laws truckled; however it was carry'd3 1.182 but by few Voices, and not without some struggle against the Laws, as it us'd to be sometimes when they were in force.

LIII. The same Year a War brake out in Africk, in which one Tacfarinas, a Numidian, was the Leader, who had formerly served as an Auxiliary in the Roman Ar∣my; which having Deserted, and drawn together a Company of Vagabonds and Robbers for Plunder and Rapine; he afterwards form'd them into a regular Body after a Military manner, dividing them into Companies under their respective Colours; after which, he became General1 1.183 of the Musulans, a Potent Nation bordering on

the Desarts of Africk, living without Cities or Houses; who having taken arms against the Romans, drew their Neighbours the Moors into the Quarrel, whose General was named Mazippas; betwixt whom and Tackfarinas the Army was divided. The latter had the choice Troops which he arm'd after the Roman Fashion, and confin'd them in a Camp to inure them to Discipline and Obe∣dience; whilst the Former with a Light-arm'd Body ra∣vag'd the Country with Fire and Sword, carrying Ter∣ror where-ever he came; so that they had compell'd the Cinithii, which was no contemptible Nation, to enter in∣to their League, when Furius Camillus, Proconsul of Africk, marched against them with a single Legion, and what Forces of the Roman Allies which were with him, which was a very small Force, in comparison of the numbers of the Nu∣midians and Moors, who were therefore so confident of the Victory, that they feared nothing but that the Ro∣mans would not give them Battel; but this Confidence prov'd their Ruine; for Camillus having plac'd his Legi∣on in the Middle, and Light-arm'd Cohorts and two Squadrons of Horse in the Wings, he receiv'd Tackfari∣nas so warmly, that he defeated the Numidians2 1.184, and hereby reviv'd after a long tract of time the Military Glory of the Family of the Camilli3 1.185, which since the fa∣mous

Deliverer of Romer 1.186, and his Son Camillus, had left to other Families, the glory of furnishing Generals. And he of whom we now speak was never before esteem'd a Soldier4 1.187, for which reason Tiberius was the more forward to extol this Action to the Senate, who decreed him Tri∣umphal Ornaments, which Honour drew no Envy upon him because he always behaved himself with wonderful Modesty6 1.188. 5 1.189

LIV. The Year following, Tiberius and Germanicus were chosen Consuls, which was the third Consulship of the Former, and the second of the Latter, who receiv'd this Dignity when he was at Nicopoliss 1.190, a City of Achaia, whither he came by the Coast of Illyria; after he had vi∣sited his Brother Drusus in Dalmatia; and having in his passage met with two Storms, one in the Adriatick, the other in the Ionian Sea, he stay'd a few Days there, to refit his Ships, in which time he went to see the Bay of Actium, famous for the Fight there; He view'd also the Spoils consecrated by Augustus, and the Place of Antho∣ny's Camp; and was mightily affected1 1.191 with these lively Images of the Success of one of his Ancestors, and the Misfortunes of the other; for Augustus, as hath been said before, was his great Uncle, and Anthony his Grand-fa∣ther.

Thence he came to Athens; and in regard to the ancient Renown of this City and its Alliance with the Romans, he enter'd it with no more than one Lictor. The Graecians entertain'd him with the most study'd Honours2 1.192, and, after a more refin'd sort of Flattery, carried before him Pictures representing the Great Actions, and Me∣morable Sayings of his Ancestors3 1.193.

LV. Hence, taking Eubaeat 1.194 in his way, he pass'd to Lesbos, where Agrippina was deliver'd of Iuliau 1.195, which

was her last Child. After which, sailing by the Coasts of Asia, he visited Perintheis and Byzantium, two Cities of Thrace; and entred the Streights of Propontis, and the Mouth of the Euxine Sea, being carry'd on with a desire to see ancient and famous Places; and at the same time he relieved those Provinces which were oppressed by Magistrates, or harass'd by intestine Divisions1 1.196. In his return he intended to have seen the Religious Rites of the Samothracians; but the North-winds beating him back from that shore, he directed his course to Troy, venerable for the Variety of its Fortune and its last Fate, and for being the Mother-City to Rome. Whence coasting back by Asia, he puts to shore at Colophon, to consult the Ora∣cle of Clarius Apollo. It is not a Priestess as at Delphos, but a Priest officiates there, who is chosen out of certain Families▪ and commonly from Miletus. As soon as he is inform'd only of the Number and Names of those who are come to consult the Oracle, he descends into a Cave, where he drinks water of a Secret Fountain; and then, though he is generally a Person of no Learning, nor of any skil in Poetry, he gives his answers in Verse, to what things each Inquirer hath in his thoughts; and it was said, that he predicted to Germanicus his approaching Fate, but in such Dark and ambiguous Phrases2 1.197, as Ora∣cles always use.

LVI. But Cn. Piso, that he might lose no time for his Designs, entred Athens with great Precipitation, and made a Speech that surpriz'd them as much as his coming. In which he not only severely rebuk'd them, but made some oblique Re••lections on Germanicus; as if he had pro••tituted the Majesty of the Empire, by treating them with two much respect1 1.198; who, said he, are not Atheni∣ans, (those having been long since extinguish'd, by the many terrible Misfortunes that City had under-gone) but the Off••scouring of several Nations, who had been Confederates with Mithridates against Sylla, and with Anthony against Augustus. He reproach'd them also with their ill success against the Macedonians, and their ill treatment of the Bravest of their own Citizens2 1.199; Things that had been done some ages past, for he had a Particular quarrel against them, because they had re∣fus'd to pardon at his Intercession, one Theophilus3 1.200, con∣demn'd for Forgery by the Areopagus. Departing from Athens, he passed in great haste by the shortest cut of the Sea through the Cyclades, and at the Isle of Rhodes overtakes Germanicus, who tho' he had been inform'd of the Invective

Speech which he had made against him, had nevertheless the Humanity to send out Galleys to save him, when a Tem∣pest had cast him amongst the Shelves, where he might have been rid of his Enemy, and his Death imputed to Chance4 1.201. But this Kindness could not so••ten Piso5 1.202, who would scarce stay one day with Germanicus, but hastned again on board, that he might get to Syria before him; whither as soon as he came, he gain'd the Common Sol∣diers by Gifts and Caresses, and in the mean time ca∣shier'd the old Centurions and the ••evere Tribunes, and fill'd their Places with his own Creatures, or any profli∣gate ••ellows. And whilst he permitted Laziness in the Camp, Licentiousness in the City, and the Soldiers to commit any Disorders in the Countrey, they gave him the Title (so great was the Dissolution of Manners) of the Father of the Legions. Nor did Plancina keep within the Bounds of the Modesty of her Sex, but was present at the Exercises of the Cavalry, and the Musters of the Cohorts, and made bitter Reflections on Agrippina and Germanicus: And when it was whisper'd that these things were not done without secret Encouragement from Tibe∣rius,

some of the best of the Soldiers were ready enough to carry on the Humour, and to obey ill Orders.

LVII. Germanicus had Intelligence of all this; but his more pressing care was to go to Armenia. This had been always an Unsteady Nation; not only from their Na∣tural Temper, but also by reason of the situation of their Countrey; which bordering on the Roman Pro∣vinces on one side, extends it self as far as Media on the other; so that lying betwixt the two greatest Empires of the Worldx 1.203, they are engag'd in frequent Quarrels, either with the Romans, or with the Parthians; Hating the Former, and Envying the Latter. They had been without a King ever since the removal of Vonones, but they were well inclin'd to Zeno the Son of Polemon, King of Pontus; because from his Infancy he had imita∣ted the Manners and the Habits of the Armenians, and was much addicted to Hunting, Feasting, and other things which this Barbarous People esteem'd; and which gain'd him the Favour both of the Nobility and the Com∣mon-People. Germanicus therefore, with the consent of the Nobility in the City of Artaxata set the Royal Dia∣dem on his Head, in a numerous Assembly; who did him Homage, saluting him by the Name of Artaxias from the Name of their City. The Government of Cappadocia, which had been lately reduc'd into the form of a Province, was given to Q. Veranius, and the People were discharged of part of the Taxes1 1.204 which they for∣merly

paid their Kings, to give them hopes of being ea∣sier under the Roman Government, than they had been under them. Q. Serveus was constituted Governor of Comagenay 1.205, which was then first reduc'd under the Go∣vernment of a Praetor.

LVIII. Notwithstanding, Germanicus had thus happily compos'd the Affairs of our Allies, he could not yet be at ease in his Mind, by reason of the Haughtiness of Piso1 1.206, who having been commanded by him, either to come himself, or to send his Son with part of the Legions into Armenia, did neither. At last they both met at Cyrrum, where the Tenth Legion was in Winter-Quarters, Piso putting on a Countenance that might betray no Fear; and Germanicus, one that might discover no Resentment; and he was, as I have said before, of a forgiving Nature; but there are a sort of Friends well-skill'd in enflaming Quarrels2 1.207, who brought divers Accusations against Piso, his Wife, and Children, aggravating somethings that were

True, and suggesting others that were False. At last, Germanicus had a Conference with him in the Presence only of a few intimate Friends, wherein he began to dis∣course in such Language, as commonly proceeds from a mixture of Anger and Reserve, and which Piso answer'd with such haughty and provoking Excuses, that they parted open3 1.208 Enemiesz 1.209. After which, Piso came seldom to Germanicus's Tribunal; and when ever he did assist, he appear'd with a ••our Countenance, and always dis∣sented from him in his Opinion4 1.210. And when they were invited by the King of the Nabathaeans to a Feast, at which Golden Crowns of great weight were presented to Germanicus and Agrippi••a, and light ones to Piso and the rest of the Guests; He said aloud, That this Feast was

made for the Son of a Roman Princea 1.211 and not of a Parthi∣an King: And throwing aside his Crown, inveighed a∣gainst Luxury5 1.212; which G••rmanicus bore with patience, though he was sensible of the Affront.

LIX. It was about this time, that Ambassadors came from Artabanus King of the Parthians; representing, that their Master desir'd to renew the Friendship and League with the Romans, and that in honour to Germanicus he would come as far as the Banks of Euphrates: But in the mean time, he intreated that Vonones might not be suf∣fer'd to continue in Syria, lest so near a Residence might give him opportunity to sollicite the Great Men of his Kingdom to an Insurrection. As to the League betwixt the Romans and the Parthians, Germanicus return'd an answer suitable to the Dignity of the Subject; but as to the King's coming, and the Honour he had done him, he expressed himself with great Modesty and Respect1 1.213.

He remov'd Vonones to Pompeiopolis a Maritime Town of Cilicia, which he did not so much to comply with the request of Artabanus, as to mortifie Piso2 1.214, to whom Vo∣nones was very acceptable, upon the account of the many Favours and Presents, wherewith he had oblig'd Plan∣cina.

The Year 772. after the Building of the City.

LX. In the Consulship of M. Silanus, and L. Norbanus, Germanicus takes a Iourney into Aegypt, under colour of taking care of the Province, but in truth to see the Anti∣quities of the Country1 1.215. By opening the Publick Gra∣naries

he brought down the Price of Corn, did many Popular things, went abroad without Guards2 1.216, in

Sandalsb 1.217, and in a Graecian Habit, in imitation of Scipio, who is said to have done the same in Sicily, in the heat of the Carthaginian War. Tiberius made some gentle Re∣flections on his Habit, but severely reprimanded him, for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission, which was contrary to the Order of Augustus. For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State, had prohibited any Sena∣tors or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt, without a Pass from the Emperor3 1.218, for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that

Province, (which having the Keys both of the Sea and Landc 1.219, might be easily defended by a small Force, against Numerous Armies) should starve Italy4 1.220.

LXI. But Germanicus, who did not yet know that his Iourney had given Offence, went up the River Nile, ha∣ving Embark'd at Canopus, a Town built by the Sparta••••, in Memory of a Captain of a Ship of that Name who was buried there, when M••nelaus, in his return to Greece, was driven back by contrary Winds to the Coasts of Ly∣bia. The Mouth of the River that is next to Canopus, is consecrated to Hercules, who, as the Inhabitants affirm, was a Native of their Countrey; and the first of all who bore that Name, with which the rest were honoured af∣ter him, because they follow'd him in the same Paths of Valour. He afterwards viewed the great Ruines of Thebes, where there were yet remaining some Inscripti∣ons engraven on Obelisks in Aegyptian Letters, which

describ'd its ancient Grandeur. One of the Eldest Priests who was order'd to interpret it, reported, That it formerly contain'd seven hundred thousand Men of an age able to bear Arms; and that with an Army of that Number King Rhameses conquer'd Libya, Aethiopia, the Medes and Persians, Bactriania, and Scythia, and all the Countrey which is inhabited by the Syrians, Armenians, and their Neighbours the Cappadocians, extending from the Bithynian Sea on one side, to the Lycian on the other. There was also read an account of the Tributes imposed on the Nations; what weight of Gold and Silver; what Numbers of Horses and Arms for War? How much Ivory and Perfumes for Oblations to the Temples; and what quantities of Corn and other Necessaries of Life, each Nation paid; which equall'd in Magnificence and Value, the Tributes that are now imposed either by the Parthian or the Roman Empire.

LXII. But Germanicus was led on with a Desire of see∣ing other Miracles, whereof the Principal were, the Sta∣tue of Memnon cut in Stone, which gave a Sound like that of a Humane Voice, when the Rays of the Sun st••uck upon it. Pyramids as high as Mountains rais'd in moving and almost unpassable Sands1 1.221, by the Emulation and Wealth of their Kings. Lakes cut in the Ground for the reception of the Waters of the Nile when it over∣flows, and in other places Caverns so deep, that their bottoms cannot be sounded. From hence he went to

Elephantine and Syene, heretofore the Boundaries of the Roman Empire, which now extends to the Red Sea.

LXIII. Whilst Germanicus pass'd the Summer in Pro∣gresses, Drusus acquired no small Glory amongst the Ger∣mans by fomenting their Division1 1.222, and persuaded them, that now Maroboduusd 1.223 was already weakned, they ought to follow their blow till he was entirely ruin'd2 1.224. There

was amongst the Gotones, a Young Nobleman named Catualda, who having been banish'd by Maroboduus, at∣tempted now to take his Revenge on him in his declining Fortune3 1.225. And in order to it enters the Borders of the Marcomanni with a good Force, and having corrupted the Principal Men of the Countrey to joyn him, he forces the Palace, and the Castle that stood near it, where were found the ancient Spoils of the Suevi, and Cooks, and Traders of our Provinces, whom first Freedom of Commerce, afterwards, desire of Lucre, and at last, Forgetfulness of their own Country, had transplanted from their Habitations into the Enemy's Soil.

LXIV. Maroboduus being deserted on all sides, had no other refuge but to the Mercy of the Roman Emperor. Wherefore passing the Danube where it waters the Pro∣vince of Noricae 1.226, he wrote to Tiberius, not as a Fugitive

or a Peti••ioner, but like one that had not forgot his for∣mer greatness1 1.227. That although several Nations had courted him, as one who had been lately so renown'd a King to make their Countries his retreat, yet he preferr'd the Friendship of the Romans to all their Offers. Tibe∣rius answer'd him, That he should have a Safe and Honour∣able retreat in Italy if he thought fit to stay; but if it should be more for the advantage of his Affairs to go elsewhere, he should go with the same Liberty that he came.2 1.228. But he afterwards told the Senate, that he had been a more For∣midable Enemy, than ever Philip was to the Athenians, or Pyrrhus or Antiochus to the Romans3 1.229. His Speech is yet extant, wherein he extoll'd the Greatness of his Per∣son, the Fierceness of the Nations that were subject to him, and what measures he had taken to destroy so Dan∣gerous and so near an Enemy to Italyf 1.230. Maroboduus

was kept at Ravenna to awe the Suevi with the fear of his return4 1.231, if they should at any time grow Insolent. But he stirr'd not out of Italy for the space of Eighteen Years, and he was conscious that he had lessen'd his Glory by setting too great a Value on Life.5 1.232 Catualda had the

same Fate, and no other refuge; for being expell'd not long after by the Hermunduri under their General Vibilius, he was received by the Romans, who sent him to Fo∣rum Iulii, a Colony of Gallia Narbonensis. And lest the Bar∣barous People who came with these two Princes, might raise any Disturbances in these Provinces, which were in perfect quiet, they were transplanted beyond the Danube, betwixt the River Marus and Cusus, and Vannius of the Nation of the Quadi, was set over them as King.

LXV. The Senate having at the same time receiv'd the News that Germanicus had made Artaxias King of Armenia, they decreed, that he and Drusus should enter the City in Ovation, and that Arches with their Statues should be built on both sides of the Temple of Mars the Avenger. And Tiberius being better pleas'd that he had made Peace by his Prudence1 1.233, than if he had ended the War with the Sword, employs the same Arti∣fices against Rhescuporis, King of Thrace. After the Death of Rhoemetalces, who was in possession of the whole Countrey, Augustus had divided it betwixt his Brother Rhescuporis, and his Son Cotys. In which division, th••

Arrable-Land, the Cities, and the Parts adjoyning to Greece, fell to Cotys's share; the Wild uncultivated Parts, and which border'd on Enemies, to Rhescuporis. The tempers of these two Kings were as different; the For∣mer being Mild and Complaisant; the Latter Cove∣tous, Ambitious, and Cruel. However, they liv'd at first in an appearance of Friendship. But in a while, Rhes∣cuporis pass'd his Bounds, usurp'd upon Cotys, and stuck not sometimes to use Force where he found Resistance; but this he did by wary and slow Methods in the Reign of Augustus, who he feared would revenge the Injustice as he was the Founder of these two Kingdoms; But when he heard of his Death, he sent Troops of Robbers, and demolished some of his Castles, to give an occasion for War.

LXVI. Tiberius who feared nothing more than new Troubles, dispatches away a Centurion, with a Message to the two Kings, enjoyning them not to decide their Quarrel by the Sword1 1.234. Cotys immediately disbands the Army he had raised; and Rhescuporis with a feign'd Sub∣mission, desir'd, that they might have an Enterview, and terminate their Differences by Treaty; and what with the Easie Compliance of the one, and the Fraudulent Compliance of the other, they soon adjusted not only the Time and Place of their Treaty; but also the Con∣ditions

of their Agreement. Rhescuporis, under colour of ratifying the Agreement with greater Ceremony, makes a Feast, which he protracts till Midnight, and then puts Cotys in Chains2 1.235, who amidst all his Iollity suspected no∣thing; but as soon as he perceiv'd the Treachery, he in vain conjur'd him, by the Sacredness of his Character, as a King3 1.236, by the Common Gods of their Family, and

by the Rights of Hospitality, to desist. Having thus made himself Master of all Thrace, he wrote to Tiberius, that he had only prevented the Treachery of Cotys, who was plotting his ruine; and at the same time strengthen'd himself with New Levies, both Horse and Foot, under pretence of making War on the Scythians and Bastar∣nians.

LXVII. Tiberius answer'd him with a great deal of Temper; That if he had used no Fraud, he might safely rely on his own Innocence; but that neither himself, nor the Senate could distinguish Iustice from Wrong, before they had heard the Cause; and that therefore he should deliver up Co∣tys, and by proving the Injustice with which he charg'd him, vindicate himself. Latinius Pandus, Propraetor of Maesia, sent these Letters into Thrace by the Soldiers who were to receive Cotys. But Rhescuporis fluctuating betwixt Fear and Anger; and chusing rather to be guilty of an ac∣complish'd Villany, than of an Imperfect one1 1.237, orders Cotys to be murther'dg 1.238, and gave out, that he had kill'd himself. Notwithstanding this, Tiberius alter'd not his measures, but acted the same Part towards him; inso∣much,

that after the Decease of Pandus, of whom Rhes∣cuporis complain'd that he was his Enemy2 1.239, he made Pomponius Flaccush 1.240 Governor of Maesia, who was a well-experienc'd Soldier, and an intimate Friend of the Kings, and therefore the fittest Person to circumvent him3 1.241.

LXVIII. Flaccus arriving in Thrace, prevail'd with him by great Promises to enter our Frontiers, notwithstand∣ing his Guilt made him suspicious1 1.242, and sometimes to hesitate. A strong Guard pretended for his Honour2 1.243 was

sent to attend him; and the Tribunes and Captains by intreaty drill'd him on, and the farther he went, the Closer they guarded him; so that he perceiv'd at last there was no remedy but that he must go to Rome, where he was accus'd by Cotys's Wife before the Senate, and condemn'd never to return to his Kingdom. Thrace is ••new divided betwixt his Son Rhoemetalces, who was known to have been an Enemy to the Violences of his Father, and the Children of Cotys: But these being Mi∣nors, the Administration of their State, until they should come of Age, was committed to Trebellianus Rufus, who had been Praetor, after the Example of our Ancestors, who sent M. Lepidus into Aegypt to be Guardian to the Children of Ptolomyi 1.244. Rhescuporis was carried to Alex∣andria, where he was put to death for attempting to make his Escape, though possibly this Crime was forg'd against him.

LXIX. At the same time Vonones, who being, as I have said, confin'd in Cilicia, having corrupted his Guards, under colour of going a Hunting,1 1.245, endeavour'd to make his Escape into Armenia, and thence to the Al∣banians and the Heniochians, and from thence to the King of the Scythians, who was his Kinsman. Leaving there∣fore the Sea-coasts, he takes the By-ways of the Forests, and with all the speed that his Horse could make, posts towards the River Pyramus. But the Country People having had notice of the King's Escape, broke down the Bridges, and the River being not Fordable, he was taken and bound on the Banks of the River by Vibius Fronto, General of the Horse, and an Evocatek 1.246, named Remius, who before had the Guard of him, run him through the Body with his Sword; as if it had been in revenge of his ••light, which made it more credible that he was pri∣vy to his Escape, and that he kill'd him to prevent his Discovery of it.

LXX. Germanicus at his return from Aegypt found all the Orders which he had Establish'd amongst the Legi∣ons, or in the Cities, laid aside, or revers'd,1 1.247, which

drew from him some hard words against Piso, who was designing ill things against him. At last, Piso was pre∣paring to quit Syria, but the Sickness of Germanicus staid him; and when he heard of his recovery, and that Pub∣lick Thanks were return'd to the Gods for it, he sent his Guards to disperse the People of Antioch who were so∣lemnizing the Thanksgiving, to force away the very Victims from before the Altars, and to put an End to the Ceremonies. After which, he went to Seleucial 1.248, to expect the Issue of the Relapse which Germanicus fell into, whose suspicion that he was poyson'd by Piso, much increas'd his Distemper2 1.249. There were found in the Floor and the Walls the Remains of Humane Carcasses dug-up, Charms and Sorceries, and Germanicus's Name engrav'd on Plates of Lead, Bones half burnt, and be∣••mear'd with Gore, and other Witchcra••ts3 1.250, by which

Souls, as it is believed, are devoted to the Infernal Gods. Some were also accus'd to have been sent by Piso, to observe the Progress of his Distemper4 1.251.

LXXI. As these things came to the Ears of Germani∣cus, they added both to his Fears and his Anger. If my Chamber, said he, is beset? If I must expire before my Enemy's Eyes, what will afterwards become of my Mise∣rable Wife, and my Poor Children1 1.252? Piso thinks the Poyson works too slowly, and is impatient till he becomes the sole Master of the Province and the Legions, But Germanicus is not yet sunk so low, but that he is able to hinder the Murderer from enjoying the Prize of his Villany2 1.253. Hereupon, he writes a Letter to Piso, wherein he renounc'd his Friend∣ship3 1.254; and some add, that he commanded him to leave the Province. Nor did Piso make any longer stay, but took Ship: However, he made the Ship sail but

slowly, that he might the sooner come back, if Germa∣nicus's Death should make way for his return to Syria.

LXXII. Germanicus after some little hopes of recovery ••lagg'd again1 1.255; and perceiving that his end was drawing on, he spake to this Effect to his Friends that stood about him. If I had dy'd a Natural Death, I might justly have complain'd of the Gods for ravishing me in the Bloom of my Youth, by an untimely Death from my Parents, my Children2 1.256, and my Country; but now being taken off by the Treachery of Piso and Plancina3 1.257, I leave my last desires with you: Ac∣quaint my Father and my Brother, what Cruelties I have suf∣fer'd, and with what Perfidiousness I have been treated, and how that at last I end a most miserable Life, by the worst kind of Deaths4 1.258. They whose good Fortune depended on mine, or who were ally'd to me by blood, way even they who before

envy'd my Glory, will lament5 1.259 my hard Fat••, that after all the Successes I have had, and the Battels I have escap'd, I should at last fall by the Treachery of a Woman6 1.260. You will have opportunity to complain to the Senate, and to demand Iustice. The great Duty of Friends is not to shew their Af∣fections to the Dead in Fruitless Lamentations7 1.261, but to re∣member what he desir'd, and execute what he left in charge. Strangers will weep for Germanicus. But it is your part to revenge my Death, if you lov'd me rather than my Fortune8 1.262. Set before the Eyes of the People of Rome, my Wife, the Grand-Daughter of Augustus, with our six Children. Com∣passion will be on your side that accuse9 1.263; and though they should pretend secret Orders for their Villanies10 1.264, they will

either not be believed, or not acquitted. His Friends taking him by the right Hand, as he was ready to expire, swore, they would lose their own Lives, but they would revenge his Death11 1.265.

LXXIII. Then Germanicus turning himself towards his Wife, he beseech'd her, That if she had any regard to his Memory, and to the Interest of their common Children, she would lay aside her haughty temper, and submit her Mind to the severity of her Fortune, lest at her return to Rome, she should by a Vain Emulation exasperate those who were too powerful for her1 1.266. Thus much he spoke publickly, and

something more in secret2 1.267; soon after which he expir'd, to the great regret of the Province, and the adjacent Countreys. Foreign Kings and Nations, Enemies as well as Allies, lamented him3 1.268; the Former for his Cle∣mency and the Latter for his Courtesie. His Presence and his manner of Speaking were graceful and drew re∣spect; and although he retain'd an air of Majesty4 1.269 sui∣table to his high Birth and Character; yet he never in∣curr'd Envy, nor the Suspicion of Arrogance.

LXXIV. His Funerals were not solemniz'd with Ima∣ges and Pomp, but with publick Praises, and the Com∣memoration of his Virtues1 1.270. And there were some who compar'd him with Alexander2 1.271 for his Beauty and his

Age, the Manner of his Death, and the Nearness of the Places where they dy'd. For they were both very Handsome, and of Illustrious Birth: Neither of them lived much above thirty Years, and they both died in a Foreign Country by the Treachery of some of their own Peoplem 1.272. But Germanicus was courteous to his Friends, moderate in his Pleasures, contented with one Wife3 1.273, and a sure Issue. As great a Captain as Alex∣ander, if you'l not reckon the Successes of the other's Rashness; and who, after he had broken the Germans

by so many Victories, would have entirely reduc'd Ger∣many under the Obedience of the Romans, had he not been recall'd when he was upon the Point of finishing his Conquests. But had he been invested with the Ti∣tle and Power of King4 1.274, he would as easily have E∣quall'd Alexander in Military Glory, as he Excell'd him in Clemency, Temperance, and other Virtues. His Body before it was burnt, was exposed naked to be viewed in the Market-place of Antioch, where his Fu∣neral Pile was Erected. It is very uncertain, whether or no, there appeared on it any signs of Poison; for People, as they were influenc'd with Compassion for Germanicus, and with the common Prejudice against Piso on the one hand, or as they were inclin'd to ••avour him on the other, spake differently of it.

LXXV. The Lieutenant-Generals, and some Senators who were in those Parts, immediately held a Consul∣tation about the Choice of a Person to Administer the Government of Syria. All the Competitors that appear'd for it soon quitted their Pretensions, except Vibius Mar∣sus and Cneius Sentius, betwixt whom there was a warm Competition, until Marsus at last gave it up to Sentius, as being the Elder Person, and the more eager Compe∣titor.1 1.275.

As soon as he was in the Government, at the request of Vit••llius, Veranius, and some others who pro∣ceeded against Piso and Plancina, as if they had been al∣ready convicted, he sent to Rome one Martina, a Woman who had been infamous in that Province for poysoning, and Plancina's great Favourite2 1.276.

LXXVI. But Agrippina, notwithstanding she was al∣most sinking under Grief and Indisposition of Body, yet impatient of any thing that might retard her revenge1 1.277, took Ship with her Children, and her Husband's Ashes, which was a Spectacle that drew Compassion from all, to see so great a Princess, who in regard of her happy Marriage was lately Applauded and Ador'd by all Peo∣ple2 1.278, now carry in her arms her Husband's mournful Urn, full of anxious Thoughts, whether she should find at Rome any Iustice for him, or Safety for her self, and who, by her unhappy Fruitfulness, was obnoxious to so

many more strokes of Fortune3 1.279. In the mean time, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Messenger overtakes Piso at the Isle of Coos, with the News of Germanicus's Death, which he receiv'd with such extravagant Ioy, that he ran to the Temples and offer'd Sacrifices4 1.280, and Plancina, who was yet mor•• insolent, left off the Mourning upon it she was in for her Sister, and put on a Gay Habitn 1.281.

LXXVII. The Centurions coming to him, assured him, That the Legions were at his Devotion; and that therefore his best course was to return to the Province of Syria, which was now without a Governor; and whereof he was unjustly dispossess'd. Whereupon con∣sulting what was best to be done, his Son Marcus Piso

was of Opinion, That he ought to hasten to Romeo 1.282; That there was nothing done yet which might not be answer'd; That slight Suspicions, and uncertain Reports, were not to be fear'd; That his Differences with Germanicus1 1.283 deserv'd perhaps a Reprimand, but not Punishment; especially since he had gi∣ven his Enemies the Satisfaction they desir'd, by quitting Syria. But to return thither in opposition to Sentius, would be to begin a Civil War2 1.284, wherein he could not rely much on the Fidelity of the Captains and the Soldiers, who had the Memory of their Beloved General Germanicus, fresh in their Minds3 1.285, and an indeliable Affection for the Caesars.

LXXVIII. His great Confident, Domitius Celer, was of a contrary Opinion, and represented to Piso, That he ought to make use of the Occasion; That Piso, and not Sentius, was the Rightful Governor of Syria; That to him only, the Legions, and the Fasces, with the Authority

of Praetor had been committed. If any acts of Hostility should ensue, who could with greater Iustice take Arms, than he who had received his Commission of Lieutenant-General, and his Orders, immediately from the Emperor? That time dissipates false Reports1 1.286, and that Innocence it self is oftentimes over born by Envy in its first heat2 1.287, but if he were at the head of an Army, and augmented his Forces3 1.288, Chance might bring many things to pass which could not be foreseen4 1.289. But why are we in such haste to get to Rome? Is it that we may arrive there together with the Ashes of Germanicus, and the Lamentations of Agrip∣pina, that you may be torn to pieces unheard and undefended, by the first fury of the giddy Multitude? 'Tis true, Livia is your Accomplice, and you are in favour with Tiberius5 1.290, but they'l not dare to protect you openly, and none will mourn for Germanicus with greater Ostentation, than those who rejoyce most at his Death6 1.291.

LXXIX. Piso, who was naturally inclin'd to violent Coun∣sels, was, without any great Difficulty, gain'd to this Opi∣nion1 1.292. Upon which he wrote Letters to Tiberius, wherein having accused Germanicus of Luxury and Pride, and of removing him from the Province, only that he might more securely carry on his ill Designs; He de∣clared, that he had resumed the Command of the Army with the same Fidelity he before held it. At the same time he order'd Domitius to take Ship, and avoiding the Shores and Islands, to sail into Syria through the Main Sea. He arms the Servants that follow'd the Camp, and forms into Companies the Deserters that came in to him; and as he sail'd with them to the Conti∣nent, he intercepted a Regiment of New rais'd Men that were going to Syria. He writes to the Petty-Prin∣ces of Cilicia to send him Succours, and his Son Piso was wanting in nothing that was necessary for the War, although he had dissuaded him from Undertaking it2 1.293.

LXXX. Piso's Squadron meeting near the Coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia, with that which was carrying Agrippina to Rome, the Enmity was so great, that both sides at first prepar'd for a Fight; but being restrain'd by mutual Fears, they proceeded no farther than hard Words. Marsus Vibius summon'd Piso to come to Rome to defend his Cause; who answer'd him scoffingly, That he would appear there when the Praetor who took Cog∣nizance of Poysonings, should appoint a Day both for the De∣fendant and the Plaintiffs1 1.294. In the mean time, Domitius, who was come to Laodicea, a City of Syria, intending to go to the Winter-Quarters of the Sixth Legion, which he suppos'd to be most inclin'd to innovations, is prevented by Pacuvius, who had the Command of it. Sentius acquainted Piso with this by Letter; and advises him to make no farther attempt to debauch the Army by his Emissaries, nor to raise a War in the Province; and drawing together all those whom he knew to have an Affection for the Memory of Germanicus, or to be of an opposite Interest to his Enemies, he speaks great things in praise of him; and by the way, often reminds them, that it was against the Common-wealth it self that Piso made War; and afterwards marches with a good Body that was ready for Battel.

LXXXI. Notwithstanding, things had not succeeded according to Piso's expectation, he was not yet wanting to take the best Measures for his safety in his present Circumstances, but possess'd himself of a strong For∣tress in Cilicia, named Celendris, and of the Auxiliaries

which the Petty-Princes of Cilicia had sent him, and the New rais'd Soldiers which he had lately intercepted, with his own and Plancina's Servants, and what Deserters had come to him, formed into a Legion, all of them com∣pleating the Number of one. To whom he made a Speech, declaring, That as he was the Emperor's Lieutenant in Syrid, it was not the Legions which opposed his Entrance into the Province, (for it was upon their Invi∣tation that he return'd) but Sentius, who under pre∣tended Crimes cover'd his own Malice against him. That they might safely range themselves in Battel against Soldiers who would not ••ight when they saw Piso, whom they heretofore stiled their Father, and who, they knew, had the best Right, if it were to be decided by Law, and wanted not Courage, if by Arms. After which, he draws up his Troops in order of Battel before the Fort, on a Steep and Craggy Hill; the rest being environ'd by the Sea. Opposite to them were ranged our Vete∣ran Soldiers in good Order, with a Reserv'd Body. One side had the advantage in Soldiers, and the other side in Ground; But Piso's Soldiers wanted Courage and Hope; nor had they any but Countrymen's Arms, which were made in haste for the Present Occasion. After once they were Engag'd, the Victory was no lon∣ger doubtful than whilst the Romans were climbing up the Hill, which they no sooner gain'd but the Cilici∣ans ••led, and shut themselves up in the Fort.

LXXXII. In the mean while, Piso attempted to sur∣prize the Fleet which lay at Anchor not ••ar off, but not succeeding, he returned; and as he stood on the Walls sometimes lamenting his Fate, sometimes calling to the Soldiers by Name, and promising them great Re∣wards, he endeavour'd to raise a Mutiny amongst them, and did so far prevail, that the Standard Bearer of the Sixth Legion went over to him with his Eagle. Where∣upon, Sentius immediately order'd the Signal to be

given by Sound of the Trumpets and Cornets; the Works to be rais'd, the Ladders to be set, and the Stoutest, Men to make the Assault; whilst others ply'd the Enemy with Darts, Stones, and Fire-works thrown from Engines. At length, Piso's obstinacy being broken, he desir'd,1 1.295 that upon laying down his Arms, he might be permitted to remain in the Castle, untill the Empe∣ror was consulted, Whom he would have to be Gover∣nor of S••ria: But this was not granted, nor could he obtain any thing more than a Passport, and Ships to carry him to Rome.

LXXXIII. After the News of Germanicus's sickness was noised at Rome, and reported, as is usual when bad News comes from far, worse than it was, Grief, Anger, and Complaints, fill'd the City. It was for this, said they, that he was sent to the remotest Parts of the Emprie, and Piso made Governor of the Province of Syria. This is the Effect of Livia's secret Conferences with Plancina.1 1.296 It is true enough what was said by Old men on Drusus's account, that Emperors don't like a

Modest and Courteous Disposition in their Sons, for both Father and Son have been destroy'd for no other Reason but because they design'd to restore to the Peo∣ple of Rome their Liberty. But the News of his Death incens'd them to that degree, that without waiting for the Edict of the Magistrates, or the Decree of the Se∣nate, they deserted the Courts of Iustice, shut up their Houses, and made a Vacation. In all Places there was either sighing or silence, and nothing was affected or done for Ostentation. And although they neglected not to mourn in their Habits, yet they mourned much more in their Hearts. It happen'd that some Merchants who came from Syria before Germanicus dy'd, brought with them news of his Recovery, which was easily be∣liev'd, and quickly spread abroad: Every one through joy telling it with some addition to the next he met. They run up and down the City, force open the Doors of the Temples. The Night time made some ready to believe it, and others more positive to affirm it. Tiberi∣••s thought not sit to put a stop to this False Report, but left the People to be undeceiv'd by time; and then, as if he had been a second time taken from them, they la∣mented him more passionately than before2 1.297.

LXXXIV. Divers honours were invented and de∣creed to his Memory1 1.298, agreeable to the Genius of the Senators or their Affection to Germanicus. That his

Name should be inserted into the Saliar Hymn, which was sung by the Priests of Mars. That the Curule Chair should be plac'd for him amongst the Seats of the Priests of Augustus, with a Garland of Oak over it. That his Statue made in Ivory should be carried the foremost in the Circensian Games. That none should be elected Priest or Augur in his Place, who was not of the Iulian Fa∣mily. At Rome, on the Banks of the Rhine, and on Mount Amanus in Syria, Triumphal Arches were erected to him with Inscriptions, which made mention of his great actions, and that he died for the sake of the Com∣mon-Wealth. A Monument was Erected to him at Antiochp 1.299, where his Body was burnt; and a Tribunal at Epidaphneq 1.300, where he died. But the Places where Statues were set up, or Altars dedicated to him, are al∣most innumerable. When it was decreed, that a Buck∣ler of Massy Gold of an extraordinary sizer 1.301 should be

plac'd for him among the great Masters of Eloquence, Tiberius said, that he would dedicate one to him of the Ordinary size and make, for Eloquence was not to be distinguished by Fortune; and that it was a sufficient Honour for his Son to be rank'd amongst the ancient Authors. That which before was call'd the Regiment of Iuniors, was by the Knights now named the Regi∣ment of Germanicus, who also order'd, that on the 15th of Iuly his Statue should be carried in the Head of their Regiment. Many of these Orders are yet observ'd, but some of them were soon neglected, and others are worn out by time.

LXXXV. But whilst this Grief was green, Livia, the Sister of Germanicus who was married to Drusus, had two Sons at a Birth, which being a Thing rare, and welcome to mean Families, was received with such joy by Tiberius, that according to his way of turning all things, even the most Casual to his Glory, he could not refrain from boasting to the Senate, that never a Roman of his quality, before him, had the good Fortune to have two Sons at a Births 1.302. But at this time it had a quite different Effect upon the People, who were concern'd at the Increase of Drusus's Family; for fear it should de∣press Germanicus's.

LXXXVI. The same Year the Senate made severe Decrees to repress the Lewdness of Women. It was decreed, that no Woman should prostitute her self for

Money1 1.303, whose Grandfather, Father, or Husband, was a Roman Knight, because Vistilia a Lady of a Praetori∣an Family, had declared to the Aediles, that she would prostitute her self according to a Custom establish'd a∣mongst our Ancestors, who thought it a sufficient Pu∣nishment for Unchast Woment 1.304, to make this publick Profession of their Infamy. Titidius Labeo, being que∣stion'd why he had omitted to punish his Wife according to Lawu 1.305 seeing she was notoriously criminal; and he pretending, that the Sixty days allowed by the Law to consult, were not yet expired, they thought it sufficient to proceed against Vistilia, and banish'd her into the Island Seriphos.x 1.306. The Senate took into consideration, the Extirpation of the Egyptian and Iewish Religion out of Rome, and a Decree pass'd, that 4000 Persons infected with that Superstition, who were of the Race of Freedmen, and of an Age fit for Service should be sent into the Island of Sardinia, to suppress the Robberies there, as

being People whose loss would be inconsiderable, if they should perish by the Unwholsomeness of the Air, and that the rest should leave Italy, if they did not by such a Day renounce their Prophane Rites2 1.307.

LXXXVII. After which Tiberius propos'd the Electi∣on of a Virgin to succeed Occia, who for the space of fifty seven Years had presided over the Vestals, with great Integrity. He thank'd Fonteius Agrippa and Domi∣tius Pollio, because that by offering their Daughters, they ••ied with one another in their Zeal for the Common-Wealth. Pollio's Daughter was preferr'd, for no other reason, but because her Mother had always lived with her first Husband, whereas Agrippa had lessen'd the Re∣putation of his Family by a Divorce1 1.308; However, Tibe∣rius to comfort her that lost it, gave her five thousand Pounds for her Dowry.

LXXXVIII. The People complaining of the Dearth of Corn, he set a Price for the Buyer to pay; and pro∣mis'd

that he would add two Nummiy 1.309 a Bushel1 1.310 to the Seller. And yet for all this, he would not assume the Title of the Father of the Country, which was now again offer'd him2 1.311; and he gave a sharp Reprimand to those who stil'd him Lord, and his Employments Di∣vine3 1.312. So that there was but little left to be said, and that scarce with safety, under a Prince who hated Flat∣tery, and feared Liberty.

LXXXIX. I find in the ancient Writers of those times, That Letters from Adgandestrius a Prince of the Chatti, were read in the Senate, wherein he engaged to put Arminius to death, if they would send him Poison

for that purpose1 1.313; who was answer'd, That the Ro∣mans did revenge themselves on their Enemies, not Clandestinely and by Treachery, but Openly and in Arms; whereby Tiberius equall'd himself to the Glory of the old Roman Generals, who prevented the Design of Poysoning King Pyrrus, and discover'd it to him. At last, after the Romans were retir'd, and Maroboduus was expell'd, Arminius aspiring to Monarchy, made his own Countrymen his Enemies, who taking up Arms against him in defence of their Liberties2 1.314, after variety of For∣tune, he fell at last by the Treachery of his own Kin∣dred. He was the undoubted Deliverer of Germany; and which adds to his glory, he did not attack the Ro∣mans in their Infancy, as other Kings and Captains had done, but in the most flourishing State of their Em∣pire. His Fortune was various in the Battels which he fought; but he was not conquer'd in the War. He lived 37 years, and commanded 12; and his Memory is still famous amongst those barbarous Nations, who celebrate his great actions in their Songsz 1.315, although he is not known in the Annals of the Greeks, who admire

nothing but what is done amongst themselves; nor so renown'd as he deserves amongst us, who whilst we ex∣toll things done long since, are apt to neglect late Ex∣amples3 1.316.

Notes

• 1 1.1

  As soon as a Powerful Prince hath taken Arms, the War spreads it self as it were by contagion, into all the Neighbouring States. Some arm for their own safety; others for the defence of the weaker side; others follow the fortune of the Stronger, either that they may have a share in the Spoils of the Conquered, or that they might not themselves fall a Prey to the Conqueror. Thus there needs but one unquiet Prince to trouble a whole World. For, saith Comm••∣nes, although in the beginning there are but two o•• three Princes or infe∣rior persons, before the Feast hath lasted two years, all the Neighbours are invited to it. Cap. 8. Lib. 3.
• 2 1.2

  The People look upon those Princes as Strangers, who have had a Foreign Education. Indeed Edu∣cation is a second Birth. The first forms the Body, but the second forms the Manners. It is of little Impor∣tance to Subjects, that the Body of the Prince is Foreign, but it is of great Importance to them that his Manners be not so; forasmuch as it is not the Body but the Mind that governs. Cicero saith, That the Ro∣mans freely tolerated Sacrifices after the Graecian fashion, provided that the Ceremonies thereof were per∣formed by a Roman Citizen, ut Deos immortales scientia peregrina & ex∣terna, mente domestica & civili pre∣carentur. Pro. Corn. Balbo. The Dutch would never permit Philip-William of Nassaw, Prince of Orange, the Eldest Son of their Deliverer, to reside in their Countrey, till after the Truce was made with the Spaniards, for he having been almost thirty years a Prisoner in Spain, they be∣lieved his humour to be Spanish. For the same reason Princes ought not to absent themselves any long time from their Dominions, because it is believed at their return, that they bring Outlandish humours with them.
• a 1.3

  Which is as much as to say of the Royal Family of the Parthians, which began with two Brothers, named Arsaces and T••ridates, who threw off the Yoke of the Selucidae.
• b 1.4

  Iustin saith, That when Vonones was put into the hands of Augustus, this Prince said, that the Kingdom of the Parthians would in ••ime become a Part of the Roman Empire, if the Romans gave Kings to the Parthians. Iuris Romanorum futuram Parthiam aff••rmans, si ejus regnum muneris ejus ••uisse••, Lib. 42.
• c 1.5

  In the interview, which Caius Caesar and Phraates had on the Euphrates, this King passed over first to the Bank on which Caius was, and afterwards Caius to the Bank on which the King was. Paterc, Hist. 2. Cap. 101.
• d 1.6

  Four Sons, and four Grandsons.
• 3 1.7

  A Prince who is not beloved by his Subjects, ought to avoid as much as possibly he can, engaging in War, or having any misunderstanding with his Neighbours. Lewis XI. saith Commines, would put nothing to ha∣zard, and he did so not only for fear of the Duke of Burgundy, but also out of an apprehension of Seditions that might break out in France if he should happen to lose a Battel; for he knew that he was not much be∣loved by his Subjects; and particu∣larly by the Great Men. And he hath often said to me, that he should find it, if his affairs went ill. Ch. 1. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs.
• 1 1.8

  To preserve Peace in a Monar∣chical State, it is necessary that the Great Men intermeddle not with the Administration of Affairs; for their ambition never suffers them to agree together. The weaker desiring an Equality, and the more powerful not being contented with that, they per∣petually bandy into Factions one a∣gainst another; so that the State is torn with their quarrels, until a Prince comes, who hath the Cou∣rage and the Skill to resume all the Authority which both sides have usurped.
• 2 1.9

  The greatest Honour that a Fo∣reign Nation can do to a Prince is to be willing to receive a King from his hands, especially, when it is a Nation equal, or very near equal in power, as the Parthians were to the Romans. Sociis virium aemulis, saith Tacitus, cedentibusque per reve, rentiam. Ann. 12. i. e. The Parthians who do not give place to the Ro∣mans, but out of Respect and Friend∣ship.
• 3 1.10

  A new Reign, saith Cabrera, or a new Minister, always pleaseth the People best, who in this cross the Cu∣stom that is almost Universal, to praise the past and condemn the pre∣sent. As the Successor differs from his Predecessor, either in Age or Manners, how good qualities soever the Predecessor had, he that succeeds is always more acceptable▪ People grow weary of, and in time disrelish every thing, and particularly every thing that is Uniform; the same kind of Dish served up two days successively, becomes insipid; a way that is all even and alike, tires if it be long. Lib. 7. Cap. ult. Cardinal Delfin said one day to me, that at Rome no Popes were hated more than those who reigned long, and that la longhezza del dominare (it was the Expression he used) made a good Pope as insupportable as a Bad one.
• 4 1.11

  Tacitus saith, that the Parthi∣ans regretted their Princes, when they were absent, and disliked them when they were present. Parthos absentiun•• aequos, praesentibus mobiles, Ann. 6. By the first, Vonones, who had been so long absent, ought to have been very agreeable to them at his return; but by the second, he could not fail of soon experiencing their Incon∣stancy. Besides, it is common for Men to have a good Opinion of the Absent, majora credi de absentibus, Hist. 2. and to find themselves de∣ceived when they see them, because it is much easier to form a great Idea of those whom we love, before we know them, than it is to answer a great Expectation, when we ar•• known.
• e 1.12

  He was slain with the greatest part of the Roman Army, by the Caval∣ry of King O••odes, the Father of Phraates; and the Parthians were going to posses▪ themselves of Syria, whereof he was Governor, if Calus Cassius, who served in the Roman Army in the Quality of Qu••estor, had not pre∣vented them. Paterc. Cap. 46. Lib. 2.
• f 1.13

  Having entred Armenia with 16 Legions, he marched through Media, in order to attack the Parthians. But as he advanced in the Enemy's Coun∣try, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 met 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King of the Parthians, and Artavasdes King of Me∣dia, who hinder'd him from passing the Euphrates, and defeated his Lieu∣tenant Oppius Statianus with two Legions, and all the Cavalry, which he had under his Command. Afterwards, he was forced to raise the Siege of Praaspes, the Capital City of Media, and to send to beg Peace of Phraates, who gave it him on such Conditions as used to be impos'd on the 〈…〉〈…〉 Lib. 42. Anthony, saith Paterculus, stuck not to call his 〈…〉〈…〉 because he had escaped out of the hands of his Enemies with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, although he had lost the fourth part of his Army, all his Bag∣gage and Artillery, Chap. 82.
• 5 1.14

  According to Xenophon, Hunting is the truest Image of War, for there is nothing to be seen in War, which is not seen in Hunting; and conse∣quently Hunting is the most profita∣ble Diversion that a Prince can take, who de••igns to be a great Captain. David offering himself to Saul to fight with Goliah, alledges, as a Proof of his Courage, and of his Experience, that he had pursued the Lyon and the Bear, and that he had strangled and slew them, in stopping their mouths with his hands; (•• Sam. 17.) An instance of the Re••emblance that there is betwixt Hunting and War. Commines saith, that of all Diversions Lewis XI. took the great∣est Delight in Hunting; but that he scarce returned from it, but he was angry with somebody. For it is a thing, saith he, that is not always ••anag'd to please those, who are the Principal Persons in the Field. An Observation for Princes, who love this Diversion, and for those who accompany them at it. Chap. 13. Book. 6. of his Memoirs.
• g 1.15

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Preface to his Cataline, reckons Hunting amongst ••ervile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Non fuit consilium socordia atque defidia bonum otiu•• conterere; neque vero agrum colendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum, aetatem aegere. Reasoning in this like a Roman, for in his time the Ro∣mans did not hunt; and it is taken notice of by Su••tonius, that Tiberius branded a Commander of a Legion with infamy, for sending some Soldiers a Hunting▪ Here we ought to observe, that Republicans have never been great Hunters, because they are always taken up with affairs of Govern∣ment. So we are not to wonder, if the Noble••Venetians, are neither Hun∣ters nor Soldiers. They don't so much as understand how to sit a Horse; for besides that they have no Horses in their City, they don't care to be Horsemen, because they dont make War but by Sea, all their Military Land-Offices being given to Strangers. Cabrera calls Hunting a Royal Exercise, Real exercicio de la casa; and saith, that Philip II. took great delight in it. Chap. of his History.
• 6 1.16

  In a Nation, such as the Par∣thians, whose whole strength ••ay in Cavalry, a King cannot have a greater Fault, than not to be a good Horseman. The Polanders, who much resemble the Parthians, could never endure a King that was not a good Horseman. It is well known, how much they contemn'd their King Michael Wisniovecki.
• 7 1.17

  A Prince who comes to govern a Foreign Country, will never be agreeable to his New Subjects, if he doth not conform himself to their Manners, at least in the beginning of his Reign. Those Virtues, with which they are unacquainted, will appear Vices to them, if he hath not the address to accommodate himself, for a while to their Vices, as if they were Virtues. Italas King of the Cheraschi, gain'd the Affection of his people, in making a Debauch some∣times, although he was born at Rome, and had been trained up in Maxims directly opposite to those of the Barbarians. Charles V. accor∣ding to the report of Strada, had such a Command of his temper, that he changed his Manners, as easily as his Residence, living after the Ger∣man fashion in Germany; after the Italian in Italy; after the Spanish in Spain; and every where as much be∣lov'd as he was in ••landers, the Coun∣try where he was born. On the contrary Philip II▪ by so much affe∣cting to be and appear Spanish to the whole World, render'd himsel•• intolerable to the English and odious to the Netherlands, who had been a long time accustomed to the Affable and Popular humour of Charles V. Commines saith▪ that a Prince who goes into a strange Countrey, had need be wise, to guard every side. ch. 3. lib. 6.
• 1 1.18

  A Prince whose Dominions are situated betwixt two Neighbours stronger than himself, is always forc'd to side with the most Powerful, or the most Successful of them. Now as the Romans and the Parthians were almost equal in strength, as I have before observ'd; and because For∣tune favoured sometimes one and sometimes the other; multa Romanis secunda, quaedam Parthis evenisse—damnis mutuis. Armenia, which equally depended on each of them, (for the Romans had the Sovereign∣ty of it in Right, but the Parthians in possession) espous'd the Interests of That of these two Empires which it feared most, being perpetually di∣vided betwixt Obedience and Revolt.
• h 1.19

  But in chains of Gold, saith Patercuius, to do the greater Honour to the Royal Character. Rege•• Armeniae Ar••avasden, fraude deceptum, catenis, sed ne quid honori deesset, aureis vinxit, Hist. 2. Argenteis catenis vinxit, saith Di••, quia nimirum turpe erat Regem ferreis in catenis haberi, Lib. 49. This King had contributed much to the ill success of Anthony's Expedition against the Parthians.
• 2 1.20

  It is, saith Commines, a great Folly in a Prince to put himself in the Power of another; especially when they are in War, or there is any quarrel betwixt them: and it is a great Advantage to Princes to have read Histories, where there are in∣stances of such Interviews, and of the great Treachery that some of the Ancients have used towards one another, having seized and Assassi∣nated those, who have trusted to such a security.—The Example of one is sufficient to make many Wise by it, and to take care of them∣selves. Chap. 6. Lib. 2. of his Me∣moirs.
• i 1.21

  Brother to Artaxias.
• k 1.22

  In the East the Brother and Sister marry'd together, and reign'd in common. There are several Examples in the Families of the P••ol••my'•• of Aegypt. Dio saith, that Cleopatra was marry'd to her Eldest Brother Pto∣l••my, and Arsinoe to another Ptolomy her Younger Brother.
• l 1.23

  The Son of Agrippa.
• 1 1.24

  A good Meen and fine Shape, are not always indications of the Merits of the Persons, but they serve at least to impose on the People, all whose Iudgment lies in their Eyes. So that it is not without reason, that Princes take so much care to have a good outside; for every one sees their Bodies, and very few their Minds. Cabrera saith, that the first time that the Queens Mary and Elea∣nor, Sisters to Charles V. saw Philip Prince of Spain, he appeared of small stature in their Eyes, which had been accustomed to the sight of Germans. As if Man's Body, saith he, were a Cage, which by being too little or too strait, could not lodge the Soul for which the whole Earth is not a Quarry large enough. Ch. 3. Lib. 1. of his History. Don Iohn Antonio de Vera, mentions a Law of King Don Alonso el Sabio (the same who com∣piled the Customary which they call las Partidas) by which he recom∣mended to the Kings of Castile to marry none but handsom well-shap'd Women, that their Children might be handsome and well-shap'd▪ which is of great importance to the Sons of Kings. The same Author adds, that the Ambassadors of Poland, who brought to the Duke of An••ou the Decree of his Election, told him, that he was obliged for it in part to his Good Presence, and his Charming Meen, In the second Discourse of his Ambassador. His Sister, Queen Mar∣garet said, that Beauty which gives a Grace to every action, did shine in him to that Degree, that it seemed to vie with his good Fortune, which of the two should make him most glorious. Lib. 1. of his Memoirs.
• 2 1.25

  Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments. For this Sex, saith Tacitus, is not only weak and vo∣luptuous, and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State; but besides, is Cruel, Untractable, and desirous infinitely to extend its Power, if its Ambition be not re∣st••••in'd. The Prophet Isaiah, (Ch. 3.) threatens the Iews with the Govern∣ment of Children, and with that of Women, as with two equal Curses. So that we are not to wonder, if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is so odious in those very 〈◊〉〈◊〉, where Women have right of Succession, nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne.
• 3 1.26

  Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom o•• a Common-Wealth can fall into; and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government re∣greted: For it is impossible for Civil 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to sub••ist without a Master, and without Laws. And this is the r••ason that Anarchy hath been al∣ways of short duration.
• 4 1.27

  A State, however it changes the Form of its Government, sooner or later, will return to that which it had in its Original. The first Go∣ver••ment to a Body-Politick, is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body.
• 5 1.28

  It is not the Royal Title or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that make a King, but the Authority; The Majesty is in the Functions, not in the Ornaments; and it is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this reason that the Ti∣tle of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 d••d not belong to the Senate o•• Rome, although it had all the exterior Marks of it, as the Rods, the Purple Robe, the Ivory-Chair, &c. but to the People, in whom the Supreme Power resided. Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies, Velitis, Iubeatis, Quirites, which is the Appellation they gave the Peo∣ple in their Assemblies. Cabrera saith, that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England, and re∣ceived from his Father the Renunci∣ation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage, took it very ill, that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it, and the more because, he was hereby King of Naples and of Eng∣land, only in Title and Name. There were also some Englishmen, who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband, Chap. 5, and 7. Lib. 1. of his History. The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been ar∣rested by the Duke of Alva, with∣out the privity of the Dutchess of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Governess the Low-Countreys, this Princess who saw that the Duke, besides his large pow∣er, had secret Orders, which le••t her 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more than the Name of Gover∣ness, desir'd leave of Philip II. to re∣tire out of these Provinces, saying, that it was neither for his Service, nor her Honour, whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister, to continue there with a Title without Authori∣ty. Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad.
• 6 1.29

  A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions, doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath go•• possession of them, how well soever he is treated by him. For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Tri∣umph. Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles, whose Kingdom of Gra∣nada he had Conquered, or Usurped; but this Prince soon passed into A∣frick. For, saith Mariana, those who have seen themselves Kings, have not constancy or pa••ience enough to lead a Private Life, Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain.
• 1 1.30

  How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be, to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty, it is prudence in a Prince, under some specious pre∣tence, to remove him from this Ar∣my or Province, for fea•• lest the In∣fidelity of others, and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him. The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions, had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune, if he would seize the Empire, (Ann. ••.) and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus, and of the Affection which these Legions had for him, and Ag••ippinae, who was continually giving them largesse▪ The Satisfaction which the Neapoli∣••ans had in the Gove••nment of Gon∣salo Hernandez, whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Cap∣tain, was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Ca∣tholick took to make him return into Spain, with hopes of being re∣warded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iam••s, which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom.
• m 1.31

  Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner. He sent him into France to the assistance of the League, whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys, where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority, having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany; the Duke of Alonson into 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ the Earl of Liecester into England, and the Prince of Orange into Holland. For his absence gave the Rebels new strength, and was the Cause, that they re∣covered a great part of what they had lo••t. So that Don Carlos Coloma, had good reason to say, that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy, Lib. 2, and 3. of his Wars of Flanders.
• n 1.32

  Holland.
• o 1.33

  Now Wahal.
• p 1.34

  This was a Ceremony used amongst the Romans at the Funerals of Princes and Illustrious Persons. Exercitus, saith Sueton speaking of Drusus, honorarium ei tumulum excitavit, circa quem deinceps stato die quotannis miles decurreret. These Altars were like our Epitaphs:

  Hectoreum ad tumulum, &c. Et geminas, caussam lacrymis, sacraverat aras. Virg. Aeneid. 5.

  Aggeritur tumulo tellus, stant manibus arae. Aen. 3.
• q 1.35

  It was a Canal which Drusus cut betwixt the Rhine and the Isell, from Arnheim to Doesburg, which is as much as to say, the City of Drusus, for the Passage of his Army from the Rhine to the Bay of the Zuyder-Sea, and thence into the Ocean.
• r 1.36

  There was a Place named Amista, as there was the Fort and the Ri∣ver of Alison, and as the Place and the River, saith Mr. ••ick in his No••es, had one Name, they have so also at this day. For the Ems giveth its name to the C••y of Embden.
• s 1.37

  A People who dwell betwixt the Ems and the Weser.
• u 1.38

  These Crowns were of several sorts, but all of very common matter. The Triumphal Crown, which was the Noblest of all, was of Laurel; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Luxury, which is always at War with Moderation, brought afterwards in use Crowns of Gold for Victorious Generals, and this Present was call'd Aurum C••ronarium. The Obsidional Crown which the Soldiers presented to their General, for raising the Enemy's Siege, was made of Grass; because heretofore the Conquer'd gave a handful of Grass to the Conqueror, to shew, that he took possession of their Lands▪ Plin. Lib. 22. and Ch. 3, and 4. This Crown was esteemed above all the rest, because it was the only one, which was given to the Generals by the Soldiers; whereas the Soldi∣ers received the others from their General. Sicinius 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who had obtain'd eight Crowns of Gold, three Mu••al, and fourteen Civick, had never but one Ob••idional Crown. The Civick was of Oak or Holm, and was given for saving the Life of a Citizen, and killing him who was go∣ing to take it away. The Mural and the Camp or Trench Cr••••m, was given to those who first mounted the Breach, or Forced the Enemy's Camp: Which was represented by Battlements or Pallisadoes engraved on these Crowns. They who obtain'd an Ovation, i. e. The lesser Triumph, wore a Myrtle Crown on their Heads. Paterculus saith, that Agrippa, Son-in-Law to Augustus, was the first Roman who was honoured with a Naval Crown, Hist. 2. Ch. 87. This sort of Crown had for distinction the Beaks of Ships engraved round it, whence it was called Corona 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ The Ro∣mans, saith Cobrera, used Crowns of Grass and Wood, and rings of Iron, to exclude mercenary rewards, by separating Profit from Glory, and to en∣grave the Love of Virtue on their Hearts, with the graving Instrument of Honour, Ch. 12. of the 8th Book of his History. Rewards of this kind, saith a Modern Author, have no bounds, because the Royal Power is a Fountain, whence new Honours and new Dignities incessantly spring, as Rays of Light every moment emane from the Sun, which are so far from exhausting that they increase its light, Chap. 9. of the Politicks of France.
• 1 1.39

  It is not the matter of the Gift which is regarded in these rewards, but the Opinion which Men have of them. Their Esteem is not paid to the Mettal of the Collar, of the Crown, or of the Cross, but to the Reason for which they are given. Thus it signifies little. whether these Exterior Marks be of Gold, Silver, Brass, Wood, or Stuff. These are Arms of Inquest, which by exciting the Curiosity of those that see them, draw Respect and Admiration on him that wears them. T. Labienus having given Golden Bracelets, (a Military Gift which Soldiers wore on the left Arm) to a Trooper, who had per∣form'd some great actions, Scipio said to this Trooper, for whom he had a great Esteem; You have the share of a rich Man: as much as to say, You have not the share of a Sol∣dier. The Trooper blushing at this Raillery, went and threw this Pre∣sent at the Feet of Labienus, after which Scipio, his General, having sent him Bracelets of Silver, he esteem'd himself highly honour'd therewith. An instance, that it is easie for Prin∣ces to reward their Soldiers and Ser∣vants ••t a Cheap Rate, and that brave Men set a Greater Value upon that which honours them, than up∣on that which enriches them. Se∣bastian King of Portugal, presenting a Sword set with precious Stones to the young Duke of Pastrana the Son of Ruy Gomez de Silva, Prince of Eboli; this Duke, who was but fif∣teen years old, immediately un∣sheath'd it, and touching the Blade, without regarding the precious Stones, said, It is very good. Cabre∣ra, Chap. 10. Lib. 11. of his Philip II. To conclude, Princes give what va∣lue they please to things, and Iron and Lead are more precions in their hands, when they know how sea∣sonably to make use of them, than Gold is in the hands of Subjects. If the shameful Hair of a Lady of Bruges, hath served for the Occasion and Institution of an Order, of which the Kings of Spain, and the Empe∣rors of Germany, think it a Glory to wear the Collar; what is there so Base and Vile, which may not fur∣nish Princes with an inexhaustible Fund wherewith to recompence Great Men.
• 1 1.40

  The Interviews of Great Men do rather exasperate than sweeten their Spirits; for there is always something said, either by themselves, or by those that accompany them, whence they take an occasion to part Enemies.
• 2 1.41

  Even those who have renounc'd their Honour, and who glory in their Wickedness, are offended when they are call'd Traytors. Flavius had patiently endur'd the cutting Raillery of Arminius, who had re∣proach'd him with being a Slave of the Romans; [irridente Arminio vilia servitii pretia] but so soon as his Brother call'd him Traytor, he could no longer dissemble; and had it not been for Stertinius, who stopt him by main force, he was going to revenge the Affron. I cannot omit here the Answer of one Iohn Bravo, when he was on the Scaffold to be beheaded, at these Words of the Sentence, a est••s Cavalleros por trai∣dores, which the Executioner pro∣nounc'd with a loud Voice; he cry'd out, You Lie in that, and all those who make you say it. A Heat which did not indeed discover a Contrite Heart; but it shew'd at least one that was but little stained with the Guilt of Treason: Which are the words of Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, in the Epitome of the life of Charles the Fifth.
• 1 1.42

  A good General ought never to hazard a Battel till he hath put all things in good order. To begin to be in a Condition not to be Con∣quer'd, is to begin to Conquer. Lewis XI. saith Commines, under∣stood this Point very well; He was slow in Undertaking, but when once he undertook, he took such care for every thing, that it was a very great chance if he did not succeed in his Enterprize, Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Prosper Colonna, and the Duke of Alva, who took him for his Patern, would ne∣ver give their Enemies Battel, till they were sure of gaining it. Ste th•• first Note of the 40th Article of the first Book. Henry the IV. having sent to demand Battel of the Dukes of Parma and Maine; the first an∣swered the Herald, (they are the Words of Chancellor de Chiverny) that the King of Spain had sent him to prevent the Alteration of the Ca∣tholick Religion in France; and to raise the Siege of Paris: As for the Former he had already done it; and for the Latter, if he should find that the shortest way to succeed in it, was to give Battel, he would do it, and force the King of Navarre to accept it▪ or that, in fine, he would take what other resolution he should think fit. In his Memoirs.
• x 1.43

  The Primipiles were the Lieutenant-Colonels of Legions. Every Primipile commanded all the Centurions or Captains of his Legion. Qui primus Triari••rum Centurio, sive Triariorum manipulo in prima cohorte prae∣erat, atque reliqu••s omnes Centuriones dignitate anteibat, Primopilus, sive Primipilus, sive Primipili Centurio vocabatur. Rosin. Antiquit. Rom. Lib. 10. Cap. 7▪
• 1 1.44

  In such a Council, saith Com∣mines, there are a great many Peo∣ple, who are only Ecchoes to others, without scarce understanding the Matter, and desire to shew their complaisance to some Person, who hath spoke and who is esteemed to be in authority, Lib. 2. Cap. 2. There are others who will not contradict, because they make it a Point of Honour not to be over-born by their Adversary; insomuch, that they had rather suffer an opinion, which they believe must be prejudicial to pass, than not to have the Glo••y of carry∣ing what they appear for. Which Vanity is yet more blameable than Complaisance. It is much better, saith Cabrera, to pass for Wise and Prudent, than for a Man of Autho∣rity; for if your Advice is rejected, and there follows thence any Evil to the Prince or the Publick, this turns to your Honour, and to the Disgrace of him who carry'd it by his Credit or his Favour, Lib. 2. Cap. 7.
• y 1.45

  This was the Praetorian Gate, where the Augural always stood, i. e. the Place where the General took the Augury and the Auspices, before he Enterprized any thing. The Augural was on the Right hand, and the Ge∣neral's Pavilion on the Le••t.
• 1 1.46

  Princes cannot make themselves familiar with Truth, unless it be disguis'd; nor Truth with them, un∣less they are disguis'd. When Truth knows them, it flys from them, whereas it seeks them, when it doth not know them. There is scarce a∣ny Prince, who at the End of his Reign is not yet to know, as well as Pilate, what is Truth.
• z 1.47

  This was the common Habit of the German Auxiliaries, and Germani∣cus wore it at that time, to pass for one of the Germans of his Guard. Tergis ferarum horrentes. Hist. 2. Gerunt & ferarum pelles. In Germania.
• a 1.48

  About 12 Shillings of our Money.
• b 1.49

  The Night was divided into Watches or Guards, each of which con∣sisted of three hours.
• c 1.50

  The Auspices were taken from the Flight of Birds.
• d 1.51

  The Reason of this was, because the Romans would have the Elb the Boundary of their Empire on that side, according to the Counsel of Au∣gustus. Co••rcendi intra terminos Imperii. Ann. 1.
• e 1.52

  Those, which Tacitus said, joyn'd Arminius▪
• f 1.53

  Don Iuan Antonio de Vera & Ulloa, relates in the Life of Charles V. that as he was upon the point of giving Battle to Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony, there appeared an Eagle, which after it had flown for a long time round the Imperial Army, at last took his flight towards the North, as it were to carry the News of the Emperor's Victory. Herrera saith, that another Ea∣gle came from the Turk's Camp, pitched on the Pavillion of Sigismund Battori, Prince of Transilvania, and suffer'd himself to be taken and ma∣nag'd like a tame Bird, Lib. 21. Cap. 21. of the third part of his History. It is reported in the Chronicle of Paul Piasecki, that the Scholars of the College of Zamoyski playing one day in a Neighbouring Field, caught an Eagle, a∣bout which a Serpent had turn'd it self, which was taken for a Presage, that the Crown-General, Iohn Zaymoyski, who departed that day, to joyn his Army at Cracow, would soon rescue the Polish Eagle out of the S••ares of Maximilian, Arch-Duke of Austria, Elected King by the Faction of Zborowvi and Gorka, who were for annulling the Election of Sigismund, Prince of Suedeland, 1587. If these Prodigies pass for Truths, I know not for what reason that which Tacitus mentions here, appear'd fabulous to Lip∣sius. He ought to have remembred that Tacitus saith, that as it would be beneath the Dignity of History to entertain the Reader with fabulous Sto∣ries, so it would be rashness not to give credit to what all People have pub∣lished. Hist. 2.
• g 1.54

  The Romans had so great a Veneration for their Eagles, that they 〈…〉〈…〉 Gods, and even preferred them before the other 〈…〉〈…〉, saith Tertullian in his Apology, sig•••• veneratar, 〈…〉〈…〉.
• 1 1.55

  It is Prudence in a General of an Army always to interpret Prodigies to his advantage; for nothing should be said to Soldiers, how Brave and Warlike soever they are, which may discourage them. Besides, a General who lets his Army know, that he presages ill from any appearance or casual Event, is suspected to be him∣self under fear; which always pro∣duces bad Effects.
• h 1.56

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• i 1.57

  The Bavarians.
• 2 1.58

  A Victory which costs little 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Victory, and con∣sequently this Name is not very pro∣perly given to Battels, wherein they lose fifty or sixty thousand Men, as the Spani••rds did at O••••end. And this was Pyrrhus's meaning, when he said, after he had gain'd two Bat∣tels against the Romans, that he was ruin'd if he should gain a Third. The Romans refused the Honour of a Triumph to Generals who had paid dear for a Victory, they refused it amongst others, to the Consul Atti∣lius, who had made above seven thousand Samnites pass under the Yoke, because he had lost almost as many of his own Men; and to his Collegue Posthum••us for the same reason.
• k 1.59

  Forenoon▪
• 1 1.60

  Quintus Curtius saith, that there are no little Enemies. You strengthen those whom you despise. They who do things with fear, saith Commines, make good Provision, and succeed oftner than those who act with Pride and Security, Lib. 2. Cap. 4. The Emperor, Frederick III. said wisely, that we ought not to ••ell the Skin before we have kill'd the Bear. Lib. 4. Cap. 3. The Duke of Alva who promised Philip II. to smother the Hollanders in their Butter, had the dissatis••action to see before he dy'd, The Union of Utretcht, that is to say, The first Establishment of their Common-Wealth on the Ruines of the Spanish Government. Sebastian King of Portugal, thought himself so well assur'd of the Conquest of the Kingdom of Morr••co▪ that before his departure, he caused a Crown and Regal Ornaments to be made on purpose, to be used at the Ceremo∣ny of his Coronation in Africk; whereas he ought to have carry'd thither Funeral Ornaments. Lib. 1. of the History of the Union of Portugal. The Spanish relation of the Entrance of Philip II. into Portugal, saith, that this Crown, which Sebastian carry'd with him, was made after the Fa∣shion of that of the Empire, because he intended to take upon himself the Title of Emperor, after the Victory, which he thought himself as good as possessed of. Cr••yend•• intitulars•• E••perador 〈◊〉〈◊〉 las esp••rancas de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 victoria. Cap. 103. It had been more for the Honour of the Governor of Lux∣emburg, not to have made a shew of Violins on the Rampart of the Town▪ in derision of our Army that was ap∣proaching it, and to have consider'd that he had to do with Enemies who knew how to dance to the Sound of Cannon.
• 1 1.61

  The Conqueror ought never to reproach the Conquered with his Victory. Such Monuments exaspe∣rate their Minds, and provoke them to revenge it, if they are Equals; and to revolt if they are Subjects. The Brass Statue of the Duke of Alva trampling under his Feet two Sta∣tues more, which represented the Nobility and Commons of the Low-Countrys, cost the King of Spain the Revolt of Antwerp, and of several other Cities. Wherefore Don Luis de Requesens, who succeeded him in the Government of these Provinces, enter'd on his Administration with the Demolishing of this Statue, not, said he, that so great a Man did not deserve this Honour, but to remove ou•• of the Peoples sight, a Monu∣ment which shock'd them, and to give them hopes of a milder Treat∣ment. Herrera, Ch. 11. Lib. 3. of the second Part of his History, (1575.) Diodorus Siculus saith, that hereto∣fore the Greeks did not suffer Tro∣phees to be made of any other Ma∣terials but of Wood, to the end that these Monuments of Discord, (for so he calls them) might be soon de∣stroy'd and consum'd, Lib. 13. of his History.
• 1 1.62

  There is nothing more necessa∣ry, nor more useful to Generals of Armies than Spies, whom Strada had reason to call the Ears and Eyes of Princes. God himself, as it may be seen in the Holy Scriptures, com∣manded Moses to send Spies into the Land of Promise. The Lord spake unto Moses saying, send Men who may search the Land of Canaan, which I give unto the Children of Israel. All the Instructions which a General can give to the Spies that he employs are expressed in this Chapter.
• 2 1.63

  When a General undertakes the most dangerous part himself, the Officers and Soldiers very chearfully do all the rest.
• l 1.64

  These Engines threw pieces of Stone, of Lead, of Wood, and Dart••, whose Iron Points were two or three foot long.
• 3 1.65

  Nothing makes an Army more invincible, than a Necessity either to Conquer or to Die. Count Maurice of Nassaw, being just going to fight the Battel of Newport, sent back all the Ships which had brought his Ar∣my to Flanders, telling his Soldiers, that they must either cut their way through the Enemy, or drink up all the Water of the Sea. Which was followed with a Victory so much the more Glorious, as the Army of Arch-Duke Albert was much stronger than his▪ [Iuly 2. 1600.]
• 1 1.66

  Fortune may rob great Cap∣tains of Victory, but not of the Glo∣ry which is due to them, when they have acquitted themselves well of their Duty. We ought not to judge of them by the Success, which is o••tentimes the Effect of meer Chance; but by their Conduct which shews their Ability, or their Insufficiency. Notwithstanding the Admiral Gas∣••ar de Coligny had lost four Battels, he was so far from losing his Repu∣tation thereby, that Charles IX. was even obliged to ••ue to him for Peace, so well was the Court satisfy'd that his Courage was much greater than the Malignity of his Fortune.
• 2 1.67

  When two Nations have been Engag'd in many Quarrels, there is always either open War betwixt them, or Preparations for War; and whatsoever Peace they patch up, good Faith or Confidence is never found amongst them., Aut bellum inter ••os populos, aut belli preparatio, aut inf••da pax. Paterculus Hist. 1. For the ha∣tred, saith the same Author, lasts lon∣ger than the Fear, and the Victori∣ous Nation never ceases to hate that which is conquer'd, (although it has no more to fear from them) until it is entirely extinguished, Odium ul∣tra metum durat, & ne in victis qui∣dem deponitur, neque ante invisum esse de••••n••••, quam esse desiit. Ibi∣dem.
• 1 1.68

  A wise Minister ought to dis∣semble his own Glory, and refer all to the Honour of his Prince. The Duke of Alva having caused his Elo∣gium to be put on the Pedestal of a Statute which he had erected for him∣self at Antwerp, with these Words in the Close, Regis optimi Ministro fidelissimo positum. Ruy ••omez de Sylva, a Favourite of King Philip II. said very smartly, That the Cha∣racter of the most Faithful Minister, agreed very ill to him who robb'd his Prince of his Glory, Strada Lib. ••. of his first Decad. Cabrera adds, That Cardinal Spinoza and Ruy Go∣mez said, that to make this a Monu∣ment of the Duke's Fidelity, he ought to place King Philip's Statue there instead of his own, Ch. 12. Lib. 8. Aubery du Maurier observes farther, That Alva having built the City of Antwerp with five Bas••ions, he cal∣led four of them▪ after his own Name and Titles, viz. The Duke, Ferdi∣nand, Toled••, and Alva, and the fifth Paciotti, which was the Name of the Ingineer; without making any men∣tion of his Prince, whose most faithful Minister he call'd himself, In his Me∣moirs of Holl••nd. There is an Ex∣ample in the second Book of Sam••el, which ought never to be forgotten by Ministers, to whom the Prince commits the Command of his Ar∣mies, or the Direction of his Affairs; Ioab, David's General, having re∣duc'd the City of Rabbah to a Ne∣cessity of Surrendring it self, wrote to David in these Words; I have ••ought against Rabbah, and the City is reduc'd to extremity; Now there∣fore gather the rest of the people to∣gether and Encamp against the City and take it, lest I take the City and it be called after my Name, Ch. 12. Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of Hilary of Grenoble a Capuchin-Fryar, who boasted thar he had an absolute Power over the Mind of Henry IV. Although, said he, he had given such Counsel to the King, it was more decent for a good Servant, such a one as he would pass for, to have concealed himself in it, and to have left the praise of it to the Goodness and Prudence of his Majesty, Let∣ter 251.
• 2 1.69

  Virtue hath its reward in it self, and the Wages of a good Acti∣on is to have done it, Seneca Epist. 81.
• m 1.70

  Tacitus saith, That Mountains are the Cause and the Matter of Tem∣pests, Mo••tes causa & materia tempestatu••••. In Agricola.
• 1 1.71

  It hath been often observ'd, that Captains who have been Successful in Expeditions at Land, have always been Unfortunate in those at Sea. Every thing succeeded to Germani∣cus, when he fought at Land, and all things conspir'd against him when he was on the Seas. On the contra∣ry, the Prince of Orange, who was the Founder of the Common-Wealth of Holland, was always beaten at Land, where he lost four or five Bat∣tels, whereas in a continu'd War of ten years he gain'd every Battel that he fought against the Spaniards at Sea, Memoirs de M. Aubery du Mau∣rier. Thus it was not without rea∣son, that that brave Spaniard, Iulian Romero, who had signaliz'd himself by so many Exploits in Land-fights, having been worsted in a Sea-fight, out of which he swam for his Life, said to the Governor Don Lewis de Requesens;

  Your Excellency know∣eth well, that I was no Seaman, but a Good Foot Soldier: I desire you therefore to trust me no more with a Fleet, for if you should commit a Hundred to me, it is much to be fear'd, that I should lose them all,

  Bernardin de Men∣d••za, Cap. 2. Lib. 11. of his Memoirs of the Low-Countreys.
• n 1.72

  Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, relates a Disaster altogether like this, which ••e••el the Fleet of Charles V. at Algiers. Most of the Galleys, saith he, were broken to pieces, and most of the Ships perished in the Emperor's sight, who had neither Bisket nor Powder left; insomuch, that for the Subsistence of his Army that Night and the Day following, they were forc'd to kill Horses, and to distribute them through the Quarters. At last, after he had marched twenty Leagues, he Embarked his Troops at the Cape of Metafuz; and when there remain'd not a sufficient Number of Ships to receive them, he caused all the Horses to be thrown into the Sea, which increased the general Grief, every one being troubled to see these poor Creatures swim, and as it were, beg help from the Men who abandon'd them; for, according to the Proverb, a Man ought to have Humanity even for the Beasts that serve him. In the Epitome of the Life of C. V. Cabrera recites a Consolatory Letter, which his Son Philip wrote him upon this Disaster, wherein he said to his Father,

  That to return from difficult Enterprizes, without Victory, never took from Kings nor Great Captains that Glory, which is always due to Martial Valour; the most Prudent and most Pros∣perous having lost as well as won; that he ought so much the more to comfort himself, because he had yielded to nothing but the Force of For∣tune, which had conspir'd with the Elements against his Prudence and Greatness; that he ought never to be angry with accidents, which de∣pended purely on Chance; that one hath acquitted himself well, when he has projected and ordered things well; that the good Fortune of Au∣gustus, and that of King Ferdinand, Grandfather to his Imperial Majesty, by the Mother's side, appeared prodigious; and that nevertheless, if we compare their Successes with their Misfortunes, it is hard to say, whe¦ther Fortune was a Mother or a Step-mother to them,

  Cap. 2. Lib. 1. of his History.
• 1 1.73

  There are Men, saith the same Antonio de Vera, who to shew that they are above Events, affect a Stoi∣cal Constancy in their Afflictions; and Glory, as of a Greatness of Soul, in not shedding a Tear, or changing their Countenance under the most sensible Calamities: But, for my part, I believe, this is altogether contrary to what they ought to do, because such People by their insensibility or their hardness, offend the Providence of God, who sends them these Affli∣ctions. A certain Person hath said with great judgment, that Iob that he might not be charged with Pride, lamented his Calamity, and expressed his Grief, even to the rending of his Cloaths, not that he had lost his Patience, but to shew his Doc••lity and Submission. And this Doctrine concludes yet more strongly, when a Peo••le fall under some very great Misfortune by obeying the Will of their Prince; for in this case indeed, the Prince may glory of Constancy in not appearing 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but not of his Gratitude: St. Paul saying, that he who hath not care of his own, hath 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Faith and is worse than an Infidel. And if a Passage of the Holy Scriptures is not su••ficient to convince the Author, [who blames the Tenderness and Grief, which Charles V. expressed under this Ad∣versity] he will have, it may be, a greater Difference to the Authority of Tacitus, who saith, that Germanicus being afflicted for the loss of part of his Army, ran up and down, ac∣cusing himself as the Cause of this Disaster, and was about to have kill'd himself. Augustus was troubled to that degree for the loss of the Legi∣ons of Varus, that for several day•• he would eat nothing; and he was heard to sigh often in the Night, and to cry out, Varus, Varus, give 〈◊〉〈◊〉 my Legions. It is therefore commend∣able for a Prince to be sensible of the Calamities of his People, and to give outward Expressions of it; but with∣all he ought not so far to indulge to Grief, as to neglect his Health, or the Publick Affairs. Commines with reason blames the Duke of Burgundy, for shutting himself up above six weeks, after he had lost the Battels of Granson and Morat. Which made an alteration not only in his Health, but also in his Se••se and his Spirit.

  Such, saith he, are the Passions of those, who seek not the true Re∣medies; and especially of Proud Princes.—No man ought to be asham'd to shew his Grief to his private Friends; for this lightens the Heart, and makes the Spirits return; and if not, he ought to seek for some other Remedy, as Exercise and Business, and not to take the way this Duke took, to hide himself, and be Solitary, but on the contrary, to drive away all Austerity,

  Cap. 5. Lib. 5. of his Memoirs. Lastly, the same Commines relates with com∣mendation, what Charles Duke of Berry, Brother to Lewis XI. said on the occasion of 7 or 800 Men of Count de Charolois being wounded at the Battel of Montlh••ri, That he had much rather that things had never been begu••, than to see so many Evils come to pass upon his account, Cap. 5. Lib. 1.
• 1 1.74

  Misfortunes are so far from sink∣ing the Courage of Great Captains, that on the contrary, they re••ine their Prudence, rouze their Activity, augment their Constancy, and ac∣custom them to Brave dangers. The loss of Ostend, which after a Siege of above three years, was no better than one great Church-yard or Bu∣rying-place, inspir'd Prince Maurice of Nass••w with a Resolution to take Esclusen, which was a Place of much greater importance, and which he took in a few Days. The Arch-Duke Albert, having cut off two Regiments of his Foot, and four Troops of his Horse, which he had sent to take a Pass, he nevertheless the next day fought the Battel of Newport, in which the Arch-Duke was wounded; above six hundred men slain; the Admiral of Arragon, and several o∣ther Principal Spanish Officers made Prisoners; and all their Cannon ta∣ken, with a hundred and five Co∣lours.
• o 1.75

  I have already observ'd, that the Romans reverenc'd their Eagles, as their Tutelar Gods. So that we need not wonder that Germanicus was so much concern'd to recover that Eagle which Malovendus gave intelligence of. For as it was ignominious to lose the Eagles, it was Sacrilege and Impiety, not to rescue them out of the Enemy's hands, when an occasion offer'd it self. It was for this Reason, that Augustus reckon'd it amongst his most glorious Actions, that he had obliged that Parthians to restore the Eagles, which Crassus and Marc-Anthony had lost amongst them, Sueton in his Life, and Paterculus, Cap. 91. Lib. 2. Charles V. set such a Value on his Stan∣dard, that when he was about to give Battel to Francis I. before Landrecy, he commanded those who Environ'd it, to save the Standard, rather than his Person, i•• it should come to that pass, that they must chuse one or the other. Don Iuan de Vera in the Epitomy of his Life.
• 1 1.76

  There was never a Captain so Fortunate, whose Undertakings have not been sometimes checquer'd with Misfortunes; and the greatest Gene∣rals of Armies, have had the greatest Disasters. Besides, that Fortune is fickle in War, there are a thousand Accidents, which the greatest hu∣mane Prudence is not able to foresee, nor able to prevent, if it could fore∣see them.
• 2 1.77

  Men more easily wind them∣selves out of difficulties by address, than break through them by force•• Lewis XI. the Tiberius of our Kings, obtain'd his ends of the King of Eng∣land, and the Dukes of Normandy, of Britany, of Burgundy, and of the Dutchess of Savoy, who were all in a Confederacy against him, by as many Particular Treaties, which ba••••led all their ill designs. After the Death of the Duke of Burgunay he Re-united to his Crown Peronne, Mondidier, Roie, Arras, Hesdin and Bo••logne, by gaining the Lord of Cordes, who was Governor thereof. And Co••••••ines saith, that he could not in a long time have done tha•• by Force, which he did by secret ln telli∣gence, by the means of this Lord▪ Lib. 5. Cap. 15. & 16. And of all the Persons that I ever knew Lewis XI. was the most dextrous in getting himself out of the Briars in times o•• Adversity, and in gaining to his in∣terest a Man that could serve or hurt him, Lib. 1. Cap. 10.
• p 1.78

  The People of Guelderland and Fries••and.
• 3 1.79

  Iealous and Suspicious Princes, as Tiberius was, had rather lose a certain Good, than to be oblig'd for it to a Captain, whose Glory gives them jealousie. They love Con∣quests very well, but commonly they cannot endu••e the Conquerors. Car∣dinal Richelieu said, that there is no Prince in a worse Condition than ••e, who instead of governing himself with respect to the Publick Interests, hath Passion for his Guide; and who being not able always to do himself the things which he is obliged to, is uneasie to let them be done by ano∣ther; and that to be capable to suf∣fer himself to be served, is not one of the least Qualities which a great King can have. Chap. 6. de la 1 par∣tie de son Testament Pol. Observe by the way, the Malignity of Tiberius. He calls Germani••us to the Enjoy∣ment of the Consulship, and to the Honour of a Triumph, before he had compleated the Conquest of Ger∣many to turn that into Grace and Favour to him, which he was upon the Point of meriting under the Ti∣tle of a Reward. By this advance, he chang'd the Obligation, and would have that appear to be the Effect of Paternal Kindness, which was Ty∣rannical injustice.
• 4 1.80

  Thus Princes endeavour to ju∣stifie their Resolutions, by spec••ous Reasons, notwithstanding they have power to command absolutely. Mo∣desty serves for a Cover of the In∣justice.
• 5 1.81

  The more insight we have into the Thoughts of Princes, the less we ought to discover it; for nothing of∣fends them more, than to shew them that we are more cunning than them∣selves. Part of our respect, saith Tacitus, consists in feigning that we understand nothing of their Artifi∣ces. Intelligebantur artes, sed pars obsequii in ••o, ne depre••enderentur Hist.
• q 1.82

  Philip II. of Spain, a Prince who had much of Tiberius in him, dealt, almost in the same manner with his Brother Don Iohn of Austria, in giving the Command of the Army in the War of Grenada, to Don Lewis Fejar••o Marquis of V••lez, under colour of ••asing Don Iohn who had the whole weight of the Government of this Kingdom upon him; but in truth to take out of his hands the Glory of reducing the Rebels, which were already much weakned. D••••go de Mendoza, Cap. ••. Lib. 3. of the War of Grenada.
• r 1.83

  Monsieur de Cinqmars, Grand-Ecuier of France, much resembled Lib••▪ but with this Difference, that Libo was ruin'd by the Treachery of his Confident, whereas Monsieur de Cinqmars ruin'd his Confident, Monsieur 〈…〉〈…〉, a Man of as great Virtue, as Ca••us was of Vill••••y.
• 1 1.84

  The Predictions of Astrologers and Fortune-tellers, have in all times been fatal to Great Men, who hav•• given credit to them; for either they have render'd them suspected to their Prince, as Persons who build their hopes on Revolutions and Opportu∣nities which they wait for, or they have engaged them in Unfortunate Enterprizes, of which they would have never dreamt, if their Credu∣lity had not blinded them. Mariana relates a remarkable Instance of this in Don Diego, Duke of Viseu, who being at the Head of a Conspiracy against Iohn II. King of Portugal, had the Confidence or rather Rash∣ness to go to the King, who sent for him; being persuaded that he should escape so great a Danger, because it had been predicted to him that he should reign; and that if the King seized him, he should be succour'd in the very nick of time, by all the Great Men that were engag'd in the Conspiracy. But he was mistaken in his reasoning, for the King stabb'd him with his own hand; saying to him. Go and tell the Duke of Bra∣ganza the issue of the Plot which he laid. Whereupon Mariana concludes with the Words of Tacitus, That Astrologers are a Generation of Men ••it only to abuse Great Persons, by Vain and Flattering Promises, who have and always will find Belief and Applause in all Countrys, notwith∣standing their Lies are so common and so well known to all the World▪ Lib. 24. Cap. ult. of his History. 'Tis true, saith Father Paul, these Predictions sometimes come to pass by Chance, or by some other secret Cause; but most commonly they are the Cause that a great many Credu∣lous People run themselves upo•• ruine, Hist. of the Council of Trent, Lib. 5. To conclude, it looks as if God permitted Great Men to be beset by Astrologers to humble them; for he hath always sent them so many Disgraces and Afflictions, as these Ra••cally Cheats have promised them Grandeurs and Successes. These study only to make them Prognosticks, which set them above the Condition of Mortals; and God, on the con∣trary, sooner or later lets them see, that their Hopes are Vain and Wick∣ed.
• 2 1.85

  B••hold here what is incident to most great Mens Children, their Go∣vernors foment their Ambition, instead of giving a Check to it: they ent••••tain them with nothing but their Noble Extraction, with their g••eat Alliances, with the Pretensions of their Family, which are very often imaginary; and with the great Estate they have in reversion, the Prospect of which plunges them in Luxury, and some∣times reduces them to a shameful Poverty. They puff them up with the Titles of your H••ghness and your Se••enity; which in a little time will grow as common, as those of Count and Marquis, which are now taken by the Sons of Fa••mers of the King's Reve∣nues, and such upstar•• Men: Insomuch, that i•• this Abu••e continues, one may say in ••rance and Italy what was said to the Emperor by an Italian Ambassa∣dor, who went from his Court in very ••ll Weather. That there was no need to fear either Rain or Thunder, since his Imperial Majesty had fill'd the World with so much Serenity.
• 1 1.86

  It is a Niceness becoming the Prudence of Princes, to have no communication with Traytors. Gui∣cardin commends it as a Noble Re∣solution of a Spanish Lord, who would not lend his Palace to lodge the Duke of Bourbon, Constable of France, who was come to Madrid. I can re••use your Majes••y nothing, (said he ••o Charles V.) but I do ac∣clare, that if the Duke of Bou••bon lodges in my house, I will burn it as soon as he hath left it, as a Place infected with the Contagion of his p••rfidiousness, and consequently not fit to be ever inhabited by Men of Ho∣nour. Lib. 16. of his History of Italy. And it is for this Reason, that they raze to the Ground, the Houses of Traytors, and sow the Place with Salt, that nothing may grow there.
• 2 1.87

  There is nothing more dange∣rous than the Silence of Princes, with respect to those whom they hate. For this Silence, as Commines observes well, emboldning those who are in fault, to attempt imprudent things, gives the Prince an opportunity to take a full Revenge on them. Cap. 1. ult. Lib. 3. And speaking of Lewis XI. and of the Duke of Burgundy: The King, saith he, more effectually made War against him, by letti••g him alone, and by secretly raising Ene∣mies against him, than if he had declar'd against him; for had the Duke seen a Declaration against him, he would have quitted his Under∣taking, and so have prevented all that which afterwards came upon him, Lib. 5. Cap. 4. By a contrary Reason, a Prince can never do a greater Favour to his Subject, than to admonish him of his Faults, or to prevent him from committing them. Nothing can be more kind, than what Cardinal de Richelieu did to a Page of his, who was a Rela∣tion of the Messieurs de Marilla••. Having asked this Page, W••ether these Gentlemen knew that he was in his service, the Page answer'd, No, but that he intended to go and see them with the first Opportunity; not knowing that they were the declar'd Enemies of his Master: The Cardi∣nal, who had a Kindness for this Youngman, said to him, Don't do it, if you would have me continue my kindness to you; but never speak a Syllable of this that I have now said to you; for if you do, you must ne∣ver expect any thing from me. Me∣moirs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 C. de R. concerning the Mi∣nistry of the Cardinals de Richelieu and Mazarine. But to return to the Honour which Tiberius did Libo, to admit him to his Table, and to give him a Praetorship; I may say, that there are Princes who dissemble their resentments, as Horace's Eutrapelus, who gave rich Cloths so those whom he would destroy, knowing that these Cloths would pu•••••• them up, and make them forget their Duty. Epist▪ 18. Book 1.
• 3 1.88

  There are People of such cor∣rupt Minds, that they had rather perpetuate their Names by detestable actions, than lead an obscure Li••e, which will never be spoken of after their ••eaths. Tacitus saith Ann. 11. that the Greater the In••amy is, the more Charms it hath for great Vil∣lains. Such a one was Cabrino ••on∣duli, Lord of Cremona, who as he went to Execution, told his Confes∣sor and those also that were present, that he repented of nothing more, than of having let slip one brave op∣portunity, which was of throwing headlong from the top of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a Castle, Pope Iohn XXIII, and the Emperor Sigismund, who went up alone with him, saying, that this Action would have made him been talk'd of for ever. Pa••••••us Iovius in the Elogy of Philip Maria, Duke of Milan.
• 1 1.89

  There is a Proverb which saith, That the Unfortunate have no Kin∣dred. Insaelicium nulli sunt affines.
• 1 1.90

  There are occasions wherein the Prince for the Safety of his Person, or for the Repose of his People, is constrain'd to accommodate the Laws to the Necessity of his Affairs. Po∣liticians pretend, that the Laws con∣sist not in words, but in the Sense which the Publick Authority gives them; and that they have no force but as far as the Prince lends it them, who is the sole legal Interpreter of them. Howsoever that be, a good Prince ought as much as is possible to avoid coming to new Examples of severity therein; for whatsoever the Cause or the Colour may be, the Novelty of the procedure makes him pass for Cruel. The action of Pope Sixtus-Quintus who order'd a Youth to be put to Death, who was under Seventeen years old, telling the Go∣vernor of Rome, that he would give him ten of his own years, that he might be of the Age requir'd by the Laws, this Action I say ought ra∣ther to be forgotten, than imitated.
• * 1.90.1

  Leti lib. 1. part 2 of his Life.
• 2 1.91

  It ill becomes Princes to use cer∣tain tricks and shams of Art, to put a colour upon Frauds, and real In∣justice. The manner of the same Sixtus-Quintu••'s dealing with the Author of a Pasquinade upon his Sister Donna Camilla, is another action that did no honour to his Pontificate. We have promis'd you your Life and 1000 Pistols, said he to this Unhappy Man, and we free∣ly give you both, [for coming and making the Discovery your self] but we reserv'd in our mind a Power to have your ••ongue and both your Hands cut off, to hinder you from speaking or writing any more. L••ti lib. 2. part 2. of his Life. It is of him that the Pagliari speaks in his 210 Observation, where he saith. We have seen in our days a Prince, who did not invent new Laws, but who extended the old ones to all cases which he had a Mind to com∣prehend under them; saying, that this was the Intention of the Prince, who made them, although•• these Cases were not expressed in them. Not only all Germany, but also all Europe, detested the Fraud which Charles V. put upon the Landtgrave of Hesse, by the help of one word of the Treaty, wherein his Ministers slipt in a W instead of an N, so that in the Copy which the Landt∣grave signed, it was written Euvige, whereas the Minutes or the rough Draught had Einige; which entirely alter'd one of the Essential Conditi∣ons of the Treaty, which was, that the Landtgrave stipulated to be sent back without any Imprisonment, ohne einige ge fangus; whereas the Em∣peror on the contrary, having caus'd him to be arrested by the Duke of Alva, said, that by the Treaty he was obliged only not to hold him in perpetual Imprisonment, as the Word Euvige signifies. Heiss. li▪ 3. part. 1. of his History of the Empire. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera endeavours to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Charles V, by saying, that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had no reason ••o 〈…〉〈…〉 that a Promise to exempt him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 perpetual Impri∣sonment, 〈…〉〈…〉 that he was 〈…〉〈…〉 But this doth 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 to the Let∣•••• (〈…〉〈…〉 written in it) yet he can't he excused from breaking his Word, seeing he knew, that the Landtgrave and his Mediators, Maurice Duke of Saxony, and the Elector of Brandenburgh, had agreed, and capitulated for the Contrary.
• 1 1.92

  The Names of Traytors ought to be bury'd in Eternal 〈◊〉〈◊〉. To bear their Name, is to partake of their Infamy with them, and in some sort to approve of what they have done. Iohn II. King of Portugal, giving to Emanuel, who afterwards succeeded him in the Throne, the Con••i••cation of the Duke of Viseu, his Brother's Estate, made him take the Title of Duke of Beja, instead of that of Viseu, that this young Prince might not bear the Name of a Tray∣••or who would have kill'd his King, Mariana, Cap. ult. Lib. 24, of his Hi∣story. And since that time, there have never been any Dukes of Vise••, notwithstanding Emanuel and his Son Iohn III had a great many Chil∣dren. The Family of Valieri at Ve∣nice, is, as they say, a Branch of the ancient Family Faliers, which chan∣ged the first Letter of their Name, to shew, that they detested and ex∣ecrated the Memory of the Doge, Marin Falier, who was beheaded for attempting to make himself Sove∣reign of the State▪
• s 1.93

  Which was to whip the Criminal before his Head was cut off.
• t 1.94

  A very Rich and Costly Silk, much different from ours, in which the Great Men of Rome, so magnificent in their Habits, would have thought themselves poorly clad.
• 1 1.95

  It is but just, that Princes who have so great Cares, and such labo∣rious Employs, should have Diversi∣ons in proportion to their Toyls, that there may be such a Consort betwixt the Mind and the Body, that one might not be a Burthen to the other. The nature of Affairs of State, saith M. the Cardinal de Richelieu, so much the more requires an unbending of the Mind, as the weight thereof is hea∣vier than that of all other Affairs; and the strength of the Mind and the Body being limited, continual la∣bour would in a little time exhaust them. It allows all sorts of honest Diversions, which do not take off the Persons, who make use of them, from those things whereunto they ought principally to apply themselves The first Part of his Politick Testa∣ment, Sect. 5, Ch. 8. But it is not with the Pleasures of Princes as with those of the Common People; it is their Mind that measures them, and not their Body. They keep a cer∣tain Mean, by the help of which the Mind grows stronger and more vi∣gorous, in not applying themselves either to any business or pleasures, but such as are necessary to maintain a good Habit of Body, and conse∣quently, to continue still Princes. For in effect, they are not so, when Health fails them, seeing that Affairs are not dispatch'd, Audiences not given, their Designs broken or sus∣pended, and every thing is at a stand upon the failure of the first Move∣ment: Whereupon follow Com∣plaints, Murmurings, Change of Minds, Tyranny in the Ministers, and Despair in the Subjects. In short, nothing is wanting to a Prince who hath Health, since without it there is no true Pleasure, and with it any labour is supportable, Cap. 1. Lib. 9. of his History. And in another place, he saith, that it is Health that makes great Kings, whereas Sickness makes Subjects of them. And from this Prin∣ciple he concludes, that Princes ought not to have much commerce with Women; the Frequency of which e∣nervates the Vigour both of the Mind and Body, and is the Cause, that most of them die in the Flower of their Age, Lib. 4. Cap. 2. And speaking of the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Ep••rnon, who drew Henry III. to a Soft and Voluptuous Life, under a Pretence of taking care of his Health, he saith, That on the contrary, there have never been any Princes who have liv'd longer, than those who have employ'd their Minds most a∣bout the Affairs of Government, lib. 12. cap. 11. Witness Charles-Emanuel l. Duke of Savoy, and ••hristian IV. King of Denmark, both of them the most laborious Princes of Europe, and both threescore and ten years old. Happy was that King of Portugal, (Alphonso) who having spent some days successively in hunting, met with Counsellors at his return, who took the Liberty to tell him, that at the Hour of his Death, God would not require an account of him of the Beasts and Birds which he had not kill'd, but of the Men whose Prayers and Complaints he should have neglected to hear. Words that deserve to be Engraved on the Hearts of Princes.
• * 1.95.2

  In a Spanish Treatise, Entituled, Audiencia de Principes.
• 2 1.96

  Men are always of that opinion which is most agreeable to their Manners; and by this Maxim we may make a good Iudgment of their Manners by their Opinions,

  La••dibus arguitur vini vin••sus Homerus, saith Horace, Ep. lib. 1. Ep. 19.
• 3 1.97

  Princes are never pleas'd to hear Discourses of Reformation; for under the Colour of reforming Lux∣ury, and other Abuses, which creep into Civil Societies, the Censors often go up to the very Springs of Go∣vernment, the Secrets of which ought not to be laid open to Subjects. Be∣sides, the Reformation of Abuses is not proper to be made at all times. If Physicians need wait for a Proper time to purge a sick Person, •• Prince hath much greater reason to use this Precaution, seasonably to apply the Remedies which are necessary to the Body-Politick, which is always char∣ged with many humours, which it is dangerous to stir too much. A great Person said to some who spoke to him of the Disorders of his age; Let it run, it will die soon, for it is very sick. In the Aphorisms of Anthony Perez.
• 1 1.98

  It is the Quintessence of Know∣ledge, to pass sometimes for Igno∣rant; and the greatest Victory of Reason, to suffer ones self to be o∣vercome by the present Necessity. David himself put this Reason of State in practice. He was willing e∣nough to punish Ioab, for killing Abner; but it being dangerous to raise troubles in the beginning of his Reign, he defer'd the Punishment of this Crime, saying, I am this day weak though anointed King, 2 Sam. 3.
• 2 1.99

  It is of pernicious example for a Prince to permit his Palace to be a Sanctuary to those who contemn the Authority of the Magistrates. A famous Carver, who fled into Arra∣gon, for having resisted the Iustice of Madrid, could never obtain his Par∣don of Philip II. notwithstanding that he was the best Workman of his Profession, and that this King had great need of him to work on the Escurial.
• 3 1.100

  It is very becoming a Prince to be complaisant to his Mother, so long as it is not to the prejudice of the Laws and his Reputation. A certain Prince being importun'd by his Mother, to grant her an unjust thing, excus'd himself, saying, that she would sell him too dear the Nine Months that she had carry'd him. The Pagliari saith, after the Goselin, That that which ruined Ferrante Gonzaga, Governor of Milan, with C. V. was his suffering his Daugh∣ter and his Son-in-Law Fabricius Co∣lonna to intermeddle in recommend∣ing the Causes of private Persons to the Publick Magistrates. Observati∣on 40. Queen Margaret blamed her Brother Henry III. for suffering him∣self to be influenc'd by the Persuasions of his Minions Maugiron and Saint-Luke, to that degree, that he went himself to sollicite a Law-suit for Madame de Seneterre, against M. de la Chastre, because the Latter was in the Service of the Duke of Alenson his Brother, Lib. 2. of his Memoirs, The Majesty of Kings, saith Cardi∣nal de Richelieu, obliges them to re∣serve themselves for the Party of Reason, which is the only one that they ought to espouse on all occasi∣ons. They cannot do otherwise, without divesting themselves of the Quality of Iudges and Sovereigns, to take upon them that of Parties, which in some sort sinks them into the Con∣dition of Private Men. Those who are to defend themselves against the Power of a King, know too well that they cannot do it by force, and there∣fore have recourse to Intrigues, to Artifices, and secret Practices to secure themselves, which often raises great disturbances in Kingdoms. Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6.
• 4 1.101

  There is nothing more dange∣rous for a Great Man, than to come off with advantage from an Affair wherein the Prince's Authority seems to have been 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• 1 1.102

  It is the Duty of an Histo∣rian, as Tacitus saith in the Preface to his History, to relate not only the Events of things, but also the Cau∣ses and Motives which producèd them, nothing can make a History more in∣structive, than faithfully to report the Opinions of those who have had a share in the Consultations of the Great Affairs which it speaks of. For it is in these Opinions, that we dis∣cern the Ability, the Interests, the Passions, and all the Good or Evil qualities of those who have deliver'd them. Amongst the Modern Wri∣ters, those who have excell'd in this Kind, are the Famous Fryar Paul in the Histories of the Council of Trent, and of the Interdict of Venice; the C. Bentivoglio and Strada in the Histo∣ry of the Wars of the Low-Countrys; Lewis Cabr•••••• in his Philip II. The Author of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castile, attributed by the Italians to Ierom Conestaggi•• a Genouese Gentleman; and restor'd by Father Bel••azar Gracian, and by some other Spanish Writers, to Do•• Iohn de Silva, Count of Portelegre in Portugal.
• 2 1.103

  A Republican Opinion, as Pis••'s was, was not in season under an ab∣solute Prince. And although Opini∣ons ought to be free, they ought however to be suited to the Form of the present Government. And it i•• thus that Tacitus makes a Roman Senator speak, who remember'd the Times he was born in, and the Form of Government in the City and the State, under his Fathers; that h•• admir'd the Past, and conform'd him∣self to the Present, Hist. 4.
• 1 1.104

  Princes can't be too careful in examining the Opinions and Counsels of their Ministers; for it happens oftentimes, that they lose their Au∣thority by the Methods which appear to them proper to enlarge it, for want of reflecting sufficiently on the Motives which they who advise them may have, Ips•• qui suadet, conside∣randus est, said Mucian to Vespasian, Tacit. Hist. 2. Ferdinand the Catho∣lick, told his Son-in-Law, Philip ••. the Father of Charles V. That the Ministers and Counsellors of Princes, were like Spectacles, which although they are convenient for those who have not good Eyes, are of such a use that it is unfortunate to stand in need of them. The Treatise Entituled, The Audience of Princes.
• 2 1.105

  Men, saith Anthony Perez, in the Epistle Dedicatory of his Relations, present themselves before Kings as a Picture, and with the best Colours, that Arti••ice can lay on. Thus, it is almost impossible, but Princes must be often deceived in the Choice of their Ministers and their Coun∣s••llor••. Cardinal d•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 com∣ments thus, upon this Aphorism of Perez. Oftentimes, saith he, Men have no sooner chang'd their Condi∣tion, but they change their Humour•• or to speak more properly, they dis∣cover that, which they had dissem∣bled until that time, to compass their Ends, Section 1. Cap. 2. of the first Part of his Polit. Testam. If, saith he in another place, the Mask with which most Men cover their Faces; and if the Artifices which they com∣monly make use of to disguise them∣selves, and conceal their Faults, keep them from being known, until that being possess'd of great Places, they appear as much Unworthy, as they were esteem'd Virtuous when they were chosen, the mistake ought im∣mediately to be redress'd; and if in∣dulgence may bear with some ••••ight incapacity, it ought never to go so far in favour of particular Interests, as to suffer Vices which are prejudicial to the State, Cap. 7. of the second Part of the same Testament.
• 3 1.106

  All these Reasons conclude a∣gainst the Perpetuity of Govern∣ments, which is spoken of in the first Note on the 7th Chap. of the first Book of the Annals.
• 4 1.107

  Princes, saith Anthony Perez, get rid of a troublesome Affair, by answering upon some other subject, quite different from what is propos'd to them, when they see that there is a design to surprize them. This Policy was much practis'd by Cardinal Mazarine, who affected to answer as if he had been at Cross-purposes, when any thing was desir'd of him which he was not willing to grant; or when he was spoken to upon a Bu∣siness, on which he did not think it sit to explain himself. He told one of his Confidents, that nothing had been more useful 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him in Audien∣ces, than to ••eign some difficulty to express himself well in French.
• 1 1.108

  Ammirato in the 8th Discourse of the second Book of his Commen∣tary on Tacitus, ••aith, That it is the Glory of Princes to preserve the an∣cient Nobility, perche a quanto piu nobili persone commandano 〈◊〉〈◊〉 piu la lor gloria ne divien maggiore; That is, the more Noble Subjects they have, the more Honour and Esteem redounds thence to their Go∣vernment. And half a Page after, he adds,

  I am not ignorant that some may be ready to tell me, that I reason more like a plain Simple Man, than like a States∣man, because the meaner Birth and the meaner Fortunes the Sub∣jects are of, the more the Prin•••• lives in Peace and Safet••.

  —I answer, That my Intention is not to give lessons to Tyrants, but to shew what good Princes ought to be. [An answer which would give offence to many at this day, who make their greatness consist in the depressing of great Families.] As for Ammira∣to's reason for the Preservation of Illustrious Families, it puts me in mind of that, which a Duke of Ostrook gave me at Venice, to prove to me, that the King of Poland is the greatest of all Kings, est enim, these are his own Words, dominus dominantium, & tot Regum Rex, quot Pal••tinorum. To whom I an∣swer'd, That this reason proved, that his King was the least of all Kings, seeing that all the Palatines of Po∣land were Kings. And it was in this Sense that the last Duke of Bur∣gundy said unpleasantly, that for one King that there was in France, he wish'd there were six. Commines, Chap. 8. Book 3. of his Memoirs. Whence it follows, that the fewer great Men that there are in a State, the Greater is the Prince of it.
• 2 1.109

  Tacitus confirms here what he hath said in the Preface to the first Book of his Annals, that Flattery which insinuates it self into Courts, corrupts brave Minds; and he takes notice farther, that it is much more difficult to arrive at honours in a Monarchy than in a Republick. In∣deed Hortalus made he••e an odious Comparison, betwixt the ancient Republick in which Eloquence sto••∣ris••ed, and the Government of Ti∣berius, whereby he seemed to say, that Eloquence expired with Liber∣ty. By these words varietate tem∣porum, he offended Tiberius, who desir'd to pass for a Popular and a Republican Person, especially in th•• Senate, where he made as great a shew of modesty as he was able.
• 3 1.110

  A single Life is the most com∣modious Seat, and the most honour∣able cover of Poverty. Gaston Duke of Orleance had reason to ••ay of the Marriage of two Persons of Quality who had very little Estate, that Hun∣ger and Thirst had marry'd one another.
• 4 1.111

  It is seldom seen, that a Prince shews favour to his Predecessor's fa∣vourites, for he looks upon them as the Creatures of another. And be∣sides, he can no more suffer others to share with him in Acknowledg∣ments than in Authority. And it is for the same Reason that most Prin∣ces make little account of the Re∣commendations which their Fathers make to them at their Death, in fa∣vour of their Ministers or other Ser∣vants, whom they have loved.
• 1 1.112

  He that would obtain Favours from a Prince, ought to beware of asking him before those whose pre∣sence may seem to impose a Necessi∣ty on him to grant them. It was the Error which Hortalus committed, who trusted more to the Protection of the Senate, than to the Compas∣sion of Tiberius.
• 2 1.113

  The Prince who knows not how to deny, knows not how to reign. If he gives to all who ask of him, he must give a thousand People, who deserve to have nothing given them. If I gave to all who ask of me, said Philip II. I should soon ask my self. Cabrer•• Cap. 26. Lib. 1••. of his Life. By being too liberal, Men are reduc'd to an incapacity of being so at all. Therefore a Prince, who would be respected and well serv'd, ought never to suffer the Sources of his Bounty to be drein'd; for Men are more forward to do service for the Good they expect, than for that which they have receiv'd.
• 3 1.114

  The People like a Frugal Prince better than a Liberal one, for they always believe that he is Liberal a•• their Expence, and that he would be more sparing if he did not reckon on recruiting himself out of their Purses••
• 4 1.115

  A Prince who gives to deliver himself from the Importunity of those who ask, draws upon himself that of a thousand People who never durst have ask'd any thing of them, had they not known his Weakness. Be∣sides, they are not oblig'd by what he gives, being persuaded that he would not give it, if ••e had resolu∣tion enough to re••use it. Commines speaking of Henry IV. of Castile, saith,

  That this King was very weak of pusillanimous, for he gave away his whole Estate, or suffer'd it to be taken from him, by any one that would or could take it. I have seen him abandon'd by his Servants, and the Poorest King I ever saw, Memoirs, Lib. 2. Cap. 8.

  Indeed there is not a more Noble Er∣ror in a Prince than Bounty, but withall there is not a more Dange∣rous one, if it be not regulated by reason. The Spanish Commenta∣ries on Commines speaking of that instruction which Lewis XI. gave his Son, Qui nescit simulare, nescit reg∣n••re, adds, that Charles VIII. stood in great need to have been taught a∣nother Rule which his Successor Lewis XI. made his Principal Maxim of State, Nescit regnare, qui nescit negare, i. e. He that understands not how to Deny, understands not how to Govern. There is no doubt, but that if this King, and Don Henry IV. of Castile, had govern'd themselves, they would have been better go∣vern'd, than they were by their Fa∣vourites, Cap. 34.
• 5 1.116

  The Liberality of Princes i•• oftner an Effect of their Vanity and of their Ambition, than of their Goodness and of their Iustice. This Counter••eit Liberality is the Fault of all Kings who love Flatterers; and our Historians have very well ob∣serv'd it in our Kings Henry II. and Henry III. who abandon'd the Go∣vernment to their Minions.
• 6 1.117

  An able Prince ought to keep his Favours for those who do, or are capable of doing service to his State. Machiavel saith, that he ought by Privileges and Rewards to encourage People who excell in any art, and especially those who are well skill'd in Commerce, to invent whatsoever may enrich his subjects, Cap, 21. of his Prince. It hath been a saying, That Princes, ought not to keep Fowls, which lay no Eggs. An Apothegm against Useless and Vo∣luptuous Persons.
• 7 1.118

  As it is dangerous to blame Princes, and shameful to flatter them, when they do ill, honest Men keep a Mean betwixt Complaisance and Liberty, which is Silence.
• 8 1.119

  When Courtiers keep Silence, it is easie for the Prince to perceive, that they approve not that which they durst not condemn. Witness the Young Italian, who going into the Chamber of Cardinal Salviati, when he was in dispute with a Per∣son who was playing at Chess with him, at first ••ight gave it against him, without hearing the Reasons on either side. And the Cardinal ask∣ing him, why he judg'd so, before he knew the Fact: Because, said he, if you were in the Right, all these Gentlemen (pointing to the Company) •• culd have immediately given it for you; whereas no body ••urst speak his Opinion, ••••••ause you are in the Wrong.
• 9 1.120

  When •• Prince gives •• little, and those to whom he gives are Persons of Merit or of Noble Birth; it is a sign that he gives unwillingly, and consequently that no more is to be expected from him. There are Princes who have not resolution e∣nough to give a Denial: but who in revenge give such small Gifts, that notwithstanding they give to all that beg of them, pass for as Covetous and fordid Persons, as if they gave nothing. Such was Cardinal Henry King of Portugal. The History of the Union of Portugal and Castil••e, Lib. ••.
• 1 1.121

  A whole Council hath work e∣nough to settle a State that is trou∣bled with Civil Dissentions, but there needs but one dangerous Man to di∣sturb a State that is in Peace; espe∣cially if he be one who hath nothing to lose. Anthony Perez saith, That the Fear which the Lion hath of the Crowing of a Cock, and the Ele∣phant to see a Mouse, is an Example which reacheth Princes, that the least Instruments are capable to put their Kingdoms in flames. In his Aphorism••.
• u 1.122

  In the last Age one Cornelius Hock, who liv'd at Rotterdam and marry'd there, had the Boldness to affirm that he was the Son of Charles V. and the People began to respect him as such, and to hearken to the Proposals which ••e made for the new Modelling the Common-Wealth, when the Council of Holland caused him to be beheaded and quarter'd at the Hague. 1583. Her∣••era's Hist. l. 12. c. 14.
• x 1.123

  In Toscany near Porto-Hercole.
• y 1.124

  In the Year 1585. Portugal saw two Counterfeit Sebastiants one of them a Native of the Town of Alcasova, and the Son of a Tile-maker; the other named Matthew Alvarez, a Native of the Isle of Tercera, and the Son of a Stone-cutter; both Hermites, and drawn out of their Hermitage, to be imaginary Kings of Portugal. When a Report was spread through the whole Kingdom, that Don Sebastian had escap'd with his Life from the Bat∣tel of Alcasar; and that to do Penance for having been the Cause of the Death of so many Men, which fell in that Battel, he had retir'd into a De∣sart for seven years, the Term which the Portuguese by a Ridiculous Su∣perstition, believe to be necessary for the Expiation of the Sins of a King, who hath lost a Battel. The Country People, who saw the Austere Life which these Hermits led, suspected, that this might be King Sebastian. Th•• first was taken with the Imaginary Bishop of La Garde, who received the Alms that were given him, and had set down the Names of all those who gave; to the end, said he, that Sebastian might recompence them, when he should return to Lisbon. This Bishop was hang'd, and the King his Disciple sent to the Galleys, that the Incredulous and the Over-credulous might have the Opportunity to see him; and to undeceive themselves by seeing him, for he was not at all like King Sebastian, Herrera, Cap. 18. Lib. 1••. of the second Part of his History. As for Matthew Alvarez, in the beginning he was sincere; telling all those who took him for Don Sebasti∣an, because he had the Air of his Face, and brown hair as he had, that he was the Son of a Poor Stone-cutter; but when he saw that his words were interpreted to proceed from Humility, and from a Desire not to be known, and that the more he deny'd himself to be Don Sebastian, the more obsti∣nate they were in believing it; he cunningly confirm'd in their Error, those who would not be cur'd. He rose at Midnight to give himself discipline, and beg'd leave of God to discover himself to his Subjects, and to return to the ••hrone of his Ancestors. An Artifice, which succeeded as he desir'd with those who were within hearing. For they being persuaded after this, that he was the True Sebastian, stuck not to publish it every where. In fine, all the People ••••ocking about him, to kiss his hand, he acknowledg'd that he was Don Sebastian, and eat in publick with all the Royal Ceremo∣nies in the little City of Rezeira, or Elzera. And some days after he had the Confidence to write a Letter to the Arch-Duke Cardinal Albert, Vice∣roy of Portugal, in which he commanded him in rough terms immediately to quit his Palaces, because he was coming to take possession of his Throne. The Arch-Duke sent Di••go de Fonseca with some Forces to the Place. Alvarez had about a thousand Men, which after some resistance were defeated, and as he fled the third Day through Rocks, he was taken and carried with his two Companions to Lisbon, where his hand being first cut off, he was Hang'd and Quarter'd. Herrera, c. 18. and 19. of the same Book. It is not amiss to observe here by the way, that the Incredulity of the Portugues•• about the Death of King Sebastian, was groun∣ded upon that of King Cardinal Henry, who would never dwell in the Pa∣lace Royal at Lisbon, out of respect to Sebastian, whom he believed to be yet alive. For before his Coronation he dwelt in the House of the Duke of Bragansa, and after it he took for his Palace, the House of Martin Alphonso de Sousa near the Cordeliers. Cap. 4. and 6. of a Relati••••, Entituled, La Entrada de Don Filippe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reine de Portugal.
• 2 1.125

  They who hate the Present Government, have not a fairer occa∣sion to Embroil the State, than that of a Counterfeit Prince, who sets up against the True one. When Don Ant••onio Prior of Crato, was not able to succeed his Uncle King Car∣dinal Henry, he always countenanc'd the Belief, which the People had, that King Sebastian was alive, to raise a general Insurrection against Philip I••.
• 1 1.126

  People easily belive that to be true, which they desire should be so; for Desire, when it is not guided by Rea∣son, finds probability in the most im∣possible things.
• 2 1.127

  On such Occasions, where the People side with the Male-contents, it is prudent and safe to Fear. It is an honour, saith Commines, to ••ear what one ought, and to provide well against it. Those who win have al∣ways the Honour, cap. 5. lib. 3. & 9. of lib. 5. If Diego d•• Fonseca had punish'd the Portuguese Gentleman, (Herrera calls him Don Diego de Melo) who entred Arzille by the Name of King Sebastian, and who had been that day at the Battel of Al••a∣sar, they would possibly never have thought ••it to have reviv'd him a∣gain, to impose upon the World, Cabrera, cap. 9. lib. 12, and Herrera, cap. 14. lib. 8. of their Histories.
• 3 1.128

  Great Con••••agrations arise from little Sparks: whosoever extinguishes one of them, knows not what a Fire he hath prevented; but to know that, if he leaves one of them un∣extinguish'd, he will find himself it may be in such extremity, as he is not capable to remedy. C. 8. Part 2. of the Politick Testament.
• 4 1.129

  There are Occasions wherein it is dangerous to proceed according to the ordinary Forms of Iustice. A publick Punishment had been more Honour than Shame to this Counter∣••••it Agrippa, whom the People did not look upon as an Impostor, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Man who design'd to revenge his Master's Death. And besides, possi∣bly the People might not have been idle Spectators of his Execution. If Iohn II. King of Portugal had re∣••er••'d the Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the ordi∣nary Course of Iustice, he would it may be have given success to this Duke's Conspiracy, who had almost all the Great Men his Accomplices; or at least he would have run the 〈…〉〈…〉 General Insurrection.
• 5 1.130

  A Prince who causes Criminals ••o be e••ecut••d in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, exposes himself to the Suspicion and Reproach of having put them to Death un∣justly. Wherefore, all Executions ought to be Publick, either for Ex∣ample, or for the Honour of the Prince; unless it be some matter, which the People ought not to know, or some Person on whose behalf they may desire to make an Insurrection. Don Iuan de Vega, answer'd a Lady of Palermo, who offer'd a hundred thousand Ducats, that her Husband might not be Executed at the publick Place, La justicia no tiene lugar, si no se haze en su lugar; that is, Iu∣stice takes not place, if it be not done in its Place. Gracian Discourse, 30 of his Agudeza. When there is a great Number of People involv'd in a Conspiracy, or any attempt a∣gainst a Prince or State; and conse∣quently, that it requires a long Inquiry to discover them all, it is more expedient for him to dissemble, that he may not irritate Wasps. All Pu∣nishment, which is extended far, how just foever it be, passes not for an Act or Iustice, nor for Example; but for a Butchery, and makes the Prince hated as Sanguinary.
• z 1.131

  A Courier who was carrying Letters from several Protestant Princes and Lords of Germ••ny, to the Land••grave of H••sse, being taken by some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Charles V. they found among his Dispatches, a Memorandum of Succours which they offer'd him, in order to continue the War against the Emperor; but this Prince, without reading any more than the Title, threw it into the Fire, judging, as Iulius Caesar, who would not read the Letters sent to Pompey from the Nobility of Rome, that the most agreeable way to Pardon was voluntarily to be ignorant of the Offence. Epit••••e of his Life, by Don Iuan Ant. de Vera.
• a 1.132

  Tacitus saith, Aedes Fortis Fortun••. There was at Rome a Fortune, named F••rs Fortunae, as if one should say, Casual Fortune, or Fortune which decides the Lot of War. With which may agree Prosperous For 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which Rodolph the Master gave her. This Goddess had a Temple first at Rome, under the Reign of Servius T••lli••••, and receiv'd then Gifts of those, who liv'd on their Rents, without being of any Trade.
• 1 1.133

  A Great Man who hath the Favour of the People, and cultivates it by popular actions, as Germanicus did, and his Father had done, is al∣ways hated by his Prince; either be∣cause such a Subject seems not to stand in need of his Favour; or be∣cause a Man who hath the People at his Devotion, exposes himself to a thousand Suspicions, which his Ri∣vals have opportunity to raise and foment in the Prince's Mind. Inso∣much, that this Great Man must fall soon or late, if he continues at Court, or amongst the People whose Idol he is. Every body knows what the Battel of Barieades, May 12. 1588. cost the Duke of Guise, when the Parisians declar'd so openly for him, that Henry III. was forc'd to leave the City. To conclude, as the Hatred of the People, is the reward of the Prince's Favourites, the Ha∣tred of the Prince is reciprocally the reward of the Peoples Favourites.
• b 1.134

  About thiry five Shillings in our Money.
• c 1.135

  It is to be observ'd, That all the Collegues of Tiberius's Consulships came to Unfortunate Ends: Quintilius Varus by Despair; Germanicus and Drusus by Poyson; Piso, Governor of Syria, and Sejanus, by the Sentence of the Senate.
• 1 1.136

  When the Prince is hated, his sincerest actions are mis-interpreted; but above all, the Caresses and Ho∣nours which he doth to a Great Man, whom the People knows or imagines that he doth not love.
• d 1.137

  Dio saith, that when Archelaus was accused by his Subjects before Au∣gustus, Tiberius pleaded his Cause in the Senate. So that Tiberius might 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him for his Ingratitude, Lib. 14.
• 2 1.138

  Commines saith, that most Peo∣ple have naturally an Eye to aggran∣dize or to save themselves, and this is the Reason, that they easily range themselves on the strongest side, Me∣mo••rs l. 1. c. 9.
• 3 1.139

  The Counsel which Augustus's Ministers gave Archelaus, was ac∣cording to all the Rules of Policy, and so much the more because that Caius Caesar had also two Brothers, and that they were all three younger than Tiberius. Notwithstanding, this Counsel was the principle Cause of this King's ruine. An instance that Humane Prudence serves for the sport of Fortune; which, to speak with Polibius, often takes delight to give the greatest Actions of Men, an is∣sue directly contrary to what they design'd, Hist. 2. All that Archelaus could have done, was to have carry'd himself after such a manner towards these two Princes, as to have honour'd Calus as the Principal, and Tiberius as Subordi∣nate, which would not have given ••ealousie to Caius, nor have affronted Tiberius, who had not himself retir'd to Rhodes, but that he might not by his presence obscure the Glory of the Grandsons of Augustus, who were enter'd on Employments. In fine, Evils that are very remote and not certain, ought not to hinder a Pru∣dent Man, from making his advan∣tage of the present Conveniencies; for if one must take into considera∣tion all accidents that may happen one, what can one ever resolve with safety? When Ferdinand the Catho∣lick came to take possession of his Kingdom of Spain, he said to Do•• Antonio de la Cueva, who notwith∣standing he had receiv'd many fa∣vours from him, preferr'd Philip I. King of Castile before him: Wh•• could have thought, Don Antonio, that you would have abandon'd me on this Occasion? But, Sir, reply'd La C••eva, who could have thought, that a very old King had longer to live than a Young one; and that Philip fresh and blooming like a Rose was t•• wither and die in three days? ••Such is the Method of all Courtiers, they adore the Rising, and turn their backs on the Declining Prince, Epi∣tome of the Life of Charles V. and Lib. 3. of the Life of the Great Cap∣tain.
• 4 1.140

  Princes who have been neg∣lected, despised, or persecuted by the Favourites or Ministers of their Pre∣decessors, rarely forgive them when they come to reign. As soon as the Cardinal Henry of Portugal came to the Throne, he abandon'd all the Ministers of King Sebastian, and all the Principal Officers of the Crown, who (little thinking that he, who was so old, would survive Sebastian. who was Young, and who had no great Esteen or Affection for him) had not paid him that respect which was due to his Rank. Hist. of th•• Union of Protugal with Castile, Lib. 3.
• 5 1.141

  Things that are tolerable ap∣pear insupportable to Kings, and those which are really rough and hard to bear, are almost always mor∣tal to them. Commines comparing the Evils which Lewis XI. had made many persons suffer, with those which he suffer'd himself before his Death, saith, that his were neither so great nor of so long continuance; but be∣sides that he was in a higher Station in the World than those he had treated ill; the little that he suffer'd against his Nature, and against what he was accustom'd to, was harder for him to bear. And four Pages after, speak∣ing of his Physician who handled him in the rudest manner: This was, saith he, a great Purgatory to him in this World, considering the Ob••∣dience which he had had from so many good and great Men. His Me∣moirs, lib. 6. cap. 12.
• e 1.142

  Establish'd by Augustus, about the Year 760. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is ••poken of at the ••nd of the first Book of the Annals.
• 1 1.143

  When a Great Man i•• so be∣lov'd of the People, that the Prince is Iealous of him, but dares not shew his resentment of it, the most com∣mon expedient is to give him some remote Government, or some splen∣did Embassy, to with-draw him from the Eyes and the Applause of the People; under a pretence that none but he is capable of that Em∣ployment. For if the Prince hath •• Design to destory him, he easily finds ways for it by the advantage of his distance, which prevents the People from knowing the Orders that he sends.
• 2 1.144

  There are some Employments, for which a good Understanding with a long Experience is sufficient; but there are others, for which vi∣gour of body is also necessary. Phi∣libert-Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, said, that a General of an Army ought to be of a middle Age, betwixt Man∣hood and Old Age, that he might be capable of being sometimes Marcel∣lus and sometimes Fabius; That is to say, to know how to wait for Op∣portunities as the Latter, and to fight as the Former. Charles V. said of a Count of Feria, that by his Prudence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 command••d as a Captain, and that his Vigour made him sight as a Common Soldier, Epitome of his Life.
• 3 1.145

  There is nothing more dange∣rous than to give two Neighbouring Governments to two Men, betwixt whom there is a Close tye of Kin∣dred, Friendship, or Interests; for it is to give them an opportunity to act by concert, and to rebel against the Prince. Lewis XI. having a∣greed by the Treaty of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to give for Appanage to his Brother Charles, Champagne, Brie, and some neighbouring Places, was careful enough not to accomplish this Tre••ty, which left him to the Discretion of Charles and of the Duke of B••rgundy.

  For the situation of Champague and Brie was convenient for them both; and Charles might upon a Days notice have succours from 〈◊〉〈◊〉. the two Countreys joyning together. So that Lewis chose rather to give him Guien••e, with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 although this Partition was of much greater value, than that of Brie and Champagne; being resolv'd that his Brother and the Duke should not be so near Neighbours.

  Commin••s, lib. 2. cap. ult. of his Me∣moirs.
• 4 1.146

  It is not always a sign of Mo∣desty not to sue for Offices and Ho∣nours; on the contrary, it is often a sign of Pride and Presumption: for there are people who have so great an Opinion of themselves, that they hold it for a Dishonor to have Com∣petitors; and there are others who believe themselves to be so necessary to the State, that the Prince will be constrain'd to offer them what they would not ask. As Albert Walstein obstinately refus'd the Generalship of the Emperor's Armies, that he might be forc'd to accept that which the Extremity of the Affairs oblig'd the Emperor to offer him.
• f 1.147

  She was the Daughter of Munatius Plancus, a Consular Person, who is mention'd in the 33 Chapter of the First Book of these Annals.
• 5 1.148

  A Governor of a Province, who ••nows that another Governor his Neighbour is hated or suspected by the Prince, never fails to make his Court, at the Expence of his Col∣legue, either by heightning the Sus∣picions of the Prince, or by raising Complaints, which may hasten the ruine of him, whom they design to sacrifice. But besides, of what use to Germanicus was that absolute Power, which the Senate decreed him, since he had an imperious Su∣pervisor, that was inflexible and charged with orders altogether con∣trary to his Commission. Germani∣cus, had the Name and Show of Go∣vernor, and Piso the Power. Don Diego de Mendoca speaking of the sending of Don Iohn of Austria into Granada, saith, that his Commission was so large that it extended to every thing; but that his Liberty was so strictly restrain'd, that he could dispose of nothing Great or Small, without the Consent of those of his Council; nor even without an Order from Philip II. The War of Gre∣nada, Lib. 2. Cap. 26. Thus most Princes use Great Men, who for the most part, saith Commines, go only to prepare the Feast, and com∣monly at their own Expence.
• 6 1.149

  A Proud and Imperious Wo∣man, as Plancina was, never obeys more willingly, than when the Prince commands her to mortifie her Rival. All Ladies, to whom Princes have given the like Commissions, have always well acquitted themselves therein.
• 7 1.150

  There is almost always a cer∣tain Antipathy betwixt the Prince and his Subjects, whence the Sub∣jects love the Persons whom the Prince hates, and he reciprocally loves those who are hated by his Subjects. I•• the Quarrel which hap∣pen'd betwixt Lewis of Bourbon, Count of Soissons; and Charles of Vaudemont, afterwards Duke of L••∣rain, who gave him a Box o'the Ear in the Presence of Lewis XIII, every one having declar'd: in favour of the Count, the King declar••d for Vaudement. Memoirs of the Reign of Charles IV. Duke of Lorrain, by the Marquis of Beauvau.
• g 1.151

  Vipsania the Mother of Drusus, was the Daughter of Agrippa, and Grand-Daughter of Pomponius Atticus••
• 8 1.152

  If the Children of Sovereign Princes knew what prejudice they do themselves by their Misunder∣standings and their Quarrels, they would beware of Engaging therein•• M. de Guise, saith Queen Margaret was not sorry for the Divisions which he saw break out in our Family; hoping that he should gather up the Pieces of the broken Vessel, Lib. 1. of his Memoirs. Anthony Perez saith in one of his Letters, that Prince Ruy Go••ez said, That he knew by his own Experience, how much it concerns Courtiers to stop their Ears against Reports and Calumnies; if they will keep their Friends, and a∣void making themselves Enemies. The Count de Brion, saith M. de M••ntresor, suffer'd himself to be pre∣possed, although we were very near Relations, and had always liv'd friendly together. When I was ad∣vertis'd of it. I took him aside, and acquainted him, that I was very well inform'd of what had been told him of me: That if Monsieur com∣mitted his Secrets to him. I should be extremely glad of it; but that I thought, he ought not to take it ill, that his Royal Higness, did me the s••me honour; that in fine, it would be shameful for him to suffer himself to be surpriz'd by the Artifices of Persons who had always deceiv'd their Master, and to break with his Kinsman and his Friend, who had never given him any occasion of com∣plaint. He own'd to me that the thing was true, and we afterwards liv'd in an entire Friendship.
• 1 1.153

  It is Machi••vel's advice, That a Prince apply his Mind wholly to the Art of War, as being the only one that is of importance for him to un∣derstand, Ch. 4. of his Prince. For States are not preserv'd by Cowar∣dice, but by Arms. Non enim igna∣via magna Imperia contineri, Ann. 15. Phil••bert-Emanuel Duke of Sav••y, Nephew to Charles V. wrote on a time to Philip II. who was not of a Warlike temper, that indeed War was not one of those things that was to be desir'd; but that it nearly concern'd great Princes to understand the Management of it; and that therefore he ought to be pleas'd to find in the beginning of his Reign an occasion to make War; that he might gain betimes the Reputation of a Powerful and a Formidable Prince; and might learn, although at great Expences, what is an Army, Squadron, Battel, Siege, Artillery, Ammunition, Baggage, Spies, Guides, and a thousand Nec••••sities, which must be provided for. Cabrera cap. 1. lib. 4. of his History.
• 2 1.154

  There is no greater Spur than that of Military glory; Especially to Princes, who are naturally inclin'd to be dazled with the splendid Titl•• of Conquerors. Commines saith, that after the Battel of Montl••ery, the Count of Charolois, who before that day had never been useful in War, nor ever lov'd any thing that belong'd to it, entirely chang'd his Humour, and became so Warlike, that he pur∣su'd it as long as he liv'd, desiring a∣bove all things to tread in the Steps of those ancient Princes, who are so famous for it, Cap. 4. Lib. ••. and Cap. 9, Lib. 5. of his Memoirs.
• h 1.155

  When in a Civil War amongst the Athenians, many were for Banishing or Extirpating all the Contrary Faction. We ought not to do it, said another, for we shall have nothing to exercise our selves upon.
• 3 1.156

  The Defence of Liberty is the most specious Pretext which Boute∣feus and Male-Contents have always had to kindle a War in their Coun∣treys. The People have been gull'd with it a hundred thousand Times, and they will be gull'd with it a hundred thousand times more, before they will be disabus'd: For they give more credit to Words than A∣ctions, and they judge not of Good and Evil, but by those false Idaeas thereof which they give them, who take to them of Liberty, for no o∣ther end, but to make them more pliable to be led into Slavery. Quia apud (eum) verba plurimum valent, bonaque ac mala non sua natura, sed ••o••ibus seditiosorum aestimantur, li∣bertas & speciosa nomina praetexun∣tur. Tac. Hist. 4.
• 1 1.157

  The People never love their Prince so much, how Good and Va∣liant soever he be, but they love Li∣berty more; Nullam tantam potesta∣tem cuiquam dari posse, ut non sit gratior potestate libertas. Plin. in Pa∣neg.
• 2 1.158

  There is no tye so strong which Iealousie doth not break. The Duke of Mayne would never hearken to the Proposal, which was made to him, for chusing the Young Duke of Guise his Nephew, King of France. As he desir'd to be so himself, saith Colonna, he was, it may be more a∣fraid of the Crown, on the Head of his Nephew, than to see it on the Head of a Prince of Be••rn; so true is it, that Envy is stronger and more obstinate than Hatred. After, said he, that I have sustain'd the whole Weight of the League, is it ••ust, that another should gather the Fruits of my Labours? Must I be reduc'd to beg the Government of a Pro∣vince? I who have govern'd and de∣fended the whole Kingdom at the price of my Blood: Is it because my Nephew is•• Young and un-married, that they would give him the Crown of France, and the Infanta of Spain? My Eldest Son is 17 years old, and for his Person, not unworthy so high a Dignity. Let them make him King, if they will not have me; for in this Case I will content my self with the Honour of being his Governor, and of commanding the Armies of the most Serene Infanta, Lib. 6. of his History of the Wars of Flanders. He saith, that these were the very Ex∣pressions which the Duke of Maine us'd in his private Conferences with the Count Charles of Mansfield, and the Duke of Feria. It was thus that the Uncle and the Nephew weakned, and by degrees ruin'd the Union and good Understanding that was neces∣sary for them to maintain their Par∣ty. Memoirs de Chiverny.
• i 1.159

  During the War of Paris, there was the like Iealousie betwixt the Duke of B••auf••rt and Nemours; who, although Brothers-in-Law, could never a∣gree with one another. Diego de Mendoza ••••ith, that Gonsalo Fernand•••• de ••ordoua, stiled by way of Excellence the Great Captain, would never serve under his Brother Don Alphonso d' Aguil••r, one of the most renowned Captains of Spain. Guerra de Grenada, Cap. 2, Lib. 1.
• 3 1.160

  A Warlike People ought never to make frequent or long Wars with the same Neighbours, for fear of training them up to War. This was heretofore the Maxim of the Lacede∣monians, and is at this Day of the Turks. Philip II. King of Spain had time to repent that he had not follow'd the Counsel of Don Gomez Figure••, Duke of F••ria, who would not have had him carry the War into the Low-Countrys, saying, that he oug••t to reduce these Provinces by gentle methods for fear of teaching them to handle Arms and make War on their Prince, Strada, Lib. 6. of the first Decad. From the very beginning of the Troubles of the Low-Countreys, Cardinal Granvelle had advis'd Philip to extinguish this War as soon as he could, either by a Battel, or by a Treaty of Peace, for fear this People should come to know their Strength; ••ore-telling, that if once they knew it, he would never be able to keep them in Obedience. Pio M••tio consideration, 259. Lib. 1. of his Commen∣tary on Tacitus.
• 4 1.161

  It is a Reproach often cast upon Great Captains, That they know not how to fight; but it never lessens their Reputation, when they are known to be Persons, who will ha∣zard nothing unseasonably. This Reproach was sometimes cast on the Famous Duke of Alva, either by the Duke of Guise, or by the Prince of Orang••; and by several others, but they could never make him change the Method; and his Constancy in despising the Censures and the Rail∣leries of his Enemies, was the Prin∣cipal Cause of his Good Fortune and his Glory. For he that hath the Pro∣fit of the War, saith Commines, hath all the Honour of it; and he ought never to run the Hazard of a Battel, who can avoid it, Cap. 2. Lib. 2. and c. 4. l. 4. of his Memoirs. Where••ore the Answer very well became the D. of Alva, which he made to the Duke of Guise, That he would not play a Kingdom against a Coat of Cloth of Gold, l. 9, of the History of the Uni∣on of Portugal with Castille. And Alex∣ander Duke of P••rm••, answer'd a Trumpeter, who offer'd him Battel from Henry IV. That it was not his Custom to fight when it pleas'd his Enemies, only when he thought it fit. D. Carlos Co••oma, Lib. 3. of ••is Wars of the Low-Countries. Count Peter Er∣nest of Mans••ield saying to a Trum∣peter, That he wonder'd, that his Master, who was Young and full of Vigour, kept himself always close, and cover'd within his Intrenchments; the Trumpeter answer'd him ingeni∣ously, That Maurice did so, that he might one Day become as Experienc'd a Captain as his Excellency of Mans∣field. Memoirs of Aubery du Maurier.
• 5 1.162

  It doth not become Princes and Generals of Armies to utter reproaches against one another. Those who have force in their hands, ought never to use this kind of Revenge, which is sit only for Women, and which also more dishonours him that attacks, than him that is attack'd. Besides, words which wound a Man's Ho∣nour are never forgiven. A Lie gi∣ven the S••ig••eur a Himbercourt, Am∣••as••ado•• ••rom the Duke of Burgundy, c••st the Constable of St. Pol after∣w••rds his Life. For this Reason, saith Commines, Princes, and those wh•• are in great Places: ought to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to whom they offer such 〈◊〉〈◊〉; for the Greater they a••e, the more sensible are the Affronts which they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inasmuch as those who are affronted, think, (and with rea∣son) that the Authority of the Per∣son who affronts them, casts a grea∣ter Blemish on their Honour. Cap. 11. Lib. 3. of his Memoirs.
• 1 1.163

  In Guiccardin's Opinion, there is more Courage and Fury in those who recover their Liberty, than in those who defend it. Lib. 18 of his History of Italy. And I think it is because they who recover their Li∣berty have ••elt Oppression, and have therefore a greater Resentment, than those who having not yet lost their Liberty, have not tried the Severities of Tyranny and of Slavery. Thus, the Lombards had a double Motive to animate them to fight; that of the Common Defence, and that of their Private Revenge; for accord∣ing to Paterculus, Marobodu•••• was not contented with a Regal Power, regulated by the Laws and Customs of the Country; but would have one that was entirely Absolute and Despotick. Hist. 2. Cap. 108.
• 2 1.164

  The loss of a Battel, saith Com∣mines, hath always a long and sad Train, for him that loses it; for it often happens that the Vanquish'd People entertain a contemptible O∣pinion of their Master; fall into Mutinies and Contrivances against him; make insolent Demands, and desert him, if they don't obtain them. Cap. 2. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs. And speaking of the Battel of Granson lost by the Duke of Burgundy. What damage, saith he, receiv'd he that day for acting on his own Head, and despising counsel? What damage receiv'd his Family thereby; and in what a Condition is it to this Day? How many People became his Enemies and declar'd themselves, who the Day before temporis'd with him, and pretended to be his Friends. Ge∣lasius Duke of Milan, who three Weeks before had sent him a solemn Embassy, to make an Alliance with him against Lewis XI. renounc'd this Alliance to make one with Lewis. Renatus, King of Sicily, who design'd to make the Duke of Burg••ndy his Heir, and who was going to put him in possession of the County of Pro∣vence, dispos'd of it in favour of his Nephew, Lewis XI. His Sister, the Dutchess of Savoy, who was entire∣ly in the Interests of the Duke, and whom Lewis therefore call'd Madame de Bourgogne, reconcil'd her self to him, and utterly abandon'd the Duke. Nuremberg, Francfort, and several Imperial Cities more, declar'd a∣gainst him; and they thought that to do him all the Mischief they could, was to procure their Pardons: So much did the World change after this Battel.
• 3 1.165

  How Haughty and Courageous soever Princes are, a reverse of For∣tune humbles them as well as other Men. When they are concern'd for their own Preservation or Defence, their Point of Honour always gives place to their Interest. Paterculus saith, that Maroboduus had exalted his power to such a Degree, that he was grown formidable to the Romans, and that without openly attacking them, he gave them sufficiently to un∣derstand, that he wanted neither Strength nor Courage to defend him∣self, if they should attack him; that the Ambassadors which he sent to them, spake to them sometimes as from an Equal to an Equal; and that in short, his Dominions were a Retreat to as many as revolted from their Obedience to the Romans. Af∣ter all this, he stuck not to address himself to Tiberius, to support his Fortune, shock'd by an Unfortunate Battel, who before this Battel, boast••d that he was the Arbitrator of Peace and War. After the Battel of Gran∣son, the Duke of Burgundy sent the Lord of Contay to Lewis XI. with a Submissive and Obliging Message, which was not his custom, so much was his Temper or his Courage chang'd in an hours time. Commines, cap. 2. lib. 5. of his Memoirs. We ought therefore to conclude with him; that if Great Men, were always wise they would be so modest in their words, in time of Prosperity, that they need not be con∣strain'd to change their Language in the time of Adversity, Ch. 21. of the same Book. And this is what Charles V. intimated to Iohn Frederick Ele∣ctor of Saxony his Prisoner of War, hearing him call'd him, Most Power∣ful and most Gracious Emperor, he an∣swer'd, You were wont to call me o∣therwise; reproaching him thereby with the Nick-name of Charles of Ghant, which the Protestant Princes of Germany, of whom the Elector was the Head, gave him heretofore in their Manifesto's. Don Iuan An∣tonio de Vera, in the Epitomy of his Life.
• k 1.166

  Henry III. King of France returned much the same Answer to Deputies from Flanders in 1579. How dare you, saith he, to demand succours of me against your Prince, when ye would give me none against my Sub∣jects? Cavriana.
• l 1.167

  Tiberius had quite another design, as will be seen in the 63 Para∣graph.
• m 1.168

  250000 Crowns▪
• 1 1.169

  Inundations, Fires, Earthquakes, Famine, and other Publick Calami∣ties, are so many Occasions, for a Prince to signalize his Magnificence, and to perpe••uate his Name. Pri∣vate Men may do good to Private Men; but there is none but a Prince, who can do it to a whole People. A Prince ought not to desire these Occasions, but he ought to take the Advantage of them when they offer. Debet esse major & propensior in ca∣lamito••os liberalitas, saith Cicero, 2. of his Offices.
• 2 1.170

  It is not easie to determine, whether is more fit to be sent as a Commissioner into a Province, an Inferior, or an Equal to him that is Governor of it. For, according to Tacitus himself, Iealousie is stronger in an Inferior than in an Equal, quia minoribus major aemuland•• cura, Hist, 4. I know not, saith Pio Mutio, whe∣ther Tiberius did prudently to send into Asia a Minister that was of an Inferi••r Rank, to the Consular Per∣son who govern'd it; for this Ine∣quality drew after it, not only that Emulation, which he would have prevented, but also Envy which is the fruitful Source of Dis••entions and Quarrels. And some lines after: If the Emulation be good, it makes each of the Rivals more Diligent and Punctual, whereby the Prince is the better serv'd. Witnes•• what Titus Livy makes Papirius Cursor the Di∣ctator say; A laevone cornu victoria incipiet, & dextrum cornu, Dictatoris acies, alienam pugnam sequetur? i. e. Shall the Victory begin in the Left Wing? And shall the Right Wing, where the Dictator is, only assist the other in the Fight? (Because the General of the Horse, who comman∣ded the Le••t Wi••g, had broken that of the Enemy). Consider. 121. on the 2. lib. Cabrera saith, That the Tri∣umviral Government of the Cardi∣nal of Trent, the Marquis of Pes∣quera, and of Iohn-Baptist Castaldo, whom Philip II. had sent to Naples, to oppose the Designs of Pope Paul IV. was prejudicial to his affairs, be∣cause these three Ministers were near Equal in Authority. Cap. 3. Lib. 3. of his History. The Cardinal de Riche∣lieu hath clearly decided this Que∣stion. Divers Experiments, saith he, have made me so knowing in this Matter, that I should think my self accountable in the sight of God, if this Testament did not in express terms declare, that there is nothing more dangerous in a State, than di∣vers Authorities equal in the Admi∣nistration of Affairs. What one un∣••••rtakes is cross'd by the other; and if the Honestest Man is not the A∣••lest, although his Opinion be the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, it will be always Eluded, by him that hath the greatest Parts. As the Diseases and Death of Men pro∣c••ed from the Discord of the Ele∣ments whe••eof they are compos'd; so it is ce••tain, that the Opposition and Disunion, which is always found amongst Equal Powers, will disturb the Quiet of the States, which they shall Govern, and will produce di∣vers Accidents which will in the End r••ine them. As several Pilots do ne∣ver set their h••nds all together to the Helm, so no more than one ought to hold that of the State. He may very well receive advice from others. 〈…〉〈…〉 also sometimes to ask it; bu•• it belongs to him to examine the Expediency thereof, and to turn the Hand on one side or the other, accord∣ing as he thinks it most convenient to escape the Storm, and to make his course successful. Section 6. Cap. 8. of the first part.
• n 1.171

  By the Law. Iulia.
• o 1.172

  Ph••lip II. caused an Historical Abridgment of all the Noble Families to be Compos'd, that he might know their Rise, Increase, or Declension, and at what Time, and in what Services they had acquir'd the Titles and Privileges which they Enjoy'd. A Knowledge which Enabled him to recompence the Descendants, according to the Merits of their Ancestors. Cabrera, Cap. 16. Lib. 12. of his History. Having understood by this Nobi∣liary, that the Kings of Castile, made the Marquis••ès de Moya dine at their Table on St. Lucy's Day, which is the 13th of December; and the Counts de Salines, on Epiphany, for the great Service these two Families had done the State; in 1593, he restored this Preheminence to them, which time had abolish'd, and sent solemnly to the Marquis de Moya the Golden Cup, in which he had drank that Day; that he might punctually observe what the Kings his Predecessors had done. Herrera, cap. ult. lib. 3. part 3. of his History.
• 1 1.173

  Although it is not always for the Interest of the Prince to preserve the Ancient Nobility; it is yet for his Honour, and but Policy some∣times to raise up again some Illu∣strious Families, that the Nobility may have no occasion to believe that he takes pleasure to sink and to destroy it. Salust saith, That Great Men who fall into Poverty, and consequently into Contempt, hate the Present Government; and leave no Stone unturn'd to introduce a New one, wherein their Condition may be better; as he shews by the Example of Cataline. Egnatius Rusus con∣spir'd against Augustus, for no other Reason, but because he was poor, and out of hopes of being reliev'd by this Prince. For, saith Patercu∣lus, Such is the Wickedness of Men, (and particularly of Great Men) that every one of them had rather be involved in the Publick Ruine, than perish alone. Hist. 2. 91. Cecina rebell'd against Galba, who required him to give an account of the Publick Trea∣sury which he manag'd in Spain, that he might hide the Disorder of his A••••airs in the general Confusions. Caecina aegre passus miscere cuncta, & privata v••••lnera Reip. malis ope∣rire statuit. Tacit. Hist. 1. Of all which the Result is, that the Prince ought sometimes to scatter his boun∣ty on great Families that are decay'd, but especially on those, in which there are Persons capable of making a Party, or putting themselves at the Head of Male-Contents. It was herein that Philip II. King of Spain, fail'd, who lost the Obedience of the Prince of Orange, and the Counts of Egmont and Horn; for saving 150000 Crowns which Granvelle Bishop of Arras advis'd him to distribute a∣mongst them, before he left the Low-Countrys. Which, saith Cabrera, cost him afterwards above 150 Mil∣lions; besides the Blood of so many thousand Men which was spilt. Cap. 3. Lib. 5. of his History. The same Historian saith, That this King im∣power'd the Great Men of Spain to Mortgage or to Sell their Estates; and that by this Method he weakned and lessen'd them befor they were aware of it. The Effects whereof their Poste∣rity feel at this Day. Cap. 16. Lib. 12.
• 2 1.174

  The Moderation of Tiberius, who, though a Heathen, scrupled to accept the Estates of those who be∣queath'd them to him, to deprive their Relations of them, ought to shame those Monks who procure themselves to be made Heirs to the prejudice of the Children of the Fa∣mily, and of a thousand and a thou∣sand poor Relations, who perish through want. They who by their Vows and their Ministry, are more strictly oblig'd than all other Eccle∣siasticks, to lead a Retired and Mor∣tified Life, can they in Conscience spend their Time in solliciting the Iudges, and besetting the Tribunals, and in commencing every day fresh Suits against the Lawful Heirs, whose Patrimonies they would possess.
• p 1.175

  How many times, saith Paterculus, hath he furnished those Senators who were unprovided, with what was Necessary; Honourably to support their Dignity? But as he suffer'd not an innocent Poverty to be deprived of Offices and Honours; so he took car•• of giving to debauch'd Persons, for fear of encouraging or fomenting Luxury and Voluptuousness. Hist. 2. c. 129.
• 3 1.176

  Publick Affairs can never be in worse hands, than in those of Per∣sons, who understand not how to manage their Domestick Affairs. For it is almost impossible, that such Magistrates should be dis-interess'd, or consequently incorrupt.
• q 1.177

  As the Romans were at that time as much Strangers on the Sea, as the Carthaginians were Experienc'd and Powerful on it; Duillius provided Iron Hooks and other Instruments, with which he grappled the Enemy's Ships, who were thereby forc'd to fight without ••••irring, as if they had been on Land.
• 1 1.178

  A wife and prudent Prince ought severely to punish the Injuries which are done to the Memory of his Predecessors; for besides that, the Honour which he doth herein to them, returns directly on himself, it is an Example which he leaves his Successors to do the like for him af∣ter his Death.
• 2 1.179

  The Lashes of Womens Tongues deserv'd to be despised, rather than resented. If fools have Liberty to say any thing, because what they say signifies nothing, it is for the Ho∣nour of Princes to let some Women eternally enjoy this Privilege.
• 1 1.180

  In the Disposal of great Offices, it is for the Interest of the Prince, to prefer those Competitors, who, ••ae∣teris paribus, have the more nume∣rous Families; because more persons remain thereby oblig'd to him.
• 2 1.181

  A new Prince, I mean a Prince whose form of Government is new, can't have a greater Pleasure than to see the Laws weakned, which had been made in those times, when the State was govern'd in the Form of a Common-Wealth. Thus, when the Senate was divided betwixt the an∣cient Laws and the Parties of Ger∣manicus and Drusus, it was insensi∣bly sinking to that Slavery, to which Tiberius design'd to bring it. Ob∣serve by the way, that Germanicus, who was the Darling of the People and the Senate, for his popular tem∣per, did not himself stick to destroy the Liberties; and that if ever he had come to the Empire, he might possibly have had quite different sen∣timents, from those which he shew'd under another's Reign.
• 3 1.182

  In the pursuit of Offices and Honours, the support of Princes, is of much greater advantage, than that of the Laws. And it is upon this Maxim, that the Cardinal de Richelieu concludes for the selling of Offices; because, if that be suppress'd the Disorders that will proceed from Competitions, and Underhand-pra∣ctices, by which Offices will be ob∣tain'd, will be greater than those which arise from the Liberty of buy∣ing and Selling them; because, in that case, all would depend on the Favour and Artifice of those, who are in the greatest Credit with Kings. Sect. 1. Chap. 4. of the first part of his Politick Testament.
• 1 1.183

  War is the best of all Trades for those to whom Nature hath given great Courage. It is the School wherein Fortune hath raised most of her greatest Favourites; and whence Men born in Poverty, Contempt, and the most abject state of Mankind, have ascended to the supreme Com∣mand of Armies; and oftentimes to the Regal Power it self. Francis Sforsa, from the Son of a poor Shoe∣maker, became General of an Army, and his Son Duke of Milan. The Constable de Lediguieres, and the Mareschals de Toiras, de Gassion, and de Fabret, who all three had no o∣ther Estate, nor other maintenance, but their Sword, are Examples of a late Date, which, like the Trophees of Miltiades, ought to rouze the Courage and Industry of so many poor Gentlemen, who live in shame∣ful idleness.
• 2 1.184

  An over-confidence of Generals in their strength, is oftentimes the Cause of the Defeat of their Armies. As there is no little Errors in War, we need not wonder that the strong∣est are sometimes vanquish'd. Add hereto, on the Occasion of this Di∣version, which was made betwixt Tuckfarinas and Mazipp•••• that a sin∣gle Head, with ordinary Prudence, makes better Officers, than two brave Generals, who are jealous of each other.
• 3 1.185

  It is with Families as with Ci∣ties; sometimes they flourish, some∣times they decline; sometimes they are utterly Extinguish'd; sometimes they rise again out of their Ashes, after they have been whole ages bu∣ried in Obscurity and Oblivion. This Vicissitude is more rare in Common-Wealths, in which they more easily preserve themselves by means of E∣quality, which covers them from Oppression; whereas in Monarchy••, a thousand of them perish under one reign, when the Prince, or his prin∣cipal Ministers, are Sanguinary or Covetous.
• r 1.186

  It was in the Consulship of Furius Philo, or Furius Camillus, as others call him, that the Gauls were beaten from Rome; but it was his Collegue Caius Flaminius, who gain'd this Victory, without Furius's having any share in it. Therefore Livy makes no mention but of the Triumph of Flaminius. M. Iunius Dictator, saith he, sex millia hominum gallicis spoliis, quae trium∣pho C. Flaminii translata fuere, armavit. And in another place, speaking of this Consul's Death, who was slain by Ha••••ibal in the Battel of the Lake of Perousa, he puts these words in Hannibal's Mouth, Consul hic est, qui le∣giones nostras, &c. So that this Passage of Tacitus which seems to ascribe the Expulsion of the Gauls to Furius, is to be understood of the Year of his Con∣fulship, and not of his Person.
• 4 1.187

  Place shews the Man, saith the Proverb; To know the Capacity of a Man he must be employ'd. Nothing doth more honour to the Prince, than the Choice, which he hath made of a Minister, who succeeds in his Em∣ployment much otherwise than the World expected of him. Commines relates, that Lewis XI. having told him, that he had sent Master Oliver his Barber to Ghant, to reduce that City under his Obedience, and others to other great Cities: He said to the King, That he doubted that Master Oliver and the rest would not suc∣ceed in their Designs on those Cities. Cap. 13. Lib. 5. of his Memoirs. But in the 14th Chapter he saith, That although this Commission was too great for Oliver, yet he shew'd in what he did, that he had some un∣derstanding. For being forc'd to ••ly from Gha••t, he made to Tournay, and found a way to put this fine City in∣to the King's Hands. And this Ho∣nour, as Commines concludes, was procur'd to the King, by the said Oliver. A Wiser and a Greater Man, had probably fail'd in the Manage∣ment of this Enterprize.
• 6 1.188

  A Minister, or a Favourite can't long keep the Favour of his Prince, but by Submission and Dependance. When he will rise of himself, the Prince never fails of depressing him, as one that will be no longer his Creature. Lisander saying to Agesi∣laus, whose chief Confident he had been before: Truly you know very well how to slight your Friends. Yes, answered Agesilaus, When they would be greater than my self. Plu∣tarch in his Life. It is just so with all Princes. And this ought to be well consider'd by Great Men, who have a great Military Reputation; for it is that which gives Princes the great∣est Iealousie, there being nothing which the People speaks of with so much applause, as of Battels and Victories. Don Bernardin de Mendoza saith, That that Victory which the Count d'Egmont gain'd at Gravelin, was possibly one of the Principal Causes of his Misfortune, because it exalted him so much. Cap. 4. Lib. 3. of his Memoirs of Flanders.
• 5 1.189

  Princes more freely praise an ordinary Man, than they do a great Person; because the praising of one is an Act of Grace, but the praising of the other is no more than an Act of Iustice: And Princes would have Men oblig'd to them for every thing.
• s 1.190

  A City built by Augustus, in memory of the Victory that he obtain'd over Anthony.
• 1 1.191

  It is an advantage to Princes to see the very Places, where their An∣cestors have done some Memorable thing; for this Sight makes a strong Impression on their Minds, and in∣spires them, as the Trophies of Mil∣tiades did Themis••ocles; with a gene∣rous Desire to imitate or to excell them. Philip II. King of Spain, was curious to see where-ever he travell'd, the Edi••ices and the Tombs of his Predecessors. He caused their very Co••••ins to be open'd, and stood un∣cover'd before their Bodies, with as much respect, as if they had been living. Being at Segovia, he repair'd the Town-House, for the sake of a great Hall, called, sala de los Reges, where are the Statues of the Kings, under which he caus'd to be set their Names, and a short account of their Reign, with an equal Number of Lines and Letters in every Elogy, thus to revive their Memories. Cab∣rera, c. 12. l. 9. of his History.
• 2 1.192

  The more Modest and Popular a Prince is, the greater Honours are paid him. The People are never more prodigal thereof, than to those who exact none. Spreta in tempore gloria, saith Livy, cumulatior redi••, i. e. The Honours Great Men don't seek for, are paid them with Usury. Charles V. won the Heart of the Catalans, (a Nation not to be conquer'd when their Privileges are at stake) by an∣swering those who were deputed to know his pleasure, how he would make his Entry into Barcelona; That he was contented to be receiv'd as their Counts; i. e. The Counsellors of the City not to alight from their Horses to salute him; because, he said, that he held it a greater Honour to be Count of Barcelona, than to be King of the Romans. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, in the Epitomy of his Life.
• 3 1.193

  Nothing makes a greater Im∣pression on the Minds and Hearts of Princes, than the Examples of their Ancestors; it is almost the only in∣struction which they receive with de∣light, or at least with respect. After that Nero had got rid of his Gover∣nor Burrh••s, whose Wisdom was not agreeable to him, and had begun to be disgusted at his Praeceptor Seneca; he was told, That he wanted no other Masters nor Counsellors, than the Ex∣amples of the Princes from whom he descended. Charles V. and Philip II. conferring together about Don Carlos Prince of Spain, who had very Evil Inclinations, which his Governor Don Antonio de Rojas was never able to correct, nor moderate, concluded, that there should be set before the Eyes of this Young Prince Pictures, which might excite Noble Idaeas in his Imagination, and which might incline his Mind to the love of Glory, by a Desire to imitate the Great and Generous Actions which he shall see represented; That he should be suf∣••er'd to hear no Discourses but such as might imprint in him good Max∣ims and Good Manners; That the Conversation of Persons of Wit and Probity, who should be about him, would insensibly give him a Relish and a Delight in good things, which would be of greater advantage to him, than Precepts and Lessons which are always disagreeable to Princes, by reason of that Superio∣rity which those who instruct them in the Quality of Masters, seem to usurp over them. Cabrera, l. 4. ••. 2. of his History.
• t 1.194

  Now Negropont.
• u 1.195

  Or Livia, who was married to Marcus Vini••ius, to whom Paterculus Dedicates his History.
• 1 1.196

  It is absolutely necessary for a Prince from time to time to visit his Provinces; for he learns upon the spot all those things which it was the Interest of his Officers to hide from him. It is there that he hears with his own Ears, the Complaint which a Da••matian Lord made here∣tofore to Tiberius: Instead of send∣ing us Shepheards and Dogs to keep your Flocks, you send us Wolves, which devour them. Dion, lib. 55. The Prince is not touch'd with the Miseries and Oppressions of his Peo∣ple, if he does not see them; for there are always ••latterers, who make him believe, that the Evils which are on∣ly reported to him, are aggravated. And consequently, there is need of the Remedy which the Sisters of La∣zarus desir'd, Com••, Lord, and see. He must come and see, otherwise the Remedy will not be equal to the Grievance.
• 2 1.197

  Princes would never hea•• Death spoken of, but in obscure hints. Lewis XI. deserv'd compassion, who could not hear that cruel wordd, De••th, pronounc'd; and who com∣manded all his Servants, that when his own approach'd, they should not give him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of it, but by saying to him, Sp••••k l••tt••s▪ Com••••••es Me∣moirs, l. 0. ••. 12.
• 1 1.198

  It is good to be Civil and Popu∣lar; but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as not to lessen the Ma∣jesty of the Prince. The Ministers who represent him, ought to avoid nothing more, than to derogate from the Rights of their Character, to which too great a Reverence can't be paid.
• 2 1.199

  When Men speak with Passion, they are very apt to contradict them∣selves. Piso reproach'd the Atheni∣ans for being the Dregs and the Off∣scouri••g of divers Nations of Greece, and notwithstanding he imputed to them all the Faults of this ancient Republick, for which they could not be responsible, without being genu∣ine Athenians.
• 3 1.200

  It is common for great Men to revenge their Private Quarrels, under the Name of those of the State. Ve∣lut pro Repub▪ conquerentes suum do∣lorem pro••erebant. Tacitus, Hist. 3. There are many Ministers, saith An∣thony Perez, who invest their Prince with their private Passions and Wrongs In the Aphorisms of his Relations. Who under specious pretences, con∣vert the Publick Interests into their own; and instead of regulating pri∣vate Affairs by the Publick, do the direct contrary, with Equal Injustice and Boldness. Part 1. Sect. 3. Cap. 8. of the Politick Testament.
• 4 1.201

  For, saith Tacitus, Ann. 14. Nothing is so subject to accidents as the Sea; and besides, no Man is so Unjust as to make another responsi∣ble for the Misfortunes which are caus'd by the Sea and Winds.
• 5 1.202

  Violent Spirits are capable of very little Gratitude, because they impute the Complaisance which Peo∣ple have for them, to the Fear which they believe they have of offending them. Piso did not doubt but that Germanicus fear'd him, seeing that this Prince was not ignorant where∣fore Tiberius had taken the Govern∣ment of Syria from Silanus, and had given it to Piso. Thus Germanicus, was so far from gaining the Friend∣ship of Piso, (who knew Germani∣cus was suspected by the Emperor) that he made him more Haughty and less Tractable, by th•• care that he took to oblige him. And be••ides, Piso judging of Germanicus's Nature by his own, which was revengeful, could not imagine him mild enough, heartily to pardon the Injury which he had done him at Athens. And this is what makes great Men irre∣concilable; there being one of them which cannot nor will not trust the other. According to M. de la Roche∣foucaut, one of the Principal Causes of the resolution which Monsieur the late Prince took to retire into Spain, was the Opinion which he had, that after all that had pass'd, he could not longer be secure with the Queen-Regent.
• x 1.203

  We may say of Armen••a, what the famous Marquis Spinola said of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Rhimberg, That it was the St••umpet of War, because it fell by turns from one hand to the other.
• 1 1.204

  There is no better way for a Prince to endear his Government to new Subjects, than to ••ischarge them of part of the Taxes which they paid to the ••ormer Prince. People are ea∣sily inur'd to Slavery, but never to the Avarice of Governors and Ma∣gistrates; for they know no greater Evil than Poverty. After that, Charles VIII. King of Franc••, had taken Naples, and caus'd himself to be crown'd there; He did many acts of Grace to his Subjects, and les∣sen'd their Burdens, saith Commines, Lib. 7. Cap. 14. Clement VIII. did the same after he had re-united the Dutchy of Ferrara to the Ecclesi∣astical State: So that the House of Este, which had a long time govern'd at Ferrara, and was also much be∣lov'd there, was very little regretted by the People. The Cardinal d'Os∣sat adds, That he made Seigneur Be∣vilaqua Cardinal, to honour and give good hopes to the City of Fer∣rara, lately return'd to the Holy See; this Cardinal being of one of the most Noble Families of this City, Letter 167.
• y 1.205

  Which also before had a King.
• 1 1.206

  Oftentimes Princes are more Disquieted and Troubled with on•• Domestick Enemy, than by a Foreign War, The Conduct of Monsieur, the late Duke of Orleans, made the late King more uneasie than the whole House of Austria, and all the Enemies of France.
• 2 1.207

  Men, but especially Great Men, easily believe whatsoever is told them by Persons whom they love, against People whom they hate. And hence it is, that Quarrels betwixt Great Men are almost always immortal; those who have Power with them, having an Interest to hinder their Reconci••••ation. It was thus Maugi∣ro••, Quelùs, Saint-Luke, Saint-Mes∣grin, Gr••mmont, Ma••••eon and Livar∣ret, made use of it with Henry III. on whom they made what impressi∣ons they pleas'd against his Brother the Duke of Alenson. Lib. 2. of the Memoirs of Queen Margaret, who very properly calls them the Council of ••eroboam.
• 3 1.208

  Amongst Great Men, Explana∣tions rather Exasperate than Pacifie; because it is very difficult to speak with so much reserve, as not let fall one angry word. It is almost im∣possible, saith Commi••es, that two great Lords should agree together, by reason of Reports and Suspicions which they hourly have; and two Princes who would live in Amity, ought never to see one another, but to send prudent Persons to each o∣ther, who would rectifie what is a∣••iss: Memoirs, l. 1. ch. 14. and l. 2. chap. 8.
• z 1.209

  Apertis O••••is seems to be the truest Reading; for Piso having an∣swer'd with so little respect to Germanicus, whose dissembled anger he could not be ignorant of, Germanicus had no reason any longer to dissem∣ble his Anger towards a Man who did not dissemble his towards him.
• 4 1.210

  It is a strange thing, that Prin∣ces must suffer for the Misunder∣standing that is between their Mini∣sters; and that the Publick Affairs must be sacrific'd to their Private Quarrels. Are there not frequently seen in a Council, Persons who give their Opinion not to counsel the Prince, but to contradict their Ri∣val; not to follow a good Opinion, but to make an ill one pass if they can? Princes are very much concern'd to remedy this Disorder.
• a 1.211

  Tacitus hath said in one of the foregoing Paragraphs, that Piso hardly gave place to Tiberius, and that he look'd on his Sons as his In••eriors. So that nothing could affront him more than to make so great a Difference be∣twixt Germanicus and him. And by saying, that Germanicus was the Son of a Roman Prince, and not of a Parthian King; He intimated that Tibe∣rius was no more than a Prince of a Common-Wealth, and not a Sovereign as the King of the Parthians; and that consequently, Germanicus trans∣gress'd the bounds of an Aristocratical Equality, by accepting a Crown of greater value than was given to the rest of the Guests.
• 5 1.212

  If they had presented Piso with a Crown like Germanicus's, we may believe, he would not have rejected it, nor made an Invective against Luxury. But because he was no•• made Equal to Germanicus, he thought fit to take upon him a Mask of Mo∣desty to put a better Colour on his Resentment. And observe here the Nature of most of our Censors and Reformers. They declaim against Great Men, because they can't be as great as they; They despise the Ho∣nours that are given them, because they would have greater than are due to them. So that we may say of them what Alexander said of Anti∣pater, his Father's Minister, That if they are modest in their Clo••ths, they are all Purple within.
• 1 1.213

  The Audience of Ambassadors is one of the most Difficult things which a Prince hath to do; for it is not e∣nough, that he hear with Modesty and Attention, but it behoves him also to answer with Prudence and Constancy; as well to remember what he is himself, as what the Prince is who treats with him; and to manage the Ambassador so well, that of a Publick Witness and a Spy, he may make a Friend and a true Mediator of him. Commines saith, That Lewis XI. dismissed Ambassa∣dors with such good Words, and such handsome Presents, that they always went away pleas'd from him, and dis••embled to their Masters what they knew, for the sake of the Pro••it which they gain'd thereby. Memoirs Lib. 5. Cap. 14. I have read in a Hi∣story of Venice, that the principal Cause which moved that Senate im∣mediately to acknowledge Henry IV. for King of France, was the Relati∣on which was sent them by the Se∣nator Iohn Mo••enique, who was their Ambassador at the Court of Henry III. when he was murther'd. Com∣mines saith, That to give audience to Ambassadors, the Prince ought to be well Dress'd, and well-inform'd of what he is to say. l. 3. c. 8.
• 2 1.214

  There are many Faults and Mal∣administrations, which would re∣main unpunish'd, if the Officers who commit them, were not hated by those who punish them. If Germa∣nicus had not hated Piso and his Wife, he possibly would never have remo∣ved Vonones from Syria; who in all ap∣pearance endeavour'd by the Presents he made to Plancina, to corrupt the Fidelity of Piso, to set him at Liberty. Witness the attempt which he made for it in Cilicia, under favour of a Hunting Match, as Tacitus relates in the 69 Paragraph of this Book. Which shews, that Artabanus had good reason to demand the removal of Vonones.
• 1 1.215

  Princes who have large Domi∣nions, ought not to travel into other Countreys, because they have more work at home than they can ever do; and in my Opinion, the use of Embas••ys, was introduc'd to save them this trouble, or rather to teach them the Obligation they lie under to provide for the Necessities of their People, whose repose absolutely de∣pends on their Presence. A Prince who travells into a Foreign Coun∣trey, soon loses the Affectious of his Subjects; for besides that, he neglects the Administration of Affairs, they are displeas'd at the great Expences which he is oblig'd to be at, to ap∣pear Liberal and Magnificent to Strangers. A Point of Honour that draws upon him more curses from his own People, than he gets ap∣plause from those whom he Enriches. An able Ambassador of Savoy told me more than once, that Duke Charles-Emanuel had been at such excessive Expences in his Iourney which he took into France, about the End of the last Age, that he was straitned thereby above fifteen years; and that if in 1612, he had been Master of the Money which he had left there, he would have had thrice as much as he needed to have obtain'd the Empire, in opposition to the whole House of Austr. a. These were his own Words. Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France, to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille, and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband, who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece. For during his long stay in France which was above a Year, his affairs in Ca∣stille were chang'd, where the Lords of the Kingdom, who were almost all of his Party before his absence, made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella, being weary of expecting succours from France, and his return. But that which he adds, shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions. The King of Portugal's End, saith he, was that he suspected, that the King (Lew∣is XI.) had a design to seize him, and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile. For this reason he disguised himself a third time, being resolved to go away to Rome, and to retire in∣to a Monastery. For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal, without having done any thing in France, whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council. In this Habit he was taken by one Robi∣net le Beuf. And half a Page after; This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine, now Charles VIII. in which he could not succeed. Insomuch, that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trou∣ble, and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal. His Memoris, Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert, Brother to U∣ladis••aus King of Poland, who tra∣vel••'d into Italy, saith, That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom, con∣demn'd this Passion for travell, as a thing unbecoming, and alway fatal to great Princes; and especially to the Sons of Kings▪ Proceres pru∣dentiores talem peregrinationem Prin∣cibus majoris nominis, praecipue Regum filiis, indignam improbabant. And in the Margent; Peregrinatio fi∣liis Regum indecora & periculosa, In Chronico ad annum, 1634. Add hereto, That for the most part Prin∣ces return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited, because almost always part of the Honours, which they pretend to, are contested with them. For which rea∣son most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito, during their stay in Foreign Countreys, or their passage through them.
• 2 1.216

  Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick, without the Exterior Marks of their Power; for although Authority is not in the Ensigns, yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates. And it was partly for this Reason, that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome, purpuram adorare. And Ma∣mertinus saith, That the Guards which environ good Princes, are not for the Defence of their Bodies, but only to give some lustre to Majesty, Non custodiae corporis sunt, sed qui∣dam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus, Paneg. Iulia••••. It is there∣fore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor, which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes. Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI. and Henry IV. King of Castile, saith, That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis, because he was in a mean Habit, and wore a Pitiful Hat, with a Leaden Image on the top of it; saying, That it was for Covetousness. And some lines after, he saith, That the Bur∣gundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans, His Me••oirs, l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes, and consequently Ma∣gistrates also, have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Gran∣deur, if they will be respected. Pagliari saith, That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV. to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks, was, that during his Cardinalship, he had often observed the little respect that was given, and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies, because having black Caps, they were not sufficient∣ly distinguish'd. Observation, 213. And it was for the same Reason, that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France, who, it is said, are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it.
• b 1.217

  The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg, but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers, which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd.
• 3 1.218

  Germanicus's intentions were good, but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion. His going in∣to Aegypt without leave from Tibe∣rius, taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Au∣gustus. The opening of the Publick Granaries, the affecting to go abroad without the Rods, might very well appear criminal to Tiberius, there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a De∣sire in an Unsteady and Changeable People, to receive for their Master him who hath them.
• c 1.219

  Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains, which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it; On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts; and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Har∣bours: Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides, and consequently easie to defend. Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province, which was a Granary to Rome, and all Italy, would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it, for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof. And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd a∣gainst Vitellius. Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii, saith Io∣sephus, eaque si potitus soret, Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat.—Cogita∣bat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae, nam & terra difficilis accessu; marique importuosa est. Belli Iudaici, l. 5.
• 4 1.220

  The Knowledge of the Situati∣on, and the Commodities of his Pro∣vinces, and of the Manners of their Inhabitants, is very necessary for a Prince; for without this, he will of∣ten be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors, and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there; whereas, if he had been sent into another, he might have govern'd with applause. For instance, If the King of Spain should send into Catalonia and S••ci••y, (which are two fierce Nations, and whose Obedience is as it were Arbitrary) Viceroys who would take the same Courses that the Viceroys of Naples, and the Governors of Milan do, he would immediately lose these Pro∣vinces, where there is nothing but Bones for the Spanish Ministers to gnaw upon.
• 1 1.221

  It is common for great Princes to raise Magnificent Edifices in De∣sart and dry Places, and which by their situation seem to be Uninhabita∣ble, to make their Power appear the greater, and to shew that every thing yields to their Fortune. Phi∣lip II. had this Prospect, when he chose the pitiful Village of the Es∣curial, to build there the Famous Monastery which bears this Name, and which the Spaniards call the Eighth Wonder of the World, al∣though an old Alcada aged ••ourscore years, answer'd an Officer, who ask'd him in the King's Name his Opinion of it; That the King was going to make a Nest of Caterpillars who would devour the whole Country. Cabrera, c. 11. l▪ 6. of his History.
• 1 1.222

  It is true sign of the Destru∣ction of a Country, when those di∣vide and abandon one another, who ought to be united. Memoirs, l. 2. c. 1. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincun∣tur, saith Tacitus, in Agricola. The Landtgrave of Hesse, who comman∣ded the Army of the League of Smal∣cald against Charles V. had reason to say to the Con••ederate Cities through which he pass'd, My Friends let every Fox keep his Tail; to let them understand, that the League could not subsist but by their com∣mon agreement. Epitomy of the Life of C. V. There can't be better Coun∣sel than what the Lord Contay gave the C. de Charolois, who took it very ill, that the Lords of the League of the Publick Good held a Council amongst themselves without calling him to it. Bear it patiently, said Contay; for if you displease them, they will make their Peace with King Lewis more advantageously than you; as you are the Strongest, so you ought to be the Wisest: Beware therefore of dividing them, and use your ulmost industry to maintain a good Correspondence betwixt them and your self. Memoirs of Com∣mines, l. 1. c. 12.
• d 1.223

  With what Prudence and Conduct, saith Paterculus, Tiberius, by the Ministry of his son Drusus, forced Marc••od••us to quit the Kingdom which he had Invaded; and wherein he hid himself as Serpents do in the Bow∣els of the Earth? Hist. 2. Cap. 129. Lewis XI. took almost the same Me∣thod against the Duke of Burgundy, not only by Separating from him all his Allies, Edward, King of England; Gelasius, Duke of Milan; who had before left the Alliance of the King for that of the Duke of Burgundy; Re∣natus, King of Sicily, who design'd to have made him his Heir, and to put Provence into his hands; the Dutchess of Savoy, the King's Sister, who, saith Commines, was so much in the Duke's Interest, that the Duke dis∣posed of the House of Savoy as of his own; but also by raising him up new Enemies, as the Swiss, who beat him in two Battels; and the Cittes of Basil, Strasbourg, Nuremburg, and Francsort, who enter'd into an Alli∣ance with the Swi••s; and to injure him was thought enough to get their own Pardo••. His Memoirs, Lib. 5. Cap. 1. & 2.
• 2 1.224

  This Example sheweth, that there is scarce any such thing as good Faith among Princes; and that the Leagues and Confederacies which they enter into, are rather s••ares which they lay for one another, than Ties of Friendship. Commonly the Weakest joyns himself with the Strongest, only to make himself more considerable to his Neighbours and his Enemies; and this was the Motive of Maroboduus, who by his Alliance with the Romans▪ hoped to become more formidable to the Che∣ru••ci, and to his Rival Arminius. The Strongest, on the contrary, allies himself with the Weaker, under co∣lour to protect and defend him; but in truth, to lay the Yoke of Slavery upon him, as soon as he can find an Opportunity to do it. And this is what Tiberius did with respect to Maroboduus, in sending Drusus into Germany to sign a League with him. Thus, it may be truly said, That L••••gues make more noise, than they do service; That they have more of Ap∣pearance and Ostentation, than of Reality and Strength; and that, in fine, they rather hasten the Ruine of the Weaker or the less Politick, than they do retard or hinder it.
• 3 1.225

  Observe Tiberius's Policy. Af∣ter he had made use of Maroboduus to give a Check to Arminius the sworn Enemy of the Romans, he made use of Catualda, to ruine Marobodu∣us; and afterwards of Maroboduus's Faction to expel Catualda, whereby he compleated the ruine of Germany. King Lewis XI. saith Commines, bet∣ter understood this Art of dividing Nations, than any other Prince whom I ever knew. He spared neither his Money nor his Pains, not only to∣wards the Masters, but also towards the Servants, Lib. 2. Cap. 1. With a Hundred and twenty thousand Crowns of Gold, he divided the D. of Burgundy from the Dukes of Nor∣mandy and Brittany, and forc'd his Brother to renounce his Right to the Dutchy of Normandy, for a Pension of twenty thousand Crowns. Cap. 5.
• e 1.226

  Now Bavaria.
• 1 1.227

  How Unfortunate soever a Prince be, it always becomes him to remember his past fortune; neither to do nor say any thing, which may give People reason to believe that he was unworthy of the Rank that he held, or worthy of the Evils that he endures. Iohn Frederick, Duke of Saxony, falling into the hands of Charles. V. spoke to him to give or∣der that he should be treated as a Prince of the Empire; and so far was he from humbling himself to the Emperor, who spoke to him in me∣nacing terms, that he put on his Hat and answer'd, That it was in vain that his Majesty went to fright him, and that by becoming his Prisoner, he did not cease to be a Prince.
• 2 1.228

  There is no Prince who doth not rejoyce to receive another into his Dominions; for besides the Ho∣nour of the Hospitality, he may draw thence very great advantages in due Time and Place. And conse∣quently, 'tis no wonder, if ordinarily their Departure is not so free as thei•• Entrance. If the late Duke of Or∣leans had not deceived the Marquis d'Aytone, President of the Council of State of the Low-Countrys, he had run a great risque of continuing a long time in the hands of the Spa∣niards, to serve as a Pretence for War against France.
• 3 1.229

  The more Illustrious the Con∣quer'd is, the more Glorious is the Conqueror. If I had made no resi∣stance, said Caractacus to the Empe∣ror Claudius, my Defeat and your Victory would never have been talk'd of. Ann. 12.
• f 1.230

  Paterculus saith, that Maroboduus had so far enlarged his Power, that he was become formidable to the Roman Empire; that all the Male-con∣tents, who withdrew themselves from obedience to the Romans, fled for Sanctuary to this Prince, who maintain'd an Army of 70000 Foot, and 4000 Horse; That he had reduc'd under his Obedience all his Neighbours, either by Force by making continual War on them; or by Treaties which obliged them to declare for him; that he was in particular formidable by the situation of his States, which had Germany on the Front and on the Left Hand; Pannonia on the Right; and Norica on the Back; so that they fear'd him on all sides, as a Prince who was ready to fall upon them. Add hereto, that his Frontiers were not but 200 miles, or a little more, distant from the Alps, which serv'd as Boundaries to Italy, Cap. 108. & 109. The last Duke of Lorrain, seems to have follow'd the Steps of Maroboduus, as they may easily observe, who will compare them together.
• 4 1.231

  There is nothing that Rebels are more afraid of, than to fall a∣gain under the Power of a Prince, whom they have dethron'd. The People of Liege, who upon the In∣stigation of Lewis XI. had revolted from the Duke of Burgundy, seeing their City besieged by these two Princes in person, purposed, saith Commines to hazard all; for as they knew that they were undone, and that if they must die in the Execution of such an Enterprize (which was to make a Sally out of the Town, with the Bravest of their Men, and to kill the King and the Duke in their houses) they should at the worst have a Glo∣rious End; and they wanted but little of having succeeded in their Design. His Memoirs, l. 2. c. 12. Thus nothing is more advantageous to a Prince, who hath dangerous and unsteady Neighbours who have revolted, than to give their Prince a Retreat to awe them by the Fears of his Restoration.
• 5 1.232

  A Prince who hath long sur∣vived the loss of his Kingdom, gives occasion to People to believe, that he is little affected therewith, and that consequently, he had not the Qualities which were requi∣site to make him worthy to pos∣sess it, nor the Courage which was necessary, to keep the Possession of it. Don Pio Mutio becomes an Ad∣vocate for Maroboduus against Taci∣tus, who ascribes to a Poorness of Spirit, the Care which this King took to prolong his Life. Let us leave, saith he, this Itch of Dying to the Stoicks, and use the Means to preserve that Life, which God hath given us to assist our Relations and our Friends, and to serve our Coun∣try. And some lines after he con∣cludes with these words: Therefore our Author unjustly blames Marobo∣duus, since in my Opinion there is no less glory, for a Man to be a Good Husband of his Life to serve God, his Country, and his Friends, and to reserve himself for a better Fortune, than to run into Battels, and throw it away, to acquire Glory, which like smoke is carried away by a Blast of Wind. But this Consideration, which is the 145. of the Second Part, is fitter for Monks and Tradesmen, than for Princes and Noblemen, to whom War is the most Natural Em∣ployment.
• 1 1.233

  A Prince who understands Ne∣gotiations, as Tiberius did, ought al∣ways to prefer the way of Treaties to that of A••ms. It is certainly more honour for him to overcome his E∣nemies by Skill, than by Force. A Gascon Gentleman who was in the Service of Edward King of England, on occasion of the Peace of P••quigny, said, That his Master had gain'd Nine Battels in Person, but that what we made him lose by this Peace which drove the English out of France, brought him greater Shame and Loss, than the other Nine which h•• had gain'd, had acquir'd him Honour and Advantage. Commines, l. 4. c. 10. of his Memoirs. Queen Margaret speaking of the Peace which the Duke of Alenso•• made at Nera•• with the King of Na∣varre and the Huguenots on his Par∣ty: My Brother, said she, having made a Peace to the Satisfaction of the King and all the Catholicks, and not less to the Contentment of the Hugue∣nots, return'd thence into France, with as much Honour and Glory for having compos'd so great Troubles, as from all the Victories which he had ob∣tain'd by Arms. Memoirs, l. 3.
• 1 1.234

  Divisions never began in a Country, saith Commines, but they have proved destructive in the end, and very difficult to extinguish, Lib. 4. Cap. 9. For a King to nourish Divisions betwixt Princes, and Persons of Virtue and Courage, is to kindle a Fire in his House; for sometimes one or the other will say, The King is against us; and under this Pretence will think of fortifying themselves, and making Alliances with his Enemies, l. 6. c. ult. And whilst one of the Parties takes Arms against the Prince, he is always ill obey'd by the other; who thinking that he stands in great need of them, sets their Services at the higher price. Thus a Power••ul King ought never to suffer the Princes who are his Vassals or Neighbours to go to War, for the Fire comes to spread it self thence into his Dominions. On the contrary, he ought to assume the Office or an Arbitrator, or a Media∣tor betwixt the Parties, and threaten to declare against him, who will not hearken to Peace.
• 2 1.235

  A wise Prince ought never to put himself into the hands of ano∣ther, with whom he hath great In∣terests depending. He that goes to meet another, can't be reasonably secur'd by any Promises, Oaths, or Passports. Safe Conducts are as fee∣ble Arms against Force, as Paper is against Iron: And Iulius II. before he was Pope, said often, That they were great Fools, who exchanged Li∣berty and Life for a Dead Beast's Skin. (Meaning Parc••ment)
• * 1.235.3

  A∣pology for the Council of Pisa. The Duke of B••rgundy, wrote to Lewis XI. a large Letter with his own hand, giving him security to come and to return; and the King took no gua••d with him, but would rely entirely upon the security given by the Duke. Commines, l. 2. c. 5. Notwithstand∣ing, the Duke order'd the Gates of the City and of the Castle of Pe∣ronne to be shut, saying, That the King was come thither to betray him: and these Gates were shut three days; during which time the Duke did not see the King, nor did any of the King's Servants enter into the Castle, but through the Wicket of the Gate, Chap. 7. and 9. of the same Book. This Duke, when he was only Count de Charolois committed the ••ame Er∣ror, by suffering himself to be in∣sensibly led on by the King, with whom he walked to a Place call'd the Boulevart or Bulwark, through which People enter into Paris; for which he was much blamed by the Count de S. Pol, and by the Mares∣chal de Burgundy, who put him in mind of the Misfortune that hap∣pen'd to his Grandfather King Charles the Seventh, at Montereau-faut-Yonne. To which Reprimand, the Duke re∣turn'd this Answer; Don't rebuke me, for I know very well my great Folly, but I did not perceive it, till I was near the Bulwark. Memoirs, l. 1. c. 13.
• 3 1.236

  Consanguinity, Honour, and all the Essential Duties of Civil So∣ciety, are feeble Ties for Princes, for they have commonly no other Rule of their Conduct but their Interest▪ and the present Possession of all that is agreeable to them. They pretend that there are Privileges, which be∣long only to them; and that what is call'd Breach of Faith in Private Men and Subjects; ought to be call'd Policy and Reason of State in Trans∣actions between Princes▪ Princes, saith Mariana, have a Custom to love their Profit, better than their Word and their Duty; they steer their Course that way where they see the greatest Hopes, without be∣ing concern'd what Iudgment poste∣rity will pass upon them. His Hist▪ l. 15. c. 18. In short, we may say of all Princes, what was said in Por∣tugal of King Cardinal Henry, That as scrupulous as he was, he had two Consciences; one for what he would have, and another for what 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would not. Cabrera's Hist. l. 12. c. 12. The same Historian observes, as an extraordinary Thing, and which many Princes would have stuck at▪ That Philip going into Flanders▪ en∣trusted▪ the Person of Don Carlos, the Sole Heir of the Spanish Monar∣chy, with the Infanta Maria his Sister, and with Maximilian, King of Bohemia, whom she had married. Lib. 1. Cap. 2.
• 1 1.237

  Great Crimes, saith Tacitus, are begun with Danger, but when they are once begun, there is no o∣ther remedy, but to compleat them, Ann. 11. and 12. For, saith Machia∣vel, a Man never escapes out of one Danger but by another Danger. History of Florence, Lib. 3.
• g 1.238

  Alphonso XI. King of Castile, dealt with Iohn Lord of Biscay, after the same manner, as Rhescuporis did with Cotys. He invited Iohn to an En∣terview in the City of Toro, with a Promise to give him in marriage his Sister the Infanta Elconor; and to take all suspicion from him, he removed from his Court Garci Lasso de la Vega, his Chief Minister, who, as Iohn said, was his Mortal Enemy. When Iohn was at Toro, he invited him to come and Dine with him on All Saints Day. Iohn went thither without Arms, and without Fear, by reason of the Festival, and was slain in the midst of the Rejoycings of the ••east.
• 2 1.239

  It is the common Pretence of Great Men who will not come to Court, when they are call'd thither by the Prince, to impute their Diso∣bedience to the Fear they have of being oppress'd by his Ministers, or by his Favourites. Thus the Consta∣ble St. Pol, excus'd himself to Lew∣is XI. for appearing before him in Arms, and with the Precaution of a Rail betwixt them, saying, That he had not done it, but to de••end him∣self against the Count de Damartin his Mortal Enemy. Commines.
• h 1.240

  With what Prudence, saith Paterculus, did Tiberius draw Rh••scuporis to Rome, who had murther'd Cotis his Nephew and Copartner in the Throne. In this Affair he made use of the conduct of Pomponius Flaccus, a Con••ular Person, who was sitted to execute with success, whatsoever was desir'd of him, that might be done with Honour; and who by an unaffected Virtue merited Glory, rather than sought for it. Lib. 2. Par. 129.
• 3 1.241

  There is no Friendship which is proof against the Fear of losing the Prince's Favour, or the Hopes of gaining it. The Order to apprehend the Mareschal de Marillac was car∣ried by one of his near Relations; who besides, was God-son to his Bro∣ther the Keeper of the Seals. The Case of Lobkovits, Chief Minister to the Emperor, was singular, who having no tie of Kindred or Friend∣ship with Prince William of Fur∣stemberg, now Cardinal, gave notice to the Pope's Nuntio, of the secret Sentence of Death given against him, (and which was to have been Exe∣cuted inter privatos parietes) to the end that he might demand him in the Name of the Pope, as being un∣der his Iurisdiction as a Bishop. Which indeed sav'd this Prelate's Life, but was the occasion that Lob∣kovits was accus'd of holding Intel∣ligence with France, and that he was taken off by Poison. Memoirs de Chev. de R.
• 1 1.242

  Suspicion and Distrust are learn'd in the School of Wickedness. And according to Tacitus, it is very diffi∣cult to surprize People who have been a long time wicked. Mi∣nistris tentare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus in∣sidias intentae. Ann. 14.
• 2 1.243

  A Prince who has taken refuge in the Dominion of another, ought to look upon all those who are ap∣pointed to wait upon him when he goes abroad, as so many Spies. The more Honour this Train doth him in appearance, the less Liberty he hath: and this is what Henry Prince of Conde, one day complain'd of to the Count de Fuentes, Governor of Mi∣lan, who had him guarded with wonderful care, under pretence, that Kings having long hands, it would be easie for Henry IV. whose Indig∣nation he had incurr'd, to have him carried away from Milan it self, i•• the Count did not watch for the safety of his Person. It is well known how much the Spaniards were trou∣bled at the Manner of M. the Duke of Orleans's retiring from Brussels, although the Marquis d'Aytone said, That the only dis••atisfaction he had about it, was, that his Higness had depriv'd him of the Means of ren∣dring him the Honour that was due to a Prince of his Rank, which would have been more for the Dig∣nity of his Person, and the Satisfa∣ction of his Catholick Majesty. Me∣moirs of Montresor.
• i 1.244

  Ptolomy Philopator, Father to Ptolomy Epiphanes, who succeeded him at the Age of five years. The Romans sent Lepidus into Aegypt, to oppose the Ambitious Designs of Antiochus, Sirnam'd the Great, King of Syria, and of Philip King of Macedonia, who design'd to have shar'd betwixt them this Young Prince's Kingdom.
• * 1.244.4

  (This was Philip, Father to Perseus the last King of Macedonia.)
• 1 1.245

  Besides that Hunting is good for Princes, for the Health of their Bodies; and being an Image of War, it teaches them that Art by way of Diversion; it is also of ad∣vantage to them to be Hunters, be∣cause of the favourable Opportuni∣ties that this Exercise gives them, when they are in the hands of their Enemies.
• k 1.246

  Evocati were Veteranes who were listed anew, but without being obliged to the Military Offices; so call'd, quia militia de••uncti rursus a•• ipsam revoc••bantur.
• 1 1.247

  N••w Ministers, saith Anthony Perez, are wont to do as New En∣gineers, who to change the Design of those who went before them, de∣molish the Works which they had begun, and consume the Prince's Money in unnecessary Expences. In the Aphorisms of his Relations.
• l 1.248

  The Capital City of Mes••potamia, seated on the Tygris.
• 2 1.249

  Commines had good reason to ••ay, That Suspicions are the greatest Diseases of Princes, and which much shortens their Lives. Cardinal de Richeli••u paints Pri••ces to the Life, when he says, that they believe their Suspicions as Oracles, and do as Ma∣gicia••s, who make themselves dr••nk in their false Science, for an Event the knowledge whereof they owe to Chance. In an Apology for his Conduct towards Queen Mary de Medicis.
• 3 1.250

  There are many People, who that they may pass for Men of great Sense, believe nothing of all that which Historians and other Authors, speak of Magicians and Sorcerers; ••ut the Holy Scriptures, and the Authority of the Church, which Ex∣communicates and Anathematises them every Sunday in Parish-Churches, will not suffer us to doubt of the Truth thereof. And consequently Princes and Magistrates can never proceed with too much ri∣gour against these publick Pests. It is observ'd in the Iournal of the Reign of Henry III. that in the Reign of Charles IX. impunity had multiply'd this Vermine to the Number of thirty thousand Persons. However, we must not believe that Sorcerers have all that Power to Hurt and Kill which some ascribe to them. Hen∣ry. III. lived still, notwithstanding all the Wax-Images, which they pricked in the Place of the Heart, during the Masses of 40 hours, which those of the League caus'd to be said in the Parish Churches of Paris. The some Iournal, 1589.
• 4 1.251

  The Curiosity of knowing the Progress of the Diseases of Princes, is almost always fatal to those who inquire after it. As nothing afflicts Princes more than the approaches of Death, so nothing gives them greater Indignation against Great Men, than a certain Imprudent Hastiness, that discovers that they expect a New Reign. M. the Duke de la Rochefo∣cault makes a Reflection, which a∣grees well with this Subject. If, saith he, the Parties which the prin∣cipal Persons of the Realm made, some for the Queen, and others for Monsieur, did not discover themselves more; it was because the King's re∣covery, which seem'd to be in a fair Way, made them fear, lest he should be inform'd of their Practices, and should look upon it as a Crime in them to be so careful before-hand, to Esta∣blish their fortunes after his Death.
• 1 1.252

  It is common enough for Prin∣ces and Great Men, to fore-s••e and fore-tell at their Death, the Misfor∣tunes that will be••all their Children. Germanicus prophesy'd.
• 2 1.253

  He that hath not power enough to defend himself against Oppre∣ssion, has oftentimes Friends e∣enough courageously to revenge him after his Death. Which ought to be consider'd by those, who find themselves supported by favour, make trial of their Power on Great Men. For sooner or later the Op∣pression is returned upon themselves.
• 3 1.254

  There is not now-a-days so good faith amongst Men; Dissimu∣lation and Double-dealing are be∣come so much the Mode, that Peo∣ple are generally so far from openly renouncing the Friendship of those who have disoblig'd them, that on the contrary, they make greater expressions of it than ever, that they may more securely ruine them. The Friends of this Age, saith Anthony Perez, have the Figure of Men, but the Heart of Wild Beasts. Kostro•• humanos, coraso••es de fieras.
• 1 1.255

  Let Princes be never so sick, Flatterers make them almost always hope, that they will recover. They deceive them to the very moment that they depart to give an account to God, without any one being con∣cern'd for their Salvation; in this one thing more unhappy than the most mis••rable Subject they have. Don Carlos Colona speaking of the sudden Death of Alexander Duke of Parma, saith, That he knew not that he was dying, but by the Coun∣tenance of his Servants and Physici∣ans; intimating that this Prince understood that by their Eyes, which he ought to have known from their Mouths.
• * 1.255.5

  Lib. 5. of his History of the Wars of Flanders.
• 2 1.256

  A good Father, as Germanicus was, could not have a greater Trou∣ble at his Death, than to leave a Wi••e and Children whom he lov'd tenderly, to the mercy of his Ene∣mies.
• 3 1.257

  It is very hard for private Per∣sons, who are accus'd by a Prince ••hat is the People's Favourite, to shelter themselves from the Storm▪ which so heavy an Accusation draws upon them.
• 4 1.258

  Poyson is the Plague of Princes, for it is almost the only kind of Death, against which it is impossible for them to guard themselves, what cautions soever they make use of a∣gainst the Treachery of their Dome∣stick Officers. And thence it is, that People ordinarily attribute their Death to Poyson; and that they themselves are so often troubled with suspicions of being poyson'd. To this purpose I remember, I have read in the Relations of a Venetian Ambassador at Rome, that in the Pontificate of Urban VIII. an Italian Gentleman told a Iesuite in Con••es∣sion, that he had poyson'd five Popes, which is the more wonderful, be∣cause the Nephews, whose whole Fortune depends on the Continuance of the Pontificates of their Uncles, watch with Argus's Eyes for the Pre∣servation of him, whose Death reduces them to a private Condition.
• 5 1.259

  Those who have Envy'd us in Prosperity, or during our Lives, freely pity us in Adversity, or at least a••ter our Death; because they have the Glory of appearing generous, when they have nothing more to fear.
• 6 1.260

  Nothing seems stranger, than that a General of an Army should dye by the Hands of a Woman, after he hath pass'd his whole Life in Bat∣tels and Dangers. Notwithstanding this Mis••ortune hath befallen many great Captains, God having permit∣ted it so to be, to punish their Pride by an humbling Death.
• 7 1.261

  It is decent for Women to weep, saith Tacitus, but Men have a greater Duty to perform, which is to remember. Faeminis lugere ho∣nestum est, viris meminisse. In Ger∣mania. It is not (said a great Ora∣tor to the Regent Anna of Austria) by useless Complaints, and superflu∣ous Grief, that a great Soul like your Majesty's, ought to express her P••ety and her Love to the Ashes of her Husband; it is by Executing his Orders; it is by proposing to your Imitation the Image of his Virtues; it is by couragiously conducting the Fortune of the State. Ogier in the Preliminary Epistle to the Funeral O∣ration of Lewis XIII.
• 8 1.262

  In the Life-time of Princes it is very difficult to distinguish their Faithful and Disinterested Servants from those that are not so; because the Favours they are capable of do∣ing, are apt to make it be believed, that all who adhere to them, adore the Fortune, and not the Person; but after their Death, it is known by the Duties that are paid them, and by the Execution of their last Desires, who were worthy, or who were unworthy of their Affection and Favours.
• 9 1.263

  When the Iudges are touch'd with Compassion for the Accusers, there are no hopes of Mercy for the Accused; especially, if they are Persons who have been long hated, as Piso and Plancina were for their Arrogance.
• 10 1.264

  Many Violences and Excesses are committed in remote Provinces, of which the Governors and Princi∣pal Ministers would be hard put to it to shew their Orders. These Of∣••••cers deserve double Punishment: First, for the abuse of their Power; and Secondly, for the Danger to which they expose the Prince, by authorising with his Name and pre∣tended Will, such Acts of Injustice as make him pass for a Tyrant; which is an Injury to him, that can't be repair'd, but by an Example that is capable to undeceive the People.
• 11 1.265

  The Christian Religion com∣mands us to pardon the Injuries that are done to our selves; but it doth not forbid us to avenge those that are done to our Friends, when Iu∣stice and the Laws are on their side. The Gospel obliges us to the First, and Civil Society to the Latter.
• 1 1.266

  We ought never to have any Competition with the Prince's Fa∣vourites or Ministers. It is better to retire from Court, than to enter the Lists with them. If the Prince, saith Cabrera, hath chosen any one of those whom he loves to be his Chief Minister, we ought to honour him according to the Rank which he holds, and according to the Influ∣ence which he hath on his Prince. It is advantageous to make him a Friend; and on the contrary, it is dangerous to judge whether he de∣serves the Place and Authority which is given him. Remember the Brazen Image, which Amasis King of Aegypt caus'd to be worshipp'd, that was made of a Bason wherein he was wont to wash his Fee••, and those words of Tacitus, We adored the Col∣legue of your Consulship, and him who represented your Person in the Admi∣nistration of the Empire. For other∣wise, there is no security for high Birth, nor for great Merit, which have always been suspected and hated by Favourites. And it is not enough to say; I will live at Court without Ambition, without any Pre∣tensions, without Employment, and without having any thing to do with any one: for none that hear this be∣lieve any thing of it. His History, Lib. 7. Cap. 7. He adds, that the Duke of Alva put in for the Go∣vernment of the Low-Countries for no other reason, but to get off from the Level with Cardinal Espinosa, and Prince R••y Gomez, whom ••a∣vour made equal to him in Esteem and Credit; although they were in∣ferior to him in abilities. Notwith∣standing, Cardinal Briconcet, the Chief Minister of King Charles VIII. had very small abilities, and under∣stood nothing at all of Military Af∣fairs; however, saith Commines, (who knew much more of it than he) when I was ill-treated in the begin∣ning of this King's Reign, I durst not intermeddle, that I might not make any of those my Enemies, to whom he gave Authority, Memoirs, Lib. 8. Cap. 5. It is with Men as with pieces of Money, on which Princes set what value they please; end consequently, we must receive them according to their currency, and not according to their intrinsick value.
• 2 1.267

  When we speak of Princes, we must speak of them with the utmost Caution. It is not enough to distrust the Ears of those who are present, we ought also to distrust their Eyes, who read in the Countenance and the Looks, all that of which they make a Mystery to them.
• 3 1.268

  The most glorious Apotheosis of a Prince, is to be lamented by his Subjects, and honour'd with the Praises of Foreign Nations.
• 4 1.269

  A General of an Army should have an aspect mingled with Sweet∣ness and Severity; for Soldiers con∣tract a sort of Fierceness, which of∣ten carries them to Sedition, if they are not restrain'd by an air of Au∣thority, which strikes an awe upon them. The Roman Historians have observed, That this Mixture in Han∣nibal was the Foundation of his Greatness and Reputation.
• 1 1.270

  The Name of Princes is always immortal, by reason of the Greatness of their Office, which is the Cause that all their Actions, good or bad, are written on the Records of Poste∣rity: But there is this Difference be∣twixt those who have abused their Power, and those who have dis∣charged the Duties of their Station, that the Memory of the Former is In••amous for ever, whereas that of the Latter is always Glorious and Triumphant. So they need not raise Pyramids and Mausolaeums if they have been Virtuous; for the Me∣mory of their Virtues in Eternal; and their Monuments are as many in number, as there are People who read their History, and as there are Princes who follow their Example.
• 2 1.271

  In all times Warlike Princes and Great Captains have been com∣pared with Alexander, as if there was not a more perfect Model to propose for Arms than this Conque∣ror. He must, saith a Learned Pre∣late, be found in all our Panegy∣ricks; and it seems, by a sort of Fatality, glorious to his Name, that no Prince can receive Praises, but he must have a share in them. M. de Meaux in the Funeral Oration of Lewis Prince of Co••de.
• m 1.272

  Strada reports, That the Flemmings compared Don Iohn of Austria, the Son of Charles V. with Germanicus for Beauty and Gracefulness; for Years which were 33; for Exploits in War performed by each in divers places, bordering on Holland; for having been both suspected by their Princes; and for having ended their days by an untimely Death. History of Low-Countrys. De••ad. 1. Lib. 10.
• 3 1.273

  Chastity is a Virtue so much the more praise-worthy in Princes, ••s their Condition sets them at a greater Distance from it. Commines speaking of the Vow which Lewis XI. made, never to touch any Wo∣man but his Wife, saith that, Although the King ought to have done it accord∣ing to the Ordinance of the Church, it was nevertheless a great Thing for him, who had so many Women at his command, to persevere in this Promise; considering also, that the Queen was not a Woman in whom he could take much Pleasure. Memiors, lib. 6. cap. 9.

  It is a great Miracle, saith a Famous Panegyrist, that he for whom the Church hath so often prayed that he might not fall into extraordinary Crimes, did not so much as fall into the Common Faults, which we call Humane Frailties. But let us call them as we will, they are no other than Mortal Sins, which can∣not be excused, ••either by the Vi∣gour of our Age, and heat of our Blood, seeing Lewis was Chast in his blooming Youth; nor by the Opportunities of Sin, seeing he was Chast in the midst of the Court; nor by the Violence of Temptati∣ons,

  seeing the finest Eyes of the World lay in wait in vain for him; nor by the Difficulty of the Precept, seeing neither Age, nor Blood, nor Opportunity, nor the Charms of

  Beauty, hindred him from preser∣ving an inviolable Chastity.

  The Funeral Oration of Lewis XIII. by Franc. Ogier.
• 4 1.274

  Independance is a mighty ad∣vantage in a General of an A••my for the Execution of Enterprizes. Ger∣manicus would have compleated the Conquest of all Germany, if Tiberi∣us had not been Iealous of his Glory. The Duke of Alva would have taken Rome and Pope Paul IV. if Philip II. his Master had been of the humour of Charles V. The Count de Rant∣zau, who was afterwards Mareschal of France, would in••allibly have surpriz'd the Citadel of Ghant, wherein there were at that time many French, Portug••ese, and Ca∣talans Prisoners, if Monsi••ur d•• Noyers, who govern'd all under Cardinal Richelieu, had been will∣ing to have seconded this Enter∣prize, whereas he disappointed it to hinder the Count, whose Person he hated, from growing more consi∣derable at Court, by so great a Ser∣vice. The Mareschal de la Mothe Houdancourt, would have carried the King of Spain Prisoner to Paris, if the Regency had not been in the Hands of his Sister, who on this Occasion preferr'd her Brother's In∣terests to her Sons.
• 1 1.275

  A good Minister ought to sa∣crifice his Private Interests to the Publick Service, without being ob∣stinately bent to carry it from his Rivals. There is nothing more per∣nicious than the Dissentions which happen betwixt the Great Officers of a Province, whilst there is a Pow∣erful Rebel who endeavours to make himself Master of it. On such oc∣casions, it is a Victory to yield to an Ambitious Competitor, who is of a Humour obstinately to support his Pretensions. Don Iohn de Cerda, Duke de Medina Caeli, being come to Brussels to succeed the Duke d'Alva in his Government of the Low-Countries, chose rather to return in∣to Spain, than to enter into a Con∣test with Alva, who refus'd to put these Provinces into his hands; un∣der colour, that they had yet need of his Presence, and that Medina was too gentle, to govern so rough a People, Cabrera's History, Lib. 10. Cap. 2.
• 2 1.276

  Persons who have a Friend∣ship with Poysoners that are known to be such, are easily believed to be Guilty, if they are once accus'd of Poysoning. The Acquaintance of la Voisin and the Lady de Brinvilli∣ers, was unfortunate to several Peo∣ple, and many more would have felt the Rigour of Iustice, if the King's Clemency had not removed the Ballance.
• 1 1.277

  A Wife can't do any thing more worthy of conjugal Love, than to prosecute the Murthere••s of her Husband.
• 2 1.278

  Past Prosperity, draws greater compassion on the present Adversity; Especially, when they are Persons who have behaved themselves well in their good Fortune.
• 3 1.279

  According to the Proverb, which saith, That He is a Fool that lets the Children live whose Father he hath kill'd. Agrippina who looked on Ti∣berius as the Principal Author of her Husband's Death, had just cause to fear lest he should also destroy her Chil∣dren. And as she had six, Tacitus, who never saith any thing in vain, expresses by these three Words, to∣ties fortunae obnoxia; that she fore∣saw, that they would be so many Victims, which Tiberius would sa∣crifice to his Iealousie. And this Presage was in part accomplish'd by the Death of Nero and Drusus her two Eldest Sons.
• 4 1.280

  He is very rash▪ who expose•• himself to the Universal Hatred, by openly rejoycing at the Death of a Great Man, whom all the People lament. What did Piso and P••anci∣na mean, who did not conceal their Ioy for a Death, which they were believed to be the Authors of, and which their Enemies already began to revenge? This shews, that Ha∣tred is the most indiscreet of all Pas∣sions.
• n 1.281

  Ann of Boulen, Second Wife to Henry VIII. King of England, did the same thing, when she received the News of the Death of Queen Catherine, whose place she had taken. Burnet's History of the Reformation, Part 1. Book 3▪ The Duke of Maienne had the Insolence to take the Green Sca•••••• in token of Ioy, the Day that he heard of the Death of Henry III.
• o 1.282

  We shall see in the following Book, that Piso deeply resented that he had not follow'd this Wise Counsel; U••in••m ego potius filio j••••••eni, quam ille pa••r•• s••ni cessiss••t.
• 1 1.283

  It is easie to justifie ones self to the Prince, for being at Variance with a Great Man, whom he hath always hated. When the Noblemen at Court fail'd in their respect to the Duke of Alenzon (which happen'd every day) Henry III. more willingly heard their Excuses than the Com∣plaints of his Brother, to whom he had a Natural Aversion.
• 2 1.284

  How good a Right soever a Man hath, he ought to beware of maintaining it, when Damage may ensue thence to the Prince, and Trouble to the State.
• 3 1.285

  A Governor or a General of an Army, ought not to expect much Fidelity from an Army which hath been wholly devoted to his Prede∣cessor, and which knows that he is accus'd of the Death of him whom they lament.
• 1 1.286

  There is not a more Sovereign Remedy against Calumnies than Time, which sooner or later disco∣vers the Truth. When any one is Calumniated to the Prince by Per∣sons in Authority, it is safer for him to keep at a Distance, than to come to justifie himself before passionate and prepos••ess'd Iudges.
• 2 1.287

  Innocence is not a sufficient Guard against the People, when they have hated a Man a long time. The Voice of the People hath oft••n oppressed Innocent Persons, without any other ground, but that of a Su∣perstitious Opinion, which is rooted in the Minds of many, that the Voice of the People is the Voice of God. For one time that the People have spoken Truth, it will be found that they have a Hundred times maintain'd Injustice and Falshood.
• 3 1.288

  It is a common saying, That whosoever hath Strength, i•• commonly in the Right.
• 4 1.289

  There are occasions, where the Nature of Affairs allow not time for Deliberation, it is necessary to take a sudden Resolution, and to leave the rest to Fortune.
• 5 1.290

  Princes take no great care to skreen the Ministers of their Cruel∣ties from Iustice, and the rather be∣cause, by abandoning them, they give occasion to have it believed, or at least doubted, that these are the true Authors thereof. Besides, they do not desire to see them again, whose presence can't but reproach their Injustice. It was for these Rea∣sons, that Philip II. abandon'd his Secretary Anthony Perez, and suffer'd him to be try'd for the Murther of Iohn de Escovedo.
• 6 1.291

  Princes and Courtiers are more dextrous in dissembling their Ioy, then even their Hat••ed. When any one is suspected by them, or gives them Iealousie, their Countenance o••ten betrays their Thoughts; be∣cause the Emotion of the Heart dif∣••uses it self to the Eyes, which, ac∣cording to Polybius, are the Inter∣preters of our Passions; but when they are deliver'd from their Ene∣mies, it is not difficult for them out∣wardly to act that Part which Po∣licy dictates. Eli••abeth, Queen of England, after she had caus'd the Queen of scots to be beheaded, la∣mented her Death, as it she had had no hand in it, and order'd magnifi∣cent Obsequies for her at London, and at Peterborough, where she was bu∣ried beside Queen Katherine, the first Wife of Henry VIII. Pos••cki's 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ann. 1588. Madam de Nevers, saith Queen Margaret, being come with us to the Lodgings of the Queen of Navarre, who in her life time had hated her above all peo∣ple; and betwixt whom no re∣conciliation could be made, ap∣proach'd the Bed where the Body of the Deceas'd lay; and after many humble and great Reverences, taking her hand kiss'd it. Her Memoirs. Lib. 1.
• 1 1.292

  To sound Men's Hearts, and to know their Nature to the Bottom, we need only observe what Coun∣s••ls they are govern'd by.
• 2 1.293

  There is nothing which a brave Man will not do, when his Father's Life and Honour are at stake: But his case is pitiable to the last Degree, who is under a Necessity to declar•• against his Prince, or against his Fath••r; to be a Rebel, or Barba∣rous; to renounce Country of Na∣ture, and to chuse of two Du∣••ies, which are both indispensa∣ble.
• 1 1.294

  No Man ought to rally with Iu∣stice, till he is strong enough not to ••all under its hands.
• 1 1.295

  Superior Ministers, who com∣mand in very remote Provinces, ought not to stand still, expecting fresh Orders, when they have pres∣sing Necessities to provide for; for besides that these Orders would come too late, because of the Di∣stance of Places, they ought on these Occasions to take a final Resolution, and the rather because they to whom the Prince hath been pleas'd to com∣mit his Authority, ought to presume that he hath likewise left to them the Conduct of all unfore-seen Af∣fairs, which are not in their In∣structions. If Cardinal Iasper Bor∣gia. had not hasted to take possessi∣on of the Viceroyship of Naples, and even by dextrous Management, the Duke d'Osso••e, who would not leave it, on pretence that his presence was necessary there, and that he ex∣pected another new Order from th•• Court of Madrid. Philip III. had run a great Risque of losing that Kingdom, or at least of having an Insurrection in it. Conjuratio Oss••∣ni••••••.
• 1 1.296

  The Liberty of th•• Tongue, saith Mariana, punishes the Exces∣ses and the Injustices of Princes, who cannot be Masters of Tongues, as they are of Bodies. History of Spain, lib. 16. cap. 16.
• 2 1.297

  As the People are Excessive in their ••oy, so they a••e always in their Grief; and especially, when they have been Tantaliz'd with a False ••oy. For, according to Cicero, False ••oy, commonly ends in Des••lation and Despair. Us••ra falsi gaudii 〈◊〉〈◊〉, deinde frangi repente, a••que 〈…〉〈…〉, ut nulla ••es ad ••••uita∣tem animi postea possit extollere. Epist. Lib. 6.
• 1 1.298

  Nothing demonstrates more how much a Prince hath been be∣loved, than the Extraordinary Ho∣nours which are done him after his Death.
• p 1.299

  The Romans erected Tombs to Great Men and Illustrious Persons in all Places where they had done some memorable Action, although their Ashes were not there, nor ever had been there. These honorary Tomb•• were call'd Cenotaphia, that is to say, Empty Sepulchres. At Venice, those of their Doges and their Generals, that are slain in the Service of the Repub∣lick, are most of them without Bodies. For the Doges order their Inter∣ment in those Places, where their Ancestors rest; and afterwards their Children cause Mausolaeums and Statues to be erected in the most frequen∣ted Churches of the City, as those of the Iacobins and Cordeliers are, to perpetuate the Memory of their Dogedom.
• q 1.300

  The Suburbs of Antioch▪
• r 1.301

  In these Bucklers there was the Effigies of the Person in Relievo. And it was one of these Bucklers that Hortalus looked on. Hortens••i inter Ora∣tores sitam imaginem intuens, when he presented his Children to the Se∣nate. These Bucklers were ordinarily of Brass, and the Head of Silver. There is to be seen in the Town-House of Lyons, a Silver Buckler of 22 Pounds weight, which seems to represent the Generous Action of Scipio▪ who sent back a Beautiful Captive which he had taken; and it is the most cu••ious piece of Silver that is to be seen. Burnet's Voyage into Switzerland 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• s 1.302

  This good Fortune happen'd to Margaret of Austria, natural Daughter of Charles V. Wife to Octavius Farnese Duke of Parma, Grandson of Pope Paul III▪ and there is a Monument at Rome, which preserves the Memory of it, as a Fortunate Thing that seldom happens to a Sovereign Family. Relicto lapideo ad poste••os monumento rarae utique fortunae in regnatrice domo. Strada, Lib. 9. dec. 1.
• 1 1.303

  The Debauchery of Women of Quality, is of so much more dan∣gerous contagion, as it serves for Ex∣ample to all others. Tanto conspe∣ctius in se crimen habet, quanto ma∣jor qui peccat habetur, saith Iuve∣nal. Had Tiberius suffer'd Vistilia, to have led the Infamous Life, which she had resolved on; all Wives who had been discontented with their Husbands, would have taken off the Mask, to revenge themselves by dishonouring them. How many Women in Paris do glory in living in Debauchery; some with Great Men, others with Magistrates, and most with Abbots; (a Condition now-a-days consecrated to Gallantry) They are ashamed to have a Hus∣band that has no Coach; and Pride themselves in having a Gallant with a fine Equipage, at the Expence of their Honour.
• t 1.304

  This Custom is observed at Venice.
• u 1.305

  The Law, Iulia.,
• x 1.306

  One of the Ciclades.
• 2 1.307

  New or Foreign Sects and Ce∣remonies, do by degrees ruine the Religion of the Country; and con∣sequently it nearly concerns Princes not to Tolerate them in their Domi∣nions. They who introduce a New Worship, said Mecaenas to Augustus, open a Gap to New Laws, whence at last arise Cabals, Factions, and Conspiracies. Dio. Lib. 52.
• 1 1.308

  If a Heathen Prince so strictly examined, not only the Personal Qualifications of those who possessed, Offices of Religion, but also the Conduct and Morals of their Parents; with much more reason ought Chri∣stian Princes carefully to inform themselves of the Birth of those who sue to them for Bishopricks and Ab∣beys. I say of the Birth, for it is a shame to see Bastards and adulte∣rous Slips install'd in Ecclesiastical Dignities. Cardinal Charles Borr••∣meo, saith Ammirato, had great rea∣son to be astonish'd, that Christians left Pagans the glory of Excelling them in Moral Virtues. Lib. 11. Disc. 2.
• y 1.309

  A Roman Nummus is about Seven Pence half-penny of our Money▪
• 1 1.310

  In a Famine a Prince may buy the People's Liberty at a Cheap rate; for in such a time the People are best disposed to sell it. People ac∣custom themselves to Slavery, but never to Hunger. The Israelites be∣ing in the Wilderness, murmur'd a∣gainst Moses, for having brought them out of Aegypt, where they had Bread and Meat in abundance, to make them die of Hunger in the Wilderness. It had been better for us, said they, to have served the Aegyptians, than to die in the Wil∣derness, Exod. 14. Would to God we had died by the hand of the Lord in the Land of Aegypt, when we sat by the flesh-pots, and when we did eat bread to the full, Exod. 16.
• 2 1.311

  The Name of Father of the Country, is a Title, which a Prince, who either is so, or desires to be so, ought never to refuse. To accep•• the Title, is to impose an Obligation upon himself to deserve it. There∣fore, Tiberius would not promise that, which he knew he never in∣tended to be. So that his refusa•• was rather the Effect of his Evil Disposition, than of his Modesty. The younger Pliny saith, that Tra∣jan, (who was a very Modest Prince) wept for Ioy, every time that he heard himself call'd Optimus.
• 3 1.312

  Princes are Mortal; and al∣though they are God's Vicegerent•• here on Earth, yet the Functions they Execute are Humane.
• 1 1.313

  Princes who make use of Poi∣son against other Princes, teach them to Employ it against themselves. The safety of Princes consists in a mutual Good Faith betwixt one a∣nother. Charles V. answer'd Bar∣barossa's Baker, who offer'd to Poi∣son his Master, and thereby to make him enter T••nis without any diffi∣culty, That he would not honour a Moor so far, as to use so much ce∣remony with him. After which, he sent notice to Barbarossa to fortifie himself against Poyson, but with∣out naming the Baker to him. Epi∣tome of Don Antonio de Vera.
• 2 1.314

  There was never any one, saith Tacitus, design'd to Rule, who did not make use of the pretence of Liberty. Hist. 4.
• z 1.315

  Tacitus saith, That the ancient Germans had no other Annals but their▪ Verses and their Songs. In hi•• Germany.
• 3 1.316

  The Mind of Man is so hu∣moursome, that by much admiring past times, it comes to have a Dis∣gust and Iealousie of the Present. The Past instructs us, but the Pre∣sent shocks us, because it seems to Eclipse our Glory. Pater••.