The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile.

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus.

Book I.

Vol. I.

By Mr. DRYDEN.

ROME was govern'd at the first bya 1.1 Kings.b 1.2 Li∣berty1 1.3 and the Consulship were introduc'd by Lu∣cius Brutus: thec 1.4 Dictatorship was granted,

but as necessi••y requir'd, and for some time: And

the Authority of thed 1.5 Decemvirate continu'd on∣ly for two Years.1 1.6. The Consular Power of the

e 1.7 Military Tribunes remain'd in force but for a little space.1 1.8. Neither was the Arbitrary Dominion of Cinna, or that of Sylla, of any long continuance.2 1.9. The Power of Pompey and Crassus, were soon transferr'd to Iulius Caesar; and the Arms of Marc Anthony and Lepidus, gave place to those of his Successor, Augustus. Then it was,

that the Civil Wars having exhausted the Forces of the Common-wealth, Augustus Caesar assum'd the Govern∣ment, 1 1.10, under the Modest Title of Prince2 1.11 of the Se∣natef 1.12.

But all the good or adverse Fortune, which happen'd to the Ancient Republique of the Romans, has already

been related, by great Authors1 1.13. Neither were there wanting Famous Wits to transfer the Actions of Augustus to future Ages, till they were hinder'd by the Growth of Flattery2 1.14. During the Reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero; their several Actions were falsify'd through fear, while they were yet living; and after their Decease, were traduc'd through the recent hate of their Historians3 1.15.

For which reason, I shall only give you here a Sum∣mary Account of those Actions which were perform'd by Augustus in the latter part of his Life; and after∣wards the History of Tiberius, and of the three succeed∣ing Emperors: the whole without Partiality or Preju∣dice; to neither of which I can have a Motive4 1.16.

After the Death of Cassius and Brutus, when there were none remaining to take up Arms for Liberty; the Younger Pompey being defeated in Sicily, Lepidus dispos∣sess'd of his Command, and that Marc Anthony had lost his Life together with his Power, Augustus, the only Survivor of the three Competitors, and Heir of Caesar, laying down the Title of Triumvir1 1.17, took up the less in∣vidious Name of Consul; and pretended to satisfy him∣self with the Tribunitial Power, thereby to protect the People2 1.18 in their Rights and Privileges; but when he had once gain'd the Soldiery to his Interest, by re∣wards3 1.19, the People by Donatives and plenty of Provi∣sions4 1.20, and allur'd all in general, by the Mildness of his Government; He began by degrees to incroach upon them, and to draw into his own hands, the Authority of the Senate, of the Magistrates, and Laws: none daring to oppose him, the most violent of his Enemies being either slain in Battle, or cut off by Proscriptions, and the remaining Nobility, the more ready they were to enter into Servitude, the more sure of Honours and Preferment. Besides, that they who found their account in the Change of Government, were more willing to

embrace the Present Slavery, with an assur'd prospect of Ease and Quiet, than to run the Hazard of new Dangers for the recovery of their Ancient Freedom1 1.21. Neither were the Provinces any ways unwilling to ad∣mit these Alterations, as being weary'd out with the continual dissentions of the Senators among themselves, and the Covetousness of their Magistrates, against whom it was in vain to seek the Protection of the Laws: Which either through Force, or Cabals, or Bribery, were be∣come of no effect.

As for the rest, Augustus to strengthen his Authority, advanc'd Claudius Marcellus, the Son of his Sister, and yet very Young, to the Dignity of the Pontificat, and that of Edileg 1.22. And also honour'd with two Succes∣sive Consulships Marcus Agrippa, a Man of mean Paren∣tage2 1.23, but an expert Soldier, and the Companion of his Victories; and not long after, Marcellus being dead he Marry'd him to his Daughter Iulia. He also gave Tibe∣rius

Nero, and Claudius Drusus, the Command of Ar∣mies, though but the Sons of his Wife Livia, and that his own Family was yet flourishing with Heirs. For he had already adopted into the Iulian Family Cajus and Lucius, his Grandsons by Agrippa and his Daughter: And had earnestly desir'd, though with a seeming repugnance1 1.24, that they should be made Princes of the Youth, and design'd Consuls, while yet they wore the Pretext Robeh 1.25. In a short time after Agrippa's Death, his Sons follow'd him, either through the Force of an immature destiny, or through the Treachery of their Mother-in-Law Livia2 1.26. One of them as he was going into Spain, to command the Armies there; and the other as he was returning from Armenia, and ill of a Wound, which he had re∣ceiv'd. And as Drusus was not long e'er this deceas'd, Tiberius only was remaining: Who from thence-forward, was regarded as Successor to the Sovereignty. Au∣gustus adopted himi 1.27; and made him his Collegue in the Empire, and the Tribunitial Power: He sent him also to make his Publick Appearance in all the Armies, that

he might be known to the Soldiers, and all this at the open Sollicitations of Livia; who now no longer ma∣nag'd her affairs by Intrigues and secret Artifices, as for∣merly she had done. For she had gain'd so great an Ascendant over her Husband, now in his declining Age1 1.28, that to satisfie her desires he had banish'd Agrippa Post∣humus, his only remaining Grandson, into the Island of Planas••a. This Youth, 'tis to be confess'd, had been ill Educated, was of a rude Behaviour, and valu'd himself too brutally on his strength of Body: but otherwise, was free from any apparent Vice. The Emperor had also * 1.29

plac'd Germanicus, the Son of Drusus, at the Head of Eight Legions, which were quarter'd towards the Rhine1 1.30, and had commanded Tiberius to adopt him for his Son; that he might thereby strengthen the Succession2 1.31; tho▪ Tiberius at that time,* 1.32 had a Son also of his own,* 1.33 then of Age, and capable of Publick Business.

He had now no other War upon his hands, but that of Germany, which he continu'd rather to blot out th•• Ignominy which he had receiv'd, by the Defeat of Quin∣tilius Varus, than to extend the Bounds of the Roman Empire: or for any other important Interest. All things at Rome being in a settled Peace; the Magistrates still retain'd their former names:1 1.34 The Youth being born * 1.35

after the Battle of Actium, and the Elder sort, during the Civil War, few were now remaining of those which had seen the times of Liberty; all things had another face. Nothing of the Form or Force of the Ancient Government was left. Equality and Freedom were at once distinguish'd; the Common Interest was to obey and serve the Prince, at least, before he grew subject to the Decays of Age, and cou'd attend with Vigour to the Cares of Government, and to the Fortunes of his Family. But when he was infeebled with Years and Sickness, and his end was visibly approaching; the Minds of Men were alter'd by the prospect of a Change. Some few cry'd up the Advantage of Publick Free∣dom: Many were fearful of an impending War, which was earnestly desir'd by others. But the greater Part employ'd their time in various Discourses of future Mat∣ters1 1.36.

Agrippa, they said, was fierce by Nature, and ex∣asperated by the Disgraces which he suffer'd2 1.37; be∣sides, that he was wholly unacquainted with Affairs, and incapable of sustaining so great a Weight. Tibe∣rius was indeed mature in Years, and experienc'd in Warfare; but had inherent in him, the Severity and Pride of the Claudian Family, which he cou'd not so

perfectly dissemble, but that some signs of Cruelty might be observ'd in his Nature and his Actions. What was there to be expected from a Man, bred from his Infancyk 1.38, in the Imperial House, and amidst Arbitrary Power, loaded with Honours and Triumphs in his Youth1 1.39, and during his retreat at Rhodes, which was, in effect, but a specious Exile; feeding his thoughts with the hopes of Vegeance, forming him∣self to the Practice of Dissimulation, and consuming the rest of his time in Luxury2 1.40. His Mother of a Violent and Imperious Nature, according to the Sex themselves, subjected to the Slavery of a Woman; besides, two Youths, who at present were chargeable to the Common-Wealth, and wou'd tear it piece meal after the Emperor's Decease.

While these things were in agitation, the Health of Augustus was impairing daily; and there wanted not some, who suspected the Impiety of his Wife by Poison3 1.41. For, some Months before, there had been spread a Ru∣mour, that Augustus, attended by some of his most trusty

Servants, and accompany'd only by Fabius Maximus his Friend and Con••ident, had made a Secret Voyage to the Island of Planasia, there to visit Young Agrippa; that many tears had been mutually shed, with reciprocal te∣stimonies of tendernessl 1.42; from which it might be ga∣ther'd, that there were yet some hopes of his being restor'd into the Family of his Grandfather1 1.43. It was farther reported, that Fabius had reveal'd this Secret to his Wife Marcia2 1.44, and she to Livia3 1.45, who complain'd of it to Augustus: these things being come at length to the notice of the Emperor, and shortly after, Maximus be∣ing

dead, ('tis doubtful whether by a Voluntary Death, or not,) Marcia was heard at his Funeral amidst her sor∣rows to accuse her self, as the Cause of her Husband's Destiny.1 1.46. But however it was, Tiberius was scarcely en∣ter'd into Illyria; when he was speedily recall'd by Let∣ters from his Mother; and it is not known for certain, whether or no he found Augustus yet livingm 1.47 when he arriv'd at Nola. For Livia had order'd the Corps du Guard to be all under Arms at every Avenue of the Pa∣lace and the Town, and caus'd reports to be hourly

spread of the Emperor's amendment, till having all things in a readiness, which the present Conjunction cou'd require. She declar'd at once the Death of Au∣gustus, n 1.48, and the Accession of Tiberius to the Empireo 1.49▪

The Reign of TIBERIUS: Beginning in the Year of Rome, 767.

I. THE first Action of the New Reign, was th•• Murder of Agrippa Posthumus1 1.50; who unarm'd as he was, and wholly Ignorant of the design, was not without some difficulty slain, by a Centurion hardned in blood. Tiberius was silent of this matter in the Senate, feigning a Command from his Father Augustus, wherein

he had order'd the Officer of the Guard to murther the Young Man, immediately after his own decease. 'Tis undoubted that Augustus had often, and that with bit∣terness, complain'd in the Senate, of his Manners; and had also exacted a Decree from them to authorize his Banishment. Yet he had never proceeded to so much cruelty, as to compass the Death of any of his Relati∣ons. Nor is it credible that he would command his Grandson to be murder'd, to secure the safety of his Son-in-Law. The suspicion fell more naturally on Tibe∣rius and Livia, for hastning the Death of a Young Man, obnoxious to the hatred of the first through fear of a Competitoro 1.51, and of the last, through the inbred ma∣lice

of Step-mother. When the Centurion, according to Military Custom, told Tiberius that he had perform'd his orders; his answer was, that he had given him no such Commission2 1.52; that the Officer should be answera∣ble to the Senate for his offence, which coming to the knowledge of Sallustius Crispus, who was the confident of all his Secrets, and who had issued out those orders to the Centurion, He fearing that the Murther would be charg'd on him, and knowing that it was equally dangerous in his case, either to confess the Truth, or divulge the Secret, to approve himself, either Innocent or Guilty3 1.53; ad∣vis'd Livia, that care should be taken not to expose the Secrets of the Imperial House, or the Counsels of Mi∣nisters4 1.54, or the Names of the Soldiers, whom he pri∣vately employ'd to execute his orders. For Tibe∣rius would certainly weaken the Government, if he permitted his actions to be scan'd in the Senate5 1.55.

Arbitrary Dominion being of that nature, that the Per∣formance of a Command, from a single Person, can be accountable but to him alonep 1.56.

II. In the mean time, at Rome the Consuls, Senators, and Knights, endeavour'd to out-strip each other in the ••ace to Servitude. And they who were the most Noble and Illustrious, made the greatest speed; using so speci∣ous a behaviour, that without shewing any exterior glad∣ness for the Death of their late Emperor, or any discon∣tent, for the Succession of the Newq 1.57, their Mourning was mingled with their Ioy, and their Tears with ex∣pressions of Flattery. Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius,

then Consuls, were the first who took the Oath of Fideli••∣ty to Tiberius, and gave it afterwards in his name, to Seju-Strabo, Captain of the Pretorian-Guard, and to Cajus Turranius, Commissary-General of the Publick Provisi∣ons: after these, to the Senate, to the Forces, and to the People. For Tiberius affected to begin all publick Functions from the Consuls1 1.58, as in the ancient Common-Wealth, and as if he were yet doubtful, whether or no, he would assume the Government. Even the Edict it self by which he summon'd the Senate to the Court, was short and modest, declaring, that he exercis'd this Right but only in vertue of the Tribunitial Powerr 1.59, which was vested in him by Augustus2 1.60; and in order to deliberate on those funeral Honours, which were to be paid to his Father, whose Corps, in the mean time, he would not forsakes 1.61, and that all the part to which he pretended in the Publick Administration, was no more

than what was reducible to that Edictt 1.62. Yet after the Death of Augustus, it was his Custom to give the word to the Praetorian Cohorts, to be attended by Soldiers, and no part of the State belonging to an Emperor, was wanting to him. Whether he walk'd the Streets, or went to the Senate, his Guards follow'd him. He had also written to the Armies in the style of Emperour and Successor, and all without the least Ambiguity or Hesitation, unless it were when he spoke in Senate3 1.63. The principal Cause of his dissimulation4 1.64 was, that he fear'd Germanicus who commanded so many Legions, assur'd of succour from all the Allies, and lov'd even to Idolatry, by the Roman People, would rather chuse to enjoy the Empire in present, than to attend it from his Death. Nei∣ther was there wanting a mixture of Vain-Glory, in these proceedings, for he affected to have it thought, that he was Elected by the Common-Wealth5 1.65, rather than intro∣duc'd

by the Arti••ices of a Woman6 1.66, and the adoption of an old doting Man. It was afterwards discover'd al∣so, that this Irresolution which he shew'd, tended to sound the Affections of the Great towards him; for he study'd their Countenance, and their Words, to make them guilty afterwards, whom he purpos'd to de∣stroy.

III. The first time he came into the Senate, he would permit no other business to come on, than only what related to the Funeral of his Father1 1.67; whose Testa∣ment was brought thither by the Vestals. By it Tiberius and Livia were declar'd his Heirs. Livia was adopted also into the Iulian Family, and honour'd with the Title of Augustau 1.68. In the second Degree were rank'd his Grand-Children,

and their Descendants; in the third, the Greatest of the Romans, not out of Affection, for he hated most of them, but out of Ostentation2 1.69, to be ad∣mir'd by Posterityx 1.70. His Legacies exceeded not the common Rules, only he bequeath'd to the People four hundred Thousand great Sesterces; to the most Inferior sort thirty five Thousand great Sesterces; to each of the Praetorian Soldiers (or Guards) a Thousand small Sester∣ces, and three hundred to every Legionary. After this, they spoke of the Honours which were to be render'd

to the Dead; and the Chief on which they insisted, were, that the Funeral State should pass through the Trium∣phal Gate, which was first advis'd by Gallus Asinius. That the Titles of the Laws which had been Instituted by him, and the names of the Nations which he had vanquish'd, should be carried before the Body, which was propos'd by Lucius Arruntius. But Messala Valerius adding, that the Oath of Fidelity to Tiberius, should be annually re∣new'd; Tiberius (interrupting him on the sudden) ask'd, if it were by his Order, that he had thus spoken? And Messala replying, that it was of his own head, adjoin'd farther, that in all things which concern'd the Publick Good, he would never take any Man's opinion but his own, though in so doing he should make Caesar himself his Enemy. This was the only remaining kind of Flat∣tery. The Senators with a General Cry, demanded, that the Imperial Corps should be carried to the Pile on their Shoulders only. But Tiberius dispens'd with that Office rather out of Vanity, and to do himself honour in the refusal, than out of real Modesty. After this he publish'd an Edict to the People, warning them not to disturb these Funerals, as they had done those of Iulius Caesar, with their excess of Zeal, and not obstinately to persist in their desire, that the Body should be burn'd in the Market-place, and not in the Field of Mars, which was the place decreed for that Ceremony. On the day of the Funeral Solemnity, the Soldiers were order'd to be under Arms. Those who had either seen themselves, or had heard from their Fathers of that day, whereon Iulius Caesar the Dictator had been slain, when the sharp∣ness of their Slavery was yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon them, and their Liberty, with an ill Omen just re••••or'd, much deriding the superfluous care now us'd by Tiberius on this occasion; for even at that time, as there were some who judg'd his Death an impious action, so there were o••hersy 1.71 who

extoll'd it as a glorious Iustice3 1.72. But in the present case, here was an old Emperor, quietly gone out of the World, who had been settled in a long course of Sovereignty of 44 yearsz 1.73, and who had establish'd the Succession a∣gainst the Common-Wealth, by a large Provision of Heirs, and those in power; he, it seems, must have a Guard of Soldiers about his dead body, to secure it from disturbance at his Funeral.

IV. This afforded no small occasion of discourse con∣cerning Augustus himself. The greater part of the As∣sistants

vainly admiring, that he should happen to die on the same day on which he first assum'd the Empirea 1.74: that he died at Nola, in the same House and Chamber, wherein his Father Octaviusb 1.75 had finish'd his Life. The number of his Consulships was extoll'd likewise, which equall'd those of Valerius Corvinus, and Caius Mariusc 1.76, both together, that had enjoy'd the Tribunitial Power, without Intermission, 37 Years; had been saluted Emperord 1.77 one and twenty times: Besides, a multitude of other Honours which had been heap'd upon him, or invented for him. But the Politicians examin'd the conduct of his Life, af∣ter another manner. Some said, that his filial Piety to Caesar, the necessity of Affairs, and the importance of the Laws had hurry'd him into a Civil War1 1.78; which cou'd not possibly be manag'd with the Forms of Iustice; though the Cause was honest. That he had consented

to many violent proceedings of Anthony ande 1.79 Lepidus2 1.80, because he had need of their assistance, to revenge the Murther of his Father. That Lepidus being grown Effeminate by the Sloath of a Private Life, Anthony drown'd in his debauches, and the Common-Wealth torn in pieces by the Discord of her Citizens, there was no o∣ther Remedy left in Nature, but the Government of a single Person; which notwithstanding, Augustus had never taken up the Titlef 1.81 of King3 1.82, or of Dictator4 1.83, but contented himself to be call'd Prince of the Senate; That the Empire was owing to him, for being surrounded by the Oceang 1.84, and remote Rivers5 1.85; That the Pro∣vinces,

the Legions, and the Naval Force, were well united; the Citizens obedient to the Laws; the Allies in terms of dutiful respect, and the Town adorn'd with stately Buildings; that it was to be acknowledg'd he sometimes made use of Severity and Force, but very rarely, and always for preservation of the Publick Safetyh 1.86. On the other side it was alledg'd, that the boasted Piety of a Son to a Father, and the Necessities of a Common-Wealth, were only his pretext6 1.87; that through an insati∣able desire of reigning, he being then a Youth, and of a private Fortune, had corrupted the Veteran Troops with Bribes and Donatives, had rais'd an Army, and debauch'd

the Legions of Decimus Brutus then Consul, under colour of reconciliation with Pompey's party; that after he had extorted from the Senate, the Ornaments and Authority of a Praetor, and seiz'd on the Troops which had been commanded by Hirtius and Pansa, newly slaini 1.88, either by the Enemy, or by the Treason of this young Caesar, (for Pansa was thought to have been brought to his end by an envenom'd Plaister apply'd to his wound, and Hirtius was slain by the hands of his own Soldiers,) he caused himself to be created Consul in spight of the Senate, and had turn'd those arms against the Common-Wealth, which he had taken up against Anthony: The Proscrip∣tion of so many Citizens was charg'd on him; and the division of the Landsk 1.89 disapprov'd even by those to whom they fell. The Death of Cassius and the two Bru∣til 1.90, must indeed be own'd for a just Vengeance on the Murderers of his Fatherm 1.91; though still it had been more glorious for him, to have sacrific'd his private hatred, to the Publick Interest: But the younger Pompey had been unworthily betray'd under the shadow of a pretended

Peace; and Lepidus by a dissembled Friendship: Anthony sooth'd and lull'd asleep, by the Treaties of Tarentum, and Brundusium, and by his Marriage with the Sister of Au∣gustus, had paid with his Life the forfeit of that fraudu∣lent Alliance. After this a Peace was of necessity to ensue, but it was a bloody Peace; and infamous for the punishment of the Varro's, the Egnatiin 1.92, and the Iulii of Rome; to which succeeded the Defeats of Lolliuso 1.93 and Varusp 1.94 in Germany: Neither did they spare his private Life in their discourses. They reproach'd him for having forcibly taken from her Husband a Woman then with Child; and for having made a Scoff of Religion, by demanding of the Priests if it were lawful for him to espouse her before she was deliver'd7 1.95. They allow'd

him to have suffer'd the Luxury of Quintus Atedius, and Vedius Pollio8 1.96, his Minors, and also of having given him∣self up to be govern'd by Livia9 1.97, a heavy Burden to the Common-Wealth, and a worse Step-mother to the Family of the Caesars; That he had made himself a Fellow to the Gods, commanding Temples to be dedicated to him as to a Deity, with the Pomp of Images, Priests, and Sacrifices. That for the rest, he had appointed Tiberius to succeed him10 1.98, not out of any

Affection which he bore him, nor out of any Conside∣ration for the Publick Good, but only to add a Lustre to his own Glory, by the Foyl of that Comparison▪ as having a perfect Insight into his Nature, and knowing him at the bottom to be Proudq 1.99 and11 1.100 Cruel. For not

many Years before, Augustus requesting the Senate once more to confer the Tribunitial Power on Tiberiusr 1.101, had cast out some Words concerning his Humour, and the Oddness of his Manners, which seeming to Excuse, did in effect Reproach them12 1.102.

V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended, there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him; and

that being done, earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius; who, on his side, spoke ambiguously con∣cerning the Greatness of the Empire, and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities: Saying,

That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs1 1.103; and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour2 1.104, he was sensible by his own Experience, how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government. That in a City, which a∣bounded with the Choice of great and able Persons, all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Manage∣ment of one; since Publick Functions were better

exercis'd, when many join'd their Cares and Labours3 1.105.

But there was more of Ostentation, than of upright Meaning, in these Discourses. And besides, if Tiberius, whether by Nature, or by Custom, spoke obscurely even on those Subjects, where he had no occasion to dissemble, his Words at this time became more intricate and doubt∣ful, when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts. Then the Senators, who were all equally afraid of seem∣ing to divine his Meaning, broke out into Tears, Com∣plaints and Vows; holding out their Hands to the Gods, and to the Image of Augustus, and embracing the Knees of Tiberius, till he commanded a Registers 1.106 to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus4 1.107, and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues, with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies, which serv'd in the Ar∣mies, of the Tributary Kingdoms, of the Conquer'd Provinces, of the Naval Strength, of the Imposts, and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth. To which, Augustus, whether out

of Fear for the Empire, which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany, or out of Iealousie, lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself, added the Advice of Re∣straining the Empire within the present Limits5 1.108.

VI. In the mean time, the Senate still descending to the most abject Supplications, it happen'd that Tiberius said unwarily, He found himself uncapable of Go∣verning the whole Empire, but if it pleas'd them to commit some part of it to his Administration, whatso∣ever it were, he would accept it. Then Asinius Gallus

laying hold of the Word, And what part of it, O Ti∣berius, said he, wouldst thou undertake? He not expecting such a Question, and not having his Answer in a readi∣ness, for a while stood silent1 1.109: But having recover'd the use of his Reason, answer'd,

That it was unbecoming of his Modesty to choose a Share of it, when he had rather discharge himself altogether of the Burden

2 1.110. Asinius, who discover'd in his Countenance, that he had stung him, replied, That the Demand which he had made, tended not to the sharing of that Power, which could not be divided, but to draw this Acknowledgment from his own Mouth, that the Commonwealth, being but one Body, could only be govern'd by one Soul. Then, after he had prais'd Augustus, he desired Tiberius to remember his own Victo∣ries in War, and his excellent Actions in Peace, during the space of so many Years, wherein he had the Ma∣nagement of Affairs. But all this was not sufficient to make him well with the Emperour3 1.111, who bore him an

ancient Grudge, suspecting him for having espous'd Vip∣sania, the Daughter of Marcus Agrippa, and formerly the Wife of Tiberiust 1.112, as if by that Marriage he design'd to raise himself above the Condition of a private Life4 1.113, and inherited the imperious Humour of Asinius Pollio his Father.

VII. After this Speech, Lucius Aruncius likewise of∣fended him by another, almost of the same Tenour: For though Tiberius had not any old Animosity against him, yet he hated him for his Riches, for the Excellency of his Natural Endowments, and Moral Perfections; and

for the Reput••tion which they had gain'd him with the People, which was not inferiour to his Merit1 1.114▪ Besides, that Augustus in one of the last Discourses which he held, speaking of those, who would refuse the Empire, though capable of Ruling it; or who would be Ambitious of it, though uncapable of Governing; or who at once would be capable of Governing, and desirous of the Govern∣ment; said, That Lepidus would be worthy of it, without wishing for2 1.115 it; that Asinius would be desirous of it, without deserving it; that A••••untius neither was unworthy of it, nor would fail to lay hold of the first Occasion3 1.116, to seize it ••. Concerning the two first of these, 'tis agreed on all

Hands; but some, in stead of Arruntius, have nam'd Cneius Piso. Certain it is, that all of them, excepting Lepidus, perish'd afterwards, by Tiberius, under the sup∣position of several Crimes.

Quintus Haterius, and Mamercus Scaurus, incurr'd like∣wise the Displeasure of that suspicious Soul: The first, for asking him, How long, O Caesar, wilt thou suffer the Com∣monwealth to be without a Head4 1.117? The other, for saying, It was to be hop'd, that the Suit of the Senate would not be unprofitable, because when the Consuls propos'd him to them for Emperour, he interpos'd not his Tribunitial Power to resist the Motion. He reprehended Haterius on the spot, but he said not a Word in reply to Scaurus, against whom he

was more deeplyu 1.118 offended5 1.119. At length being tir'd with hearing the general Complaints and Murmurs, and the Remonstrances of each Man in particular, he unbent somewhat of his Stiffness; not to the degree of declaring, that he would accept the Empire; but only as he said, to put an end to their Requests6 1.120, and his Refusals. 'Tis un∣doubted, that Haterius going to the Palace to ask his Par∣don, wanted but little of being slain by the Soldiers of the Guard, as he was embracing the Knees of Tiberius, who slipping at that instant, happen'd to fall as he was going forward7 1.121; whether by chance, or having his Legs entangled with the Hands of Haterius: But the Risque, which so great a Personage had run, abated nothing of his Resentment. Haterius continued still obnoxious to his Anger, till the Empress, whose Protection he had sought,

interceding in his Favour, by force of Prayers obtain'd his Pardon.

VIII. The Flatteries of the Senate were yet more excessive, in relation to Livia. Some of them voting her the Title of Motherx 1.122, by way of Excellence and Di∣stinction: Others, that of Mother of her Country: And many of them were likewise for passing a Decree, that to the Name of Caesar, should be added the Son of Iu∣lia. But Tiberius replied to all these, That they ought not to confer Honours on Women too lavishly1 1.123: That for him∣self, he would use the same Moderation in those which were propos'd for him2 1.124. Which he said out of Envy to his Mother, whose Elevation he regarded as a Lessening to his own Authority. He would not, that even a Lictoury 1.125 should be decreed for her, and hindred the erecting of an Altar, in memory of her Adoption into the Iulian

Family; and forbad them to ascribe to her any other Honour of the like Nature. But he ask'd the Procon∣sular Power for Germanicus, and sent him the Decree by some of the Senate; who were also commission'd to comfort him for the Death of Augustus3 1.126. The Reason why he requir'd not the same Honours for his Son Dru∣sus, was because he was then in Rome, and besides was design'd Consul. He afterwards nam'd twelve Pretors, which was the Number establish'd by Augustus4 1.127; and the Senate requesting him to create more5 1.128, he took a Solemn Oath, never to exceed that Number.

IX. It was now, that the Assemblyz 1.129 for electing Ma∣gistrates,

was for the first time transferr'd from the Field of Mars to the Senate: For though formerly the Empe∣rour had manag'd all Affairs of Consequence according to his Pleasure, yet some Things were still permitted to be done, by the Intrigues and Suffragesa 1.130 of the Tribes1 1.131: For which loss of Privileges, the People shewed no other Resentment, but by insignificant Complaints and Mur∣murs. And the Senate, for their part, were well satisfied, that thereby they were discharg'd from the shameful Necessity of bribing and supplicating the Commons2 1.132, to favour their Election. And this the more, for that Tiberius reserv'd to himself but the Naming3 1.133 of four

Candidatesb 1.134, who were to be admitted without Cabal∣ling, or any Contradiction. At the same time, the Tri∣bunes of the People demanded the Permission, to cele∣brate at their own Charges those Plays in Honour of Augustus4 1.135, which in their Calendarsc 1.136 were call'd by the Name of Augustales. But it was order'd, that the Publick should be at the Expence, and that the Tribunes should wear the Triumphal Robed 1.137 in the Circus; where, nevertheless, it was not allow'd them to be born in Cha∣riots. And the Annual Celebration was thenceforward committed to that particular Praetor, to whose Lot it should fall, to judge the Differences arising betwixt Citi∣zens and Strangers.

X. This was the face of Affairs at Rome, when a Sedition arose, of the Legions in Pannoniae 1.138. They had no new occasion of Disturbance; only the change of an Emperour inspir'd them with Boldness to make some Di∣sturbance, in hope to better their Condition by a Civil War1 1.139. Three Legions were quarter'd together in the

same Camp, under the Command of Iunius Blaesus, who having heard of the Death of Augustus, and the Succes∣sion of Tiberius, had interrupted the daily Exercises of the Soldiers, either in Token of Mourningf 1.140, or of Ioy. This Dispute began to give a Loathing to the Army of their Labour, and Military Discipline, and infuse into them a Propensity of Idleness and Pleasure. It furnish'd them with Occasions of frequent Quarrels with one another; and of lending an Ear to the mutinous Dis∣courses of the most dissolute amongst them. There was in the Camp a Fellow called Percennius, formerly Head of a Faction among the Stage-Players2 1.141; afterwards a

private Soldier: Insolent in his Speech, and who had learn'd to raise Sedition, by his Practice, in the Play∣house. This Man haunting the Conversation of the most Ignorant, and Silly, who were very inquisitive to know what their Condition was like to be under their new Emperour, debauch'd them by his Nightly Conversa∣tions with them, or at least when it grew late in the Evening; and when the more sober Party were with∣drawn to Rest, assembled the Band of Mutineers. At length many others, who were Promoters of Sedition, being associated with him, he question'd them, like a General who Harangues his Army, on these following Propositions.

XI. Why they paid a Slavish Obedience to a small number of Centurions, and a less ofg 1.142 Tribunes1 1.143? When would they have the Courage to expose their Grievances, and require a Remedy, if not now, in the unsettled Condition of a new Emperour2 1.144▪ with whom they safely might Expostulate, or, if need were,

demand Redress by force of Arms? They had in their own Wrong been already silent for the space of many Years, when would they be weary of so tame a Patience? Not the least Account was made of thirty or forty Years of Service, with∣out mentioning the Infirmities of Age, the greatest part of them had their Bodies mangl'd, and their Limbs disabl'd with their Wounds. That even they who were exempted from their daily Duties, yet saw no end of their Sufferings; being still retain'd under their Colours, they still endur'd the same Miseries, with∣out other Advantage, than that of a more honourable Nameh 1.145! If some amongst them surviv'd so many Misadventures, they were sent into remote Countries, where, under the specious Title of Rewards, they had Fens allotted them to drain, or barren Hills of cultivate: That the Trade of Warfare wa•• of it self Laborious and Unprofitable; that they earn'd a hard Livelihood of Eight Pence a Dayi 1.146, or little more, out of which they were to supply themselves with Clothing, Tents and Arms; and pay their exacting Centurions for their Exemption from Military Duties3 1.147. That the Blows of their Officers, their Mayms, the Severity of the Winter, the insufferable Toyls of Summerk 1.148, a bloody War, and a barren Peace, were endless Evils; for which, there was no other Remedy, than not

••o list themselves for Soldiers under the Daily Pay of a Roman Penny (or Denariusl 1.149); covenanting also to be discharg'd from Service, at the end of Sixteen Years; to be sent to their respe∣ctive Homes, to receive their Pay in Silver, and in the Camp where they had serv'd; shall then the Praetorian Soldiers re∣ceive each of them a double Sallary to ours, and be dismissed after Sixteen Years of Warfare? Are their Actions, or Suffer∣ings to be compar'd with ours? I speak not this, either out of Envy, or Contempt; but at least we may say for our Reputa∣tion, that being in the midst of barbarous and fierce Nations, we have our Enemies in view, even from our Tents.

XII. The whole Company receiv'd his Oration with a general applause; though from different motives: some of them shew'd the Marks of the Civil Blows which their Officers had given them; Others their hoary Hair, and many bar'd their Flesh, ill cover'd, with old and ••atter'd Cloaths. In short, they were infla••'d to that heighth of rage, that they propos'd the Uniting the three Legions into onem 1.150; but their jealousy put a stop to that, every Man pretending to the chief Honour for his own Legion. They bethought themselves of ano∣ther Expedition, which was for mixing the three Ea∣gles confusedly, with the Ensigns of the Cohorts; which having done, they rais'd a Tribunal on sods of Grass, that the Seat might be the farther seen. Blesus arriving thereupon, took those by the Arm whom he met in his Passage, and reproach'd them with great Severity1 1.151.

Rather dip your Hands, said he to the Mutineers, in the live Blood of your General; it will be a less Crime for you to murder me, than to revolt against your Emperor: I will either restrain you within your due Obedience, if you suffer me to live, or I will hasten your Repentance by my Deathn 1.152.

XIII. In the mean time they proceeded with their Work, which they had already rais'd to the height of their Shoulders; when at length their Obstinacy being conquer'd by his Courage, they gave it over. Blesus, who was a Master of Well-speaking1 1.153, represented to them, That their Demands ought not to be carri'd to the Emperour, by way of Sedition2 1.154; that their Prede∣cessors had never offer'd any thing of that Nature to former Generals; nor they themselves, to the Divine Augustus; that they had ill tim'd their Purpose, to give new Troubles to a Prince, oppress'd with the weight

of his Affairs now in the beginning of his Reign3 1.155; that if, notwithstanding, they would make such De∣mands in the midst of Peace, which the conquering Side in a Civil War had never presum'd to ask from their Commander; yet why would they transgress the Limits of Respect, and violate Discipline by taking Arms? Why nam'd they not their Deputies, for whom they might draw up their Instructions in his Presence? At these Words they answer'd with a general Cry, That the Son of Blesus, who was one of the Tribunes, was the most proper Man to take upon him that Commis∣sion; and to require a Discharge for all, when their sixteen Years4 1.156 of Service should be expir'd; and that they would send him fresh Instructions, when that first Article was accorded. When young Blesus was set for∣ward on his Iourney, they were somewhat calm: But the Soldiers grew more haughty, on the account of that Deputation; which shew'd, that they had carried that by Violence, which by other Methods they could never have obtain'd.

XIV. In the mean time, those Bands of Soldierso 1.157, who, before the Sedition, had been sent to Nauportump 1.158 to repair the Ways and Bridges, and for other Occa∣sions, receiving Notice of what had pass'd in the Camp, laid hold on the Ensigns, plunder'd the Neighbourhood, and Nauportum it self, which was in the nature of a Municipal Townq 1.159, contemn'd, revil'd, and even beat

their Centurions, who endeavou••'d to restrain their Madness. Their Rage was chiefly bent against Au••idie∣•••• Rufus, who, from a private Soldier, had been rais'd to a Centurion, and from thence to a Prefect, or Ma∣resch••l de Camp1 1.160. They pull'd him from his Chariot, they loaded him with Baggage, and made him march at the Head of a Battalion, asking him in scorn, If he were not pleas'd to carry such a Burden, and to travel so far on Foot? For Rufus was an indefatigable Man, who restor'd to use the strictness of the ancient Disci∣pline2 1.161, and who spar'd their Labour so much the less, because he had undergone himself what he had impos'd on others.

XV. The arrival of these Mutineers renew'd the Tu∣mult, and roaming lawlesly round the Country, they made Waste of all Things in their way. Blesus caus'd some of them, who return'd loaden with their Plunder, to be beaten, and made Prisoners, thereby to imprint a greater Terror in the rest: (For the Centurions, and the sober part of the Soldiers, still continu'd in their Duty.) The Pillagers thereupon resist those who force 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Prison, embrace the Knees of their Camerades,

implore their Succour; either, in particular, by their Names; or, in general, the Company, the Cohort, or the Legion, in which they serv'd; crying out, Their own Turn must be next in the same Usage. They pour out a thousand Reproaches against their General, and call the Gods to witness his Injustice. In short, they omit nothing to move Compassion, to raise Envy and Fear, and to foment Sedition. The Soldiers run in heaps to their Relief, break open the Prisons, deliver their Companions, and strengthen their Party with De∣serters, and Criminals condemn'd to Death.

XVI. From thence, the Mutiny grew more outragi∣ous, and the Numbers of their Heads in••reas'd. One Vibulenus, a private Soldier1 1.162, being hoisted on the Backs of his Companions, was carried, as it were, in Triumph, before the Tribunal of the General, and the Soldiers big with expectation of his Speech, and thronging to hear him, thus began. 'Tis true, Companions, you have restor'd to Life and Liberty our innocent Fellow-Soldiers; but who shall give me back my Brother, who, being Commission'd to you from the Army now in Germany, for our common Inte∣rests, has this Night been butcher'd by, the Gladiators, who are purposely entertain'd by Blesus, for our General Massacre. Tell me, Blesus, where thou hast thrown this murder'd Body? Even Enemies refuse not Burial to the Slain. When I have satisfied my Grief with Tears and Kisses, command me to be murder'd; and I consent to my own Death, provided thou wilt order us to be laid in one common Grave, like Brothers, who suffer'd Death, not for the Guilt of any Crime, but only for defending the Cause of ther 1.163 Ligions2 1.164.

XVII. He animated this Discourse with Sobs and Groans, and with the Blows which he gave himself on his Face and Breast; then getting loose from those who had carried him on their Shoulders, he threw himself hastily at the Feet of the Assistants, and mov'd them so much to Compassion and Revenge1 1.165, that one part of the Soldiers seiz'd on the Gladiators of Blesus, another secur'd his Menial Servants, whilst many of them ran searching here and there for the Body of their slain Companion. And if, by good Fortune, it had not been immediately discover'd, that Vibulenus never had a Bro∣ther, that there was no such Body to be found, and that

the Slaves of Blesus, being put to the Torture, persisted to deny the Murder; the General was in immediate danger of Assassination. In the mean time, they forc'd the Tribunes, and the Praefect of the Camp, to ••ly for their Safety; they plunder'd their Baggage, and kill'd Lucilius the Centurion, to whom they had given the Nick-name of ••edo alteram; because when he had bro∣ken his Batons 1.166 on the Back of any Soldier, he was wont to call for another, to continue the Correction. The rest of the Centurions absconded, excepting only Iulius Clemens, who was sav'd; as being one, who, for his ready Wit, was thought a proper Man to execute the Commissions of the Soldiers2 1.167. There were two of the Legions, the Eighth and the Fifteenth, who were ready to come to Blows with one another concerning one Sir∣picus a Centurion; the Eighth demanding him to be produc'd and put to Death, the other defending him: If the Ninth had not interpos'd, and partly with Prayers, partly with Threatnings, brought them to Reason on either side.

XVIII. These Things coming to the knowledge of Tiberius, constrain'd him, as expert as he was in dissem∣bling his Temper, and concealing all ill News1 1.168, to send away his Son with all speed to Pannonia, without other

Instructions, than only to act according to the present Necessity, and as the juncture of Affairs2 1.169 requir'd. He gave for his Attendants two Praetorian Cohorts, rein∣forc'd with a Recruit of select Soldiers, with a great part of his Cavalry, and the Choice of his German Guards▪ sent in his Company the principal Men of Rome, and appointed for the Governor of his Person Elius Sejanus, his Favourite3 1.170, then Praefect of the Praetoriumt 1.171, and Collegue to his Father Strabo, in that Office: Employ'd

particularly, on this Occasion, to promise Rewards to those who should submit, and threaten Punishments to such as should persist in their Rebellion. On the ap∣proach of Drusus to the Army, the Legions drew out, to meet him on the way, and do him Honour; not with chearful Countenances, as was the Custom, nor with shining Arms and Ensignsu 1.172, but in a mean and ragged

Equipage, and with sad and sullen Looks, which shew'd more of Contumacy, than of Repentance.

XIX. When he was enter'd into the Camp, they plac'd Sentinels at the Gates, and Corps-de-Guard in se∣veral Parts; the main Body of them gather'd round the Tribunal of Drusus, who was standing, and held out his Hand, as desiring their Attention. As often as the Mu∣tineers cast round their Eyes, and consider'd their own Multitude, they fill'd the Air with Shouts and Threat∣nings1 1.173, but when they turn'd their Sight towards Drusus, they shook for fear2 1.174. To this confus'd Noise, and these insolent Clamours, succeeded a profound Silence; and by their different Motions they gave, and took Terror in their turns. At length, the Tumult being ceas'd, Dru∣sus read to them the Letters of his Father; which con∣tain'd in effect, That he would take a particular Care of those valiant Legions which had assisted him in sustain∣ing several Wars3 1.175; That so soon as his Grief for the Death of Augustus would give him leave, he would pro∣pose their Demands to the Senate; That, in the inte∣rim, he had sent his Son to them, with full Power, and without the least Delay, to grant them all that was pos∣sible to be done for them on the sudden: And what re∣quir'd more Leisure, should pass through the Hands of the Senate; it being unjust to take from them the Glory of Rewarding, or the Power of Punishing.

XX. To this, the Assembly return'd Answer, That

Iulius Clemens was intrusted by them to make known their Desires. He then began, with their Pretension, to be discharg'd from Service at the end of sixteen Years, with a Recompence in Silver; that their daily Pay should be a Roman Denariusx 1.176; and that the Veterans should no longer be detain'd under their Ensigns. Drusus alledging, that the Cognizance of these Matters belong'd to the Senate and his Father1 1.177; was interrupted by their Cla∣mours.

What Business has he here, th••y cry'd, since he is not impower'd, either to augment the Soldiers Pay, or to redress their Grievances, while in the mean time they are expos'd to be beaten and slain at the Pleasure of their Officers? We remember since Tiberius has evaded our Petitions, by remitting us to Augustus, and has he sent his Son on the same Errand? Shall we always have to deal with Children, who come to us in their Fathers Name? Is it not a strange manner of Pro∣ceeding,

that the Emperour refers nothing to the Senate, but what concerns the Rewarding of his Sol∣diers2 1.178! Why does he not also consult the Senate, when he is to give a Battle, or punish us with Death? Is it reasonable, that Recompences should not be given, but by the Consent of so many Masters? And that, on the contrary, every Officer has right to punish us at his own Pleasure, and without Comptrol from any Man?

XXI. At this, they flung from the Tribunal, threat∣ning all they met of the Prince's Guard, or of his Friends, and seeking an occasion of Quarrel and Re∣venge. Their Malice was chiefly bent at Cneius Lentu∣lus, because that being elder, and of greater Reputation in War than any of the other Officers: He was thought the Man, who most despis'd the Danger of the Muti∣neers, and render'd Drusus inflexible1 1.179 to their Demands. And shortly after, when departing from Drusus, to shun the Danger which he foresaw, he took his way to the

Winter Quarters; they inclos'd him in the midst of them, and ask'd him, Whither he was going, and if he was returning to Rome, in order to oppose the Interest of the Legions? And they were already beginning to stone him, if the Troops which Drusus had brought along with him had not rescu'd him from their Hands all over bloody as he was.

XXII. The Night threaten'd some horrible Attempt, but an Accident unforeseen turn'd all to Quiet. The Moon in a calm and serene Night, on the sudden, was eclips'd; and the Soldiers, who were wholly ignorant of Astronomy, drew from thence an Augury, for the present Iuncture of Affairs; and comparing the defect of Light in the Moon to their own Labours, interpreted, that all would go well with them, if the eclips'd God∣dess recover'd Light. Therefore, they beat on brazen Instruments, sounded their Trumpets, and rais'd con∣fus'd Clamours; and as she appear'd more bright, or be∣came more dusky, they vary'd their Sadness, and their Ioy. But when the Sky grew cloudy, and took her wholly from their Sight, so that they believ'd her lost in Darkness, as Minds once struckeny 1.180 with Amaze∣ment1 1.181, are prone to Superstition, so they imagin'd a

Perpetuity of Labours was portended to them, and la∣mented, that the Gods were averse to their impious Attempt. Drusus thought it Wisdom2 1.182, to lay hold on the Occasion which their Fear administer'd, and order'd some to go into their Tents. He made choice of Cle∣mens, and others, who, by their Merit, had acquir'd

Credit with the common sort. These mixing with the Centries, and those who went the Rounds, or watched about the Gates, redoubl'd their Apprehensions, and withal, awak'd their Hopes.

How long, said they, shall we continue to besiege the Son of Caesar? Shall we take the Oath of Fidelity to Percennius, and to Vibule∣nu••? Will they give us the Pay and Rewards which we pretend? In a word, Shall they Usurp the Empire of the Nero's, and the Drusi? Why should not we be the first to repent us, as we have been the last to be seduc'dz 1.183

? The Demands which are made in common, are ever slowly granted, and late received; on the con∣trary, the Reward comes speedily to their Hands, who will eacha 1.184 deserve it singly3 1.185. These Words having once

shaken their Resolution4 1.186, and cast a Distrust into them of each other, the Love of their Prince re-enter'd into them by degrees, the Legions separate, and the new Soldiers divide from the Veterans: They forsake the Gates, and replace their Eagles by themselves, which they had shuffl'd together in the beginning of the Mutiny.

XXIII. At break of Day, Drusus calls the General Assembly; and though he had not the Gift of Speaking well, yet his Discourse had in it a certain Air of Great∣ness, inborn to those of Noble Blood1 1.187; highly con∣demns the past Proceedings, and extols the present. He

tells them, he is not capable of Fear, and that, by conse∣quence, he is not to be mov'd with Threatnings2 1.188; that if he finds in them due Repentance, and Respect, he will write to his Father in their behalf; and inclin•• him to receive their Petition, and graciously to answer it. Accordingly, at their Request, the fore-mention'd Blesus, Lucius Apronius a Roman Knight, of the Cohort of Drusus, and Iustus Catonius Captain of the first Cen∣turyb 1.189, are sent to Tiberius. After this, a Council of War was held, where their Iudgments were divided▪ Some were of Opinion, that the Soldiers should be mild∣ly Treated, till the return of their Deputies; othe••••s

thought it more adviseable to use Rigour, there being no Moderation to be expected from a Multitude3 1.190, which makes it self formidale when it fears nothing, and which may ••afely be despis'd when timorous: That Terrour was to be imprinted in them, while they were yet fill'd with Superstition; and that they were to be made sen∣sible they had a Master, by the Punishment of those who were Authors of the Mutiny4 1.191.

XXIV. Drusus, whose Nature inclin'd him to Severi∣ty1 1.192, caus'd Vibulenus and Percennius to be brought before him, and commanded them to be put to Death2 1.193. Ma∣ny relate, that they were slain, and buried in his

Tent3 1.194, to keep the Execution secret; others say, that their Bodies were cast out of the Camp, to serve for an Exam∣ple, and remain a Spectacle to their Companions. Enquiry was made afterwards for the other Promoters of the Sedition, and many flying here and there for shelter, were discover'd and kill'd by Centurions, and Soldiers of the Guard; some of them were deliver'd up by their own Comerades, as a Pledge of their Fidelity. The Dis∣quiets of the Mutineers were yet more augmented by an over-early Winter, with continual Rains, and Storms so furious, that they durst not stir out of their Tents to meet in Assemblies; and hardly were they able to keep their Colours, which the fierceness of the Winds threat∣ned every moment to bear away. Add to this, That they were still in apprehension of the Wrath of Heaven; and their guilty Minds suggested to them, that the Pla∣nets were not eclips'd in vain, or that the Tempests roul'd without Presage over the Heads of Rebels4 1.195; that there was no other Remedy remaining for their present Evils, but to abandon a profan'd Camp, an unfortunate Abode, and to return to their Garisons, after they had expiated their Crime. The eighth Legion remov'd first, and was soon follow'd by the fifteenth. The ninth op∣pos'd themselves to this Departure, crying out, The An∣swer of Tiberius was to be attended there; but being surpriz'd with Fear, as being left alone, they prevented

the Necessity of being forc'd to Obedience. So that all Things being compos'd in a settl'd Calm, Drusus went immediately for Rome, without longer waiting for the return of the Deputies.

XXV. Almost at the same time, and for the same Rea∣sons, the Legions in Germany rebell'd1 1.196; and their Mutiny had in it the more of Insolence, because they were in greater Numbers; and all of them concluded, that Ger∣manicus would never submit to the Government of ano∣ther, but that to prevent Subjection, he would Head those Legions2 1.197; by whose means, he might put him∣self in a condition of reducing all others to his Party. ••••ere were two Armies encamp'd on the Banks of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ that on the upper pa••t was commanded by Caius S••lius, in Quality of Lieutenant-General; that on the ••ether, by Aulus Cecina. Their common General was ••erman••cus, who, at that time, was busied in Gaul about ga∣thering the Tributes. But those who were under Silius, protracted the time of declaring themselves▪ till they saw what Fortune would be••al the Army of Geci••a3 1.198, where the Sedition began from the Twenty first and Fifth Le∣gions,

which also drew into their Party the Twentieth, and the First; for they were quartered together on the Frontiers of the Ubiensc 1.199, living in Idleness4 1.200, or, at least, with small Employment. When the Death of Augustus was known amongst them, the Soldiers of the new Re∣cruits, accustom'd to the Softnesses of Life at Rome, and, consequently, Enemies to the Toyls of War, began to broach amongst those who were Simple and Credulous, That now the Time was come for the Veterans to de∣mand a quick Discharge; for the new-rais'd Troops to have their Pay enlarg'd; for both Parties to require an end of their Sufferings; and to revenge themselves on the Cruelty of their Centurions. It was not any single Person, (as Percennius was amongst the Pannonian Le∣gions,) who declaim'd in this manner: Neither did the Soldiers tremble at the sight of another Army more powerful than their own, and which were Witnesses of what they said and did; but many Mouths which cry'd in Concert, That the Roman Empire was in their Hands, to dispose of as they pleas'd; that they had inlarg'd it by their Victories; and that the Caesarsd 1.201 held it for an Ho∣nour, to bear the Sirname of Germanicus.

XXVI. Cecina durst not oppose this, either by Word or Action, their Multitude having over master'd his Re∣solution.

The Seditious being seiz'd, with one common Fury fell with their drawn Swords on their Centurions, (ever the Object of their Hate, and the first Sacrifice which they offer'd to their Vengeance;) they pull'd them down, and beat them afterwards to Death with Cudgels; Sixty of them at once assaulting one, to equal the Number of the Centurions, which were Sixty to every Legion. To conclude, they cast them out of the Camp half dead, or threw their Bodies into the Rhine. One of them call'd Septimius, who had refug'd himself in the Tribunal of Cecina, and had embrac'd his Knees, was demanded with so much Obstinacy, that the Gene∣ral was forc'd to deliver him up to their Fury. Cassius Chaerea, an intrepid Youth, the same who afterwards eterniz'd his Memory by the Death of Caligula1 1.202, open'd himself a Passage with his Sword through a Crowd of Arm'd Soldiers, who endeavour'd to have seiz'd him. From that moment, neither the Tribunes, nor the Ma∣reschals de Camp, were any more obey'd. The Muti∣neers themselves plac'd the Sentinels and the Corps de Guard, and order'd all Things which their present Needs requir'd. Those who pierc'd into the depth of that Affair, drew from thence a certain Augury, that the Sedition would be of a long Continuance; because they acted not with any separate Interest, or, by the Instigation of any particular Men among them; they rais'd their Clamours all at once, and at once they ceas'd

them; with so much Equality, and so good an Under∣standing amongst themselves, that it might have been reasonably believ'd, they were under the Government of one Head.

XXVII. While Germanicus, as we have said, was de∣tain'd in Gaul to collect the Tributes, he receiv'd the News of Augustus's Death, whose Grand-daughter he had marry'd. He was the Son of Drusus, Nephew to Tiberius, and Grand-son to Livia; But the secret Hatred of his Uncle, and his Grand-mother, gave him great Inquietude, knowing that their Aversion was so much the more to be fear'd, because their Motives to it were unjust1 1.203. For the Memory of Drusus was in high Vene∣ration amongst the Romans; it being the general Opi∣nion, That if he had come to possess the Empire2 1.204, he would have restor'd their Liberty to the People: From thence, their Favour was deriv'd to Germanicus, and their Hopes of him the same: For Germanicus was of a

soft, pleasing Humour, affable in Conversation, and his Behaviour wholly different from the sullen Reservedness and Arrogance3 1.205 of Tiberius. The Quarrels betwixt the Women contributed not a little to this Enmity; For Li∣via behav'd herself with the Loftiness of a Mother-in-Law to Agrippina, and Agrippina carry'd it somewhat too resentingly towards Livia; but her known Chastity, and the Love she bore her Husband, to whom she had born many Children, wrought so far upon her Soul, that, though naturally haughty and inflexible, she contain'd herself within the Bounds of what was Virtuous and Laudable.

XXVIII. But Germanicus, the nearer he approach'd to the height of Sovereignty, the more eagerly he strove to maintain Tiberius in Possession1 1.206; he caus'd him to be recogniz'd by the Neighbouring Provincese 1.207 of the Se∣quani and Belgae; and when he was inform'd, that the

Legions were tumultuously up in Arms, he made all pos∣sible Expedition in his Iourney to them. They met him without the Camp with dejected Eyes, as in sign of their Repentance. But as soon as he was enter'd, the Camp resounded with confus'd and jarring Clamours. Some of them taking his Hand, as it were, to kiss it, put his Fingers into their Mouths, to make him sensible that they had lost their Teeth. Others shew'd him their de∣crepid Limbs, and Shoulders bending under the weight of Age. As they were all mingled in a Crowd, and without Order, he commanded them to draw up in their several Companies, under pretence that they might with more convenience hear his Answer, and to separate their Colours, that he might distinguish every Cohort by its proper Ensign. They obey'd him but as slowly as possibly they could2 1.208 Then beginning his Oration with the Praises of Augustus3 1.209 he descended to those of Tiberius, but above all enlarging on those Exploits, which he had perform'd with them in Germany. He set before

them the Universal Consent of Italy, the Fidelity of the Gauls, and the Concord of all the other Provinces of the Empire. And thus far he was heard with a respect∣ful Silence, or, at least, with little or no Disturbance.

XXIX. But when he came to ask them, what was become of their Obedience, and of their ancient Disci∣pline, where were their Tribunes, and what they had done with their Centurions? They stripp'd themselves naked, to shew him, by way of Reproach, the Scars of the Wounds, and the Bruises of those Blows which they had receiv'd from their Officers; and afterwards speaking all at once, they complain'd of their scanty Pay, and the intolerable Price with which they were forc'd to purchase their Exemption from Duties; and the Miseries they suffered in1 1.210 labouring Night and Day on their Retrenchments, in providing Forage for their Horses and Beasts of Burden, and heaps of Faggots, (or Fascines;) and what other Employments are in∣vented to keep the Soldiers in exercise, when no Enemy

is near. A fierce Clamour of the Veterans arose, who having serv'd the space of 30 or 40 Years, besought Germanicus to take Pity on them, and not suffer them to die in the Hardships of Warfare, but to give them their Discharge, and wherewithal to subsist afterwards in their Age2 1.211 Some amongst them also demanded the Legacies of Money, which were left them by Augustus, not without loud Acclamations to Germanicus, and enga∣ging to serve him, if he would accept the Empiref 1.212. But he, as if he fear'd there had been Infection in their Crime, leap'd precipitately down from his Tribunal3 1.213, and was departing from the Camp, till they held him by the Arm, and turning the Points of their Swords against him, threaten'd to kill him if he refus'd to mount his Seat. He protesting, he would rather die, than be wanting to his Duty, drew his Sword, and raising his Arm, was plunging it into his Breast, if those who were nearest him had not stop'd his Hand. They who stood farmost in

the Crowd press'd nearer, and some of them (what is almost incredible to relate) singling themselves from the rest, came up to him, and exhorted him to strike as he had threaten'd; And a certain Soldier, called Calusidius, offer'd him his naked Sword, assuring him, that the Point was sharperg 1.214 than his own. But this appear'd of bad Example, and even execrable to those who were mad themselves; so that there was Time given for his Friends to draw him off into his Tent.

XXX. There a Council was call'd, in order to ap∣pease the Mutiny; for Notice had been given, that the Seditious had propos'd to send Deputies to the Army of Silius, and to ingage them in their Revolt1 1.215; that they had resolv'd to plunder the City of the Ubiansh 1.216; and that if once they had tasted the Sweets of Rapine, they would soon be tempted onwards, to make a Prey of Gaul. It was also apprehended, that the Germans, who were not ignorant of what had pass'd, should make an Irruption into the Roman Province, in case the Le∣gions should withdraw from the Rhine. And that, on the other side, if they should arm the Allies and the Auxiliariesi 1.217 against the Legions, to hinder their depar∣ture, that was in effect to kindle a Civil War. That Se∣verity expos'd Germanicus to Danger, and Mildness tok 1.218 Contempt2 1.219; that whether all Things should be granted,

or all refus'd to the Mutineers, was of equal Hazard to the common Good. In fine, all Reasons, both on the one and the other side▪ being duly weigh'd, it was re∣solv'd to counterfeit Letters as from Tiberi••••, by which he gave a free Discharge to all such as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 serv'd fo•• the space of Twenty Years3 1.220; and declar'd those for Voluntiers who had serv'd Sixteen, retaining them und••r a particular Ensign, exempted from all sorts of Duty* 1.221, excepting only to repulse the Enemy; and ordaining them to be paid double the Legacy which had been left them by Augustus.

XXXI. The Soldiers suspecting the Designl 1.222, re∣quir'd that all this should be immediately perform'd▪

And the Tribunes expedited the Discharge; but the Payment being postpon'd till they were in Winter-Quar∣ters, the Fifth and the Twenty first Legions refus'd to return into their Garisons: And Germanicus was forc'd to pay them out of the Money2 1.223 which he brough•• with him to defray his Voyage, and out of what he could borrow from his Friends. Cecina brought back to the Ubians the First and the Twentieth Legions▪ and i•• was indeed a shameful March, to see carried, as it were, in Triumph, the Silverm 1.224, which they had extorted from

their General, amongst the Eagles and the Ensigns. In the mean time, Germanicus being gone to visit the Army on the Upper Rhine, the Second, the Thirteenth, and the Sixteenth Legion took the Oath of Fidelity without the least demurr; and the Fourteenth having paus'd a little on the Matter, he offer'd them the Money, and their Discharge, without their once demanding it3 1.225.

XXXII. But the Sedition was again renewing in the Country of the Chaucin 1.226, through the Malice of those Rebellious Veterans, who were there in Garison, if a timely Stop had not been put to the Beginnings by the Execution of two Soldiers, whom Mennius, the Mares∣chal-de-Camp, caus'd to be suddenly put to Death: A daring Action, and of good Example, rather than of true1 1.227 Iusticeo 1.228. Notwithstanding which, the Mutiny still gathering to a greater Head, he took flight, and hid himself; but being discover'd, he call'd his Courage to his Succour. This Violence, said he, is not offer'd to me, but to Germanicus, your General; and to Tiberius, your

lawful Emperour2 1.229. Saying this, and seeing them amaz'd, he snatch'd their Ensignp 1.230, and turning directly towards the Rhine, he cried out, that he held him for a Deserter who forsook his Rank3 1.231; insomuch, that they all return'd to their Winter-Quarters much discontented, and with∣out daring to proceed in their Attempt.

XXXIII. In the mean time, Germanicus being alrea∣dy on his return from the Upper Germany, the Deputies of the Senate, found him at the Altar of the Ubiansq 1.232,

where the First and the Twentieth Legions, together with the Veterans, who were discharg'd, had their Win∣ter Quarters, and were still retain'd under their Ensigns. A terrible Affright suddenly seiz'd those Soldiers, who felt the Stings of Conscience for the Crime they had committed. They suspected, that those Deputies had Orders to revoke the Grants, which they had extorted by their Mutiny. And as it is the common Practice of the Multitude to accuse one wrongfully, they make Mu∣natius Plancus, a Consular Man, and Chief of the De∣putation, the Author of this Decree of the Senate1 1.233. Towards Midnight they came to a Resolution among themselves to demand the Standard, which was kept in the Lodgings of Germanicusr 1.234. Accordingly they ran thither in a Crowd, broke open the Doors, and drag∣ging the2 1.235 Prince out of his Bed, they threaten'd him with Death, and constrain'd him to deliver up the En∣sign 3 1.236. Then running through the Camp, they met the Legats, who hearing the Uproar, were hastening to Germanicus; they resolve to murder them, and particu∣larly

Plancus, whom regard of his4 1.237 Character would not permit to escape by ••••ight; and therefore, having no other Refuge, he cast himself into the Quarter of the First Legion, and made Religion his Buckler, by em∣bracing the Eagle and the Ensingss 1.238. Which notwith∣standing, the Roman Camp, and even the Altars of the Gods, were in danger of being profan'd by the Blood of a Roman Ambassador, (an unusual Crime even among our Enemies) if Calpurnius, who was Eagle-bearert 1.239, had not prevented the Blow by his Resistance. When it was Day-light, and Men and Actions could be discern'd, Germanicus entring the Camp, caus'd Plancus to be brought before him, and seated him by his Side on his Tribunal; then reproaching them with their mad Beha∣viour, and exclaiming against their fatal Disobedience, which he chose to attribute to the Anger of the Gods5 1.240, rather than the Fury of the Soldiers, he openly declar'd the Occasion of that Embassy, and eloquently deplor'd the cruel Outrage done to Plancus without cause, and the

Infamy which the Legion had incurr'd, by violating in his Person the sacred Character of Ambassadors6 1.241. After this Harangue, which rather astonish'd the Multitude, than appeas'd them, he licens'd the Deputies to depart, and caus'd them to be convoy'd by the Auxiliary Troops.

XXXIV. During this Con••••ernation, Germanicus was generally blam'••, that he repair'd not to the Army on the

Upper Rhine, where he might have found both Obedience and Aid against the Rebels. Germanicus (said they) has discover'd his Weakness, and his Fear, in rewarding the Revolters1 1.242. If he regarded not his own Safety, yet why should he abandon his Infant Son2 1.243, and his Wife with Child, to the Fury of those Mutineers, to whom nothing is inviolable? He ought, at least, to have restor'd those Pledges to Tiberius, and to the Commonwealth. After long Consideration, he embrac'd his Wife and Son with many Tears, and or∣der'd their departure: And though Agrippina, to avoid that mournful Separation, said, That the Grand-daughter of Augustus had too much Courage to fear Danger3 1.244,

yet at length she submitted to the Iourney. It was a sad Spectacle, to see the Wife of a General, in the Equi∣page of a Fugitive, carrying a helpless Infant in her Arms, encompass'd with a Troop of other Women, all in Tears; and those who stay'd behind, as much affli∣cted, as those who went.

XXXV. These lamentable Outcries, which one would have thought had rather come from a sack'd Ci∣ty, than from the Camp of Germanicus, at that time in a flourishing Condition, excited the Curiosity of the Soldiers. They came forth from their Tents to learn the Cause. There they beheld so many Ladies of Illu∣strious Birth, without any Convoy or Guard to attend them; Agrippina, without her ordinary Train, or any one remaining Sign to distinguish the Wife of their General from other Women: And informing themselves, that she was going for Treves, there to seek a Sanctuary among Strangers, they were equally mov'd with Shame and Pity, by the dear Remembrance of her Father Agrippa, of her Grand-father Augustus, and of her Fa∣ther-in-Law Drusus; by the Honour of her Fruitfulness, and her inviolable Chastity; and more particularly, by their Regret they had to see her carry away, in a man∣ner so unworthy of her, her Infant Son who was born within their Camp, nurs'd, as it were, in the Bosom of the Legions, and call'd Caligula, because he wore the common Bootsu 1.245 of Soldiers, to gain their Affections in his very Childhood. But nothing was more grievous to them, than the Envy of that Honour, which was done to those of Treves. Some of them ran after her, and besought her to stay among them; others went to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and importun'd him for her Return. But,

as he was yet in the first Ferment of his Grief and Cho∣ler, he answer'd them in this manner.

XXXVI.

Believe not, that my Wife and Son are dearer to me than the Emperour, and the Empire1 1.246. For my Father, his own Fortune will defend him; and the Empire2 1.247 wants not other Armies, without this, for its Support. As I would freely sacrifice my Wife and Children for your Honour, so I remove them not at present from you, but to hinder you from becoming yet more guilty, by the Murder of Augustus's Grand-daughter, and the Grand-son of Tiberius; and to ex∣piate by my Blood alone, the Crime which your Fury is about to perpetrate. For what is it you have not

dar'd to Enterprize of late? What is there so Sacred, which you have not presum'd to violate. By what Name can I call you, Soldiers? You who have be∣sieg'd the Son of your Emperour, or Roman Citizens, who have, with so much Insolence, contemn'd the Au∣thority of the Senate? You have profan'd even the sacred Laws of Nations, even the inviolable Persons of Ambassadors3 1.248, even the common Rights observ'd by Enemies.4 1.249 The Divine Iulius sti••led a Sedition by one single Word, when he call'd his Soldiers (who were deserting his Servicex 1.250) Rabble. The Divine

Augustus made his Actian-Legionsy 1.251 tremble only with a Look. And though I am unworthy to be nam'd with them, yet having the Honour to be descended from their Loins5 1.252, I should think it strange, and even unjust, that the Armies of Spain and Syria should de∣spise me: But what shall I say! they are the Fifth and the Twentieth Legion which have revolted! the one of them, inroll'd by the Hand of Tiberius himself; and the other, the constant Companion of his Victories, and enrich'd by his Bounties! And, to do you Right, you have both made him in return, a wonderful Ac∣knowledgment of his Favours. Shall I be the Bearer of such News to him, who receives none but happy

Tidings from all the other Provinces? Shall I tell him, that his Soldiers, as well the Veterans, as the new Re∣cruits, are not to be quieted, either by their Discharge, or by their Pay? That 'tis here they kill Centurions; drive away Tribunes; imprison Legates: That the Camp and Rivers are overflow'd with Blood; and that his Son is at the Mercy of as many Enemies, as he has Soldiers? Ah, my once dear Fellow-Soldiers! why did did you snatch away that Sword, which I was plunging into my Body? He, of your Number, was my best Friend, who presented me his own. I had now been dead; I had not been a Witness of so many Crimes, with which you have stain'd your Ho∣nour since that Day! You had chosen another Gene∣ral, who would have left my Death unpunish'd, but in return, would have reveng'd the Massacre of Varus, and his three Legions. For I should be sorry, (for your Honour) that the Belgae, who make offer of their Service, should have the Glory of reducing the Germans to Obedience, and restoring the Reputation of the Romans. Oh! that thy Soul, Divine Augustus, now in Heaven, and thou, Oh my Father Drusus! whose Resemblance I behold in these Ensigns! Oh that the Remembrance of these Actions may inspire these very Soldiers, who now begin to feel the Stings of Shame, and Spurs of Glory, with a Resolution of blotting out that foul Disgrace, and of turning their Swords against our Enemies! And you, in whose al∣ter'd Countenances I read another Heart, in sign, that you will pay your Emperour the Obedience which you owe to him; and to the Senate, to their Ambassadors, to your General, to his Wife, and to his Son; separate your selves from the Company of these Mutineers, as a Pledge of your Fidelity, and an authentick Testimony of your sincere Repentance.

XXXVII. At this, they threw themselves before his Feet; and confessing, that his Reproaches were all de∣serv'd and just, they besought him to punish the Of∣fenders;

to pardon those, who had only err'd through Frailty; and to lead them on to Battle: As also, to re∣cal his Wife, and not to give in Hostage to the Gauls the Nursling of the Legions. He excus'd himself as to what regarded Agrippina, by her being so near her Time of Childbed, and by the approach of Winter; as for his Son, he consented to recal him; adding, that he left them to finish what remain'd. From that moment they began to seize on the most Seditious, and brought them bound in Fetters to Caius Cetronius, who command∣ed the first Legionz 1.253; and he caus'd immediate Iustice to be done on them in this manner: The Legions en∣compass'd his Tribunal with their naked Swords; A Tribunea 1.254 from above shew'd the Soldier who was ac∣cus'd, to those below; if the Assembly pronounc'd him guilty, he was immediately cast down, in order to be executed; and every one took pleasure in killing his Camerade, as if thereby he clear'd his own Innocenceb 1.255. Germanicus was silent while this was passing; so that no∣thing being done by his Command, the whole Hatred of the Massacre fell upon the Actors. The Veterans fol∣low'd this Example, and soon after were commanded into Rhetia, under colour of defending that Province from the Incursions of the Suevae, but in reality, ••o re∣move them from a Camp, the very sight of which rais'd Horrour in them, because it set the Image of their late Revolt before their Eyes. Then Germanicus made a strict Enquiry into the Conduct of the Centurions: He examin'd them one by one; each of them was oblig'd

to tell his Name; his Country; whatc 1.256 Company he com∣manded; how long he had serv'd; what Actions he had done in War; and they, who had been honour'd with any Military Presents, shew'd them. In short, if any Legion, or any Tribune, gave a good Account of their Probity and Diligence, they were continued in their Stations; and, on the contrary, he degraded those who were accus'd by common Fame, either of Cove∣tousness, or of Cruelty: And in this manner the Sedi∣tion was appeas'd.

XXXVIII. But what was yet remaining on his Hands, in reference to the Fifth and Twenty-first Legion, was not of less Importance. Those Legions had their Win∣ter Quarters Sixty Miles from thence, in a Place call'd Veterad 1.257. The Sedition was begun by them; there was no Crime so heinous, which they had not committed; and, to compleat their Villany, they were still for push∣ing on their Fury to the utmost; nothing frighted with the Punishment of some; nothing mov'd with Remorse, or with the Penitence of others. Germanicus therefore gave his Orders to prepare Vessels on the Rhine; resol∣ving to terrifie them into Duty, in case they persisted in their Disobedience.

XXXIX. The News of this Revolt amongst the Legions being come to Rome, before the Event of the other in Pannonia was known, the City, struck with Fear, began to murmur against Tiberius; accusing him, that while he by his artificial Delays and Dissimulations was still imposing on the People and the Senate, which were both of them unarm'd, and without Power, in the mean time the Soldiers were raising a Rebellion: They said, that the two young Princes, for want of Know∣ledge and Authority, could not hold the Armies in Obe∣dience:

It was his Duty to go in Person thither, and oppose the Majesty of the Empire to the Mutineers; who would never dare to make Head against a Prince, of consummate Wisdom and Experience; and who alone had their Life and Death at his Dispose; that Au∣gustus, in his declining Age, and languishing with Sick∣ness, had taken many Iourneys into Germany; and that Tiberius, now in the Vigour of his Years, led a seden∣tary Life at Rome, and employ'd his Time in cavilling at the Expressions of the Senators; that he very sufficiently provided for domestick Slavery; that it was now in∣cumbent on him, to restrain the License of the Soldiers, and teach them how to behave themselves in Peace1 1.258.

XL. Tiberius was unmov'd at thesee 1.259 Discourses1 1.260;

having fix'd his Resolutions, not to leave the Seat of Empire2 1.261, or put to hazard his own Life, or the Safety of the Commonwealth. His Mind was perplex'd with

many Cares, and contrary Thoughts. The German Ar∣my was the stronger, and the Pannonian nearer Rome; one was supported by the Gauls, and the other had an easie Passage into Italyf 1.262. To which of these should he go first? For the Legions, which were last visited, would take Offence, and think themselves neglected. On the other side, by sending his two Sons, both Armies might be at once contented, and the Majesty of the Supream Power preserved, which is always most respected at a distance. Besides, that Germanicus and Drusus might be held excus'd, if they sent extravagant Demands from the Legions to their Father, who would still be in condition either to appease, or punish the Rebellious, when ever they should transgress the Limits of Respect to the young Princes; but if they should once despise the Person of the Emperour, what other Remedy remain'd? In the mean time, he neglected not to prepare a Fleet to pro∣vide his Equipage, and set on foot an Army of choice Soldiers, as if they were to follow him to the Wars, and he just upon the March. But sometimes he excus'd his Iourney by the approach of Winter, and at other Times

by the multiplicity of Business3 1.263 which interven'd: By which Pretences he at first impos'd on the most Intelli∣gent, then on the Vulgar, and for a long time kept the Provinces in suspenceg 1.264.

XLI. But Germanicus, though he had assembled his Forces, and was in a condition to punish the O••fenders, yet thought it more expedient to give them leisure to Repent, and make Trial, if, by the Example of the two other Legions, they would prevent his Vengeance. In order to this, he wrote first to Cecina, and gave him notice, that he was already on his march with a power∣ful Army, fully determin'd to put all the Rebels to the Sword, without sparing the Life of any one, if they themselves did not Iustice on the Criminals before his ar∣rival. Cecina read these Letters privately to the Chief

Commandersh 1.265, and to some others, who had no Hand in the Sedition, at the same time adjuring them to pre∣serve themselves from Death, and save their Compa∣nions from the Infamy of that Punishment which at∣tended them. Representing also to them, that Reason might be heard in Times of Peace, but in War the In∣nocent perish'd with the Guilty. Upon this, the Offi∣cers sound the Intentions of those Soldiers whom they thought most proper for the Execution of their Design, and finding that the greater Number still continu'd Loyal, they agree with Cecina, on a Time appointed, to put to Death the most Seditious. The Signal being given, they fall at once upon the Factious, and execute them in their Tents, none but the Contrivers, and Assistants in the Action, knowing from whence began the Slaughter, nor when it would conclude.

XLII. Of all the Civil Wars which ever were, none resembled this. It was not in Battle, nor by the Hands of Enemies, that this Massacre was made; but by Men, who the same Day convers'd familiarly, and eat in Com∣pany, and at Night were lodg'd together in one Bedi 1.266. On the sudden they are divided into Parties opposite▪ nothing but Out••ries and Bloodshed, the rest was go∣vern'd by blind Chance, and the cause of Enmity un∣known by those who perish'd. Many fell who deserv'd not Death; for the Guilty had taken Arms in their own Defence, when once they found on whom the Slaughter was design'd. Neither Cecina, nor the Tribunes, gave

themselves the Trouble to stop their Fury; the common Soldiers had all manner of Freedom to exercise their Vengeance, till they were tir'd with killing. Germanicus soon after enter'd the Camp, and beholding so many Corps extended on the Ground, said with many Tears, That this was not a Remedy, nor the breathing of a Vein, but a Butchery; and commanded the Bodies to be burn'd. While their Minds were in this Ferment, the Soldiers cried out to be led against the Enemy, as if the Manes of those, whom they had slain, were to be ap∣peas'd no other way, than by exposing their impious Breasts to honest Wounds. Germanicus grati••ies their De∣sire, and having laid a Bridge across the Rhine, passes over Twelve thousand Legionary Soldiers, Twenty six Cohorts of the Allies, and Eight Regiments of Horse, all of try'd Valour, and of Proof against Sedition.

XLIII. The Germans, who were not far distant, pass'd their Time secure in Pleasure, while the War seem'd to sleep about them; and a Cessation of Arms ensu'd of course, from the Death of Augustus, and a Civil Discord amongst our selves. The Romans, by speedy Marches, cross'd the Forest of Cesiak 1.267, and posted their Forces on a Rampart, which Tib••rius had begun to raise in the time of Augustus; there they forti••i'd themselves, both before and behind, with a strong Palisade: Both their Wings were cover'd by huge Trunks of Trees which they had fell'd, and which serv'd them for a Barricade. From thence, traversing thick Forests, they held a Council, which way they should bend their March: The shortest, and most frequented; or that which was farthest about, and more difficult to pass; but where they thought the Enemy would not attend them. The Reasons for the longer Way prevail'd, but all the rest was perform'd with haste; for their Scouts brought back Intelligence,

that the Germans solemniz'd a Feast that Night with pub∣lick Rejoycing. Cecina was commanded to advance with the Cohorts without their Baggage, and to free a Pas∣sage through the Forest, by cutting down and removing all Incumbrances. The Legions follow'd at some di∣stance; the Night was clear and calm, and favourable to the March. They enter'd the Village of the Marsi, which they encompass'd with Corps-de-Guard. They found the Germans, either asleep in Bed, or laid along by their Tables sides, without Sentinels, or the least suspi∣cion of an Enemy; so great was their Confidence, or their Neglect. They thought themselves secure of War, yet it was not properly a state of Peace, but rather a stupid Debauch, and a Lethargick Rest.

XLIV. To make the Waste yet greater, Germanicus divided his Forces into four Battalions, who breath'd no∣thing but Revengel 1.268, setting the Country on Fire for fifty Miles about, and putting all the Inhabitants to the Sword, neither sparing Age or Sex, or Sacred Places or Profane. The famous Temple call'd Tanfanem 1.269, was raz'd to the Foundations; and all this perform'd by ours, without receiving any Wound, having met no opposi∣tion; no Enemies, but Men half asleep, disarm'd, or wandring about the Fields. This Massacre awaken'd the Bructerin 1.270, the Tubanteso 1.271, and the Us••petesp 1.272, who in∣camp'd themselves in certain Forests, through which the Army, in their return, was of necessity to pass. The Auxiliary Cohorts, and one half of the Horse, compos'd

the Van▪ The First Legion march'd after them, inclosing the Baggage in the midst; the Twenty first Legion march'd on the Left Wing; the Fifth on the Right; and the Twentieth in the Rear, with the rest of the Allies. The Enemy mov'd not, till they saw the main Body enter'd into the Wood; then they began a light Skirmish on the Front and Wings, pouring with their Gross upon the Rear. The Cohorts, who were all Light-Horsemen, already bent before the closs Body of the Germans, not being able to sustain the Charge, when Germanicus spur∣ring his Horse at speed, came up with the Twentieth Legion, and cry'd aloud, That now was the Time for ••••em to wash away the Stain of their late Sedition; bid them haste to redeem their Honour, and turn their Of∣fence into Merit, their Infamy to Glory. At these Words, their Courage was kindl'd to that height, that at the first Charge they broke the Enemy, drove them headlong back into the Plain, and there made a terrible ••••••cution. At the same time, the Van-Guard got clear of the Forest, and hasted to Retrench. After this, the Way was free, and the Soldiers went into their Winter Quarter••, highly pleas'd with their Expedition, and ••••tting all that was past into Oblivion.

XLV. When Tiberius had Intelligence of this, it fill'd him with excess of Ioy; but the Pleasure was not so sincere, as not to be mix'd with great Disturbance. He rejoyc'd that the Sedition was wholly quench'd, but it stung him that Germanicus had the Glory of it1 1.273; and more, that he had entirely gain'd the Affections of the

Soldiers by his Bounty2 1.274; and above all, by giving them their Discharge so soon. Yet he was not wanting to relate to the Senate his Exploits, and to give large Com∣mendations to his Valour; but in Terms too much affe∣cted and labour'd, to be thought sincereq 1.275. He spoke more sparingly of Drusus, and of the Success of his Voyage into Illyria; but it was with more Frankness, and more Love; and besides, he order'd the same Condi∣tions to be made for the Legions in Pannonia, which Germanicus had granted to his own.

XLVI. In the same Year died Iulia, the Daughter of Augustusr 1.276, whom, for her Incontinence, he had former∣ly confin'd to the Isle of Pandatarias 1.277, and afterwards to Rhegium, near the Coast of Sicily. During the Life of Caius, and Lucius Agrippa, her Sons, she had been given in second Marriage to Tiberius, whom she despis'd, as a Man below her Quality1 1.278; and this was the principal Occasion of the Retirement of Tiberius to Rhodes. But when he succeeded to the Empire, not content to be∣hold her banish'd, dishonour'd, and, by the Death of Agrippa Posthumus, depriv'd not only of all Hopes, but of all Support, he caus'd her to die in Want and Misery; imagining, that the distance of the Place to which she

was banish'd would hide the manner of her Death. Sempronius Gracchus was likewise slain on her Account. Gracchus, who was of a ready Wit and Eloquent, with Cun∣ning and Insinuation had debauch'd Iulia, during her Marriage with Agrippa; and his Gallantry with that Lady ended not with her first Husband's Death, for he continu'd her perpetual Adulterer even after her Mar∣riage with Tiberius. He was continually provoking her against her Husband, and encourag'd her to Disobe∣dience. It was also thought, that he was the Author of those Letters, which she writ to her Father against Tibe∣rius, and which occasion'd his Disgrace. For these Rea∣sons, he was confin'd to an African Island, call'd Cercina, where he remain'd in Exile 14 Years. He was found by the Soldiers, who were sent to kill him, on a Prominence at a little distance from the Shore; and presaging no Good from their Arrival. He desir'd some little Time to write his Last Will to his Wife Alliaria, after which, he freely offer'd them his Head. A Constancy, not unworthy of the Sempronian Name, though he had de∣generated from it by the Voluptuousness of his Life2 1.279. Some have written, that those Soldiers were not sent from Rome, but from Lucius Asprenas, Proconsul of Afri∣ca, on whom Tiberius thought, in vain, to have cast the Odium of that Murder3 1.280.

XLVII. This Year was also made Remarkable by the Institution of new Ceremonies; for there was establish'd at this time a College of Priests in Honour of Augustus, in imitation of the Titian Priests, formerly instituted by Titus Tatiust 1.281, to preserve the Religion of the Sabines. Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot, of which Number were Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, and Germanicus1 1.282. Then it was that

the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Con∣tention of the Stage-Players, and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actoru 1.283. Au∣gustus himself had been much addicted to these Diver∣tisements, out of his Complaisance to Maecenas, who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus: Be∣sides, that he was himself no Enemy to those Enter∣tainments, and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince, to enter into the2 1.284 Pleasures of his Peoplex 1.285.

Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different, but he durst not yet subject a Multitude3 1.286 to more rigid Customs, which had so long been accustom'd to a soft, voluptuous way of Living.

The Year of Rome 768.

XLVIII. Under the Consulship of Drusus and Nor∣banus, a Triumph for Germanicus was decreed, though

the War was yet in being. And though he had made great Preparations for the Summer following, yet he anticipated the Time, by a sudden Irruption in the begin∣ning of the Spring into the Country of the Catti: For there were Grounds of Hope, that Factions would arise among them, some taking part with Arminius, others with Segestes; both of them very considerable to the Ro∣mans. one by his breach of Faith, the other by his Con∣stancy. Arminius had disturb'd the Peace of Germanicus, and kindl'd the War against the Romans: Segestes had openly declar'd in the last solemn Festivals, and many times before they rose in Arms, that a Conspiracy was hatching to Revolt; at the same time advising Varus1 1.287 to secure Arminius and himself, and all the Leading Men of the Germans; the People not being in any capacity of Rebelling, when they were unfurnish'd of Com∣manders. And this once done, Varus would have suffi∣cient

Leisure, to distinguish afterwards betwixt the Guilty and the Innocent2 1.288 But Varus perish'd by his Desti∣ny 3 1.289, and by the Valour of4 1.290 Arminiusa 1.291. For Segestes,

though he was drawn into the War by the general Con∣sent of his Country-men, yet he liv'd in perpetual Dis∣cord with Arminius; and the bad Understanding betwixt them was increas'd by a particular Offence; for Armi∣nius had taken away by force his Daughter Thusnelda, betroth'd already to another. Thus the Father-in-Law, and Son, were equally hateful to each other; and those mutual Ties, which commonly beget Friendship,

were now the Provocations to the most bitter En∣mity5 1.292.

XLIX. Germanicus, on this Account, commanded out Cecina with Four Legions, Five thousand Auxiliary Soldiers, and some Companies of Germans rais'd in haste from some Places on this side the Rhine: He himself conducted a like Number of Legions, but double the Number of Allies; and having built a Fortress on the old Foundations, which his Father had laid, and which were yet standing, he march'd with great speed against the Catti, leaving behind him Lucius Apronius, with Order to take care, that if the Rivers should overflow by any sudden fall of Rains, yet the Ways might be kept in repair, and continue passable. For in setting forward, he found the Waters so very low, and the Ways so dry, (a Thing uncommon in that Climate,) that he found no difficulty in his March; but he feared in his return it might be otherwise. He came so suddenly up∣on the Catti, that the old Men, the Women, and the Children, were either kill'd at first, or taken Prisoners, and the young Men forc'd to swim the River of Adra∣nab 1.293; who attempting afterwards to obstruct the Romans

in the building of a Bridge over it, were repuls'd by their Arrows, and their Engines. These Hopes failing, and their Propositions for Peace being also rejected, some of them came over, and submitted to Germanicus; the rest forsaking their Cantons, retir'd into the Fastnesses of their Woods. Germanicus having burn'd Martiumc 1.294, their Capital Town, ravag'd all the Low-lands, and took his March backwards to the Rhine; the Enemy not daring to attack his Rear, as their Custom is when they ••eign to fly, rather through Stratagem, than Fear. The Che∣ruscid 1.295 were desirous to have succour'd their Friends th•• Catti, but they were apprehensive of Cecina, who ca••∣ry'd far and near the Terrour of his Arms. On the contrary, the Marsi, having presum'd to charge him, were vigorously repuls'd, and entirely routed.

L. Some time afterwards, there came Deputies from Segestes, to desire his Assistance against his Country-men who had besieg'd him, for Arminius had there the stronger Party, because he had advis'd the War1 1.296; it being the common Practice of Barbarians, only to love and esteem those Persons who are Fierce and Daring, and more especially in unquiet Times. Segestes had added to the Deputies his Son Segimond, though the Mind

of the young Man was wholly averse to that Employ∣ment2 1.297; for the Year, in which all Germany revolted, being created Priest of the Altar of the Ubians, he tore in pieces his Sacred Filletse 1.298, and went over to the Party of the Rebels. Nevertheless, confiding in the Clemency of the Romans, he undertook the Commission enjoyn'd him by his Father, and was well received3 1.299; and sent after∣ward under Guard to the Confines of the Gauls. Ger∣manicus lost not his Labour by this Return, for after some Encounters, he disingag'd Segestes from the Hands of his Enemies, with many of his Relations and his Vassals. There were also some Ladies of Quality, and, among the rest, the Daughter of Segestes, who shew'd by her Countenance, that he shad more of her Husband's Cou∣rage, than of her Father's Temper4 1.300. She walk'd with

her Hands folded on her Bosom, and seem'd to look downward on the Fruit of her Body, with which she was now big, without shedding one Tear, or saying one single Word, or doing one Action which had any thing of a Suppliant. There were also carried, the Spoils which the Enemies had taken at the Defeat of Varus, and which had been shar'd by many of those who were now Prisoners. At last appear'd Segestes, of a Stature higher than any of the rest, with an assur'd Counte∣nance, as having been always in the Roman Interest: And accordingly he bespoke them in these Terms.

LI. This Day, O Romans, is not the first, wherein I have begun to give you the Proofs of an inviolable Faith. Since the time that the Divine Augustus made me Citizen of Rome, I have had neither Friends nor Enemies, but yours1 1.301; neither have I steer'd this Course out of any Hatred to my Country, (for Traitors are odious, even to them whose Cause they have espous'df 1.302,) but only because I preferr'd Peace to

War2 1.303, and was convinc'd, that Peace was the common Inte∣rest of both Nations. On this Account it was, that I accus'd Arminius to Varus, who then commanded the Roman Ar∣my; Arminius, I say, the Ravisher of my Daughter, and Infringer of the Alliance made with you3 1.304. Tir'd with the Delays and Irresolution of your General4 1.305, and beside, despair∣ing

of Protection from the Laws, I desir'd of Varus to make me Prisoner, together with Arminius and his Accomplices. I call that Night to witness of this Truth, which I wish to Hea∣ven had been my last. What since has happen'd, may be De∣plor'd better than Excus'd. For what remains, I have for∣merly detain'd Arminius in Fetters, and he and his Faction in their Turn have given me the same Treatment. Even since, I have had the Opportunity of making my Addresses to you, O Caesar, I have constantly retain'd my old Inclinations, and I preferr'd Repose to Trouble: And this not in prospect of any Recompence which I pretend, but to clear my Innocence from Suspicion of Perjury; and to put my self the better in condi∣tion to make Terms with Rome for my Compatriots, when ever they consult their Safety by Repentance. I implore your Clemency in my Son's behalf, desiring that his Youth may ex∣cuse his Error. I confess, my Daughter is brought hi••her against ••er Consent; I leave it to your Iudgment, whether you will consider her as the Wife of Arminius, or as the Daugh∣ter of Segestes.

LII. To this, Germanicus graciously answer'd, That his Children and Relations had no cause of Fear; that for himself, he had provided an honourable Retreat in an ancient Roman Province, where he might live secure from Danger. This Affair being thus ended, he brought back his Army, and receiv'd the Title of Imperator by the Command of Tiberius. The Wife of Arminius was deliver'd of a Son, who had his Breeding at Ravenna. What contumelious Usage he receiv'd when he was grown to Age1 1.306, shall be related in due place.

LIII. The News of the good Entertainment given to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, was diversly received; by some with Plea∣sure by ot••ers with Regret; as they either fear'd, or wish'd the War. Arminius, besides the Violence of his Nature, being inflam'd with the Outrage done to him in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his Wife, whom his Enemies had seiz'd, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••is Child unborn, yet already destin'd for a Slave, took a rapid Course through the Country of the Cherus••i, solliciting that People to rise in Arms against Germanicus, and sparing no opprobrious Language against Segestes.

Behold, said he, a pious Father in Segestes! Behold a doughty Warriour in Germanicus! A wonderful Exploit, for a whole Army to take a Woman Prisoner! I, on the other side, have destroy'd three Legions of theirs, and three Lieutenant-Generals. The Wars I make are without Surprize, or Treachery; I fight fairly, and in the open Field; not with Women big with Child, but with Arm'd Soldiers. There are yet to be seen, in our Sacred Woods, the Roman Eagles, and their Ensigns, which I have hung in Triumph on the Altars of our Gods. Let Segestes please himself with his secure Abode in a conquer'd Country; let l••t him restore to his Son the Priesthood of the Ubians; the Germans never can forgive him, for having brought betwixt the Elb and the Rhine the Consulary Fasces,

and Axes of the Romans, with all other the Marks of their Dominion. The rest of the Nations, who are free from their Subjection, know not yet the Names of Punishment and Taxes. After having shaken off the Yoke, and made vain the Attempts of that Augustus, to whom they have given the Title of a God; and of that Tiberius, whom they have chosen in his stead, to inslave our Country; shall we fear a Boy, a Novice in the War, and an Army made up of Mutineers? If then you have more Affection for your Native Country, your Families, and your ancient Laws, than for Ty∣rants and new Colonies, rather follow Arminius, the Defender of your Freedom and your Honour, than the infamous Segestes, who would betray you into Sla∣very.

LIV. Not only the Cherusci, but all the Neighbouring Nations, were set on fire by this Oration. He also drew Inguiomer into his Party, who was his Uncle by the Father's side, and of great Reputation among the Romans; which increas'd the Trouble of Germanicus, who apprehended, lest with their United Forces they should come pouring upon him. To make some Diversiong 1.307, he sent Cecina with Forty Roman Cohorts through the Country of the Bructerians; Pedo led the Cavalry by the Confines of Frisia, and he himself embarking with Four Legions, pass'd the Lakes; the Foot, the Horse, and his Navy, arriving at the same time on the Banks of Ami∣sia h 1.308, which was the Place appointed for the Rendevous. The Cauci, who had offer'd their Assistance, were re∣ceiv'd as Companions of the War. The Bructerians, who had set fire on all their open Towns, were defeated by Lucius Stertinius, whom Germanicus had sent forth

with some Troops of Light-Horsemen to encounter them. Amidst the Dead, and amongst the Spoils, he found the Eagle of the Nineteenth Legion, which was lost at the Overthrow of Varusi 1.309. Our Army thereupon advanc'd to the farmost Limits of the Bructerian Coun∣••ry, wasting all Things in their way, betwixt the Rivers of Amisia and Lippak 1.310.

LV. The Army being now within a small march of the ••orest of T••u••burg, where it was told Germanicus, that the Bones of the Legions, which were slain with Varus, lay yet unbury'dl 1.311, he was seiz'd with a violent Desire of ren∣dring their last Dues to those sad Relicks. The whole Army approv'd their General's Design, whether mov'd with Pity for their Friends and Relations, or by a Natu∣ral Re••lection on the Chance of War, and the wretched Condition of Mankind. Cecina was sent before to disco∣ver the Fastnesses of the Woods, prepare Bridges, and lay Ca••seways, where the Footing was unsure, and the Ground treacherous, by reason of the Bogsm 1.312. Entring into these mournful Places, which were dreadful to their Sight, and i••ksom to their Remembrance, the first Ob∣••ect presented to their view, was the Camp of Varus, remarkable by its large Compass, and by the three

Voidsn 1.313, which separated the three Legions. A little farther might be seen, the Retrenchments half in Ruine, inclos'd with a Ditch, now choak'd up, and almost sill'd; in which it was believ'd, that the shatter'd Rem∣nants of the Army had been rally'd for their last Re••uge. The middle of the Field was ••trew'd with Carcasses, and white dry Bones, some scatter'd here and there, and others pil'd on heaps; by which might be observ'd, whether they receiv'd their Death in flight, or fell toge∣ther in manly Resistance to the last. Every where were found their broken Pikes, and Iavelins; the Limbs of Horses, and their Iaw-bones; and the Heads of Men, which were fix'd to the Trunks, or hung on the Branches of the Trees. In the Woods about the Field were seen the Altars, where those Barbarians had executed the Tri∣bunes and Captains of the first Orderso 1.314. They who had escap'd from this Battel, or afterwards from their Captivity, related many Particulars of that dreadful Day. On this Place, said they, were slain the Com∣manders of the Legions; and there it was we lost our Eagles. Here Varus receiv'd his first Wound, and a little farther he fell upon his Sword, and perish'd by his own unhappy Hand. Behold the Eminence from whence Ar∣minius harangu'd his Soldiers; and yonder he rais'd Gibbets for the Prisoners, or sunk Ditchesp 1.315, to behead and bury them according to the Roman Fashion. While the Proud Conquerour forgot not to drag along the Ground, with Scorn, our Ensigns and our Eagles.

LVI. In this manner, the Roman Army, six Years af∣ter the Defeat, interr'd the Bones of the three Legions,

it being impossible for any Man to distinguish those of his Relations from the rest: Every one performing his Duty to all in general, as to so many Friends and Bro∣thers, with Hearts equally divided betwixt Sorrow, and desire of Vengeance. Germanicus partaking in their Grief, laid the first Turf on the common Sepulchreq 1.316: But this pious Office to the Slain was nothing pleasing to Tiberius; whether he took in the worst sense all the Actions of Germanicus1 1.317; or that he thought, so sad a Spectacle as that was, of unbury'd Bodies, would slacken the Courage of his Soldiers2 1.318, and make their Enemies appear more formidable. Besides, that the General of any Army vested with the Augural Priesthood, and de∣sign'd for the Ministry of Religious Rites, ought not to have put his Hand to Ceremonies belonging to the Dead.

LVII. In the mean time, Germanicus pursu'd Arminius, who retir'd into Places unfrequented, and inaccessible; when at length he had join'd the Enemy, he commanded his Cavalry to advance, and dislodge him from the Post he had possess'd. Arminius, with his Forces drawn up in close Order, march'd along the Forest, and suddenly wheeling, fac'd the Romans, giving the Signal to those Soldiers, whom he had laid in Ambush in the Wood. The Roman Horse, amaz'd at the sight of these new Enemies, was put into disorder; and the Cohorts coming up to their Assistance, being incumber'd with a Croud of those who fled from the Germans, and press'd upon their Ranks, were forc'd to open as they could, and make a Passage for them: In this Confusion, and general Affright, the Enemy, who knew the Country, were driving our Men headlong on the Morass, from whence it was impossible to disingage themselves, if Ger∣manicus had not with timely foresight drawn up the Le∣gions in Battalia: This gave Terrour to the Germans, and restor'd the Courage of our Soldiers, so that both Sides retir'd without Advantage. Soon after this, Germa∣nicus march'd back his Army to Amisia, where he em∣bark'd the Legions, to return in the same manner as they came. One part of the Cavalry were order'd to draw towards the Rhine, still coasting the Ocean in their March. Cecina, who led back his Cohorts, was advis'd, That though he was well acquainted with the Way which he had taken, yet he should make all imaginable Haste to get over the long Bridgesr 1.319. That way is narrow, in∣clos'd on either hand with Marshes, over which these Bridges, or rather Causeways, were formerly laid by Lucius Domitius. The rest is all either miry Ground,

or glewy Clay, cumbersom to the Feet, or uncertain, with scattering Rivulets; round about are rising Woods, which, with a gentle Descent, reach even to the Plain. In this place, Arminius had lodg'd a great Number of his Soldiers, having by long Marches, and by shorter Ways, got before our Men, who were loaden with their Arms and Baggage. Cecina, not knowing how to repair the Causway, now decay'd, and at the same time to repulse the Enemy, took a Resolution to incamp in the same place; that while one part of his Army was employ'd in repairing the ruin'd Passage, the other might be in a readiness to fight.

LVIII. The Barbarians made a strong Effort to push our Corps-de-Garde, and afterwards to have pour'd upon the Workmen; they charg'd our Men, some∣times on one side, and sometimes on the other, harassing them with continual Attempts, and endeavouring to break in upon them. The Cries of those who were employ'd in working, were confusedly mix'd with theirs who sought: All Things conspir'd against the Romans, the depth of the Morass, the slipperiness of the Ground, on which they could neither march, nor scarcely set a Foot, without danger of falling; the weight of their Armour; and the height of the Waters, which dimi∣nish'd their force in lanching their Iavelins. On the other side, the Cherusci were accustom'd to engage in marshy Ground, where the height of their Stature gave them a manifest Advantage, as also their long Pikes, with which they push'd to a great distance. The Night alone was the apparent Safety of our Legions, which began already to give Ground before the Enemy. But the Ger∣mans, by their good Fortune made indefatigables 1.320, with∣out allowing themselves the least Repose, cut a Passage through the Mountains, round about, for the Waters to

descend on the Roman Camp, thereby to float the Works they had already made, and increase the Difficulties of their new Labours. Cecina, who for the space of Forty Years had exercis'd the Trade of War, either as a pri∣vate Soldier, or a Leader, had made Trial both of prosperous and adverse Fortune1 1.321, and by Experience was become intrepid, considering all which might possi∣bly

arrive, could find no other Expedient, than to shut up the Enemy in their Woods, till he had pass'd over his Baggage, and his wounded Men. For betwixt the Hilly Ground, and the Morass, there was a narrow Plain, only capable of receiving a small Army. He therefore gave the Right Wing to the Fifth Legion; the Left to the Twenty first; the Van to the First Legion; and the Rear to the Twentieth.

LIX. The Night pass'd without Repose on either side; for the Barbarians, who were in debauch, made the Valleys and the Woods re••ound, sometimes with the Noise of their Drunken Songs, and otherwhile with Shouts and Outcries, rais'd on purpose to terri••ie the Romans. On the contrary, there was a deep sad Silence among our Troops, unless sometimes interrupted by ca∣sual Words; our Fires were languishing; some of our Sol∣diers leaning on the Palisade; others walking round the Tents, rather like People wanting Sleep, than quite awake. The General himself had a dreadful dream: It seem'd to him that he beheld Qui••tilius Varus arising from the bottom of those Marshes, and cover'd over with his Blood; who holding forth his Hand to him1 1.322, implor'd

his Assistancet 1.323; but that he, far from answering his Re∣quest, had push'd him backward. At break of Day, the Legions plac'd on the Wings, forsook their Post, whether through Fear, or Disobedience, is uncertain, and precipitately rang'd themselves in Battel beyond the Morats. Arminius did not immediately charge them, though nothing hinder'd; but when he saw their Bag∣gage fasten'd in the Mire, and sticking in the Ditches, the Soldiers out of their Ranks, and only sollicitous how to save themselves, (as commonly it happens on such

Occasions, when the Commanders are ill obey'd;) he encourag'd the Germans to the Charge, calling to them with rep••ated Cries:

Behold Varus and his Legions, who are offering themselves to be once more van∣quish••d.

Having said this, he forc'd through our Battalions with the flower of his Troops, and charg'd impetuously on our Horse; who sliding on their own Blood, and floundring in the Mud of the Morats, cast their Riders to the Ground; and then running furiously through the Ranks, crush'd those to Death who were al∣ready fallen, and threw down others whom they met. That which gave us the greatest Trouble, was the de∣fence of our Eagles, which could not be carried into the Combat, because of the multitude of Darts, which were continually lanc'd against the Bearers; nor yet fasten'd in the Ground, by reason of the Marshes. While Cecina with great Courage sustain'd this unequal Fight, his Horse was kill'd under him, and himself upon the point of being taken, if the First Legion had not hasten'd to his Succour. On the other side, the Enemy was so greedy of the Spoil, that they intermitted the Slaughter, to seize the Prey. This Covetousness of theirs, was the safety of the Legions; for it gave them the opportunity of making their Retreat2 1.324, at the close of Day, into a Plain, where the Footing was ••irm, and the Ground solid. But the end of their Miseries was not yet come. They were of necessity to make new Pali∣sades, and new Retrenchments, though they had lost the greatest part of their Instruments, which were to be em∣ploy'd in casting up the Earth, and cutting of the Turfs. They wanted Tents to receive the weary Soldiers, and

Salves to dress the Wounded. Their Food, which they divided into Portions, was soak'd in Mire and Blood; and they deplor'd that fatal Night, which only hid them till the approach of Day, which was to be the last to so many Thousands of valiant Men3 1.325.

LX. By chance a Horse, who was broken loose from his Standing, and terrifi'd with the Cries of his Pursue••s, bore down those whom he encounter'd in his way. The whole Camp possess'd with a panick Fear, took th•• Alarm; every one believing, that the Germans1 1.326 were breaking in upon them, they rush together to the Gates, and chiefly to the Decumaneu 1.327, which was the farthest from the Enemy, and consequently the most secure. Cecina found it was a false Alarm; but not being able to retain the Soldiers, either by Authority, or Prayer2 1.328, though he took hold upon their Arms to stop them, he laid himself across the Gate, and block'd up the Issue3 1.329,

through the Horrour which they had to pass over the Body of their Generalx 1.330: And at the same time, the Tribunes made it evident to them, that their Fear was groundless.

LXI. After this▪ being assembled in the Place of Armsy 1.331, Cecina desir'd them to hear him with Silence and Atten∣tion, and to consider well the present Iuncture of Af∣fairs. He told them, there was no other Hope of Safety remaining, but in their Courage, which also they were oblig'd to manage with Prudence; that their Safety was to continue in their Camp, till the Germans should ap∣proach near it, being allur'd with the hope of Victory; then all at once to sally out upon them from every Side: This Onset, said he, will open you a Passage to the Rhine; whereas if you should fly, you have to cross ma∣ny other Forests, and to pass over many Morasses, more deep than these; and, after all, remain expos'd to the Fury of your Enemies: When on the other side, if you are Victorious in the Battle, you shall not only assure your Safety, but obtain Immortal Honour. In sine, he set before their Eyes whatsoever they held dearest in the World, their present Friends, their absent Relations,

and the Reputation they had gain'd in Arms; but pass'd over in silence the Miseries they had already suffer'd, and those which they were yet to suffer. After this, he distributed amongst the bravest Soldiers, without Partia∣lity, the Horses of the Tribunes and Lieutenants, and amongst the rest, his own; with Order to those Horse∣men to begin the Charge, and for the Infantry to sustain them.

LXII. Neither were the Germans less unquiet, be∣twixt their Hopes of Victory, and their Desire of Booty; they were also divided in their Councils1 1.332: For Arminius was of Opinion, to leave the Passage open to the Ro∣mans, that marching thence, they might oppress them afterwards in other Marshes which lay before them, and involve them yet in greater Difficulties. Inguiomer, on the other side, advis'd to besiege them in their present Camp, which they should be able to force suddenly, and with ease; that they should take more Prisoners, and lose no∣thing of the Plunder: And this Advice, as the more daring, was most to the humour of the Barbarians2 1.333▪ At break of Day they issued out of their Forests, and being arriv'd at the Roman Camp, they cast Faggots in∣to the Ditch, and throw in Earth upon them to facilitate their Passage to the Rampart; then attack the Pali∣sadez 1.334,

where there appear'd but few Defendants, as if our Soldiers had been seiz'd with Fear. But when the Germans were just upon the Rampart, Cecina gave the Signal, and sounded to the Charge: The Romans fally'd out with a dreadful Clamour, and attack'd the Germans; crying out, They had them now without their Woods, and on stable Ground, unprotected by their Marshes; that the Gods would do Iustice to their Valour, by giving them an equal ••ield of Combat, for the decision of their Quarrel. The Enemies, who expected an easie Con∣quest over a handful of Men, and those too half dis∣arm'd, and quite dishearten'd, were terrifi'd with the sound of Trumpets, and the clattering of Arms, and slain almost without Resistance3 1.335, wanting Moderation in their good Fortune, and Courage in their bad. Ar∣minius and Inguiomer retir'd out of the Battle, the first untouch'd, the last desperately wounded. The Slaugh∣ter lasted all the Day, and, at the shutting of Evening, the Legions return'd into their Camp, many of them being hurt, and all without Victuals, yet well contented, finding in their Victory, Health and Vigour, and large Provision of whatsoever they desir'd.

LXIII. In the mean time, a Report was spread, that

the Romans were defeated, and that the Germans were descending upon Gaul: And they were on the point of breaking down the Bridge upon the Rhine, if Agrippina had not oppos'd her Courage, to the Cowardise of those who had advis'd so infamous an Action. During the time of that Consternation, she discharg'd all Du∣ties of a Generala 1.336; she reliev'd the poor Soldiers, she supply'd the Sick with Remedies1 1.337, and provided Clothes for those who were perishing with Cold. Caius ••li••ius, who has written the History of these Wars, says, That she stood on the entry of the Bridge to prai••e and

thank the Legions, as they pass'd along. All which Proceedings made a deep Impression of Discontent and Melancholy on the Soul of Tiberius. He strongly suspe∣cted, that this Over-Diligence and Care could not pos∣sibly be innocent2 1.338 at the bottom; that it was not against Foreigners, that Agrippina thus fortifi'd herself with the Favour of the Soldiers; that the Generals might now securely take their Ease, when a Woman could perform their Office, take Reviews of the Legions, march amidst the Roman Ensigns and their Eagles, and make Dona∣tives to the Soldiers. How could it be without Design, that her little Son was carried round the Camp in the plain habit of a private Soldier; that she caus'd him to be Sirnam'd Caligula: That she had already more Au∣thority in the Army than all the Generals3 1.339, since she

had appeas'd a Mutiny, where the Name of the Empe∣rour had been of no Consideration4 1.340. Sejanus, who was well acquainted with the suspicious Temper of Ti∣berius5 1.341, was not wanting to foment these Discon∣tents6 1.342,

but bury'd the Seeds of them deep under Ground7 1.343, and remov'd from sight, that they might shoot up in their appointed time, and produce the Fruits which he desir'd.

LXIV. Germanicus, who was embark'd already with his Leg••ons, intrusted Publius Vitellius with the Command of the Second and the Fourteenth, that he might bring them back by Land, thereby to lighten his Transport Vessels, lest they should knock upon the Sands, or lie a Ground, the Water during the Ebbs, being extreamly sholy upon those Seas. At the beginning, Vitellius, who coasted the Shores, found no Inconvenience in his March, because the Soil was dry, and the Tide mode∣rate. But after the Breeze began to blow, and the Sun was in the Equinox1 1.344, (at which time the Seas begin to

swell, and grow tempestuous,) all the Campaign was floated on the sudden, and the two Legions in apparent danger of being lost. The Sea and Land bore the same Figure; the firm Earth was not to be distinguish'd from the moving Sands, nor the fordable Passages from the Deep. The Billows bore away the Soldiers, and de∣vour'd them; dead Bodies of Men, and Horses, were seen floating confusedly with the Baggage on the Waves. The Brigades were mix'd with one another; some of the Soldiers were wading up to the Waste in Water; others to their Shoulders; and always one or other their Footing failing, were carried to the bottom. Their Cries, and mutual Encouragements, avail'd them nothing against the Fury of the Waves, which suck'd them in, and swallow'd them; no distinction was to be found betwixt the Cowards and the Brave, the Prudent and the Fools, the Cautious and the Bold; all were equally overpower'd by the violence of the Seas and Winds. At length, Vitellius having sav'd himself on a rising Ground, shew'd the way of Safety to the remains of his wreck'd Legions. They pass'd the following Night without Fires, without Provisions, and without Tents, the greatest part of them all bruis'd and naked, and more miserable than those who are surrounded by their Enemies, because their Death was without Ho∣nour; whereas the others were in a capacity of selling their Lives at a dear Rate, and dying not ingloriously.

The return of Day restor'd them to dry Land, and af∣forded them the means of retiring to the Rhineb 1.345, whi∣ther Germanicus had already brought his Forces. The two Legions reimbark'd with him, while the Rumour yet continu'd, that they were lost; which was obsti∣nately believ'd, till all the World had seen the return of Germanicus with his Army.

LXV. During this Interval, Stertinius was gone to re∣ceive Segimer, the Brother of Segestes, and brought him, together with his Son, into the City of the Ubians. A Pardon was granted to both of them; to the Father without any difficulty, because he had surrender'd him∣self of his own free motion; but more hardly to his Son, because he was accus'd to have insulted the dead Body of Varus. As for the rest, Spain, Gaul, and Italy, seem'd to vye with each other, in sending Horses, Arms, and Silver, to Germanicus, to repair the Losses which his Army had sustain'd. But he, with high Praises of their Zeal, accepted only of the Arms and Horses, which he wanted to carry on the War, being resolved to supply the Soldiers with his own Money. And to efface whol∣ly from their Memory, the Thoughts of their late Suf∣fering by his Kindness, he visited the Wounded, desir'd to see their Hurts, commended every one in particular, according to the Merits of his Service1 1.346; some he in∣flam'd

with desire of Honour, others with the hopes of Riches. In short, whether by his Affability, or the Care which he took of them, he won them all to be at his Devotion, and ready to follow him in any Danger.

LXVI. In the same Year, the Triumphal Ornaments were decreed to his Lieutenants, Aulus Cecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius. Tiberius re••us'd the Title of Father of his Countryc 1.347, which the People were often desi∣rous to have given him; nor even would permit, that they should take their Oaths upon his1 1.348 Actsd 1.349, many times repeating these words, That there was nothing sta∣ble in this Life; and that the more he was exalted, the more in danger of a Fall2 1.350, But this affected Modesty of his, gain'd him not a better Opinion with the People; for he had lately revived the Law of High-Treason for

Offences committed against the Person or Dignity of the Prince; which 'tis granted had the same Name in the Times of our Fore-Fathers, but was not of the same Ex∣tent 3 1.351. If any one had betray'd his General in War, or rais'd Sedition, or dishonour'd the Majesty of the Roman People in the publick Exercises of his Function, he was attainted for a Crime of State. Actions were punish∣able, but Words were free. Augustus was the first, who comprehended Libels within the Cognizance of the Law; being provok'd by the Petulancy of Cassius Severus, who had de••am'd, in his Writing, Men and Women of the highest Quality4 1.352. Tiberius afterwards had answer'd the Praetor Pompeius Macer, who had consulted, him concern∣ing this very Law▪ That his Pleasure was, it should be

observ'd; being piqu'd himself likewise by certain Verses of conceal'd Authors, which had reproach'd him for his Cruelty, his Pride, and his Ingratitudee 1.353 to his Mo∣ther5 1.354.

LXVII. 'Tis not from the purpose, in this place, to relate the Accusations which were carry'd on against Falanius and Rubrius, two Roman Knights, but both of very moderate Estates, to shew the Birth and Rise of that pernicious Invention, and with what Cunning Tibe∣rius

fomented it: How the Growth of it was stopp'd for a certain time, and how afterwards it was renew'd, and increas'd so much in Strength, that it set the whole Em∣pire in a Flame. He who inform'd against Falanius, accus'd him to have admitted into the Society of those, who were the Adorers of Augustus, and were divided in∣to several Fraternities a certain Buffoon1 1.355, call'd Cassius, who had prostituted his Body; and that he had sold, to∣gether with his Gardens, a Statue of that Emperour, which was erected there. Rubrius, in like manner, was accus'd for violating the Divinity of Augustus by Perjury. Tiberius, having Information of these Procedures, writ to the Consuls thus concerning them: That Heaven had not been decreed to his Father, with intention that his Worship should serve for a Pretence, to the Ruine of Roman Citizens2 1.356; That Cassius had been accustom'd to assist with those of his Profession at the Plays, which Livia had consecrated to the Memory of Augustus; That to leave his Images, with those of other Gods, in Houses and Gardens which were sold, had not the least reference to Religion; That the Perjury of Rubrius ought not to be held a more enormous Crime, than that of Forswearing himself by the Name of Iupiter3 1.357.

LXVIII. Shortly after, Granius Marcellus, Praetor of Bithynia, was accus'd of High-Treason by Coepio Crispinus,

his Treasurer, with the corroborating Evidence of Ro∣manus Hispo. This Hispo, who was of an unquiet Spirit, had taken up a kind of Life, which the Iniquity of the Times, and the Wickedness of Men, turn'd afterwards into a common Practice1 1.358; for from a poor, unknown, and despicable Fellow2 1.359, as he was, he accommodated himself so well to the Cruelty of Tiberius, at first by se∣cret Memoirs which he gave him, and afterwards by open Accusations, which he brought against the greatest Men of Rome, that becoming as powerful with the Prince, as hated by the People, he serv'd for an Example to ma∣ny others; who, like him, rising from Poverty to Riches, and from Contempt to formidable Greatness, split at length upon that Rock to which they had driven others. He accus'd Marcellus to have spoken with too great Li∣cense of Tiberius. An inevitable Crime! because the Informer picking out all the infamous Actions of the Prince, the Person accus'd was believ'd guilty of saying that, which was notoriously true. He added, That a Statue of Marcellus had been plac'd higher than any of the Caesars; and that he had taken off the Head from and Image of Augustus, and plac'd in the room of it the

Effigies of Tiberius3 1.360. At these Words, Tiberius, without breaking into Choler, cried aloud, That he would deli∣ver his Opinion in open Senate concerning this Affair, and that with a solemn Obtestationf 1.361 of Iupiter, to oblige the rest to the same Sentence4 1.362. As there were yet some small Remainders of the ancient Liberty, tho

now expiring, Cneius Piso demanded of him, In what Place he would give his Suffrage? For if you speak first, (added he) I have no more to do, than to follow your Sentence; but if you deliver your Opinion last of all, my Vote by misfortune may have been opposite to yours. Tiberius amaz'd at this unexpected Boldness, and suddenly mollified, out of shame to have been surpriz'd in that Transport of his Passion, suffer'd the Accus'd to be acquitted from the Charge of High-Treason5 1.363, and remitted him to the common Magistrates to be try'd, for his Management of the publick Treasure.

LXIX. Not satisfi'd to assist only at the Iudiciary Proceedings of the Senate, he frequented also the Infe∣rior Courtg 1.364, where he sate on one side of the Tribu∣nal1 1.365,

because he would not displace the Iudge from the Seat of Iustice; and occasion'd by his Presence, that many good Regulations were made concerning the Par∣tial Recommendations of the Great. But while he kept so strict a Hand on Iustice, he extinguish'd Liberty. About this time it was, that Pius Aurelius, a Senator, pe∣tition'd the Senate to be consider'd for the Loss he had sustain'd in the Ruine of his House, which was demo∣lish'd for the Convenience of Publick Ways, and the Structure of Aqueducts. Tiberius, who was always pleas'd to exercise his Liberality in those Things which might do him Honour, (a Virtue which he retain'd a long time after he had divested himself of all the rest,) order'd, That the Price of his House should be refunded to him: though the Praetors, who were at that time Commissio∣ners of the Treasury, were against the Grant. Proper∣tius Celer, who had formerly been Praetor, and who de∣sir'd Leave to lay down the Dignity of a Senator, be∣cause of his Poverty2 1.366, receiv'd a Thousand great Sester∣ces h 1.367, to support his Quality; Tiberius being given to under∣stand,

that his Father had left him much in Debt. Some others endeavour'd to obtain the same Favour from Tibe∣rius, but he order'd them to address to the Senate3 1.368, affe∣cting to be thought severe, and hard4 1.369, even in those very Things which were but Acts of Iustice. Which was the cause, that all the rest sate down content with silent Poverty, rather than endure the Shame of owning it unprofitably5 1.370.

LXX. The same Year, the Tiber being swell'd by the continual fall of Rains, overflow'd the nether Parts of the Town, and carried off both Houses and Men in its Retreat. Asinius Gallus propos'd in Senate to consult the Sibilsi 1.371 Books; which Tiberius withstood1 1.372; who was as careful to conceal the Mysteries of Religion, as those of State. But the care of restraining those Inundations, was committed to Ateius Capito, and Lucius Arruntius. On occasion of Complaints, which were made by Greece and Macedonia, it was order'd, That they should be

discharg'd, at present2 1.373, from the Government of Pro∣consuls, and rul'd by the Emperourk 1.374. Drusus, in the Name of Germanicus, and in his own, gave the Spectacle of Gladiators, at which himself presided, taking, as was thought, too great a Pleasure in the sight of Bloodshed, though it was only the Blood of Inferiour Men. And

his Father, as it was reported, gave him a severe Repre∣hension for it, because it had given the People an Occa∣sion to murmur, who were apprehensive of his Cruelty, when it should be his Turn to Reign. It was diversly interpreted, why Tiberius refrain'd from that Spectacle. Some conjectur'd, that he lov'd not great Assemblies; others, that being of a sullen and melancholick Humour, he fear'd that an odious Comparison would be made betwixt him and Augustus3 1.375, who was always present at these publick Entertainments, behaving himself with great Familiarity and Complaisance4 1.376. I cannot think, that it was to put his Son into the ill Opinion of the People5 1.377, by shewing his Cruel and Sanguinary Temper, though there were some of that Belief.

LXXI. The License of the Theatre, which began the Year before, was now grown excessive. Many Murders were committed, not only on Men of com∣mon Rank, but even on some Soldiers, and one Centu∣rion, who would have restrain'd the Quarrels of the Populace, and repress'd the Insults, which they made

on the Persons of the Magistrates: And the Tribune of a Praetorian Cohort was also wounded. A Decree of Senate being made, which impower'd the Praetor, to cause the Actors of those Farces to be scourg'd; Haterius Agrippa, Tribune of the People, oppos'd this Order; and Gallus Asinius sharply reproving him, Tiberius did not interrupt him1 1.378; for he was willing to sooth the Se∣nate with that vain appearance of their Power, and pub∣lick Liberty. Nevertheless, the Opposition had the wish'd Effect, because Augustus had declar'd the Farcers to be exempt from the servile Punishment of the Whip; and Tiberius seem'd very scrupulous, in breaking any of his Edicts2 1.379. Many other Ordinances were made con∣cerning the Stipends of Comediansl 1.380, and against the License of their Favourersm 1.381; and the most Remarkable

are these: That the Senators should return no Visits to the Pantomimesn 1.382; That the Roman Knights should not ac∣company them in the Streets; That those Farcers should not be permitted to Play, unless only on the Theatres; And that, for the future, the Praetors should have Power to send into Banishment those Spectators, who behav'd ••hemselves with Insolence.

LXXII. Spain had leave to build a Temple to Augu∣stus Caesar, in the Colony of Terragona; and this serv'd for an Example to all the Provinces. The People desi∣ring to be discharg'd from the Impost laid on the Hun∣dredth part of1 1.383 the Gains by Commerce, Tiberius declar'd, the Fund for Waro 1.384 subsisted chiefly by that Income; and also, that the whole Revenue of the Common∣wealth

would not satisfie for the Payment of the Forces, if the Veterans were dismiss'd before they had serv'd the term of 20 Years. By which, the Promise made for their Discharge at the end of 16 Years was virtually re∣vok'd, which the Seditious Legions had extorted2 1.385 from Germanicus and Drusus not long before.

LXXIII. Aruntius and Capito consulted the Senate, concerning the Inundations of the Tiber, whether they thought fitting to have them stopp'd, by diverting the Course of the Lakes and Rivers, which discharg'd them∣selve into it. But before the Debate pass'd farther, they were to hear the Reasons which were offer'd by the Towns and Colonies, which were interess'd in that Af∣fair. It was remonstrated by those of Florence, that thei•• Country was lost, if the Clane should disburthen it self into the Arn: The Interamnatesp 1.386 alledg'd, that the most fruitful Parts of Italy would be turn'd to marish Ground, if the Nar should be sluc'd out into many Rivulets, which they were ready to have done. The Reatines would not consent, that the Passage should be stopp'd, by which the Lake Velinus runs into the Nar; declaring, That it would overflow the Neighbouring Country; That Na∣ture

had made the best Provision, for the Convenience of Mankind, in disposing the Course of Rivers, ordaining their Outlets, and their Bounds, as she had appointed, where their Springs should rise; That they ought to have regard to the Religion of their Allies, who had consecrated Woods, and Altars, and Priests, to the Rivers of their Country. That even the Tiberq 1.387 would creep along, diminish'd of his Glory, if he were robb'd of the Income, which was paid him by his Tributary Rivers. At length, whether deterr'd by Superstition, or yielding to the Request of the Colonies, or forc'd by the diffi∣culty of the Undertaking, they decreed, That no Alte∣ration should be made, as Piso from the beginning had advis'd.

LXXIV. Poppeius Sabinus was continu'd in the Go∣vernment of Mesia, to which were added, Achaia and Macedonia. For it was a Maxim of Tiberius, To let the Governours grow old in the Provinces which they commanded, and many of them died1 1.388 in the Posses∣sion of those Places they held, whether Military or Ci∣vil.r 1.389.

Various Reasons are assign'd for this: Some af∣firm, That, to spare himself the Care and Trouble of a second Choice, he kept constant to the first; Others

say, That it was to advance as few as possible he could2 1.390. Some have believ'd, that as he had a quick and piercing Wit, so his Iudgment was always in suspence; for as he could not suffer the Extremities of Vice, so neither did he love extraordinary and shining Virtues: Being jea∣lous of his Authority, he fear'd great Men3 1.391; and as he was jealous of his own Reputation, and of the publick Honour, he rejected those who pass'd for Scandalous, or Insufficients 1.392 In short, his Irresolution was so great, that

he gave Governments to some such Persons, as he had absolutely determin'd, should never leave the Town to take possession of them.

LXXV. As to the Assemblies which were held for the Election of Consuls, I have nothing to affirm for certain, either in the time of Tiberius, or after it. So great is the Difference which is found, not only in the Relations of Historians, but also in his own Speeches.

Sometimes, without naming the Candidates for the Con∣sulship, he describ'd them by their Birth; by their Man∣ners, and by the number of Years which they had serv'd in War. Sometimes, omitting even those De∣scriptions, he desir'd the Pretenders not to trouble the Assemblies with their Intrigues, promising his own par∣ticular Care in their Concerns. And sometimes he said, That no Competitors had presented themselves to him, but only they, whose Names he had deliver'd to the Consuls; yet that others were not debarr'dt 1.393 from pretending to that Dignity, who either con••ided in their own Merits, or in the Favour of the Senate. Specious Words1 1.394, but either void of Meaning, or full of Cun∣ning; and couch'd under a flattering shew of Freedom,

to break out afterwards with greater danger of a worse Servitude.

Notes

• a 1.1

  viz. Romulus its Founder, who, according to Tacitus, rul'•••• with Absolute Power; Romulus ut libitum imperitaverat. Ann. 3. Numa. who Establish'd a Form of Divine Worship, with High-Priests, South-Sayers, and Priests, to perform the Ceremonies of the Sacrifices, Numa re∣ligio••ibus & divin•• jure populum d••vinxit, Ibid. Tullus Hostilius▪ who taught the Romans the Art of making War, and for this purpose Instituted Military Discipline. Ancus Martius, who adorn'd the City, and Peopled it with the Sabines, and the Latins, whom he had Conquer'd, and Built the City of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to be a Port for the Romans. Tarquin I. who built the Cirque, and distinguished the Senators and the Knig••ts, by exterior marks of Honour, such as the Ivory Chair, call'd in Latin, Cella Curulis; the Gold Ring; the Purple Robe, call'd Trabea; the Pretexta, or the Robe edg'd with Scarlet. Servius Tullius, who, according to Tacitus, was the Chief Law-giver of the Romans, Praecipuus Servius Tullius sanctor le∣gum fuit, Ann. 3. took into the City the Quirinal, the Esquiline, and the Viminal Hills, and caus'd his Laws to be engraven on Tables of Stone; and Tarquin, Sirnam'd, the Proud, who having ascended the Throne by Incest, and by the Murder of Servius Tullius, whose two Daughters he had Married, and endeavouring to maintain himself in it by Violence and Terror, was, with his whole Family, expell'd Rome,
• b 1.2

  Tacitus always opposes Liberty to Regal Power, Res dissoci∣abiles, principatum & libertatem. In Agricola. Haud facile libertas & do∣mini miscentur, Hist. 4, a Master and Liberty are incompatible. Tarquini∣us Pris••us, says he, Lib. 3. of his Hist. had laid the Foundation of the Capitol, and afterwards Servius Tullius and Tarquin the Proud, built it▪ one with the Gi••••s of the Allies, and the other with the Spoils of the Ene∣mies, but the Glory of finishing this great Work, was reserved for Li∣berty: As for Iu••••us Brutus, he was not only Author of the Consulship, but also the first who Exercis'd it, and with so great Zeal for his Country, that not being content with having banished Collatine his Collegue, only because he was of the Royal Family of the Tarquins, he caus'd his own Sons to be beheaded, who endeavoured to restore them to the Throne. The two Magistrates, on whom was transferr'd the Authority which the Kings had, were call'd Consuls, to signifie that they ought to assist the new Common-Wealth with their Counsels, and not to Govern it accord∣ing to their humour, as the Kings had done.
• 1 1.3

  When once the Regal Power begins to degenerate into Tyranny; the People aspire to Liberty; and when once a Brutus appears, that is, a Head who is capable to give it▪ they seldom fail to shake off the Yoke, not only of the King, who Tyrannizes, but also of the Regal Power, for fear there come another King, who might Tyrannize also. Occultior non Melior.
• c 1.4

  The Dictator was a Sovereign Magistrate, but whose Power lasted no longer than the Danger lasted, which threatned the Common-Wealth; so that he was no more than the Trustee of the Sovereign Authority. The first whom the Romans created was in the War against the Latins, who had given the Tarquins Protection▪ his Name was Titus Lartius, or L••r∣gius. He was call'd Dictator, ab edicendo, or ab edictando, i. e. because he had authority to make Ed••••ts; or because he was not chosen by the Suffra∣ges of the People, nor by the Scrutiny of the Senate, as other Magistrates were; but only Dictus named by the Consul, and afterwards proclaimed by the People. He was therefore named by the Consul, saith Machiavel, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 34. Lib. ••. of his Discourses, because, as the Creation of a Dictator was a sort of a Dishonour to the Consul, who from being chief Governor of the City, became thereby subject, as the rest, to a Superior Power, the ••••••ans would have him chosen by the Consuls themselves, to the end that 〈…〉〈…〉 as the City should stand in need of one, they might be the more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to chuse him, and to have the less reluctance to obey him; the Wounds which we voluntarily give our selves, being far less sensible, than those which others give us. He had power to depose the Consuls, wit∣ness & Cincinnatus, who deposed the Consul Minutius; he suspended the Functions of all the Magistrates, except the Tribunes of the People, who sometimes had the better of him▪ At first, the Dictatorship was conferr'd only on the Nobles, but afterwards the Commons were admitted to it, as well as to the Consulship. The Dictatorship, saith Machiavel, deserves to be reckon'd amongst those things, which contributed most to the ad∣vancement of the Roman Empire. For in Republicks, which are always slow in their motions. (because no Magistrate can dispatch any business singly, and one having need of anothers agreement in their opinions, the time insensibly slips away.) The ordinary remedies are very dangerous▪ when they are to provide against some pressing Evil, which doth not give time to wait for the Consultation of many; whence I conclude, that Com∣mon-Wealths, which in pressing dangers have not recourse either to a Dictator, or some other Magistrate of the like Nature, will certainly run a-ground upon some sudden accident. Heretofore the Dutchy of Braban•• created a R••vert, or a Protector, on whom the Province conferr'd an Ab∣solute Power for the time. The Prince of Orange got himself chosen Ru∣vert, Anno. 1577. Cabrera, c. 24. l. 11. of his Philip II. and Strada lib. 1. dec. 1.
• d 1.5

  Ten Men who govern'd the Common-Wealth instead of Consuls. It was under them that the XII Tables were compos'd, i. e. a Compilation of the best Laws of Greece, but particularly of Athens, whose Polity was esteem'd the most Excellent. For all those which the Kings had made were abolish'd in hatred of Monarchy. The first year each made his Table according to the several matters, which fell to their lot, and the Year following, they made two more in common, to supply what was wanting in the ten former. But as they were endeavouring to perpetuate their Government, which began to degenerate into Tyranny, the De••emvi∣rate was abolished for Ever, and the Consulship restored. The Decem∣virs had greater Authority than the Dictator, for the Dictator could make no alteration in the ancient Laws of the City, nor do any thing which was prejudicial to the State, the Tribunes of the People, the Consuls and the Senate, who still subsisted, put a Bridle upon him, which kept him from breaking out of the right way, saith Machiavel; on the contrary the Con∣sulship and the Tribuneship having been abolish'd by the Creation of the Decemvirs, to whom the People transferred all their Rights, these Ten, who had their hands at liberty, there remaining no appeal from them to the People, had an opportunity of becoming insolent.
• 1 1.6

  The surest way to preserve Li∣berty, saith Livy, is not to permit the Magistracy, wherein the Su∣preme Authority is lodg'd, to be of long duration. There is no place in the World, where this Maxim is so well observed as at Venice; and it may be this is the chief Cause which hath made it out-live so many Ages, and so many States, which were more powerful than theirs, and not surrounded with so many dange∣rous Neighbours. Machiavel saith, that the short Duration of the Dicta∣torship, hinder'd the Dictator from transgressing the Bounds of his Du∣ty. Discourses, lib. 1. ch. 34.
• e 1.7

  The Patricii, or the Nobles being at discord with the People, who would have the Commons admitted to the Consulship, as well as the Nobles, ••ound an Expedient to create Military Tribunes in the room of the Consuls: so that, as often as the People and the Nobility could not agree in the Election of the Consuls, they created Military Tri∣bunes, who exercised all the Military Functions. A Testimony, saith Ma∣chiavel, Discourse l. 1. c. 34. that it was rather the Name of Consul that they hated, than the Authority of the Consulship. And this Custom lasted about 80 Years, not in a continu'd Succession, for there was sometimes of Consuls, and sometimes of Tribunes. Tacitus says nothing here of the Tribunes of the People, who held notwithstanding a considerable Rank in the ancient Common-Wealth, as having been instituted to moderate the Power of the Consuls, and to protect the meaner sort against the Insolence of the Great ones; besides, their Persons were Sacred and Inviolable. They were instituted fifty years before the Creation of Military Tribunes, when the People jealous of the Power of the Nobles, and weary of their In∣sults, retired to the Crustumerin Hill, call'd afterward the Sacred Hill, be∣cause of the happy accommodation of this quarrel. There was at first but two Tribunes of the People, but a little while after there was four other; and in process of time they were multiply'd to ten, and the Nobility ex∣cluded from this Office, which was not observed in following times. C. ••••••inius Stolo, and Sextius Lateranus put a stop to the Elections of Con∣suls, for the space of five years, and by these means the Senate was forced to admit Plebeans to the Consulship, which was con••err'd upon them the first time in the Persons of Sextus and Lici••••us. Sylla, the sworn Enemy of the Common People, had much humbled these Tribunes, but after lus Death they resumed all their Authority.
• 1 1.8

  All Power that is Established by Sedition, as was that of these Tribunes, can never subsist long.
• 2 1.9

  Nothing is so weak and so ob∣noxious to a reverse of Fortune, as a Power, which hath neither Right nor Reason for its Foundation. Cin∣na was s••ain in a Sedition by his own Soldiers▪ and Sylla constrain'd to renounce the Dictatorship. Upon which Caesar said pleasantly, that Sylla could not Read, seeing he knew not how to Dictate.
• 1 1.10

  Ambition and the Quarrels of Great Men, are the Shelves on which the Liberty of Common-Wealths are always split; for the State is weakned in Proportion, as particu∣lar Persons fortifie themselves by Arms, under pretence of revenging their Injuries, or of securing them∣selves against the Resentments of their Enemies, or the Violence of these that are stronger. And as the People suffer themselves in the end to be the Prey of their Dissentions, they are constrain'd to receive an absolute Master, that they may have Peace; Thus Tacitus had good rea∣son to say, that the Factions of Ci∣tizens are much more dangerous in Common-Wealths, and that Regal Power came not into the World but since Equality and Modesty went out of it, Periculosiores sunt inimici∣tiae juxta libertatem. In Germania. Postquam exui aequalitas, & pro mo∣destia ac pudore ambitio & vis ince∣debat, provenere dominationes. Ann. 3. To conclude, Tacitus seems to ob∣serve here, that Rome was never at rest, after the Expulsion of its Kings, until it return'd to the Government of a Single Person, as to its first principle; for in Tully's Opinion it was not the Regal Power, but the Abuse of Regal Power which the Roman People hated, 3 de Legib.
• 2 1.11

  A new Prince ought always to wave odious Titles, for besides that; Authority is not in Titles, those which he accepts give Men occasion to judge of the good or bad disposi∣tions which he brings with him to the Government. It is natural to believe, that a Prince who volunta∣rily assumed a Title which shocks his Subjects, will take no great care to be belov'd, and will make it his principal Maxim, Oderint, dum me∣tuant. Pope Paul II. gave People an ill opinion of his Pontificate from the Day of his Exaltation, by being desirous to take the name of Form••∣sus. And indeed, his Vanity which sprang thence, made him to do ma∣ny things unbecoming a Pope, for according to Platina's Relation, he Painted and Dress'd like a Wo∣man.
• f 1.12

  He had yet no Superiority over the Senators, who was equal to him in every thing, except Precedency, and for this Reason Dio calls him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the first of the Senate. This Title was in use under the ancient Common-Wealth. The first who was honour'd with it, was Fabius Ambustus, about the Year of Rome, 435. The Consuls were more than the Prince of the Senate, for they were Prin∣ces of the People.
• 1 1.13

  They who relate only these things which make for the Honour of their Country, and suppress the rest, are good Citizens, but very bad Historians,

  Dum patriam laudat, dum damnat Poggius hostes, Nec malus est civis, nec bonus historicus.

  In Tacitus's Opinion, History is al∣ways better written by the Subjects of a Republick, than by those of a Monarchy, because Flattery reigns less in Republicks.
• 2 1.14

  Flattery increases in proportion as Government is Establish'd. It began under the Reign of Augustus, but it was at its height under that of Tiberius: To see the Extrava∣gant Progress which it made in a little time among Writers, we need only compare the History of Pater∣culus, with that of Livy. This was written under a Common-Wealth, the other under a Monarchy. It Augustus call'd Livy Pompeian, he would certainly have call'd Patercu∣lus Tiberian.
• 3 1.15

  The History of bad Princes is never Written faithfully, not during their life, because they are fear'd, nor after their Death, because they are calumniated. And besides, those who have made their Fortunes un∣der them, believe that it is permit∣ted to them to lye by way of gra∣titude. So that Posterity are equally deceived by both, Ita neutris cura posteritatis inter infensos, vel ob∣noxios. Hist. 1.
• 4 1.16

  They who undertake to write History ought to indulge neither to the Love nor the Hatred which they have towards the Persons they are to speak of; Neither their Animosi∣ties, nor their Acknowledgments ought to pass from their Heart to their Writings; they should set themselves above Hope and Fear, that they may be at Liberty to speak Truth. Every one saith d' Au∣bigne protests at his setting out to make up his wants of Abilities, by an exact Fidelity, every one boasts of Liberty, and of laying his passi∣ons at his Feet, even such a one who in the very beginning shews, that his Pen and his Conscience are sold to Favour. Preface of his Universal History.
• 1 1.17

  When a Prince ceases to be Cruel, and grows Merciful, all the Evil that he hath done, is attributed to Necessity, and the Unhappiness of the Times, and all the Good that he doth to his own Nature. Au∣gustus effaced all the Footsteps of his Triumvirate, by quitting the Title of Triumvir; and it may be said, that his Clemency did the Roman Common-Wealth, more mischief than his Triumvirate, seeing it made the People ••ame for Servitude, by ma∣king them love him for a Master, whom they before abhorr'd as a Triumvir.
• 2 1.18

  They who have oppress'd the Liberties of Common-Wealths, have almost all of them begun by de∣fending it; for the People accustom themselves insensibly to obey him who knows how to deceive them, under the specious Title of a Defen∣der. It was by this fine Name Pa∣gano della Terra made himself Lord of Milan, and the Duke of Aten••s, of Florence.
• 3 1.19

  An Army hath always a greater love for the Gifts which are be∣stow'd on them, and the Licenti∣ousness which is allow'd them, than for the publick Liberty. Donis cor∣rumpebatur, says Livy, malebat li∣centiam suam, quam omnium liber∣tatem.
• 4 1.20

  The Common People love their Bellies better than their Liberty.
• 1 1.21

  It is as dangerous to attempt to restore Liberty to a People who desire to have a Master, as to en∣deavour to bring a People under Subjection, who desire to live free: Infine, it is to preserve the shadow and appearance of Liberty, to obey ••hose willingly who have the power to force us to it, Libertatis serva∣veris ••mbram, says Lucian, si quic∣quid jubeare, velis.
• g 1.22

  That is to say an Aedile, for there were Aediles taken out of the Common People, who were not permitted to ride in the City with a Chariot, or to sit in an Ivory-Chair. But this distinction which was odious to the People, was afterwards abolished, and all the Aediles were Curules: They had the oversight of the Government of the City of Publick Games, and of the Reparation of the Temples, and of all things relating to the Worship of the Gods.
• 2 1.23

  The Prince who would be well served ought to honour Virtue wheresoever it is ••ound, and to look upon him as the most Noble, who is the best able to assist him to go∣vern well. A single Person, saith Co••••ines, is sometimes the Cause of preventing great Inconveni∣encies to his Master, although he be not of Noble Birth, provided that he has only Sense and Virtue. Ch. 5. Lib. 5. of his Mem. Cabrera says, that Philip the II. in conferring Offices and Military Honours, preferred Spill'd Blood to Hereditary Blood, Ch. ult. Lib. 2. of his History.
• 1 1.24

  It is enough to guess, that a Prince does not Refuse a thing in good earnest, because he makes no resistance to accept it, when it is of∣fered him again with greater impor∣tunity. The more Popes affect to shew in the beginning of their Pon∣tificate, little inclination to call their Relations to the Administration of Affairs, the more the Cardinals, the Ambassadors and the Courtiers are importunate to persuade them to that which they knew they desire, Vid. Reflection 6. of Ch. 7.
• h 1.25

  Praetexta. Robe edg'd with Scarlet, which Children of Quality wore from the time of the Reign of Lucius Tarquinus, Sirnamed Priscus, or the Old, they left it off at 17 years of Age.
• 2 1.26

  The Death of Princes is fre∣quently imputed to those, who have the greatest Advantage by it. As Livia desir'd to reign, even after Augustus's death, she was suspected to have poyson'd Lucius and Caius, to make way for her Son. Henry Duke of Orleance, and Catherine de Medicis, his Wife, were supposed to be the true Authors of the Death of the Dauphine of France, because his Death secured the Crown to them.
• i 1.27

  According to Paterculus, Tiberius was adopted by Augustus in the Con∣sulship of Aelius Catus, and of Caus Sentius, the 27th of Iune 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Rome, 754. Hist, 2. Ch. 103.
• 1 1.28

  It is rarely seen, that a Prince growing old, maintains his Autho∣rity to the last. Tacitus saith, that the Power of an Old Man is preca∣rious, precarium seni imperium, & brevi transiturum. Hist. 1. For un∣der the colour of relieving his Old Age, his Wife, or his Son, or his Mi∣n••••ters assume the Government. Duke Philip being grown Old, Com∣mines saith, that his Affairs were so manag'd by the Lords of Crouy and of Chimay, that he restor'd to the King the Cities upon the River of Some, at which the Count his Son was much troubled, for they were the Frontiers of their Lordships. The Count call'd a great Council in the Bishop of Cambray's Palace, and there declar'd the whole House of Crouy mortal Enemies to his Father and himself: insomuch that they were all of them forc'd to fly. These proceedings were very displeasing to Duke Philip, but his great Age made him bear it with patience, Ch. 1. & 2. Lib. 1. of his Memoirs. That which also adds much to the Dimi∣nution of the Authority of an old and infirm Prince, is, that there be∣ing no more to be hop'd for from him, he is abandon'd by his Ser∣vants.
• * 1.29

  BRUTUS and CASSIUS.

  Paterculus saith, that never any Persons had so favourable a Fortune in the beginning, as Brutus and Cassius, nor so short liv'd a one; Brutus was but 37 years old when he died; Cassius was a better Captain, Brutus a ••etter Friend; the one had more Vigour, the other more Honesty. And as it was more advantageous to the Common-Wealth to have Augustus for its Master than Anthony, it would likewise have been more agreeable to obey'd Brutus than Cassius. They both kill'd themselves; the latter frighted by a Company of People who came to bring him News of the Victory, believing that they were Enemies; the Former a few days after in de∣spair.
• 1 1.30

  It may be this was not so much to oppose the Incursions of the Ger∣mans, as to put a Check upon Ti∣berius if he should make an attempt upon the Authority of Augustus.
• 2 1.31

  Adoption doth not only serve to multiply the Heirs of a Prince, who is too old for Procreation, but also to secure him from the reproach of Old Age, and incapacity to go∣vern, when it is seen, that he makes a good Choice: And this was Galba's meaning in what he said when he adopted Piso; as soon as the Senate and the City shall hear of thy a∣doption, they'll no longer think me old. Audita adoptione desinam vi∣der•• senex. Tac. Hist. 1.
• * 1.32

  Young POMPEY.

  This young Man having possessed himself of Sicily, formed on Army of the broken remains of that of Brutus, and of multitudes of Slaves, Fu∣gitives, and proscribed Persons, who flock'd to him. For although he was not much like his Father, and was not Valiant but in a Heat and in a Passion, any Leader was fit for People who had nothing to lose. When he in∣fested the Seas by his Pyracies, Augustus and Anthony were oblig'd to make Peace with him to quiet the People of Rome, who were no longer able to bear the Scarcity of Provisions, which was caused by the Robbery of Pompey's Fleet. Sicily and Greece were yielded to him by this Treaty. But this turbulent Spirit being not content to keep within those bounds, Au∣gustus declared War against him. In the beginning of which Pompey was successful, but Augustus in the latter end, for he forced him to fly into Asia, where he was slain by the Command of Anthony▪ Paterc. Hist. 2. Chap. 72, 73. and 79.
• * 1.33

  The Triumvir LEPIDUS.

  After the defeat and flight of Young Pompey, Lepidus, who was come in∣to Sicily with twelve Legions, incorporated with his Army Pompey's Troops. Being therefore at the head of above twenty Legions, he had the boldness to send Augustus word, that Sicily belong'd to him by right of Conquest, although he had only been the Spectator of another's Victory, and which he had also a long time retarded, by giving advice upon every occasion, contrary to that, which all the rest approved. Augustus, notwithstanding he was unarm'd, entred Lepidus his Camp, and not regarding the Arrows which the other caused to be shot at him, he seised the Eagle of a Legi∣on. Lepidus abandon'd by his Soldiers, and fortune which raised him to a degree of power which he no ways deserved, was forc'd to throw himself at Augustus his feet, who gave him his Life and his Estate.
• 1 1.34

  Arcanum novi status imago an∣tiqui, that is to say, the Art of a New Government is to resemble the Old. For the People ought not to be sensible of a Change, for fear of an Insurrection. After that Philip II. had taken possession of Portugal, he left Cardinal Arch-Duke Albert, Vice-Roy there; so that as to Habit, saith Cabrera, King Cardinal Henry seemed not to be dead, History of Philip II. sub fin. It was possibly for the same reason, that Philip gave the Government of the Low-Countrys to the Dutchess of Parma his Sister, considering that the Flemings having been accstomed to a Female Government for the space of 46 Years, that Margaret of Au∣stria, Dutchess Dowager of Savoy, and Mary Queen of Hungary, his Aunt, had govern'd them; it was probable that a Governess would be more agreeable to them than a Governor. Herrera saith, that Phi∣lip having recall'd the Arch-Duke Albert from Portugal (in 1592.) the Government of this Kingdom re∣mained in the hands of five Ad∣ministrators, because that having promis'd the Portuguese to give them always one of the Royal Fa∣mily for their Governor; and being either not able, or not willing to do it at that time, he thought to make no Innovation by placing in the room of Albert five Portuguese Lords, after the example of the King Cardinal Henry, who by his last Will had named five others, Third Part of his Hist. Lib. 10. C. 23. Henry IV. would make his Abjura∣tion in the Church of St. D••nis, to shew that he would follow the Re∣ligion and the Examples of the Kings, who were interr'd there▪ Memoirs of the Chancellor Chiverney.
• * 1.35

  MARK ANTHONY.

  This Triumvir having resolved to make War on his Country, the Quar∣rel was decided by a Fight, which put an end to the Civil Wars. This Battle was fought near Actium, a Promontory of the Sea of Albania. After the two Fleets were engaged, Queen Cleopatra flying, Anthony chose rather to accompany a Woman who fled, than his Soldiers who fought. These brave Men however obstinately maintain'd the Fight, and they despaired of the Victory; they held it out a long time, being willing to die for a Deserter. But in the end Augustus having softned them by his Remonstrances, they threw down their Arms, and yielded the Victory to him who merited it as much by his Clemency, as by his Valour.
• 1 1.36

  When a Prince begins to break and grow infirm, all People turn their Eyes towards the Rising Sun, that is to say, towards his Successor, if there is an Heir apparent, as in Hereditary States there is: but if the Successors be uncertain, as in Elective Kingdoms, then every one reasons upon the good or bad Qua∣lities of the several Pretenders, and destines to the Throne him that is most agreeable to himself. Multi, saith Tacitus, occulta spe, prout quis amicus vel cliens, hunc vel illum ambitiosis rumoribus destinabant, Hist. 1.
• 2 1.37

  It has been often observed, that Princes who come from Exile to a Throne, have been cruel,

  —Regnabit sanguine multo. Quisquis ab exilio venit ad impe∣rium. Apud Suet, in Vita Tib.

  and likewise those who have been despised or ill-treated under the Reign of their Predecessor. When once L••wis XI. was crowned and knew his Power, he thought of no∣thing but revenge▪ Hist. Memoirs, Lib. 1. Ch. 12.
• k 1.38

  Tiberius was not three years old when his Mother was married to Augustus. Tiberius, saith Paterculus, Educated under Augustus, season'd with his Divine Precepts, and endowed moreover with extraordinary Parts, discover'd very early somewhat which promis'd all that we behold in him at this day. Hist. 2. Ch. 94.
• 1 1.39

  It ought to be observed, saith the same Author, that all Men who have ever been great, or have done great things, began very Young. And this lies in Education.
• 2 1.40

  Princes of the Humour of Ti∣berius can never be in worse Com∣pany than with themselves. The fierce and cruel Temper of Don Carlos, Prince of Spain, according to Cabrera, was owing to the Incli∣nation which he had for Solitude. C. 8. L. 1. of his History. For Soli∣tude, saith he, makes young People Wild, Melancholly, Fantastical, Cholerick, and apt to form ill de∣signs. That which none sees none reproves; and consequently tempta∣tion meets with no obstacle. l. 4. c. 2.
• 3 1.41

  It is usual for People to impute the Death of Princes to Poyson; as if Princes could not dye of Diseases, or of Old Age; or that their Death must be render'd as mysterious as their Life.
• l 1.42

  The Elder Pliny saith, that Augustus lamented his Grandson Agrippa, after he had banish'd him, and that the Ambitious Designs of Livia and Tiberius, gave him anxious thoughts enough in the latter part of his life. Abdicatio Posthumi Agrippae post adoptionem, desiderium post relegationem.—Hinc uxoris &▪ Tiberii cogitationes suprema ejus cura. C. 45. L. 7. Lastly, concludes he, this Divine Augustus died, leaving his Enemy's Son his Heir and Successor. For Tiberius was the Son of Claudius Nero the High-Priest, who was the declared Protector of all the Malecontents after the Death of Iulius Caesar, and had raised the War in Campania, Pater, Histor. c. 75. Sueton adds, that the Father of Tiberius, was so passionate for Liberty, that he propos'd in the Senate, that rewards might be decreed for Caesar's Murderers. In Tiberio.
• 1 1.43

  Augustus being willing to re∣pair the Error which he had com∣mitted in disinheriting his Grandson, made a greater by recalling him to the Succession of the Empire, after he had taken Tiberius for his Col∣legue. For besides that it was not in his power to undo what he had done, his Repentance which came too late, expos'd him to the Hatred and Revenge of Livia and Tiberius, who were no longer oblig'd to him for a Favour that he was sorry he had done them. When any one will do so great a thing, saith Commines, he ought to consult and debate it well, that he may take the safest side: For there is no Prince so wise, who doth not fail sometimes, and also very often, if he lives long; and this would be evident from his actions, if he always spoke the Truth of them. His Memoirs, l. 5. c. 13.
• 2 1.44

  Cato the Censor had good rea∣son to say, that one of the three things whereof he repented, was, that he had told his Secret to a Woman; for, if you'l believe Plau∣tus, none of that Sex have been Mutes. Two or three contrary Ex∣amples, saith a Modern Author, are miracles, which do not make a Pre∣cedent. P. Bohours keeping a Secret.
• 3 1.45

  It is a general Custom, saith Commines, more to endeavour to please those whose future advance∣ment we expect, than him who is already raised to such a Degree, that he can ascend no higher. l. 6. c. ult.
• 1 1.46

  Princes always destroy those who have discover'd their Secrets, not only for fear of treachery, but also because they are asham'd to be deceived in those they trusted. Au∣gustus, who was a great discerner of Men, preferr'd Fabius before all the rest of his Friends, and yet this Confident through imprudence dis∣cover'd his Secrets. Therefore Prin∣ces ought not to confide in any Per∣son, no more than Metellus, who said he would burn his Shirt, if it knew his secret design. By the way, 'tis fit to observe, that there is no∣thing more dangerous than to trust a married Woman with a Secret, because of her near relation to her Husband; for sooner or later the Bed discovers all, especially if 'tis the Woman's interest not to keep the Secret. Thus, we are not to wonder that Livia, knowing there was a design to set aside her Son Ti∣berius, and to bestow the Empire upon the Young Agrippa her Son-in-Law, sacrificed without respect and pity, Fabius and Martia to the anger of Augustus, to prevent him recalling his Grandson. In the last age Don Antonio de Padilla having discover'd to Donna Anna the Queen of Spain, that Philip II. had disap∣pointed her of the Regency, by the Will which he had made at Badajoz; this Princess, who thought her self excluded for want of Love and Esteem, did not cease to make com∣plaints, which soon after cost Don Antonio his Life, Cabrara in his Hi∣story Chap. 3. Lib. 12. and c. 2. l. 13. He must never trust a Secret to a Person who is infinitely below him; for such is the case of Great Ones, that they reckon it a dishonour to stand in awe of their Inferiors; and a ridiculous Folly to be afraid of disobliging him, to whom they told a thing which may be for his ad∣vantage to reveal. Antony Pepez, says, that the Tongue is that part of Man which the Ladies are most set against, because of the Secret which they wou'd have kept, and which they are afraid shou'd be dis∣cover'd. Men have more reason to be cautious, but especially they who live at Court, or who converse with the Court Ladies, ought to be more jealous of a Womans Tongue, and even of their own Wife's, than of their most dangerous Enemies.
• m 1.47

  Paterculus says, that Tiberius came to Nola before the Death of Au∣gustus and that they had also some discourse together, Chap. 123.
• n 1.48

  Suetonius says, that Tiberius wou'd not publish the Death of Augustus till he had caused the Young Agrippa to be assassinated. In Tiberio.
• o 1.49

  At the Age of Fifty five years.
• 1 1.50

  A Prince who sheds the Royal Blood, gives an Example of most dangerous consequence. The Queen of Naples, Ioan I. says Ammirato, when she caus'd Andrew her Hus∣band to be strangled, taught Charles III. when he had it in his power to strangle her also. And af∣ter he had taken from the Queen his Mother her Crown and Life, he also lost his own Crown and Life, by the hands of the Hungarians who were taught by the example which he had given them. Discourse 7. of the 17 Book of his Commentary upon Tacitus. There are many Politicians, says Cabrera, who say on the con∣trary, that 'tis difficult to keep in Prison Princes of the Royal Blood, and that when they are dead they don't bite: which is the reason why Charles of Anjou, (that is Charles I. King of Naples,) put to death Con∣radin, the Nephew of Manfrede his Predecessor. But Aragon did not want Heirs, who happily recover'd the Kingdom, and who condemn'd to death the Son of Charles. And though this Sentence was not execu∣ted, (for Constance the Eldest Daughter of Manfrede, and Wife of Peter III. King of Aragon, was more generous than Charles I.) yet the in∣nocent Conradin was reveng'd, by that mark of Infamy which his blood imprinted upon the House of Anjou—Philip II. provided for the safety and preservation of Queen Mary of England his Wife, in oppo∣sing the execution of the Sentence of Death given against Elizabeth, his Sister-in-Law; for the Prince who puts those of his own blood in∣to the hands of the Executioner, wh••ts the Sword against himself. Chap. 10. of Book 1. and 5 of Book 2. of his History of Philip II. Henry IV. would never consent to the Death of Charles of Valois, Count of A••∣vergne, who conspir'd against him, saying, that he ought to have a re∣spect for the blood of Kings; and Mr. Villeroy, one of his Ministers said well to the same purpose, that when the Question was put concern∣ing the Life of Princes of the Blood, the Prince ought for Counsel to hear nature only. Burnet has de∣clared, that the Death of the Queen of Scotland was the greatest Blot of Queen Elizabeth's reign. And I wonder that Pope Sixtus V. who knew so well how to teach others to give respect to Royal Majesty, should envy this Queen the Happiness and Honour to have a Crown'd Head fall at her feet. And never was a Dream more full of instruction, than that Ladies, who usually lay in the Chamber of Queen Elizabeth, and who the Night before that Execu∣tion, awak'd in a Fright, crying out, that she saw the Head of Mary Stuart cut off, and that they would also have cut off the Head of Queen Elizabeth with the same Axe. L••ti Book 3. of part 2. of the Life of Sixtus V.
• o 1.51

  Paul Piasecki says, in his Chronicle, that Constance of Austria, the Se∣cond Wife of Sigismond III. King of Poland, used all her Interest to get her Eldest Son Iohn Casimir to be chosen King, and her Son-in-Law and Ne∣phew U••adislaus excluded, who being the Eldest Son of the King, according to the Law and Custom of the Country, was to be preferr'd before all others. Another Polonian says, Nec unquam committunt, quin hic eligatur, cui ipso jure debetur successio. Krzistanowi•• in his description of the Government of ••••land.
• 2 1.52

  'Tis the Custom of Princes in hurtful cases to throw the Odium upon their Ministers. Anthony Perez, who found it so by sad experience in the Murder of Iohn of Escovedo, which Philip II. gave leave to be en∣quir'd into; says, that Princes are advis'd to keep a Council of State to clear themselves of all unlucky accidents. Queen Elizabeth impri∣son'd the Secretary who dispatch'd an Order to hasten the Execution of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, saying, that she was surpris'd when she sign'd the Warrant. Leti.
• 3 1.53

  That Minister is unhappy, who is forc'd to accuse his Prince, to prove his own Innocence; or who must be Criminal, to make his Prince to be reputed Innocent. For if he keeps the Secret, the Iudges condemn him; if he does not keep it, his Maste•• sacrifices him as an un∣faithful Servant. Besides, the Prince is always glad to rid himself of one who may be a Witness against him.
• 4 1.54

  Princes would often want Coun∣sel, if it was dangerous to give them Counsel. D••••uturos qui suad••••nt, s•• suadere periculum sit. Curt. Lib. 7. When a Prince keeps a Secret, says C••brera, we freely tell him everything that may do him hurt; which often preserves his State and Person. Phi∣lip II. was ignorant of nothing, be∣cause every one told him what he knew; and 'twas certain he would never discover what ought to be kept secret. Chap. 3. of the 12 Book of his Life.
• 5 1.55

  'Tis the Destruction of a Re∣publick and introduces a Monarchy to commit the Sovereign Power to one alone, and 'tis the Overthrow of a Monarchy to give this Power to many. This was the mistake of Philip II. after the death of Lewis of Req••••sen, Governor of the Low-Countrys, in committing the Admi∣nistration of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Flanders to the Council of State of that Country. For the People, when they saw themselves delivered from the Yoke of a Spanish Governor, were not afraid of a Power, which being divided among many, seem'd unto 'em a kind of a Republick. Besides, the Interest and Advice of those who were of this Council ne∣ver agreeing, the People had a fair pretence not to obey, standing neu∣ter among so many Masters, who did not know how to command. 'Tis almost impossible, says Commines, that many great Lords of the same Quality and Estate, should be able to hold long together, unless there be one Superior to command 'em, and 'tis necessary that he should be Wi••e and well Approved whom they must all obey. And a little after, he gives this reason for it. Because, says he, they have so many things to dispatch and agree among them∣selves, that half of the time is lost before they can conclude any thing. The last Chap. of Book 1. of his Me∣moirs. Cabrera says, that a Prince has need of Counsel and of Mini∣sters to assist him in the Govern∣ment; for though he be an able Prince, yet he can't know every thing; but they must not be his companions in the Government, be∣cause being only his Instruments, 'tis ••it he should use 'em as he pleases. Chap. 7. of the first book of his Hi∣story.
• p 1.56

  Mary, Queen of Hungary, Sister of Charles V. shew'd her self of the same opinion, when taking her leave of the Low-Countrys, which she had govern'd 23 years, she used this Expression: If I have fail'd in any thing, I may be excus'd, since I have done the best I could; but if any are dis∣satisfied with what I have done, I regard it not, since the Emperor my Brother is satisfied, and my care was only to please him. Brantome dis••. 4. of brave Women.
• q 1.57

  Don Iohn Antonio de Vera speaking of the Ceremony of the Abdicati∣on of Charles V. says, that they who assisted at it gave publick testimony of their sorrow, but however in such a manner as, without displeasing the Prince they received, shew'd what a Prince they lost. Epitome of the Life of Charles V.
• 1 1.58

  Because Liberty began with the Consulship, he affected to pro∣pose all things by the Consuls, to amuse the People, and even the Se∣nate, by an image of the ancient Republick. Arcanum enim novi sta∣tus imago antiqui.
• r 1.59

  Under the ancient Republick, the Tribunes of the People had often∣times assembled the Senate; so Tiberius acted popularly in convoking them. 'Tis true, the Tribunes had usurp'd this Power, for in the beginning they could only vetare, aut intercedere, i. e. hinder or oppose; whereas the Consuls had a right to command. Consules jubent.
• 2 1.60

  The Edicts of a Prince ought always to be short, for they are Laws and Commandments, of which it belongs not to Subjects to examine the reasons. 'Tis the business of a Doctor to alledge reasons, but not of a Legislator, who ought to make himself obey'd by Authority and not by Persuasion. If reasons were gi∣ven to Subjects, they would examine them; and this Inquiry would carry 'em to Disobedience when they did not think those Reasons good. The force of a Law, does not formally consist in the Iustice of it, but in the Authority of the Legislator; and therefore Kings, who are the Supreme Legislators, must be obeyed, because they have establish'd such and such Laws, and not because their Laws seem just to us.
• s 1.61

  Because Augustus dying at Nola, a•• Tacitus says, at the end of the Abridgment of his Life, he would in honour accompany his body to Rome.
• t 1.62

  Iohn Freinshemius gives another sense to this passage: neque abscedere a corpore, idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare; making Tiberius say, that by this assembling the Senate, he did not pretend to a Superiority o∣ver it, or over any Senator, but only to acquit himself of his duty to his Father: and that for the future he would not take upon him to give any more commands. And in the Examen of the Translators of Tacitus, which is at the end of his Paraphrase, he says, most Interpreters understand these words, abscedere a corpore, of the Body of Augustus; but I understand 'em of the Body of the Senate. In which he had followed Dati, who renders them thus: Ne voleva egli en cio partirsi dalla volonta de gli altera Sena∣tori: And Rodolphus, the Master, who interprets them in these terms, to be inseparably united to the body of the Senate,
• 3 1.63

  He acted the part of a Repub∣lican in the Senate, because that was the only place where there yet re∣main'd any shadow of the ancient Liberty.
• 4 1.64

  'Tis the Interest of Courtiers to discover the Sentiments of the Prince, in the beginning of his Reign, to know how to behave themselves towards him; but 'tis the Interest of the Prince not to reveal or declare any thing in his affairs, that may exercise their Curiosity. For if they are before hand in discovering what is in his breast, he will never come to know what is in their hearts. Lleva la ventaja, says a Spanish Proverb, el que vee el juego al com∣panero.
• 5 1.65

  In an Elective Empire the Prince ought always to declare, that he holds the Kingdom from them who have a right to Elect, though he obtained it by other means; for otherwise he will be accounted an Usurper, and a declar'd Enemy to the publick Liberty, and by conse∣quence his Life will be always in danger. Nothing can be said more judicious, nor more agreeable to a Republick, or to an Elective State, than that which Galba said of his Election to the Empire. Under the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, said he, the Roman Com∣mon-Wealth has been as the Patri∣mony and Inheritance of one Family alone; but I who have been call'd to the Empire by the consent of the Gods and of Men, can say, that I have restored Liberty to the Com∣mon-Wealth, because Election has begun again in my Person▪ and that if the vast body of the Empire could be content to be govern'd by a single Person, I should be the Man, who would revive the ancient Common-Wealth.
• 6 1.66

  In times past, the great Men thought it a dishonour, to be obli∣ged to Women for their Fortune, as if they had been preferr'd by their Favour, rather than by their own Merit. But at this day, we are not so nice in that respect. The Ruelle advances far more than the Sword.
• 1 1.67

  The Prince who Honours and requires others to honour the Me∣mory and Ashes of his Predecessors, gives an example to his Successors, which obliges them to pay him the same respect after his death. Sueto∣nius relates, that 'twas said, Caesar had secured his own Statues and Images from being broken, by re∣storing the Statues of Sylla and Pompey, which the People had thrown down during the Civil Wars. In Poland the King elect is not crown'd till the dead King be buri∣ed: (Piasecki in his Chronicle.) which is probably done out of re∣spect to the dead, who sur••enders not the Crown till he has received burial. For the King Elect, does not act as King, nor Seals the Let∣ters he writes to Foreign Princes with the Arms of the Kingdom, till after his Coronation. Philip II. King of Spain, built and founded the Monastery of S. Laurence of the Escurial, to be the burying place of the Emperor Charles V. his Father, and of the Empress Issabella his Mo∣ther, and all their Posterity, as he expresly declares in the act of the Foundation, reported by Cabrera, Chap. II. of book 6. of his History. Before he left Portugal he staid three days at the Monastery of Bele••, which is a little place of Lisbon, and caused to be interr'd the Bodies of the Kings Sebastian and Henry, and of twenty other Princes, the Chil∣dren and Grand-Children of King Emanuel, which had been buried a∣part in divers Convents; being will∣ing to make at least this acknow∣ledgment to twenty two Heirs, who had given place to him to succeed in this Kingdom. Spanish Relation of the Interment of Philip in Portu∣gal. Chap. 16. and Conestagio, Book 9. of the Union of Portugal and Ca∣stile.
• u 1.68

  That is, with the Name of Empress, and with the Title of Majesty which she had not while her Husband was living.
• 2 1.69

  In Princes, Clemency is often an effect of their Vanity, or of their good Nature.
• x 1.70

  We see here, says Pagliari, what slips sometimes the Wisest Men make. For if on the one side we consider, that Augustus made himself to be la∣mented, and esteem'd, by an unparellel'd demonstration of Humanity, yet without contributing any thing of his own; his last Will will appear to be made with great Wisdom and Policy, but if we examine more narrowly how he purchas'd the favour of the People, we shall find, that for a Prince of such Understanding he committed a great Fault, because by the bait of an apparent intail, he provoked the great Persons concerned in it, to plot against his Posterity, whom he had strengthen'd by many Adoptions. For if these Noble Persons were Politick Men, as 'tis probable, since Augustus mistrusted them; 'tis not likely that they would be contented with an hope, which according to the ordinary course of Nature, could not take effect in some hundreds of years, Germanicus and Drusus with all their Children, being to succeed before she. I•• the thirty third of his Observations upon Tacitus.
• y 1.71

  Who call'd Caesar, Tyrant, to authorise this Murther as Lawful. It a enim appellari Caesarem facto ejus expiedebat, says Paterculus, Book 1. Ch. 58. speaking of Brutus.
• 3 1.72

  The actions of great Men may be taken by two handles, some com∣mend, others blame them. They receive divers names, according to the different inclinations of Persons who pass a Iudgment of 'em. Ca∣taline was blamed for what he would have done, and Caesar was commen∣ded for what he did. When there are Parties, every one judges accord∣ing to the Affection and Interest of that side he is of. The Doctors of the League durst compare C••ement the Iacobin, who assassinated Henry III. with Ehud who delivered the Children of Israel out of bondage, by killing Eglon King of Moab. The Spaniards put into their Martyrolo∣gy Baltazar of Guerard, who kill'd the Prince of Orange at Delf, where∣as the Hollanders and Protestants have made him a Devil incarnate. In the 14 Book of the Second Part of the History of Anthony of Herre∣ra, there are two Chapters (the 9. and the 10.) which make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pane∣gyrick upon this Guerard, whose death he calls a Martyrdom. I ad∣mire amongst others these words: Considerando, como avia de executar s•• intento, y estando firme con el ex∣••mplo de nuestro Salvador Iesu-Christo, y de sus Santos, &c. i. e. Guerard, considering, how he ought to proceed to the Execution of his design, and continuing firm in his resolution, after the Example of our Saviour Iesus Christ, and his Saints, went the 10th of Iuly to find the Rebel, &c. as if Iesus Christ and his Saints had given any example of murder! The Inquisition of Spain let this pass, as if they approved it. Moreover, this shews how much Men love their own Opinions, and how rash they are to believe things holy or wicked in the sight of God, as their passion moves them. Upon this occasion I shall observe, that the History of the Reformation of England, by Dr. Burnet, is ••ull of this partiality, every where calling all those Rebels and Superstitious who would not acknowledge H. VIII. to be head of the Church of Eng∣land, nor consent to the Laws which he made concerning Religion▪ nor to those which were made in the Reign of his Son Edward VI. and on the other side, giving the Glori∣ous Title of Martyrs to the Prote∣stants who suffered under the Reign of Q. Mary, the Sister of Edward, who restor'd the Catholick Religion in England.
• z 1.73

  Counting from the Death of Antho••y the Triumvir.
• a 1.74

  The 21. of September, compleat 20 years old, except one day, accord∣ing to Paterculus, Hist. 2. Chap. 65.
• b 1.75

  At the Death of Cardinal de Richelieu, the Parisians observ'd almost the same, that he was born and died in the same House: that he received Baptism and Extreme Unction in the same Parish. History of Cardinal de Richelieu, Book 6. Chapter the Last. Conestagio and Cabrera have likewise observ'd, that Henry Cardinal King of Portugal, died the same hour in which he was born 68 years before.
• c 1.76

  Paterculus says, that he was Consul eleven times, and refused to be Consul any more. Book 2. Chap. 89. Now Marius had been Consul seven times, and Corvinus six.
• d 1.77

  That is, Victorious General, or Great Captain. Tacitus says, that 'tis an honour which Armies formerly gave to their Captains, when they were over-joy'd for having gain'd a Victory. So that, at the same time, there were many Emperors, who did not take place of one another. At the end of the 3 Book of his Annals.
• 1 1.78

  We must not always ascribe to Princes the Cause of publick Evils; for sometimes the Times contribute more to them than the Men. A Prince, who at his accession to the Throne, finds the Kingdom in dis∣order, and upon the brink of ruine, must of necessity use violent Reme∣dies to give Life again to the Laws, to root out dissentions, and to set the Government upon a right foot.
• e 1.79

  'Tis true, says Paterculus, they reviv'd again the Proscription which had been begun by Sylla, but this was not approved of by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, though being single against two he could not oppose the Fury of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Lepi∣dus, joyn'd together.
• 2 1.80

  Sometimes Princes shut their Eyes, that they may not see the Op∣pressions and Crimes they would be obliged to punish, if their Eyes were open. There are times when rigour wou'd be p••ejudicial to their Affairs, and particularly in the midst of a Civil War, when 'tis dangerous to encrease the Number of Male-Contents.
• f 1.81

  Paterculus says, that Caesar was become odious, from the day he assist∣ed at the Feast of the Lupercalia, when Mark Anthony, his Coleague in the Consulship, put upon his Head a Royal Diadem; for Caesar refused it in such a manner as shewed, that though the Action was rash, yet it had not much displeased him. Hist. 2. Chap. 56. Besides, he happen'd to say before, that they must take care how they spoke to him for the future, and that he meant what he said should be a Law. Suetonius in his Life.
• 3 1.82

  A Prince ought to forbear to assume new Titles and Honours; for instead of gaining by the new Pow∣er he pretends to, he runs the risque of losing that which no body denied him. Augustus, a wise Prince, was cautious of taking the Title, which a Thought of only cost his Prede∣cessor his Life.
• 4 1.83

  The Dictatorship being an i∣mage of the ancient Regal Power, Augustus would never accept it, to shew that he avoided whatsoever had made his Uncle odious. Ovid makes the reign of Augustus and Romulus to oppose each other, as Liberty and Sovereign Power. Ti•• domini nomen, says he to Romulus, principis ille gerit.
• g 1.84

  The Roman Empire was bounded on the West, by the Ocean; on the North by the Danube and the Rhine; on the East, by the Euphrates and the Tygris; on the South, by the Mountain Atla••.
• 5 1.85

  The greatest Contests which happen among Princes, arise upon the subject of limits, especially when their Lands lie one among the others, as those of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua in Montferrat; of the King of Spain, and of the Dukedome of Ve∣nice in the Milaneze; of the same Republick and of the Grand Signior in Dalmatia, and in the Islands of the Levant. On the contrary, when Kingdoms are divided by the Sea, by Mountains, or by strong Forts, which hinder a Passage, Princes have less disputes with one another.
• h 1.86

  Paterculus says, that Augustus was resolved to refuse the Dictatorship when the People offer'd it to him. Chap. 89.
• 6 1.87

  The actions of great Princes have always been liable to the Peo∣ples censure, how wise soever they may have been, the Speculative have ever been able to give probable rea∣sons for their conduct; nor do the Male-contents and the Envious, ever want matter to de••ame them. When Philip II. caused his Son Don Carlos to be arrested, all the Courtiers spoke of it as their inclinations led them, for the Father or the Son. Some call'd him Prudent, and others Severe, because his Sport and his Re∣venge met together. Cabrera, Chap. 22. the 7th Book of his History. Com∣mines paints Iohn II. King of Portu∣gal as a Cruel and Barbarous Prince, because he kill'd his Co••in-German, the Duke of Viseu, and cut off the Head of the Duke of Bragance, Bro∣ther to the Queen his Wife. (Chap. 17. of the last Book of his Memoirs.) On the contrary, Mariana says, that he was a lover of ••ustice, and the Great Men of the Kingdom hated him, because he seiz'd the Criminals who withdrew for shelter into their Territories and Castles. And as for the Dukes of Viseu and Bragance, who had both conspired against the Person of the King and his Kingdom, I believe Commines would have a∣greed with Mariana, if he more nar∣rowly examin'd this matter. Chap. 23. of the 14th Book, and the 11th of the 26 Book of the History. Where by the way we may observe, that the Resemblance between Vice and Virtue, often causes the Common People to confound and blend 'em together, giving to both the Name which belongs to its contrary.
• i 1.88

  In the War of Modena against Anthony, Hirtius and Pansa were Con∣suls, and Augustus commanded there in quality of Propraetor. Anthony was forc'd to fly and leave Italy.
• k 1.89

  That is, That these Lands belonging to the Community, could not be given to private Persons, much less to the Soldiers, without wronging the Publick.
• l 1.90

  Marcus, and Decimus Brutus, of whom the first kill'd himself, as I have already said, and the other was killed by the command of Anthony. A punishment he justly deserved for his ingratitude towards Caesar, whom he was so hardy as to Murther, at the same time he received favours from him. He envy'd, says Paterculus, the Fortune of him who had made his, and af∣ter having taken away the Life of Caesar, he thought it no injustice to keep the Estate he had received from him. Hist. lib. 2. Chap. 64. 'Tis fit to observe by the way, that of all the Murtherers of Caesar, who were sixty in num∣ber, there was not one of them who did not die a Violent Death, nor did any of them out-live him more than three years.
• m 1.91

  Hoc opus, haec pietas, haec prima elementa fuerunt, Caesaris, ulcisci justa per arma patrem. Ovid. l. 3. Fast.

  Cato the Censor meeting a Young Man who came for a Decree to disgrace one of his Father's greatest Enemies. See there, says he, how a well-bred Child ought to offer sacrifice to the Memory of his Father.
• n 1.92

  Rufus Egnatius, who, according to Paterculus, was in every thing more like a Gladiator than a Senator, having form'd a Cabal of Men like him∣self; he resolved to kill Augustus; but his design succeeded no better than Lucius Murena's, and Fannius Caepio's, He was punished with the Accompli∣ces of his Treason, by such a Death as his detestable Life deserved.
• o 1.93

  Marcus Lollius, according to Paterculus, was more careful to enrich himself than to do his duty.
• p 1.94

  Quintilius Varus, a Peaceable Man, but heavy, and more fit to com∣mand an Army in time of Peace, than to make War. He was so impru∣dent, says Florus, Book 4. Chap, 12. as to assemble the Germans in the midst of his Camp to do them justice, as if he had been able to restrain the Violence of these barbarous People with a Serpent's Wand. He imagined, saith Paterculus, that they were plain honest People, who had little more than the Shape and voice of Men, and whom he could civilize by mild Laws, and tame by the Forms of Iustice, those, who could not be subdued by the force of Arms. Segestes gave him notice of the intended revolt of Arminius, but he would not believe it, thinking the Germans had as much good will for him, as he had for them; In the mean time his Army is Surpris'd and Massacred by people whom they butcher'd before like Sheep. Poor Varus, more couragious to die than fight, stab'd himself.
• 7 1.95

  Princes often make Religion yield to their Interests, whereas their Interests ought to give place to Religion. Dispensations for marri∣ages within the Degrees forbidden are become so common, that 'tis not any longer a matter of scruple to marry two Sisters, or two Brothers. Philip II. who, according to Histo∣rians, had so nice a Conscience, was very near Marrying Elizabeth the Queen of England, and Isabel the Queen-Dowager of France, both his Sisters-in-Law, and the latter also the Daughter of the Empress Mary his Sister; and matching his Son, Don Carlos, with his other Sister, Ioan the Princess-Dowager of Portu∣gal, alledging for a President Moses and Aaron, who were the Sons of Amram by his Father's Sister. Henry the Cardi∣nal King of Portugal, as devout a Priest and Arch-Bishop as he was, at the age of 67 years, was very earnest to obtain a Dispensation to marry the Duke of Braganza's Daughter, who was but 13 years old. Upon which Cabrera tells an odd Story; that Don Duarte de Castelblanco advised Henry to marry, and advised the Ie∣suits, who govern'd him absolutely, to make him take a Wife that was already with Child, there being no hopes, by reason of his Age and In∣firmities, that he could otherwise have Children, Lib. 12. Chap. 14. Paul Piasecki saith, that the Poles abhor incestuous Marriages, and the Dispensations that permit them; and that the Famous Iohn Zamoyski, Great Chancellor of Poland, who to his Death opposed the Marriage of Sigismund III. with Constance of Au∣stria, Sister to his former Wife Ann, remonstrating to Clement VIII. that such a Marriage was repugnant to common honesty, and that the Po∣lish Nation would never suffer this Decency to be Violated by his breed∣ing Mares. Insomuch, that Sigismund was not able to procure the Dispen∣sation he demanded, till after the Death both of the Pope and the Chan∣cellor. In his Latin Chronicle ad An. 1604. I tremble, saith Commines, speaking of the Marriage of Ferrand, King of Naples, with the Sister of his own Father, King Alphonso, to speak of such a Marriage, of which Nature there have already been se∣veral in this Family within thirty years last past. Memoirs, L. 8. Ch. 14. Thus the Author of the Satyr Me∣nippe, had reason to say, that the House of Austria do as the Iews, and lie with one another like May- Bugs.
• 8 1.96

  Princes are reproach'd, not on∣ly with their own Vices and Irregu∣larities, but also with those of their Ministers and their Favourites. For people suppose they have the Vices which they tolerate in persons who are in their Service or their Favour.
• 9 1.97

  Where is the Difference, saith Aristotle, in being govern'd by Wo∣men, or by Men who leave the Ma∣nagement of affairs to Women? Polit. Lib. 2. Ch. 7.
• 10 1.98

  A Prince, who voluntarily chuses a bad Successor, instead of aug∣menting, effaces the Glory of his Reign; for his Memory becomes as odious as his Successor's person: To leave a good one, saith Cabrera, after the younger Pliny, is a kind of Roman Divinity, Hist. Philip II. Lib. 1. Ch. 8. If some of the better actions of the most moderate Princes are ill inter∣preted after their Deaths, as Tacitus sheweth, by the Example of Augu∣stus, whom they railed at with so much Liberty, they have Hatred e∣nough to bear, without loading themselves also with that, which the choice of an unworthy Successor draws upon them.
• q 1.99

  Dio and Sueton don't differ much from Tacitus. Suspicio, saith the first▪ quosdam tenuit, consulto Tiberium ab Augusto satis ••um qualis esset cognescen••••, successorem ordinatum, quo magis ipsius gloria floreret, Lib. 56. Nec i••••ud ig∣nore, saith the other, aliquos tradidisse Augustum etiam ambitione tractum ut ••ali successore desiderabilior ipse quandoque fieret: In Tib. cap. 23. So that P. Bouhours censures all at once these three Roman Historians, when he speaks thus:

  Is it probable, that Augustus preferred Tiberius to Agrippa and Ger∣manicus, for no other Reason, but to acquire Glory by the comparison which would be made of a cruel and arrogant Prince, such as Tiberius was, with himself, his Predecessor. For although Tacitus puts this in the Mouth of the Romans, 'tis visible enough, that the Reflection is his own, as well as that which he makes on the same Augustus, for having put in his Will, amongst his Heirs, the principal Persons of Rome, of whom the greatest part were odious to him; that he had put them in, I say, through Vanity, to make himself estemed by Posterity. Dialogue 3. de sa manier de bien penser.

  If this Reflection is Tacitus's own, it ought to be attributed likewise to Dio and Sueton, who are esteemed nevertheless true and well-informed Historians. And consequently we may say of Pere Bou∣hours, what Raphael dalla Torre said of Strada on occasion of the Censure of this Passage of History, and many others, that he knew better how to accuse Tacitus, than to justifie Augustus: For although S••eton▪ saith Ra∣phael, declares in the place forementioned, that so sinister an Opinion is not agreeable to the Goodness of Augustus, yet in stead of confuting it by any Reason, he confirms it by the Knowledge which he owns Augustus had long before of the Evil Qualities of Tiberius. 〈…〉〈…〉. (Livia) vete∣res quosdam ad se Augusti codicillos de acerbitate & intolerantia morum ejus è sacrario protulit atque recitavit. And by the Words which he saith Augu∣stus spoke after the last Discourse which he had with Tiberius, crying out, Unhappy is the People of Rome, who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to fall under such heavy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sueton therefore may say as much as he will, that he cannot believe, that so prudent a Prince could be willing to choose a Successor of so Tyrannical a Temper to make himself the more regretted; but seeing he consell••••, that Augustus knew the Ill-Nature of him that he chose, he ought at least to have given us some pertinent Reason to excuse so bad a Choice: c••p. 4. of his Astrolabe of State.
• 11 1.100

  In Princes, the Vices of the Man don't unqualifie him for good Government. Thus Augustus made no scruple to demand the Tribune∣ship for Tiberius, although he knew he had many Personal Vices, because he knew he had the Virtues of a Prince to ballance them. Commines, after having observed in several pla∣ces of his Memoirs all the Vices of Lewis the Eleventh, his Inquietude, his Iealousie, his Levity in Discourse, his Aversion to great Men, his Natu∣ral Inclination to Men of mean Birth, his Insincerity, his Cruelty, concluded notwithstanding, that God had made him wiser, and more vir∣tuous in all things, than the Princes, who were contemporary with him; because, without flattering him, he had more of the Qualities requisite to a King, than any Prince that he had ••ver seen: lib. 6. cap. 10. And speaking of Iohn Galeas Duke of Millain. he saith, That he was a great Tyrant, but Honourable, l. 7. c. 7. Cabrera speaking of Cardinal Henry King of Portugal, saith, That he had the Virtues of a Priest, and the Faults of a Prince; which was as much as to say, That he wanted the Quali∣ties that are necessary to a King▪ cap. 24. lib. 12. of his Philip I••. There have been, saith the same Author, Princes and Governours, who, notwithstanding great Vices, have been Venerable, for having had Qualities that deserve Reve∣rence, as Eloquence, Liberality, Ci∣vility, the discernment of good and bad Counsels, the Art of governing Cities, and commanding Armies, and other Natural Virtues resembling Moral ones; whence arise great Ad∣vantages, which make the Persons, who are the Authors of them, highly Esteemed and Respected. It is for this Reason, that some have said by way of Proverb, A bad Man makes a good King. A severe Prince, who doth not violate Natural and Divine Laws, is never called a Tyrant. The Imperious Majesty of King Fran∣cis I. although it was excessive, was more useful than the Sweetness and Humanity of his Son, who authori∣sed Vice and Licentiousness, and who, by the Gifts and Favours which he conferred on Flatterers, converted the Publick Good into Private Inte∣rest, and left the People to the Mercy of Great Men, and never punished the Injustice of his Officers: cap. 8. lib. 2. of the same History.
• r 1.101

  He had exercised this Sovereign Power with Augustus, before his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Rhodes. Paterculus Hist. 2. cap. 99.
• 12 1.102

  This manner of Accusing, while we Excuse, is very much in fashion with Courtiers, who, ac∣cording to the Floren••i••e Proverb, have Honey in the Mouth, and a Ra∣zor under the Girdle.
• 1 1.103

  The Prince who immediately succeeds a Predecessor who hath per∣formed great Things, doth himself an Honour in exalting him, for be∣sides, that it is believed that the Esteem that he hath for him will spur him on to the ••mitation of him, he becomes himself more wonderful and more venerable to his Subjects, when he equals him, or excels him. Tiberius was not inferior to A••gustu•• in Understanding and Experience. The Day that Charles the Fifth had ••b••icated the Kingdom of S••ain, his Son Philip said in his Speech, That the Emperor laid an heavy Weight upon him; That he would not accept of a Crown which stood in need of the Prudence and Experience of his Im∣perial Majesty, were it not to con∣tribute to th•• Preservation of so in∣valuable a Life. Concluding, that ••e would endeavour to imitate some of his Virtue••▪ since to imitate them all, was a Thing impossible for the most perfect Man in the World. Cabrera, lib 1. cap. 7. o•• his Hi∣story.
• 2 1.104

  It would be a great Advantage to the Children of Sovereig•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, if their Fathers would them∣selves take pains to instruct them▪ I mean those who are to succeed them; for, from whom shall they learn the Art of Government, if not from him who Governs? And, how can they be able to Govern when they ascend the Throne, if they have never been admitted to any Know∣ledge of the Affairs of their State▪ It must pass through the Hands of interessed Ministers, who will make their Advantage of their Prince's Ignorance, to render themselves more necessary, and who, to main∣tain themselves in the Power they have gotten, will never let him see A••••airs, but on that side which may give him a disgust of Business. On the contrary, a Prince who hath had some share in the Government in his Father's Life-time, enters trained up and accustomed to act the diffi∣cult part of a King. I don't pre∣tend to say, that a King ought to trouble himself to teach him a thou∣sand Things, which belong to the Office and Duty of a Praeceptor. Majus aliquid & exce••sius a Princip•• postulatur. But setting Iealou••ie a∣••ide, he cannot fairly dispense with himself from t••aching him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maxims, which are as the Principles and the Springs of Government, and which Tacitus calls Arcana Do∣minationis. And as the Children of Sovereign Princes, saith Cabrera, have been accustomed to believe themselves above the Laws, they have absolute need of the Instru∣ctions of their Fathers; for besides the Impressions which Blood and the Majesty of Sovereign Power make upon them, there are none but their Fathers, who have the Authority to command them, and the Means to make themselves obeyed: cap. 8. lib. 1. of his History.
• 3 1.105

  It is very necessary for a Prince, saith Commines, to have several Per∣sons of his Council; because the wisest sometimes err, and they help to set one another right: l. 2. c. 2. The chief Point is to know how to chuse them well, and to employ every one according to the Nature and Degree of their Abilities.
• s 1.106

  Sueton calls this Registry, Rat••••narium, i. e. an Inventory, or a Iour∣••al.
• 4 1.107

  Although Princes have Secreta∣ries, whose Hand might save them the trouble of Writing, it is so far from being beneath them to write themselves Memoirs of this kind, which Tacitus calls Dominationis Ar∣cana; that on the contrary, it would be Imprudence in them to commit them to the Ears and Hand of ano∣ther. There is no Secretary, nor Confident, whosoever he be, that ought to be admitted to the Know∣ledge of these Secrets. A Prince, who is guilty of this Oversight, will become precario•••• to such a Subject. Edward the Sixth, King of Eng∣land, wrote himself the Iournal of his Life, whereof the three last Years are extant. So that if this Prince, who died at Sixteen, had lived longer, and continued his La∣bour, he would have proved a very great Man. In Portugal they have an Office which they call Escrivaon d•• puridade, as much as to say, The Writer or Register of the Confi∣dence, or of the Secrets. And Ma∣riana often makes use of this Word in this sense, when he saith, Commu∣nicar sus consejos y puridades. As this is the most important place of the Kingdom, and which hath ne∣ver been held by any other, but by the chief Minister, it is probable, that it was erected on purpose to write the Secrets of the King's Ca∣binet, and thence to prepare Me∣moirs of State. Iohn the Second King of Portugal, and Ferdinand the Fifth King of Arragon and Castille, wrote them themselves.
• 5 1.108

  Whether this Counsel proceed∣ed from Fear or Iealousie, it was certainly good. Power is not al∣ways augmented in proportion as it is extended. It is often with a vast State, as it is with prodigious Ships, whose Burden hinders their sailing. Besides, there are Conquests, which are burthensome because they can't be preserved. It was for this Rea∣son, that Edward King of England would not hearken to the Proposals of Lewis the Eleventh, who would have engaged him in the Conquest of Flanders, after the Death of the last Duke of Burgundy; answering,

  That the Cities of Flanders were strong and great, and the Coun∣try not easie to keep after it was conquered. Memoires of Com∣mines, l. 6. c. 2.

  The King of Spain would gain more by giving up to France the remainder of the Low-Countries, than by keeping it; for besides, that this Country not only brings him in nothing, but costs him a great deal, it would be much more Honourable to give it up voluntarily, than to lose it by piece-meals after a shameful manner, as it were, by the Attachments of a Sergeant. Pen∣sees diverses, ch. or sect. 40. This Counsel of Aug••stus, to shut up the Empire within its Limits, crossed, saith Ammirato, the inviolable Max∣im of the Romans, who were ever endeayouring by all ways possible to enlarge their Empire; but Augustus knowing by his own Experience the Evils that might ensue thence, thought it his Duty to leave this Counsel to his Successors, to cut up the Root both of Foreign and Civil Wars. And if Tacitus gives the Name of Fear to this Advice, it is because it is the part of a wise Man to ••ear that which deserves to be feared, and to foresee how many Dangers he expo••es himself to, who never ceases ••••om invading others. Commentary, lib. 1. disc. 6. and lib. 12. disc. 1.
• 1 1.109

  Nothing gives greater Offence to a dissembling Prince, such as Ti∣••erius was, than to endeavour to sound his Heart, or to let him see, that you perceive that he dissembles. We ought never to put Princes upon explaining themselves farther than they are willing; when they speak obscurely, it is a sign that there is some Mystery in it; and, consequent∣ly, it is dangerous to enquire into it. The Marquis of Aitone, saith M. de Montresor, went to visit Monsieur, who kept his Bed, pretending to have the Go••t, and knew well enough that his Highness acted a Part, but he made no discovery thereof by any outward shew, or by any particular Act to prevent his Retreat out of the Territories of the King his Master. In his Memoirs.
• 2 1.110

  This Answer of Tiberius plain∣ly shews, that Princes do not love to be replied upon, and that it is want of Respect to∣wards them to put them to the Trial. Princes de••ire to be thought sincere, because this conduces much to the obtaining their Ends; but they will not be so.
• 3 1.111

  The Praises which a Subject gives his Prince, after he has given him Offence by Words, are never a Plaister so broad as the Sore. The Affronts offered Princes are irrepa∣rable, because they impute the Re∣parations thereof to the Fear which the Offenders have of their Resent∣ment, and not to their Repen∣tance.
• t 1.112

  Dio adds a Reason, which is of yet greater weight. That Asinius ha∣ving married Vipsa••ia, Drusus his Mother, he looked upon Drusus as his own Son. So that not being satisfied with having Tiberius's first Wife, he also shared with him in his Prerogatives of a Father. It looked also as if he would have had a share also in Drusus's Heart, C••m Drusum filii instar haberet: These are Dio's Words, lib. 57. Lastly, as Tiberius had always loved Vips••n••••, whom he had not divorced but to please Augustus, who gave him his own Daughter; he could not endure that Asinius should' enjoy this Lady, who had as many good Qualities, as Augustus's Daughter had bad ones.
• 4 1.113

  A Prince never looks with a good Eye on him who hath married a Wife whom he hath divorced, whether he divorced her out of Aver∣sion, or by Constraint; for if he did it out of Aversion, he looks on the Husband as a Person who hath taken her Part against him, or who knows the Secrets of the Family, whereof he may make an ill Use: If by Constraint, which was the case of Tiberius, he hates the Hus∣band as a Rival, who hath enrich'd himself with his Spoils; or as an ambitious Person, who, by the ad∣vantage of his Marriage, hopes to advance his Fortunes. The Honour which Asinius had of being Father-in-Law to Drusus, one of the pre∣sumptive Heirs of the Empire, join'd with his ambitious Spirit▪ distin∣guished him too much, not to raise Iealousie in Tiberius. Piasecki re∣lates, that Iohn Duke of Filandia, who was afterwards King of Poland, was imprisoned by King Eric, his Brother, with his Wife Catharine, Sister to Sigismund Augustus King of Poland, because he seemed to have compassed this high Alliance, to enable him to seize the Crown of Suedeland, as their Father Gustavus had done. In the beginning of his Chronicle.
• 1 1.114

  Kings, saith Salust, are more a••raid or Men of Virtue and Merit, than of ill Men. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 boni, qu••m 〈◊〉〈◊〉, suspectiores sunt, s••mperque his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vir••us sormid••losa est. In Ca∣lilina. Tiberius was well perswaded of what Agrippa had said to Augu∣stus, That a Man of great Under∣••••anding; and great Courage, could ••ot but be a Lover of Liberty, and in his Heart an Enemy to an abso∣lute Master. Di••n, lib. 52. Com∣mines saith, that Lewis the Eleventh ••eared all Men, but especially those who were worthy to be in Authori∣ty. Memoirs, l. 6. c. 12.
• 2 1.115

  A Prince can never give better sustructions to his Successor, than to ••ark out what great Men he ought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distrust. This Knowledge is the most necessary thing to a Prince when he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ascends the Throne, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, because it is in the ••••ginning that he is most ea∣••••••y deceived, and the great Men most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to make their At••••mpts up∣on an Authority that is not yet well e••tablished. In the last Counsels, which David on his Death-bed gave to his Son Salomon, he advised him not to let 〈◊〉〈◊〉 go to the Grave in peace, who had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 two just Men, Almer and 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ to bring to the Grave with blood the hoar Head of Shimei, who had dared to curse him, and to caus•• the Sons of Barzillai to eat at his own Table, who had ••urnished him with Provisions and other Necessa∣ries for his whole Army, when he fled before Absalom: 1 Kings, chap. 2. Francis the First, in the last Hours of his Life, advised his Son Henry not to admit the House of Lorrain to any share of the Government; fore∣telling, that the Guises would be the Ruine of the Valois. Counsel that would have saved France from many Wars and Calamities, had Henry the Second been wise enough to have made use of it. On the contrary, Philip the Second employed all those Ministers which Charles the Fifth recommended to him when he resigned the Crown of Spain, and especially the Duke d'Alva, the Bi∣shop of Arras, who was afterwards Granvelle, Diego de Barg••••, Francis de Eraso, and Gonzalo Peres, the Fa∣ther of Anthony, who was so famous for his Misfortunes. And this he did with so much the more success, be∣cause Charles the Fifth, by a secret Memoir which he had sent him, had fully informed him of the true Cha∣racter of their Minds, and of the difference of their Interests. This was a Paper of so excellent Instru∣ctions, saith the Commander of Vera, that if Tiberius had made th•• like, Tacitus would have given him Im∣mortal Praises. Epit••me of the Life of Charles the Fifth, and Cabrera, cap. 7. lib. 1. of his History. Burnet saith, that Edward the Sixth, King of England, wrote in a Book the Portraitures of the Lord-Lieutenants of his Counties, and of the princi∣pal Magistrates of his Kingdom, with all the Particulars that he was told of them: Part. 2. l. 1. of his History. Certainly, he had in this ••ound the Secrets of knowing every thing, and consequently, of being well served.
• 3 1.116

  Ambition, Merit, Courage and Opportunity, are all that are neces∣sary to make a Usurper. A Subject who hath been esteemed worthy to Govern, by a Prince who hath ex∣celled in the Arts of Government, will always be suspected by the Suc∣cessor of that Prince, and, which is worse, will fall a Sacrifice, if the Prince be of a sanguinary Temper. It was never doubted, but Ferdinand d'Avalos, Marquis de Pesquera, who commanded the Army of Charles the Fifth in Italy, was disposed to accept of the Kingdom of Naples, which Francis Sforsa, Duke of Mi∣lain, in the Name of the Pope and the Venetians, offered him with the Title of Captain-General of the Ita∣lian League; for he was a long time in Treaty with Ierom Moron, who was this Duke's chief Minister. And that he afterwards discovered all to the Emperour, was an effect of the difficulty of the Enterprize, rather than of his Fidelity, which Charles the Fifth ever after suspe∣cted.
• 4 1.117

  Subjects cannot reproach their Prince more, than to complain, that the State is without a Head, and consequently fallen into an Anar∣chy. From the moment that a Prince ascends the Throne, he ought to set upon Action, and not to give his Subjects space to doubt, whether they have a Master. An∣thony Perez said, That the King and Kingdom make a Marriage; that the King is the Husband, and the Kingdom the Wife; and that a Kingdom is a Widow, that hath nor a laborious and vigilant King.
• u 1.118

  Because he discovered, that all Tiberius's refusals of the Empire were not in earnest; whereas Haterius seemed to be perswaded, that his Refusal was sincere, when he conjured him not to suffer the Commonwealth to be longer without a Head; which was also an oblique way of flattering Tibe∣rius, intimating thereby, that the Senate was not the Head of the Em∣pire.
• 5 1.119

  Silence is the most certain sign of a deep Resentment; for whereas the Mouth gives the Heart vent, Si∣lence nourishes in it Hatred, and the desire of Revenge. Tacitus saith, that Agricola was a little too sharp in his Rep••imands, but that after∣wards there remained no more in his Breast, so that none had any jealou∣sie of his Silence.
• 6 1.120

  Most Popes use this Policy; at first they seem not willing to hear any mention made of a Cardinal Nephew, or of the Acquisition of Principalities or Duchies for their Kindred, but after they have acted this Part some Weeks, they call their Nephews to the Administration of Affairs, to gratifie, as they say, the Ambassadors of Princes, for whom it would be inconvenient to treat always with the Pope himself in Person, whereas treating with their Nephews, they discharge their Office with less Ceremony, and con∣sequently with greater Liberty and Confidence.
• 7 1.121

  When a great Man is fallen under the Hatred of his Prince, Ac∣cidents are imputed to him for Crimes, as well as voluntary Faults. Besides, there are always at Court. Persons who are ready to dispatch those, whose Death they know will be pleasing to the Prince.
• x 1.122

  Which was as much as to say, the Empress-Mother.
• 1 1.123

  Kings are obliged, as all other Men, to honour their Mothers, and to have all the Complaisance for them, that domestick and civil De∣cency require; but as for Honours, which properly belong to Majesty, or which are of dangerous conse∣quence, they ought not to permit them to be decreed to their Mothers. Salomon seeing his Mother coming to him, rose up to meet her, and caused her to ••it on a separate Throne at his Right Hand; but as soon as she had asked Abishag in Marriage for Ado••••jah, Salomon's elder Brother, he said to her, Why do you not ask the Kingdom for him also? And was so far from granting her Request, which was very imprudent, that he put Adonijah to death as a Traitor, who aspired to the Crown by mar∣rying the Companion of his Father's Bed: 1 Kings, ch. 2. In Poland, they crown the Queen, but take no Oath of Allegiance to her; for the State allows her no Iurisdiction. Martin Cromer, lib. 2. of Poland.
• 2 1.124

  Princes who will retrench su∣perfluous Titles, and moderate th•• Vanity of their Subjects, ought to begin with themselves. And this is what Philip the Second did, to give Life and Vigour to the famous Or∣dinance of 1586, entituled, Prag∣matica, where he commanded all those who should hereafter write to him, to give him no other Title in the begin••ing of their Letters, than Senor; nor any other Compliment in the end, than this Form, Dios guarde la Catolica Persona de Vuestra Magestad; and after that, the Sub∣scription in the most simple manner, viz. only the Name of him that writes, without the flourish of, Your most humble and most obedient Subject and Servant. And for the Superscri∣ption, these Words, Al Rey nuestro Senor. Cabrera saith, that Philip made this Ordinance, that Ambition and Flattery might not come to usurp Divine Titles; and to set his Subjects an Example in all his Grants and Letters Patents, he stiled himself only Don Filipe, &c. with∣out assuming the Sirnames of Mag∣nificent, Triumphant, Invincible, which the Kings Alphonso the Sixth and Seventh, his Predecessors, had used: cap. 21. lib. 12. of his History. See Note 1. Article 38. Lib. 4. of these Annals.
• y 1.125

  i. e. An Usher or Mace-bearer to walk before her.
• 3 1.126

  A Prince, who is disappointed of the Succession of a State, whereof he is the lawful Heir, hath much greater need to be comforted upon the account of the Injustice that is done him, than for the Death of him that hath done it.
• 4 1.127

  A wise Prince ought never to alter the Rules made by his Prede∣decessor, if he is one whose Memory is had in Veneration by the People; or if he doth it, Prudence requires, that it be not in the beginning of his Reign, which is always the time wherein he is most exposed to Cen∣sure. Lewis the Twel••th, saith Com∣mines, took possession of the King∣dom, without making any Altera∣tions in the Pensions for that Year, which had yet six Months to come. He displaced few Officers, and said, That he would keep every Man in his Post, and in his Estate. And all this was very becoming him. Cap. ult. of his Memoirs.
• 5 1.128

  The multiplication of the Offi∣cers of Iustice, tends always to the Ruine of the People. Whereas it seems probable, that Affairs would be dispatched with more expedition by a great number of Officers, than by a small; on the contrary, they are spun out without end, because there are more People who have an Interest to protract them, that they may subsist thereby, especially when Offices are venal. For, according to the common saying, He that buys Iustice in Gross, will sell it by Re∣tail.
• z 1.129

  The Assembly, where they chose the Magistrates called Comitia a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 v••l comeundo, which was held in the Field of Mars.
• a 1.130

  Romulus divided the People into three Tribes, as the City was then di∣vided into three Quarters; which Number gave occasion to the Name of of Tribe. He afterwards divided these Tribes into thirty Curiae, or Classes. The elder Tarquin doubled these Tribes, to equal their Number to the six Quarters of the City, which was much enlarged. Servius Tullius, the Suc∣cessor of Tarquin, distributed it into nineteen Tribes, four of which were called Tribus Urbanae, or the Citizens; and the other fifteen, which com∣prehended all the Inhabitants of the Country, were called Tribus Rusticae. And in process of Time, the Number of Tribes encreased to Thirty five.
• 1 1.131

  When a State is lately changed from a Democracy to a Monarchy, the Prince, as being new, ought to leave the People the Enjoyment of some of their ancient Rights, to ac∣custom them insensibly to Obe∣dience.
• 2 1.132

  There is no Yoke which the great Men and the Nobility will not bear, rather than fall into the Hands of the People, and to make court to them to obtain Offices. It is for this Reason, that a Democracy is always of short duration in States where there is much Nobility.
• 3 1.133

  A Prince newly established, who reserves to himself the naming but of a small number of Officers, so as his Nomination be liable to no Contest, establishes his Power much better, than if he attempted at first to name all. For, in process of Time, it will be easie for him to extend the Prerogatives of a Sove∣reignty, which the People have once acknowledged. When the Princi∣pality it self is in question, the Con∣ditions ought never to be disputed whatsoever they are; it is sufficient to get possession of it, after which, all the rest follows as one would wish Ubi sis ingressus, adesse studia & Ministros. Ann. 4.
• b 1.134

  So they call those who stood for Offices, because during the time of their Suit they wore a White Garment.
• 4 1.135

  A remarkable Example of Flat∣tery▪ Those, who by their Office and their Duty are obliged to pre∣serve the publick Liberty, canonize the Person who destroyed it.
• c 1.136

  In this Calendar, called ••osti, were set down the Festivals, the Cere∣monies, and the Names of the Magistrates of the Cities.
• d 1.137

  It was a figured Robe, edged with Purple, with a Vest wrought with Branches of Palms.
• e 1.138

  These Legions, saith Paterculus, were for a new Head, a new Govern∣ment, and, in a word, for a new Republick; they threatned to give Laws to the Senate, and even to the Prince himself; they would by main force augment their Pay, and shorten the time of their Service, to have their Reward before the set time. There was nothing wanting to them, but •• Head, to have lead them on against the Government; and whosoever this Head had been, he would have found this Army ready to have followed him: ch. 125.
• 1 1.139

  The beginnings of Reigns are ever subject to some Tempest; for it is then that all Male-contents are stirring, and are for selling their Obedience as dear as they can, by disturbing an Authority, that while it is in its growth hath need to keep fair with all, to gain Time to esta∣blish it self. Want of Power in a Prince, Ambition of great Men, who have always a good Opinion of their own Abilities and Discontents in the People, are the three ordinary Sour∣ces of Factions, as those are of Ci∣vil Wars. France saw sad Instances thereof during the Minority of Lewis the Great. GOD grant that these may be the last.
• f 1.140

  Ob Iustitium, saith Tacitus. The Iustitium then was a Vacation or Suspension of all Civil Affairs, which was commanded by the Senate, or the Magistrates of the City, as may be gathered from those words of the Second Book of the Annals; Ut ante Edictum Magistratuum, ante Senatus∣consultum sumpto justitio desererentur fora, &c.
• 2 1.141

  Great Seditions are commonly raised by pitiful Fellows; and if a Rascal hath a Talent of speaking, the Rabble is always ready to lend an Ear to him. The common Peo∣ple need no other Oracles, especially if the Haranguer inveighs against some Minister that is much hated, as they all are. In the beginning of the Reign of Charles the Fifth, the famous Insurrection of the City of Castille, called Las Communidades, (because it was a Sedition of the common People against the Nobles, which afterwards degenerated into a direct Rebellion against the Prince;) This Revolt, I say, had for its Lead∣ers, a Barbor at Medina del Campo a Fell-monger at Salamanca; a Carder at Valenca; a Tanner at Se∣govia; a Barber at Avila; and such other Deliverers at Burgos, at Gua∣dalaxara, at Siguenca, at Vailladolid, at Zamora, &c. Epitome of the Com∣mandeur de Vera. Bussy-le-Clerc was one of the principal Supporters of the League; and Peter de Brousell, who was but an ordinary Counsel∣lor, was the Oracle and the Idol of the Fronde.
• g 1.142

  In elder Times the Military Tribunes had none above them, but the General; but afterwards the Lieutenant-Generals took their Place. So that these Tribunes were much the same with our Colonels or Commanders of a thousand Men; for there were six of them in every Legion, which ordinarily consisted of six thousand Men. Their Office was to distribute the Generals Orders, to give the Word to the Sentinels, to take care of Fortifications, to try Deserters and Mutineers for their Lives, &c. Some∣times Tribunu•• Militum is taken for the chief Commander of a Legion, and sometimes of a Cohort; and hence it came to pass, that the Roman•• had not so many Officers as we have.
• 1 1.143

  An Army which comes to con∣sider its own Multitude, and the small number of its Officers, is very apt to desire to free it self from Dis∣cipline, and makes a Iest of peti∣tioning for those Things which they know well enough durst not be re∣fused them, if they have recourse to Force.
• 2 1.144

  The Male-contents of a prece∣ding Reign, find the beginning of the succeding to be the most favour∣able time to have their Demands heard. This was the Policy the Peo∣ple of Ghant used towards Charles Duke of Burgundy, who was forced to grant them all they demanded, that he might not have two Wars on his Hands at once, Duke Philip, his Father, having left him one with Liege. Memoirs of Commines, l. 2. c. 4. Pope Innocent the Ninth said, That the beginning of a Reign was not a time for Negotiations, but for Congratulations and Rejoycings, to free himself by this handsom Excuse from the Importunities of those who came to beg Favours of him.
• h 1.145

  They were called Veterans, i. e. Soldiers, who had compleated their time of Service.
• i 1.146

  The Roman Denarius, or Penny, was worth ten Asses, but under Au∣gustus it was worth sixteen; about Sevenpence-Halfpenny of our Money.
• 3 1.147

  It is impossible, that an Army should be ever well disciplined, in which the Officers sell Exemptions from Watches, and other Military Duties; or that it should not a∣bound with Male-contents, seeing that all the Soldiers who buy these Exemptions continuing useless, the rest must necessarily be oftner upon Duty, and withal, more exposed to Dangers. Inter paucos pericula ac labor crebrius rediban••. Hist. 2.
• k 1.148

  Because they continued Day and Night.
• l 1.149

  They demanded a Penny in Specie, in stead of ten Asses in Money, be∣cause the Penny was then worth sixteen Asses.
• m 1.150

  To make themselves more formidable by this Union, and to be always in a readiness to make a common Effort, if their General should think fit to employ Force against them.
• 1 1.151

  Firmness is the best of Arms against Men in Sedition, especially in unforeseen Accidents; for in a surprise, a Man not having time to counterfeit, shews what he is, and consequently, all his Courage, or all his Weakness. Thus when a Ge∣neral immediately resists the Fury of a seditious Army, Admiration suc∣ceeds into the place of Insolence, and Fear seizes them, when once they see that they are not terrible enough to be feared; and that their General hath Courage and Resolu∣tion to despise them. In some occa∣sions, saith Cardinal de Richelieu, to speak and act with Resolution, when one hath the Right of his side, is so far from making a Rupture, that, on the contrary, it is the way to pre∣vent it, and stifle it in its Birth. Second Part of his Politick Testament, ch. 2.
• n 1.152

  Because of the Revenge which the Prince will take of it.
• 1 1.153

  Eloquence in the Mouth of a General is a powerful means to sup∣press a Sedition, especially when he speaks Ex tempore, as Blesus did. But it must be a masculine, nervous, and vehement Eloquence; and with∣out Art; for, according to Tacitus, Soldiers have not the subtilty nor delicacy of Gown-men. In Agri∣cola.
• 2 1.154

  How just and necessary soever the Demands be, which Subjects make to their Princes, they ought to present them with Respect and Submission, otherwise the Circum∣stances totally change their Nature, i. e. of a good Cause, they make a bad one; and they are so far from deserving to be heard favourably, that they ought to be rigorously punished for their Insolence.
• 3 1.155

  A Prince hath never more Busi∣ness than in the beginning of his Reign; for besides, that his Autho∣rity is unsettled, he his employed in drawing up the Plan of his Govern∣ment, which is an Affair of great difficulty. A Politick Spaniard said, That no Prudence nor Sagacity was sufficient for the beginning of a Reign; and that the case of Prin∣ces, at their Accession to the Throne, is much the same with that of Tra∣vellers, who meeting divers Paths, know not which to take for fear of losing their way. Gratian in his Ferdinand. To be short, what Taci∣tus makes Blesus say, That it was ill-timing their Business, to address to a Prince, whilst he was oppressed with the Weight of Affairs, tea••••es Ambassadors, that there are Times which are not proper to negotiate ••••cessfully with the Princes, with whom they are resident, and that they ought to watch Opportunitie••, when the Prince is in a good Hu∣mour.
• 4 1.156

  There is nothing more dan∣gerous for a Subject, than to take upon him the Commissions of Re∣bels, for it is in some sort to espouse their Interests against those of the Prince. And besides, the Prince hath always reason to take it ill, that his Subject will Capitulate with him. Charles the Fifth seeing Don Pedro Laso at the Head of the Depu∣ties of the People of T••ledo, who had made an uproar, told him, That he would punish him immediately, but that he considered whose Son he was: And he was very near cutting off the Head of Anthony Vasqu•• d'Avila, for undertaking to deliver a Letter of the Communeros, i. e. of the Seditious of Tordesillas. Do•• Iuan Antonio de Vera, in the Epitome of his Life. The Prince of Salerna, of the House of Sanseverino, lost the Favour of this Emperour, and after∣wards his Principality and his Re∣putation, for having undertaken an Embassy from the City of Naples, which had made an Insurrection against the Viceroy Don Pedro de Toledo, (in 1547.) The Duke d'Al∣va having Notice given him, that a Trumpeter had brought him a Let∣ter from the Rebels of Flanders, com∣manded him to be hanged imme∣diately. And this is the Answer, ••aith Bernardin de Mendoza, which Kings and other Sovereign Princes and their Ministers ought to give to Ambassadors, which are sent to them by Subjects in Rebellion, to teach them not to Treat with them as Equals, it belonging only to Princes to send Ambassadors and Trumpeters. Besides, there ought to be no Com∣munication between the Officers of a Prince, and those of Rebels; for Malecontents seeing that Rebels have the liberty to Treat and to Negotiate with safety, are encouraged thereby to Revolt also, to endeavour to make their Condition better. His Memoirs of the Wars of the Low-Countries, l. 4. c. 3. The same Duke being Ge∣neral for Charles the Fifth in Ger∣many, answer'd a Page and a Trum∣peter, who came to declare War in the Name of the Princes of the League of Smalkald, That they de∣served to be hanged, but that the Emperour was pleased to pardon them, and reserve the Punishment for their Masters. Vera's Epit••••ne of the Life of Charles V.
• o 1.157

  There was the great and the little Manipulus, or Band. The little one, called Contubernium, as much as to say, a Company that lies in one Cham∣ber, and had but ten Men, but the great one consisted of a Hundred, or a Hundred and twenty. Each great Band had two Centurions, who com∣manded each sixty Men, as our Captains. Each Cohort had three Bands. These Companies were called Manipuli, i. e. Manualis herbarum fasciculus, because they carried a Bottle of Hay, or a handful of Grass, for their En∣sign, such as the Kings of Sweden and Poland, of the House of Wasa, bore in their Arms. The Emperours changed this Ensign into a Hand fixed on the point of a Pike. The little Band had a tenth Man, or Decurio, which was as a Corporal with us.
• p 1.158

  It was a City of Pan••onia, called now Laubac in Carniola, a little Pro∣vince of Hungary.
• q 1.159

  That is, a City which enjoyed the Privileges and Franchises of the Roman People.
• 1 1.160

  Those Men, who from private Soldiers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the great Offices of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Army, are commonly the most 〈◊〉〈◊〉, because, they know better ••han 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Licentious Humour of Soldiers, and all the Tricks which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 use to d••ceive the Vigilance of 〈…〉〈…〉▪ as also, all the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Injuries which they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Towns where they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Garison. Such a one in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Age was Colonel 〈…〉〈…〉, who from a private Soldier, and a very poor Gentleman, rose by his Merit to be one of the General 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Spanish Army, and 〈…〉〈…〉. He was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to say, That he was Fransisco for the good Soldiers, and Verdugo for the bad. A Name that in Spa∣nish signifies a Hangman. D. Carlos Colom••, lib. 8. of his Wars of Flan∣ders.
• 2 1.161

  Rigour is the Soul of Military Discipline, and we see every Day by Experience, that there are no worse Soldiers than those who serve under an indulgent Captain. But we must observe by the way, that as Mili∣tary Seditions, which arise from the Severity of a General, are less fre∣quent; so they are more dangerous, and of longer continuance than those, whereof Indulgence is the cause.
• 1 1.162

  Nam & hi, saith Tacitus, Hist. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 temporibus part••m se Reipub. faciunt. For, in troublesome 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the meanest People make a Figure in a State, and private Soldiers have more Authority than Generals. Ci∣vilibus bellis plus militibus, quam ducibus licere. Hist. 2.
• r 1.163

  When the Duke of Mai•• heard at Lyons the News of the Duke and the Cardinal of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Brothers, he caused it to be published through the whole City, that Henry the Third had taken away their Lives, for no other Reason, but because they protected and defended the Catholick Religion against the Huguenots. Herrera, l. 5. of the Third Part of his History, c. 3. Notwithstanding the Duke of Guise being at the Estates of Blois, had re∣fused to sign a Declaration which the King caused to be offered to him by a Secretary of State, wherein he promised and swore to make War on the Hug••••∣••ots, provided that his Subjects would assist him with their Forces, and would make no League with Foreigners without his Approbation; and that those who should act contrary to this Condition, should incur the Penalties of High-Treason: c. 11. l. 4. of the same Part. I cite this Historian here, be∣cause being a Spaniard, his Testimony is of greater force against the Gui∣ses, whom all the Spanish Writers make to be Maccabees, notwithstanding at the bottom they were acted only by Ambition, to make themselves Kings of France with the Catolic•••••• of Spain, against all Laws both Divine and Humane.
• 2 1.164

  All Rebels and Traitors cover their wicked Designs with the Cloke of publick Good. The Count de Charolois, and other Princes of France, having taken Arms against Lewis the Eleventh; this War was after∣wards called the Publick Good, be∣cause it was undertaken, as they said, for the Publick Good of the King∣dom. Memoirs of C••••mines, l. 1. c. ••. The Demands of the Lords, adds he in cap. 12. we•• great: The Duke of Berry demanded Normandy for his Share; the Count de Charolois the Cities seated on the River of Somme, as Ami••ns, Abbeville, S. Quentin, and Perenne; and several other De∣mands for each, with some Overtures for the Good of the Kingdom: But this was not the bottom of their Designs, for their Publick Good was turned into Private Interest; and, as Salust saith, speaking of Cataline and his Accomplices, Bonum publi∣cum simulantes pro sua quisque poten∣tia ••••rtabant.
• 1 1.165

  In Seditions, he is always the most mut••nous, who is most heark∣ned to.
• s 1.166

  The Roman Soldiers were chastized with a Wand of a Vine, and the Foreigners in their Service with Blow•• of Cudgels.
• 2 1.167

  As Soldiers commonly exercise their Hands, more than their Minds; and consequently, understand how to Fight, better than how to Speak; they set a great Value upon a Man who is able to Speak well, and Ne∣gotiate, especially when they have Complaints to make at Court a∣gainst their Generals, or Favours and Rewards to sollicit, which there is some difficulty to obtain.
• 1 1.168

  Princes take great care to con∣ceal ill Success from their Subjects, because they have the less Vene∣ration for them when Fortune is against them. The Army of Lewis the Eleventh having taken several Towns in Burgun••y, and defeated all the Forces that opposed them, the Duke, who was then in Picardy, caused a Report to be spread in his Camp, That his Forces had had the better, for fear lest his Army should Revolt, if it should know the News of Burgun••y. Commines, l. 3. c. 3. of his Memoirs. But of all Evils, a Sedition, or a Revolt, is that which Princes are most concerned to keep the Knowledge of from their Sub∣jects, because it is an Example which never stops at the place where it begins. It is a Civil Contagion, which spreads from Province to Province, and whose Progress is so much the quicker, as it finds every where many Incendiaries, and very few Physicians.
• 2 1.169

  There are knotty Affairs, in which▪ Princes cannot take certain Measures. Seditions are of this Na∣ture, Severity and Mildness being equally dangerous towards People, who must neither be altogether ex∣asperated, nor wholly satisfied. When the Evil is pressing, the best Expe∣dient is to send them a Person of eminent Quality, with Power to act according as the Occasion shall re∣quire, without expecting farther Or∣ders, which would retard the con∣clusion of the Accommodation. But Commissions of this nature ought never to be given, but to Persons of approved Fidelity. And it was for this Reason, that Tiberius sent his Son and his Favourite to the muti∣nous Legions.
• 3 1.170

  When a Prince gives a Gover∣nor to his Son, he ought to chuse a Man of Authority, to the end, that the young Prince may have an Awe and Respect for him.

  Education▪ (saith Cabrera) is the Source of all the good and bad Qualities of a Prince, and consequently, of the good or bad Fortune of his Sub∣jects

  . For want of good Educa∣tion, the Prince, in stead of being the Father and the Shepherd of his People, becomes the publick Scourge, and the universal Plague. The in∣ward Counsel of a Prince comes both from Education and Nature, which opens the first Windows to the Understanding, and displays there more or less Light, according to the disposition of the Constitution, which gives the first Lineaments to the Manners and Actions. ... A Prince's Son is born with no more Understanding, than a com∣mon Man's; he is a Diamond that is hard to cut, but which casts a great Lustre after it is polished. l. 4. c. 2. of his History. Mariana ••aith, That Peter King of Castile, Sirnamed The Cruel, had a mixture of great Virtues, and of great Vices; that at his Accession to the Throne, which was at the Age of fifteen Years and a half, he shewed a Mind, a Cou∣rage, and Qualities, which gave great Hopes; that his Body was in∣defa••••gable, and his Courage invin∣cible in all Difficulties; but that, with these Virtues, there began to appear Vices, which Age encreased, and Time multiplied, and which were owing to the ill Education which he had had under A••phonso d'Albuqu••rqu••, the Governour of his Childhood. Insomuch, that his Reign almost in every thing resem∣bled Nero's, for he put to Death two of his Natural Brothers, with their Mother; his Wife, Blanche of Bour∣bon, to gratifie his Concubine; the Queen of Arragon, his Aunt by the Mother's side; the Infant, Iohn of Arragon, his Cousin-German; Ioan of Lara, his Sister-in-Law; and many more Princes and Lords: c. 16, &c. l. 16, & 17. of his History of Spain.
• t 1.171

  This Office was new, having been created by the Emperors. Some are of Opinion, that the Praefectus Praetorio was much the same with the Magister Equitum, or the General of the Horse under the ancient Common∣wealth. For as this General held the first Place after the Dictator, to whom he was properly Lieutenant, the Praefectus Praetorio was the second Person of the Empire, especially after Se••anus thought fit to lodge in one Camp all the Praetorian Cohorts, or Companies of Guards, which were before dispersed in several Quarters of the City. (Tacit. ann. 4.) M••de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speaks properly, in saying. That he was as the Constable of the Empire. His Authority grew so great, that there was no Appeal from his Iudgments, whereas there lay an Appeal from those of the Consuls to the People, when Rome was a Commonwealth. In the Year 1631, Urban the Eighth having created his Nephew Dom Tade Barberino Praefect of Rome, this Lord by vir∣tue of this new Dignity, which was but a Phantom of the Ancient, would have the Precedency of Ambassadors to Solio.
• u 1.172

  The Roman Army was wont to adorn their Ensigns with Garlands of Ribbands, and Bands of water'd Stuff: But on sad Occa••ions they carried them without Ornaments.
• 1 1.173

  In Seditions, whether Popular or Military, none dares speak singly, but all together; and all they say, is no∣thing but confused Complaints, and insolent Clamours and Demands.
• 2 1.174

  Nothing strikes to much Ter∣ror into Subjects that are in actual Fault, as the Prince's Presence; for the Wrath of a King, (saith Salo∣mon) is as the Messengers of Death: Prov. 16.
• 3 1.175

  It is a good way to appease a Mutiny, or a Revolt of Soldiers, to shew, that one remembers their for∣mer Services; for this Remembrance induces them to return to their Du∣ty, in hopes of being rewarded for them. Besides, after Promises and fair Means have been tried, the Prince may justly treat them with Rigour, when once he hath reduced them by Force.
• x 1.176

  That is to say, a Penny in Specie, which was then worth sixteen 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 1 1.177

  Drusus had full Power, seeing his Father sent him with unlimited Instructions, Nullis satis certis man∣datis, ex re consulturum; and yet he would not make use of them, al∣though he ran no Hazard in doing it. An Example, which ought to be imitated by Ambassadors and Ple∣nipotentiaries, who desire to keep the Favour of their Prince. For al∣though the Prince is obliged to ra∣tifie all that his Plenipotentiary hath done, that he may not break his Word; yet he hath a Right to cha∣stise his Minister, who hath not made the best use of the Authority that he hath committed to him. Lewis the Thirteenth was willing, at the De∣sire of Pope Urban the Eighth, to sign the Treaty of Moncon, which du Fargis, his Ambassador, had made in Spain, anno 1626, but he might just∣ly have sealed it with this Ambassa∣dor's Blood. It is very necessary to be exact in the choice of Ambas∣sadors, and there can't be too great Severity used in the punishing those, which exceed their Powers, since thereby they put to hazard the Re∣putations of Princes, and the Safety of States. There are Men, who have such an itch to do something, that if they are not kept within the Bound•• which are set them, by the fear of being ruined without Remedy, there will always some be sound, who will chuse rather to make an ill Treaty, than none at all. His Pel. Testament, part 2. ch. 6.
• 2 1.178

  It is usual for Princes to con∣sult with none, when they will di∣spense Favours, that they may have the whole Honour thereof them∣selves: But when some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Action, or at least some odious Thing is to be done, they are willing to call in Counsellors, that the Hatred of the Male contents may fall upon them. And this is what Tiberius did upon this Occasion, when finding it not convenient to grant the Veterans what they demanded of him, he re∣ferred them to the Senate, where he knew they would succeed worse, the Senate taking care not to grant that, which they perceived he would refuse.
• 1 1.179

  Counsels are always ascribed to that Minister, who is believed to be of the greatest Power, or of the greatest Abilities. As such a Mini∣ster hath the greatest Share in the Glory of Successes, so he is also more exposed than others to the Hatred and Revenge of Disaffected Persons. The Duke of Alvia was insupport∣able to the Netherlanders, because they knew, that he had been an Enemy to their Nation from the Time of Charles the Fifth, and the Author of all the Evil Counsels, which had been taken to bring the Country into absolute Subjection. Sir W. Temple, c. 1. of his Remarks on Holland.

  But, saith Pagliari▪ I doubt much, whether they who attribute to the Ministers all odi∣ous Resolutions, are well informed whence they proceed; or rather, I believe, that they beat the Sad∣dle, because they dare not beat the Horse.

  In the 71st of his Ob∣servations on Tacitus.
• y 1.180

  Don Iuan Antonio de Vera speaking of a Tempest by Sea and Land, which shook the Fleet of Charles the Fifth at his arrival to Algiers, saith, That it exercised its Fury not only on the material part thereof, that is to say, on the Galleys, and the rest of the Equipage, but also on the Courage of the Soldiers, who remained all under a Consternation, for there is no∣thing that makes them more Superstitious, than unexpected Accidents, which come from the Heavens, on the Elements. Witness the Legions of Pannonia, who having mutinied in the Reign of Tiberius, passed imme∣diately from Fury to Repentance, upon an Eclipse of the Mo••n. In the Epi∣t••m•• of the Life of Charles the Fifth.
• 1 1.181

  There is nothing which makes the common People more Supersti∣tious than Fear, nor which makes them more fearful than Superstition. For this Reason, Chance hath often∣times greater Share in the good or ill Success of dangerous Enterprizes, than the Conduct of those who are the Authors of them. The Depu∣ties of Bohemia having entred by Surprize into the Privy-Chamber of the Emperour Frederick the Second, and threatning him with their Arms in their Hands, That they would do themselves Right, if he did not grant them all their Demands, chang'd their Threats into Submission and Fear, upon the casual coming of Walstein with a new-rais'd Regi∣ment, which he brought to shew the Emperour; and the Thunder ceased on a sudden.
• 2 1.182

  To know how to make use of the Occasion, is an infallible Mark of the Ability of a Prince, and par∣ticularly of a General of an Army. Occasion is the Mother of great Events, Opportunos magnis con••tibus transit••s rerum, saith Tacitus, Hist. 1. The Definition, or rather Description, which Cabrera gives of it, deserves a place here, as an Instruction ne∣cessary for those who manage great Affairs.

  They, (saith he) who boast of starting Occasions, discover suf∣ficiently, that they know not what an Occasion is; for if Wit is the Contriver thereof, it is no longer an Occasion, but a Contri∣vance: And although it is some∣times founded with Industry, it is notwithstanding quite another Thing.

  It is necessary for a Prince to lay hold on it at the very nick of Time, equally avoiding the being too soon, or too late. Persons that are too quick, lose it by their Preci∣cipitation, because they scarce see the Shadow of it; but they run to catch it. They who are slow, miss it also; for as in its Nature it is per∣petually in motion, they are not able to take notice of it at the moment it passes before them; nor to lay hold on it at the very instant that they do take notice of it. There is Understanding required to fore∣see it, and Patience to wait for it, till it comes. If Things depended only on Fortune, or only on our Wills, there would be no great diffi∣culty in managing them, because Chance, or our Choice, would be our Guide; but when there is a ne∣cessity of joining Fortune, Art and Will together, there is need both of Patience and Iudgment to make them act in Concert, which renders them twice stronger. We may easi∣ly make use of Art and Will when we please, but not of Fortune, with which we must absolutely comply, in observing the Seasons of her good Humour, without ever exacting of her what we see she obstinately re∣fuses us, or drawing back when she gives us Encouragement to hope for what we desire. His History, l. •••• c. 9.
• z 1.183

  In the Year 1546, the Elector Palatine, who had declared for the League of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against Charles the Fifth, reduced some Cities to the Ob••dience of this Emperour by the same Remonstrance.

  We are (said he) the last who have committed this Fault, let us be the first to repair it, that we may more easily obtain Pardon for it.

  Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth, by Iohn Antonio de Vera.
• a 1.184

  The Memoirs of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 furnish us with many notable Examples of this.

  Of all Men that I ever knew, (saith he) L••wis the Eleventh was the wisest to get himself out of the Briars, and took the greatest Pains to gain a Man, who was able to serve him, or able to hurt him: l. 1. c. 10.

  The Accommodation which he made with he Duke of Brittany by the means of the Seigneur de Lescun, this Duke's Favourite, to whom he gave the Government of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and of some other Places, was the cause that Charles of France his Brother lost the Duchy of Normandy, to the great Dis∣pleasure of the Duke of Burgandy, who had made him give him this great Apanage: ch. 15. of the same Book. The said Lescun obtained afterwards the Government of Gu••enne, of one of the Castles of Bourdeaux; the Go∣vernment of Blaie, of Bayonne, of Dax, and of St. Sever; the Earldom of Comminges, the Order of the King, Eighty thousand Crowns in ready Mo∣ney, and Six thousand Livres in Pension, to have Peace with the Duke of Britany, because so powerful a Duke managed by such a Man, was to be feared: l. 3. c. 11. Garter Herald of England being come into France, to declare War against Lewis, if he did not surrender the Kingdom to the King of England, immediately received a Reward from the King's hands, for the Promise he made to endeavour an Accommodation between the two Kings: l. 4. c. 15. The three Ambassadors from England, who concluded this Agreement, had great Presents in ready Money and Plate, and each of them Two thousand Crowns Pension: c. 8. of the same Book. A Gascon Gentleman, (Lewis de Bretailles,) who was much troubled at the Peace made between France and England, received a Thousand Crowns from King Lewis the Eleventh, after he had had the Honour to dine with him, to prevent him from telling the King of England his Master, that the French laugh'd in their Sleeves, for having driven the English out of France, by a Treaty of Peace, and by some Presents: ch. 10. of the same Book.
• 3 1.185

  There are few People, who are Proof against the Charms of Inte∣rest. During the War of Paris, all the Generals of the Sling were me∣ditating, on their particular Accom∣modation, and each had his secret Correspondence with the Court, to make his Conditions the better. The Counsellor Brousell grew tra∣ctable, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, after he had a secret Promise of the Govern∣ment of the Bas••ille for his eldest Son. Memoirs of the Minority of Lewis the Fourt••••nth. The Sieur de Villeroy, saith the Chancellor de Ri∣verny, was engaged as far as any in the League; notwithstanding he quitted it by a particular Treaty which he made for himself, and af∣terwards returned to serve the King in his former Office of Secretary of State. In his Memoirs.
• 4 1.186

  One Man of Parts is enough to reduce a whole Multitude to Obe∣dience. Every Thing puts Fear in∣to People who are in Sedition, when their first Heat is over, and a wise Man comes to deal with them, who excites in them the Desire of Impu∣nity, which, according to Tacitus, ba••••••es all the Enterprizes which are formed against a Prince.
• 1 1.187

  There is an Eloquence of the Looks, of the Gesture, of the Coun∣tenance, which oftentimes prevails more, than that of the greatest Ora∣tors. Subjects don't so much regard what their Prince says to them, as the manner after which he speaks it; every thing that he saith, is ef∣fectual, if he knows how to speak with Majesty. He ought to speak not as one who is about to Per∣swade, but as one who hath a Right to Command, and is able to make himself be Obeyed.
• 2 1.188

  The Minister, whom a Prince sends to suppress a Sedition, or a Revolt of Soldiers, ought to take care of nothing more, than of do∣ing any Thing, or suffering any Word to slip from him, that may be taken for a sign of Fear. For if once they come to perceive that he hath Fear, they shall impute it to the Knowledge which they will be∣lieve he hath of the Weakness of the Prince, rather than to his own want of Courage or Resolution. What Commines saith upon the occa∣sion of the Town of Nanci surren∣dred to the Duke of Lorraine by a Lord of the House of Crouy, named de Bievres, who commanded in it for the Duke of Burgundy, shews o•• what Importance it is to be firm and resolved amongst Soldiers.

  The English, (saith he) tired because the Duke of Burgundy delayed so long to relieve them, began to murmur▪ and to despair of Suc∣cours, and told the Lord de Bie∣vres, that they would Capitulat•• without him, if he did not Capi∣tulate.

  Although he was a good Officer, yet, he had so little Resolu∣tion as to use Intreaties and Remon∣strances, and if he had spoken m••re boldly, I believe, that it had been taken better from him; for the next Day, or two Days, after the Place was surrendred, the Duke of Burgundy came, well accompanied▪ as the Occasion required. Memoirs, l. 5. c. 5. In great Dangers a Ge∣neral ought to put on a better Coun∣tenance; it is not always amiss to fear, but it is always unbecoming not to know how to conceal it. A Captain's Countenance ought to be armed with Dissimulation, as his Bo∣dy with Steel, otherwise he will 〈◊〉〈◊〉 betrayed sooner by his Eyes, than by his Soldiers.
• b 1.189

  i.e. Captain of the first Century or Company of the Band or Mani∣pule, which, as I have already said, consisted of two Centuries or Compa∣nies, and consequently had two Captains or Centurions. And by centu∣riones primorum ordinum, Tacitus means those whom we cast Eldest Captains.
• 3 1.190

  Shame is a Passion that is not to be found in the Multitude, but to compensate this, they are mightily subject to Fear. Thus Rigour hath the same Effect upon them, that the Point of Honour hath upon particu∣lar Persons.
• 4 1.191

  Rebellions require an unrelent∣ing Physician, that immediately cures by cutting and burning; for otherwise, the Cure will be long and difficult. Princes therefore ne∣ver pardon the Ringleaders of a Revolt, or a Sedition, because they who sin without Example, are alone more ••lpable than all those who follow their Example, and conse∣quently deserve less▪ Compassion, Besides, there would be no Sedi∣tions or Rebellions, if there were no Incendiaries, forasmuch as the multitude sees only by Trust.
• 1 1.192

  Of all Counsels which are gi∣ven Princes, those appear to them to be the best, which are most agree∣able to their Tempers. When a Prince is cruel or severe, and also affronted by Disrespect, it is in vain to advise him to Clemency. Cardi∣nal Spinosa, and Prince Rui Gomez, found it not convenient to send the Duke of Alva Governour into the Low-Countries, because, in their Opi∣nion, his Rigour would exasperate the Minds of that People, whereas they ought to have been softned; but as it was in this very Particu∣lar, that the Duke resembled and pleased Philip the Second, he was preferred before the Duke of Feria, [Gomez Figueroa,] whom the Cardinal and the Prince proposed, and who being equal to Alva in Quality, in Prudence, in greatness of Courage, and in Civil and Military Expe∣rience, surpassed him in Moderation and in Liberality▪ and was also more beloved by the King. Cabrera's Hist. l. 7. c. 7.
• 2 1.193

  It is the Fate of the Heads of Seditions and Rebellions, to be the Victims of their Party; sooner or later they are Delivered up to the Prince, or the Magistrate, to wash away with their Blood the Stain of the common Treason. There is no∣thing more dangerous, saith the Flo∣rentine Proverb, than to hang the Bell about the Cat's Neck. And this is what they do, who by a false Bravery, or rather by a fatal Rash∣ness, put themselves at the Head of a Party, which upon the first Check▪ or the first Alarm, will fell them fox a•• Amnesty.
• 3 1.194

  If the Duke of Alva had put the Earls of Egmont and of Horne to Death in Prison, the Flemmings might perhaps have had less Com∣passion for them, and less Resent∣ment against him and the Prince. This Execution, saith Sir W. Temple, put them beyond all Patience; so that one may say▪ that the end o•• the Lives of these Lords was the beginning of the Troubles, which sp••••t so much Blood in Europe, and which cost Spain a good part of these Provinces. Remarks on the Uni∣ted Provinces, cap. 1.
• 4 1.195

  Nothing hath a greater Force on the Multitude, saith Quintus Cur∣tius, than Superstition; how incon∣stant and furious soever they be, they will always obey the Divines better than their Governours, if once their Minds be struck with false Images of Religion: lib. 4.
• 1 1.196

  Noth••ng gives greater oppor∣tunity to an Army, ••••at hath great 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to Revolt, than the Ab∣sence o•• a General. The f••rther off Punish•••••• is the less they fear it. (〈◊〉〈◊〉 was then in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.)
• 2 1.197

  〈…〉〈…〉 to believe, 〈…〉〈…〉, who hath his Sword in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Soldiers entirely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to his Service, will not 〈…〉〈…〉 to be deprived of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that of Right belongs to 〈…〉〈…〉 if he▪ who 〈…〉〈…〉 be odious, both 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the common People, and the 〈…〉〈…〉 was. It is rather 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ than Moderation, to 〈…〉〈…〉 of Power may 〈◊〉〈◊〉 excused, but never want of Cou∣rage, especially in a Person, who ought to inspire others with it.
• 3 1.198

  The Revolt of a Province, or o•• an Army, ought to be carefully concealed from other Armies and Provinces, for fear le••t such an Ex∣ample should draw them to Revolt likewise. It was for this Reason; that the Burgundians having been defeated, their Duke, who saw all his Affairs grow worse and worse, and his principal Servants desert him, and go over to Lewis the Ele∣venth, caused a Report to be spread in Picardy, and in Flanders, that his Army of Burgundy had had the bet∣ter. Commines's Memoirs, l. 3. c. 3.
• c 1.199

  The Country of Collen.
• 4 1.200

  There is nothing more contra∣ry to Military Discipline than Idle∣ness, saith Paterculus. Res discipli∣nae inimicissima otium: Hist. 2. c. 78. It was for this Reason, that Augu∣stus hardned his Soldiers by almost continual Expeditions in Dalmatia and Illyria; that Cassius, a Governor of Syria, exercised his Legions in times of Peace, with as much Care, as if he had been in open War. Ta∣cit. Ann. 12. A Lacedemonian said, That nothing was to be done with an Army without Discipline, and that Soldiers ought to fear their Ge∣neral more than their Enemies.
• d 1.201

  As Tiberius, who was Sirnamed Germanicus, in Augustus's Life-time; Drusus, and Germanicus his Son.
• 1 1.202

  There is no Enemy from whom Princes have more reason to fear Attempts against their Lives, than from an undaunted Man, who is animated with Resentment against them, and particularly, if he be a Man who hath a mighty Passion to make his Name memorable to Po∣sterity. Machi••vel describes, that Ierom Olgiato, who was one of the three 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Gal••as Duke of Milain, very much like this Ch••re••, when he saith▪ ••hat this Cavalier, who was but 23 Years old, underwent his Punishment with no less Cou∣rage, than he had executed his En∣terprize; and that seeing the Execu∣tioner with the Sword in his Hand, he spoke these Words; Mors acerba, ••am•• perpetua, stabit vetus memoria sacti. Lib. 7. of his History of Flo∣rence.
• 1 1.203

  For, according to Seneca, The more Unjust our Ha••red is, the more Obstinate it is: 〈…〉〈…〉 fa∣cit iniquitas ir••. And, according to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, it is the Nature of Man always to hate those whom he hath injured: Pr••prium 〈…〉〈…〉, odisse quem laeseris. In Agric. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, saith Q••een Margaret, having quit••ed the Service of my Brother, [the Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉,] bore so mortal a Hatred to him, (as 'tis usual for him that doth the Injury, never to forgive,) that he plott••d his Ruine by all ways possible: ••. 2. of her Memoirs.
• 2 1.204

  The People always imagine fine Things of those, whom they desire should Reign. Possibly it might have ••ared with Drusus and Germanicus, had they come to the Empire, as it did with those two Kings of the Suevi, Vangio and Sido, who, Th••itus saith, were passionately loved before they Reigned, and as much ha••ed when they Reigned: Ann. 12. At least, we may say of Drusus and his Son, what Tacitus saith of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Periculi•• 〈…〉〈…〉 that both of them dying in the Flower of their Age. (at the Age of 10 Years,) and both by Poi∣son, their Misfortune hath preserved a grateful Fame of their Modesty▪ which possibly they would have lost, had they reigned. The Mildness▪ the ••ivi••ity, and the Familiarity of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who aspire, or who begin to Reign, are not so much the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of their Nature, as of their Poli••y. Add hereto, that the best Men are not always the best Princes. There is a Spanish Proverb, which saith, De ••al ••ombre buen Rey▪ i. e. An ill Man makes a good King.
• 3 1.205

  A proud and severe Prince can never love Ministers, who will be beloved by the People; for their popular Humour serves only to make him yet more odious, or at least more disagreeable to his Subjects. It often happens, that the People, and also the Courtiers, make Com∣parisons between the Prince and the Minister, which never fail of being reported sooner or later to the Prince, nor of ruining the Minister, when they are to his Advantage. And it was one of the Artifices, whereby the Grandees of Spain compassed the Disgrace of Cardinal Espinosa, whom they could not destroy by their Complaints. Lewis S••orsa, Duke of Milain, beheaded Cecco Si∣moneta, his Secretary of State, for saying to him, Thet he could not defend Milain against the French, but by the good-will of his People; because his Counsel gave him to understand, that his Minister was too popular. Now-a-days Princes have no jealousie in this Particu∣lar.
• 1 1.206

  The next Heir of a Crown, or of a Principality, ought, according to all the Rules of good Policy, to shew himself the most zealous in the Service of the reigning Prince. As he hath more to lose, he hath more to fear; and, consequently, he ought to be more complaisant and submissive than all others. Strada attributes the cause of all the Mis∣fortunes of Francis, Duke of Alen∣son, to the Envy which he had con∣ceived against his Brother Henry the Third. For want of considering, that he was the Heir Apparent of the Crown, and, as it were, upon the point of being adored on the Throne, seeing his brother had no Children; he could not bear, that the casual order of Birth had made Henry his Sovereign. Thus looking on his Fortune only on the worse side, he lived in a continual Agita∣tion, equally a Burden to his Bro∣ther, and to the State; so that be∣ing desirous to Command whatever it cost, not caring in what Country, he put himself at the Head of the Rebels in Flanders, who invited him rather to be the Pretext of the War, than to make him their Prince; and who hastned his Ruine, by the eager Desire which de discovered of impo∣sing the Yoke on that People, who had not shaken off that of the King of Spain, but that they might live as a Free-State: l. 5. of the Second Decad of his History.
• e 1.207

  By the Sequani, now the French Counties; and by the Belg••, who are the ••••mings.
• 2 1.208

  It is a Degree of Rebellion, for People to deliberate, whether they shall obey; they do not seem to have been willing to obey, who have a long time deliberated, whether they shall obey or no: Qui deliber∣ant, desciverunt. Tacit. Hist. 2.
• 3 1.209

  As the Memory of Augustu•• was pleasing to them, he gained their Good-will by beginning with his Praises: And as they loved not Tiberius, whose Humour was wholly different from that of Augustus, he made them favourable to him, by putting them in mind, that they had a great Share in the Glory of his Exploits.
• 1 1.210

  Indeed, all this is worthy of Compassion, but Seditions and Re∣volts are evermore inexcusable, and consequently, Punishment is abso∣lutely necessary, for fear lest Impu∣nity open the Gate to Licentious••ess,

  Good and Evil are so contrary, that they ought not to be put in the Ballance against one another. They are two Enemies, betwixt whom there ought to be no Quar∣ter, nor Exchange given: If one deserves Reward, the other doth Punishment; and both of them ought to be treated according to their Merit.

  Chap. 5. of the Se∣cond Part of the Politick Testament. Otherwise the Hopes, which every one will have of obtaining Pardon in consideration of past Services, will make them not care how they of∣fend. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who had defended the Capitol against the Gauls, whence he was honoured with the Name of Capitolin••s, and of Protector of the Pe••ple, notwithstanding he recounted the long Services which he had done his Country, and shewed the Scars of Three and thirty Wounds which he had received in several Fights; the Romans condemn'd him to Death, as soon as his Adversaries had proved that he aspired to Regal Power. There is an indispensable Necessity of proceeding thus, according to the Opinion of Machiavel, in his 22th ch••p. of l. 1. of his Discourses; and of Scipio A••••••nirato, in the 7th Disc. of l. 2. of his Commentary on Tacitus, And it is also the Opi∣nion of Tacitus himself, who saith, That the City of Treves effaced by its Revolt all the Merit o•• the great Services which it had done to the Romans. Hist. 4.
• 2 1.211

  In a State which is governed by Military Maxims, and whose Sub∣jects are Warlike, as were the Ro∣mans, the rewarding of Soldiers is the principal part of Government: For the expectation▪ of Rewards, supports Emulation, Affection, La∣bour, and Discipline. And besides, there is nothing, more Unjust, nor which doth greater Dishonour to the Prince, than to suffer People to die in Poverty, who have spent, their whole Lives in the Danger•• and Fatigues of War.
• f 1.212

  In the Year 1577, a Flemish Lord having attempted the Fidelity of Don Iohn of Austri••, Governour of the Low-Countri••••••, by offering him the Sovereignty thereof, if he would accept it; Don Iohn, transported with Rage, gave him a stab with a Ponyard, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, l. 5. c. 11. of Philia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 This ••ehaviour; in my Opinion, was more prudent, and also more sincere, than that of Gerinanicus, who would, or ••eign'd that he would have kill'd himself. For, by immediately punishing so pernicious a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he stopp'd their Mouth••, and struck Terror into all those, who might be ca∣pable to draw him to this Design.
• 3 1.213

  In such a Matter, to hear it, is to be Criminal. It is not enough to be innocent, especially, under a jealous and mistrustful. Prince, as Tiberius, was; a Person must also act so, that the Prince may believe, that he hath neither Will nor Power to be culpable. With Princes, it is a Crime: to be thought worthy to Reign; at least, it is a Rock, on which the Fortunes of the bravest Men have been split. Vespasian, by the Counsel of M••cian, his Chief Minister, put to Death Calpurnius Galerianus, who yet had never meddled with any dangerous Affair, be∣cause his illustrious Birth, his Youth, and his graceful Meen, made him talk'd of, as of a Man that was worthy to possess the Empire. Al∣though Verg••nius had refused to accept it, he was yet always suspected by Galba, and kept near him to se∣cure his Fidelity. Tacit. Hist. 4. & 1. Although Don Iohn of Austria had not only rejected the Offers of the Sovereignty of the Low-Countries, but also punished with his own Hand the Person who had made him the Proposals of it. Philip the Second repented much, that he had given him the Government: For there are Suspicions, says Str••da, which the greatest Innocence can never cure; and how good an Opi∣nion soever Princes may have of the Fidelity of the great Men whom they employ, they have always a jealous Spirit, and are inclined to believe, that they grow weary of being Obedient and Faithful; and that it is Prudence to use such Pre∣cautions, that a Subject, who have once had the Moderation to refuse the Soveraignty, may never be ca∣pable to accept it: L. 10. of his First Decad. It was well the Marquis of Pesquera died a little time after he had revealed to Charles the Fifth, that the Pope, the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians, offered him the Kingdom of Naples, for certainly the Emperour would not have long left him the Command of his Ar∣mies in Italy.
• g 1.214

  These two Circumstances of Calusidius, who presented Germanicus with his Sword as the sharper, and of the others who cried out, Strike, seemed to imply that the Soldiers believed, that Germanicus's Indignation was but acted, and that his Fidelity towards Tiberius had less of Reality in it, than of Art and Ostentation. For those who encouraged him to kill himself, would not have had occasion to cry Strike, had they not seen that it was only long of Germanicus; that it was not done; and Calusidius would never have thought fit to have presented him with his Sword, had he not been in a condition to make use of it. There is some Reason to believe, that the Faith of Germanicus was like that of young Pompey, who one Day, when he entertained Octavius and Anthony in his Gallery, being asked by the Corsair Menas, Whether he desired they should make him absolute Master, not only of Sicily and of Sardinia, but of the whole Roman Em∣pire; answered, You should do it without giving me notice of it. Plutarch, in the Life of Anthony.
• 1 1.215

  The first Remedy, which a Prince ought to employ against the Revolt of his Subjects, is to prevent the Rebels from gaining the Neigh∣bouring Provinces and Cities which continue in Obedience.
• h 1.216

  Afterwards called Collen.
• i 1.217

  There was this difference betwixt Allies, and Auxiliaries; that the former took an Oath of Fidelity to the Roman Commonwealth, and recei∣ved no Pay; whereas the others, who were Foreigners, and not under an Oath, took Pay. The Allies had Corn given them.
• k 1.218

  Cabrera saith, That the Commander Dom Lu••s de Requesens, in stead of reducing the Rebels of Flanders to Obedience, by his Mildness, and by his Favours, increased their Obstinacy, it appearing to them that he treated them so, because he feared them. Ch. 15. l. 10. of his History.
• 2 1.219

  To use Rigour, is to exaspe∣rate their Minds, and to drive them to Despair; to dissemble, temporise or comply with the Will of the Mu∣tineers, is to shew that they are feared, and, by consequence, is to increase their Insolence, and to ex∣pose to Contempt the Authority of the Prince and the General. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is to be done then in these Occasions, where Gentleness and Rigour are equally, dangerous? He must not amuse himself abou•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Go••dian knot▪ for this will never be 〈◊〉〈◊〉; it must therefore be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 through. After the Spanish Soldier•• were gone out of the Low-〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ by•• Virtue of the Perpetual Edict, Don Iohn of Austria, who was Go∣vernour there▪ soon perceived, that the intention of these Provinces was to govern themselves in the form of 〈…〉〈…〉 that he was constr••i••••ed to•• retire from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, where▪ he wa•• at the Mercy of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and immediately to recal the•• Spanish and Italian Troops, (which he had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 away) to appea••e the Rebels. (1577.)
• 3 1.220

  It is Prudence in a General, not to ingage the Prince; and yet to pre∣••••••d to do that in Ob••d••••••ce, which he doth through Necessity. Thus Ger∣manicus, by cou••terfeiting Letters from Tiber••••••u•• who ordered him to g••••nt them their Demands 〈…〉〈…〉 conc••••led his Inability to bring them to Reason, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was not in th•• mean time obliged to make good any of the Promises contained in these forged Letters. And▪ proba∣bly, these Letters were only Blank•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Prince; for otherwise, Germanicus, who knew too well how much he was suspected by Tibe∣••••••••••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 use of this Exp••dient••
• * 1.221

  When seditious Persons▪ or Rebels, ob••••in of a Prince more than they have demanded of him, th•••• have great Reason to believe, th•••• he is much more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to de∣ceive them, (as they deserve) than to satisfie them. This puts me in mind of what Christian the Fourth, King of Denmark, did on the like Occasion, who was so far from dis∣covering any Resentment against Mutineers, who had made insolent Demands of him, that he handsomly pretended to yield to their Reasons, and to be willing to give them all the Satisfaction they desired. And, as a Testimony of this, he said, That he would drink with them; which appeared to them the more sincere, because he often did his Friends this Honour, and because in his Nature he was very familiar: But after he had made every one of them as drunk as Beasts, he caused them all to be hanged the same Evening. This Relation was given me by a Danish Envoy.
• l 1.222

  These Soldiers▪ who were kep•• under the Colours, 〈…〉〈…〉
• 2 1.223

  Princes and Generals of Ar∣mies ought to avoid nothing more carefully, than the necessi••y of ma∣king Soldiers wait a long time for their Pay; for want of Pay is al∣ways followed with want of Respect and Obedience; and, in the mean time, the General dares not punish Men, whose Demands and Com∣plaints are just. Besides, the oppor∣tunity of Acting and Fighting are lost, as long as the Mutiny conti∣nues; and there is no security in employing them, whilst they be∣lieve that they have a Right to do themselves Iustice by Treachery. In fine, the longer their Pay is de∣layed, the more of their ••nsolence and cruelty must the People fear. Insomuch, that the Princes Authority remains in suspence betwixt the Im∣punity of one side, and the desperate Condition of the other. Some Spa∣nish Troops (saith Sir William Tem∣ple, c. 1. of his Remarks) having mutinied for want of Pay, and seized the Town of Alost in the Neighbourhood of Brussels, the Peo∣ple of this City were in despair, th•• Tradesmen left their Shops, and the Hu••bandman his Work, and all ran to Arms: So that the Estates being assembled at Ghent in the Year 1576, it was there resolved to drive out of the Low-Countries all Foreigners, and to re-establish the ancient form of Government. Which gave the King of Spain to know by a ••atal Expe∣riment, that nothing is able to stop the Torrent of an ••••raged and ob∣stinate People, who overturn all that stands in their way.
• m 1.224

  This Money was Sacred.
• 3 1.225

  It's Wisdom for a Man to do that of his own accord, which he sees that he shall be obliged to do by force. This Anticipation makes that received as a Favour, which a little later would pass for Con∣straint.
• n 1.226

  Now F••iseland.
• 1 1.227

  There are Occasions▪ in which a greater Regard is to be had to the publick Service, than to the Laws; the Necessity being some time so pressing, that there is no means to expect their Assistance, which is of∣ten retarded by Formalities. Be∣sides, it is not to cross the Laws to procu••e the publick Good, in pro∣spect of which all the Laws were made. Salu•• Populi suprema L•••• esto, says Cicero. 'Tis on these Oc∣casions, said Cardinal Richelieu to the late King, in which your Autho∣rity ought to go beyond the Forms of Law to maintain Rule and Discipline; without which, a State is not able to subsist. Part 1. of his Pol. Testament, sect. 2. ch. 3.
• o 1.228

  Because it belonged only to the General to punish with Death.
• 2 1.229

  The Affronts offered to Magi∣strates, are reputed as done to the Prince; for it is his Authority which they resist, and not the Person of him who exercises it. It was for this, that Charles the Fifth would never recal from Naples the Viceroy Don Pedro de Tol••do, against whom the City had made an Insurrection, and even with some appearance of Iustice. Ulloa, in his Life. The Constable of St. Pol having given the Lie to the Lord d'Himbercourt, Ambassador from the Duke of Bur∣gundy, he made him no other An∣swer, but,

  That this Affront was not done to him, but to the King, under whose Protection he came thither as Ambassador; (it was to the King in Picardy;) and also to his Master, whose Person he represented, and to whom he would report it.

  Memoirs of Com∣mines, l. 3. ch. 11. The greatest Kings, saith the same Cardinal Ri∣chelieu, cannot preserve their Autho∣rity inviolable, if they have not a great care to maintain it in the least of their Officers, whether near or distant from their Persons. For these are Outworks which are at∣tack'd first, the taking of which emboldens them to make an Effort against those within, and afterward against the Person of the Prince him∣s••lf. Pol. Testament, part 1. sect. 7. ch. ult.
• p 1.230

  The Ensigns were so highly reverenced by the Romans, that the Sedi∣tious themselves durst not re••use to follow them.
• 3 1.231

  A Commander, who knows how to speak with Vigour, and to accompany his Words with some Action, wherein Resolution appears, will scarce ever fail of striking Ter∣ror into Seditious Persons, although they be numerous. The German Soldiers having made an Insurre∣ction against Alexander Farnese, Go∣vernour and Captain-General of the Low-Countries, he went directly to these Mutineers, with his Sword in his Hand, and commanded the Co∣lonel of the Regiment to send him immediately two Soldiers of each Company, which should be found most culpable, whom he caused to be hanged, to the number of Twen∣ty, in the sight of his whole Army, without any Man▪ daring to spea•••• a Word. Strada's Hist. Decad. 2. lib. 5.
• q 1.232

  Some are of Opinion, that this Altar stood where the City of B••••m is now, the ordinary place of Residence of th•• Arch-Bishop of ••ollen.
• 1 1.233

  When once a Minister hath got the Reputation of a severe or violent Man, all rigorous Resolutions are imputed to him. The Flemings im∣puted all the Rigours of Philip the Second to the Counsels of the Duke of Alva, because they knew that he had said to Charles the Fifth, (who loved them and treated them with Respect, as having been born and educated among them,) that he ought not to give them so much liberty, nor so great a share in publick Af∣fairs, to the great Discontent of other Nations of his Empire, who deserved to be preferred before them Cabrera's Hist. l. 5. c. 2.
• r 1.234

  It was a Scarlet Ensign, which was set up on the General's Pavilion when they were going to give Battel, and it never was out of his Quarters, whence it could not be taken without Sacrilege.
• 2 1.235

  It hath been a Maxim of seve∣ral Princes, never to lie twice suc∣cessively in the same Chamber. Hen∣ry the Third, King of England, and the Usurper Cromwel, changed al∣most every Day.
• 3 1.236

  Of two Evils, the least is to be chosen, and consequently, Germa∣nicus did better in giving up the Co∣lours to them, than to let them kill him.
• 4 1.237

  Cicero, in one of his Letters, saith, That the exterior Marks of Dignities and great Offices, are but Obstacles to the safety of the Per∣sons who wear them, that is to say, in Seditions; for at all other Times they are necessary to draw Respect from the People. One Day when Otho entertained the greatest Men of Rome at Supper, the Praeto∣rian Soldiers having taken a false Alarm, came to force open the Doors of the Palace. Otho, who knew not whether their De••ign was a∣gainst him, or the Guests, dismissed the Company; and every one, for his safety, stripp'd himself of the Marks of his Dignity. Tac. Hist. 1.
• s 1.238

  Which were Sacred and Inviolable amongst the Romans, and which Tacitus calls, The particular Gods of the Legions, Propria Legionum numi∣na. Ann. 2.
• t 1.239

  The Person who carried the Eagle of the Legion.
• 5 1.240

  The General of an Army, which hath mutinied, doth prudently to attribute part of the Soldiers Fault to higher Causes, which have drawn them, as it were, by force; to the end, that this handsom manner of excusing them, may make them more readily return to their Duty, in hopes of obtaining a General Pardon.
• 6 1.241

  The Person of an Ambassador is so Sacred, that it is more inviolable than even that of the Prince him∣self, who sends him, would be, were he in the Places where he represents him. For a Prince, who is in the Territories of another, is but under the Security of the Laws of Hospitality, which make but a part of the Laws of Nations: But his Ambassador is under the Pro∣tection of the Laws of Nations themselves, taken in the utmost Ex∣tent of their Signification, and of their Privileges, p••ovided that he be not in a strange Country, nor for his Pleasure, nor for his own private Affairs, but for the common Good of the two States. The Rights of Ambassadors are even so great, that they e••••ace those which a Prince hath over his Natural Subjects. That is to say, a French-man, who should be Amba••••••dor from the King of Spain, or a Spaniard, who should be Ambassador from the King of France, would e••••ace and abolish, by his Character, the Iurisdiction, and all the Rights of Sovereignty which his Natural Prince had before over his Person. Local Customs, which ought to give Place to the Law of Nations, which is the Universal and Common Law of all People, who have a Form of Civil Government, in ••like manner as the Interest of private Men gives Place without contradiction to the publick Interest. And this is so tru••▪ that the Marquis du Guast, Governor of Milan, ha∣ving caused to be assassinated on the Po, Anthony Rinco, a Spaniard, in∣vested with the Quality of Ambas∣sador from Francis the First, who sent him as such to Constantinople; Charles the Fi••th loudly disowned this Action, and carefully avoided alledging amongst the Excuses, wherewith he coloured it, the Birth of Rinco, which he would not have failed to insist on, had he believed that it was his Right to have recal∣led him as his Subject, and to have punished him as a Deserter, who had been condemned for Contuma∣cy in Spain. Don Iuan Ant••nio de Vera, to justifie this Action of the Governour of Milan, which the force of Truth makes him vindicate by halves, when he saith, Stran∣gers say so, and I am willing to be∣lieve it, because it was much of his Character: Porque ••ue obra muy ••uya. This Author, I say, complains of Iohn Bodin, who making mention of the Death of Rinco, cunningly dissembles, that this Ambassador was a Spaniard, that he might give a false Colour to this Action; adding, that if Bodin had spoken the who••e Truth, it was evident and undoubt∣ed, that Charles the Fifth might ju∣dicially condemn and punish Rinco with Death, seeing that he was his natural Sovereign, and that no sub∣sequent acquired Privilege could skreen him from the Punishment of his antecedent Treason. But this Reason doth not destroy those which I have alledged to the contrary. And the Example which Don Iuan Antonio brings of Ioab, whom Salo∣mon caused to be slain at the Horns of the Altar, which he laid hold on, is not parallel to our Case, seeing that Ioab was no Ambassador, as was Rinco; nor Rinco a wilful Murderer, as Ioab was, (1 King. 2.) To con∣clude, the Example of Ioshua, who would not ••ill the Gibeonites▪ al∣though they circumvented him in obtaining the League which they came to make with him, (Iosh. ch. 9.) may serve as a proper Answer to all the Reasons of this Spanish Lord. See his Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth, and the first Dialogue of his En••axador.
• 1 1.242

  When Mildness in a General is not sea••••ned with Severity, it cures Mut••••••••••s of nothing but of Fear; whereas they ought to have Terro•• struck into them, to reduce them to Obedience. The Instructions which Philip the Second gave in Writing to Don Iuan, his Brother, when he sent him to the War; ex∣presly recommended to him in all his publick Actions to observe a De∣••••••••m suitable to his Birth, and to his Office of General, in appe••ring grave with Sweetness, that he might be beloved; and modest with Au∣thority, that he might be respected. Cabrera's History, l. 7. c. 23.
• 2 1.243

  The first Thing which a Gene∣ral of an Army ought to do in a Sedition or a Revolt of Soldiers, is to put his Wife and Children in some place of Safety, for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 le••t the Mutineers, or the Rebels, sei∣zing on their Persons, so precious a Pledge might serve them as a Buck∣ler against him, and constrain him to grant them Demands prejudicial to his own Reputation, and to the Authority of the Prince who em∣ploys him. In a word, every Thing must be taken from Soldiers that may augment or ••oment their Vio∣lence.
• 3 1.244

  There is nothing which makes a Woman more couragious, than the ardent Love which she hath for her Husband. Dona Iuana Coel••o, the Wife of Anthony Perez, and Mary de Regelsb••rg, the Wife of the ••amous Hugo Grotius, are two great modern Examples: And when Hi∣story shall speak of the Disgrace of Mon••••eur the Surintendant Fou••••ue••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will not, it may be, forget to pa∣rallel his Wife with those two Fo∣reign Ladies.
• u 1.245

  These Boo••s were trimmed with Nails, and were worn only by the ••••••mon Soldiers. Wherefore, in Latin Authors, Miles Caligatus is 〈…〉〈…〉
• 1 1.246

  They who have the Manage∣ment of publick Affairs, ought to prefer their Country to their Wives and Children. Cari sunt parentes, (saith Cicero) cari liberi, propinqui, familiares, sed omnes omnium carita∣tes Patria una complexa est. Lib. 1. de Off. There is, in Maria••a's History, a famous Example of what Gover∣nors and publick Ministers owe to their Country, in preference to their own Children. The Infant Don Iuan, Brother of Sancho the Fourth, King of Castille, having besieged the Fortress of Tarifa, in which Don Alonso Perez de Gusman commanded, this General's only Son fell into the Hands of the Infant, the General of the Moors Army. The Besieged making a vigorous Defence, and the Infant beginning to lose all Hopes of taking the Place, he thought fit to expose to their Sight the young Perez, as a Victim to be slain, if they did not surrender. At this sad Spectacle, saith Mariana, the Father, without any Discomposure, prote∣sted, That if he had a thousand Sons, he would abandon them all, rather than stain his Honour, by surrendring the Place. And, to make good his Words, he threw over the Battlements of the Walls a Cuttle-Ax to the M••••rs, to make use of it against his Son, if their Design was such, and went away to Dinner. A little while after hearing the Out∣cries of the Soldiers, who saw their Master's Son executed before their Eyes, he ran at the Noise, and un∣derstanding what was the matter, he said with a Majestick Air, I thought that the Enemies had entred the Town; and returned to ••at with his Wife, without discovering so much as any Alteration in his Coun∣tenance. So well did this Lord (worthy to be compared with the greatest Men of Antiquity) know how to master the impe••uous Mo∣tions of Paternal Tenderness. From him are descended the Dukes of Me∣dina Sidonia▪ The History of Spain, l. 14. c. 16.
• 2 1.247

  These Words seem to contain •• Sense, from which we may infer, that German••cus did not refuse the Empire, but because it would have been dangerous to accept it, the other Armies and the other Provin∣ces being faithful to Tiberius.
• 3 1.248

  To a••••ront Persons who repre∣sent Kings, saith Cardinal d'Ossat, is to offend against the first Princi∣ples of the Policy, and Maintenance of Human Society. Letter 283.
• 4 1.249

  A seasonable Reproach given by a Prince, or a General of an Army, to People who have some Sense of Honour, or who begin to feel some Pricks of Repentance, is sufficient quickly to reduce them to their Duty, and to make them also more affectionate than ever to his Service. The Prisoners of the Ar∣my of the League of Smalkald im∣ploring the Mercy of Charles the Fifth, by calling him their Father: Such pa••ltry Fellows as you, said he, are no Children of mine; and added, (point∣ing to his Camp) It is these, of whom I am the true Father. Words which equally augmented the Shame of the Rebels, and the Love of the Sol∣diers of his Army, and were the cause, that most of the Cities, which took part with the League, returned to their Obedience; and that a cer∣tain Count, who thought his Re∣pentance was not equivalent to his Fault, kill'd himself with his Sword, to give an undoubted Testimony of his Fidelity. Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth, by Don Iuan de Vera.
• x 1.250

  Tradite nostra viris ignavi signa Quirites. Whilst Caesar was prepa∣ring for the War of Africa, whither Curio and Cat••, Sirnamed Uticensis, were retired; the Soldiers, who saw he stood in need of them, thought fit to demand their Dismission, not with a design to obtain it, but to oblige him▪ for fear of being left without an Army, to grant them whatsoever they pretended to. But he, without any Concern, discharged them from their Oath, and disbanded them with these Words of Contempt: Etenim▪ O Qui•• rites, laboribus & vulneribus exhausti estis; at which, they were so surpri∣zed, that they threw themselves at his Fe••••, to beg him to continue them in his Service. Dio, l. 42. He did an Action of like Resolution at the Bat∣tel of Munda, in the Kingdom of Granada, where seeing the Victory in∣clining to the Enemy's side, he alighted off his Horse, and cried out to his Soldiers, who gave Ground, That, as for himself, ••e would not give Ground an Inch; that they should consider well what they were about to do; what a General they aban••••••'d, and in what Necessity. Insomuch, that being spurr'd on by Shame, rather than by Honour, they rallied, and gain'd the Battel. Paterc••l. Hist. c. 55. It was in that Battel that he ••ought for his Life, whereas in others he ••ought but for the Victory.
• y 1.251

  After the Battel of Actiu••, Augustus having sent back most of the Veterans into Italy, without giving them any Rewards, these Soldiers being much discontented mutiny'd, whilst he was employ'd in Asia in observing the Steps of Mark 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ But after he was returned into Italy, his Pre∣sence brought such an Awe with it, that none durst stir. E••••ectum est, saith Dio, ut 〈…〉〈…〉 auderet. Lib. 51.
• 5 1.252

  The more illustrious Extraction a Person is of, the more the great Actions of his Ancestors give him confusion, if he doth not imitate them. As these Actions serve for Examples to others, they lay an in∣dispensible Obligation upon him, who hath their Blood in his Veins, to tread in their Steps. He who boasts of their great Deeds without imitating them, is so far from doing himself Honour, that he makes the Difference that is between them and him taken notice of. Amongst the R••mans, the Statues and Pictures of illustrious Persons were set up in the entrances of Houses, to put their Posterity in mind, that they had a great void Space to fill up, and that as many Images as they saw, would be so many Censors and Syndic••, which would brand them with In∣••amy, if they should degenerate. Boles••aus the Chast, Prince of Po∣land, wore a Gold Medal about his Neck, with his Father's Effigies en∣graved upon it, and every time he held a Council, or went upon an Expedition, he kissed it with Re∣spect, saying to his Father, as if he had been present, God forbid, that I should do any thing unworthy of your great Name.
• z 1.253

  He was as a Brigad••er in our Armies; for our Brigades of Foot much resemble the Roman Legions, and the Battalions, which compose them, their Cohorts, of which the Legions were composed. The Roman Cohorts consisted of betwixt 5 or 600 Men, when the Legion was well supplied▪ our Battalions are 800 Men. In every Legion, there were to Cohorts; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••very Brigade, there are always 5 or 6 Battalions.
• a 1.254

  That is to say, a Colonel.
• b 1.255

  Every one thought to merit his Pardon, by killing his Companion.
• c 1.256

  Ordo in ••••citus.
• d 1.257

  As much as to say, Vetera Castra, the old Camp.
• 1 1.258

  Soldiers cannot love Peace, be∣cause it confounds them with the Citizens, and subjects them to the Laws, from which they set them∣selves at liberty with Impunity in time of War. Militares artes per otium ignotae, industriosque ac igna∣vos pax in aequo tenet. Ann. 12. The Citizens, saith Sir W. Temple, pre∣tend to live in safety under the Pro∣tection of the Laws, which the Sol∣diers would subject to their Sword, and to their Will. Chap. of his Re∣marks on the United Provinces.
• e 1.259

  Fabius Maximus, whose Method was not to fight, slighted those en∣vious Persons, who in a Ieer called him The Temporiser, and Hannibal's Paedagogue, saying, That it was greater Cowardice to fear the Iudgments of the People, than to fear the Enemy. But all Captains (saith Livy, l. 4.) have not that strength of Mind which Fabius had, who would rather un∣justly suffer the diminution of his Authority, than do otherwise than what was his Duty, to gain the Approbation of the People. Seneca saith, That there is nothing more ridiculous, than a Man who stands in fear of what others will say of him. Nil s••ultius est homine verba metuente. Con∣tradiction, in stead of Sho••king, doth but fortifie and ••arden a resolved Mind.
• 1 1.260

  An able Prince ought not to take his Measures from what the People say, who always speak by a Passion. Non ex ru••••ore statuen∣dum. Ann. 3. It is a good Com∣mendation, which Tacitus gives Ti∣berius, that he was always a great Enemy to the Reports of the Town. Tiberium speruendis Rum••ribus vali∣dum. An. 3. So that Paterculus ought not to be suspected of Flattery, in saying, That he was an excellent Iudge of what he ought to do, and that he embraced not what the Mul∣titude did approve, but what they ought to approve: For, saith he, he was more concerned for his Duty, than for his Reputation; and the Army never directed the Counsels, and the Designs of the General, but the General always gave Laws to his Army. Ch. 113, & 115. Ami∣••ato saith, That Princes who dis∣qu••et themselves with the Iudgments of the People, fall into the same Error with those who scruple certain Things which are not sinful; for as the Scrupulous sin by the Opinion which they have of sinning, altho they have not sinn'd; so Princes, who are concerned to hear the Peo∣ple blame what they have done, or are doing with good Counsel, and thorough Information, shew that they have not acted upon certain Princi∣ples, but by false Prejudices. Disc. 7. of l. 3. A Baron of Chevreau, who served in Flanders under the Duke of Alva, perceiving that the Duke would not hazard a Battel, which the Officers judged convenient to fight, threw his Pistol in Anger on the Ground, saying,

  The Duke will never fight.

  To whom the Duke (who had heard him) an∣swered, That he was pleased to see the Desire which the Soldiers had to fight the Enemy, because their Profes∣sion required it; but that •• General ought to consider nothing but conquer∣ing. It is ordinary for Soldiers, (saith the Author who furnishes me with this Example) to desire to ••ight, to get Reputation by shewing their Courage; but the Repu••at••on of Generals depends upon knowing how to conquer without losing a Soldier, if it be possible; and, con∣sequently, not to fight, unless they are invited to it by the Necessity of relie••ing a Place, or by a most cer∣tain Advantage. Thus they ought never to comply with the Will of the Soldiers, if Reason doth not abso∣lutely require it; for a Captain hath never suffer'd himself to be prevail'd on by the Discourses and Importuni∣ties of his Army, but he hath been af∣terwards beaten by his Enemies. Ber∣nard. de Mendoza's Memoirs, l. 4. c. 11.
• 2 1.261

  The capital City of a King∣dom, according to Tacitus, is the Centre and Helm of Affairs, Caput Rerum, and consequently, the Prince's Presence is most necessary there, especially in the beginning of a Reign. If the Great Pompey had not left Rome, where he was the strongest, Caesar would have had a great Difficulty to have entred it. Philip the Second consulting in his Council, Whether he should go into Flanders, Don Iohn Manriqua de Lara said wisely, That the War being in a remote Country, the King ought not to leave the Heart of his King∣dom, whence issued out the Strength and the Preservation of all the other Parts. Gabrera's Philip the Second, l. 7. c. 7. In the Year 1591, the City of Saragossa having made an Insur∣rection against him about the Privi∣leges of the Tribunal, which they call El Iustitia, he would never go thither, although the People of Ma∣drid, and several even of the Gran∣dees aggravated the Danger; and when they had reported to him, what every one said of him on this Occasion, he answered, That it was not agreable to the Grandeur of the Monarchy, that the Prince, for a rebellious City, should quit that, whence he gave Motion to his whole Empire. Herrera's Se∣cond Part of his History, l. 7. c. 20. No Reason of State, nor of War, saith Cabrera, requires, that a King should hazard his Person, because neither Vigilance nor Fortune are sufficient Guarantees for the Safety of Princes, who ought not to ground their Deliberations on the Weakness of others, but upon their own Strength: l. 12. c. 29. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera saith on the contra∣ry, That Charles the Fifth had ne∣ver found a more effectual Remedy against Seditions and Insurrections▪ than to go thither in Person; and that those who are of the other Opi∣nion, upon the Maxim of Tiberius, don't consider the Difference that there is betwixt a Monarchy and a Commonwealth; [i. e. What is safe for a Commonwealth, is pernicious to a Monarchy.] Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth.
• f 1.262

  Through the Cities of Newport and Tergesta, now Triest, which ••or∣der on Pannonia. Italiam (saith P••terculus) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sibi Nauporti ac Ter∣ge••tis confinio. Hist. 2. c. 120.
• 3 1.263

  A Prince, who knows he is hated by his People, can never com∣mit a greater Error, than in leaving his capital City; for if that once come to shake off the Yoke in his Absence, he immediately loses his whole State. The Complaints, which Tacitus saith, that the whole City of Rome made against Tiberius, suffi∣ciently shew, how much his Pre∣••ence there was a Burden to the Se∣nate and to the People, and conse∣quently, he did very wisely not to remove thence. If Henry Duke of Guise, who hath so highly extoll'd his Capacity in the Memoirs which he hath left us of his Government of Naples, had read Tacitus, perhaps he would not have been guilty of the Folly of going out of this City to give a Meeting to a Lady, who sold him to the Spaniards.
• g 1.264

  Philip the Second, King of Spain, used the same Artifice, sending word to Margaret of Parma, Governess of the Low-Countries, that every thing was ready for his Voyage, and that nothing retarded him but a Tertian Ague, and for which also, he would not stay till he was cured, although he was ready to die of it. Strada, dec. 1. l. 5. He communi∣cated the same Advice to all Princes, and demanded a Passport of the King of France, and Counsel of the Duke of Savoy what Road was best to take. The whole Sixth Book of Strada's History is full of these Feints, and Pre∣tences which Philip made use of to ••lude his own Promises, and the En∣tr••aties of the Governess, and his other Ministers. But there was this dif∣f••re••ce betwixt him and Tiberius, that this Emperour sent his Sons to his revolted Armies, and that Philip feared nothing more, than to hear any Discourse of sending his Son Don Carlos into Flanders, and repented much that he had sent thither Don Iohn of Austria, his Natural Brother.
• h 1.265

  Tacitus saith, Aquili••eris signiferisque, i. e. the Ensign-Colonels, who carried the Eagles of their Legions; and the Ensigns of the Cohorts▪ who carried Wolves, Vultures, Lions, Dragons, Centaurs, Minotaurs, and other Figures in Relief, of Copper, Cast Brass, or Silver.
• i 1.266

  There happen'd in my Time a like Adventure at Venice betwixt the S••iri and the Guards appointed for Entries, who having been condemned to Banishment for having shot with their Carbines at the French Ambassa∣dor's Watermen, endeavoured to kill one another, that they might obtain their Pardon by bringing the Heads of their Companions.
• k 1.267

  I•• the Territories of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• l 1.268

  The Romans had conceived a most deep Resentment against the Marsi, because they had contributed, more than all the rest, to the Defeat of Var••s, who with his Legions was also buried amongst them, in the Forest of Teu••∣berg.
• m 1.269

  This was the most magnificent Temple of all Germany, dedicated to the Origine of Things, which could be no other than the Supreme Being.
• n 1.270

  People between the Ems and the Rhine, Neighbours of Friseland.
• o 1.271

  People of Westphalia,, on the River Ems.
• p 1.272

  People, who inhabited along the Lippe. The Tubantes, and the Marsi, are now the Country of Cl••ves and Guel••reland.
• 1 1.273

  Such is the nature of Envy, 〈…〉〈…〉 of Actions which deserve 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Reward, it contrives the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Authors; so that great Captains, and great Men, always run the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of being blamed and 〈…〉〈…〉 dan∣gerous Ambition on occasion of good Ones. Don Carlos Coloma, whose Reflection this is, saith▪ That the Duke of Guise having gained the Battel of Aunea•• in Beausse a∣gainst the Reitres and the Suisse, who were sent as Succours to the Hugue∣••ots, Henry the Third pretended to be glad of this good Success, but by what followed, it was evident that it was not what he desired. L. 1. of his History of the Wars of Flanders. The Cardinal Maz••••in rejoyced, that Monsieur the Prince had opened the Way for his return to Paris, upon which depended his Establishment ••n France; but his Ioy was allay'd with jealousie of the great Actions of this Prince, to whom he offered the Command of the Army in Fla••∣ders, to remove so dangerous a Ri∣val from Court. Memoirs of M. de la Rochef.
• 2 1.274

  The Largesses which are given to the Soldiers, by a General who is hated by the Prince, and who hath Pretensions to the Crown, pass for so many Corruptions, and, by con∣sequence, for so many Crimes; and, particularly, when the General hath a great Military Reputation. The Enemies of the Duke of Guise, (saith Coloma, ibid.) said, That the man∣ner after which he had made the War, and the Money which he dis∣persed into all Hands, (which was not the Custom of the French) suf∣ficiently shew'd whence his Money came, and what were the Designs of him who sent it him; that he could never take a better Pretext, than that of Religion, to mount the Throne by the assistance of the King of Spain; that Hugh Capel ascended it, although his Right was less than that of the House of Guise, only because the Command of the Army was left to him; that Henry the Third nourished Vipers in his Bosom; that if he any longer deferred the Remedy of the Evils which threatned him, he would see his Fault, when it was too late. It is worth observing by the way, that Coloma himself believed, that the Duke of Guise had sold himself to the King of Spain, when he saith, That the Commander Iohn Mor••o, who managed the Money which Philip the Second dist••ibuted in France, so entirely gained this Duke, that he became wholly Spanish. L. 3. of the same History.
• q 1.275

  It was his Desire, that they should believe that he exceeded in the Praises of Germanicus, thereby to lessen all the great Things which he had said of him. Pess••mum inimicorum genus laudantes.
• r 1.276

  Iulia (saith Paterculus) utterly forgetting that she was Augustus's Daughter, and Tiberius's Wife, gave herself up to all manner of Debau∣cheries which a Woman was capable of, how shameful and infamous so∣ever. She measured the Greatness of her Fortune by Licentiousness and Impunity. Her Adulterers were Iulius Antonius, the Son of Mark Anthony, and Husband of Marcella, Aug••stus's Niece; Quintius Crispinus, Appius Claudius, Sempro••ius Gracchus, and Scipio, besides some others of less Qua∣lity. Hist. 2. c. 100. She had four Children by Agrippa her second Husband, three Sons, and one Daughter, who inherited her Name and her Manners. Sueton saith, That when she was the Wife of Marc••llus, she had a great Pas∣sion for Tiberius; as it is the way of Co••ue••s, and lewd Women, always to love another better than their own Husband. Seneca saith, That Augustus perceiving too late the Error he had committed in publishing the Infamy of his Daughter by banishing her, said with Grief, That all this would not ha••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him, i•• Agrippa or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had been alive.
• s 1.277

  Now Pianosa, in the Bay of Po••zzoli.
• 1 1.278

  Unequal Marriages are almost always unfortunate, especially those of Gentlemen with Princesses of the Royal Blood. For commonly these Princesses will make up this Inequa∣lity at the Expence of the Honour, or the Estate, of their Husbands: And it is of them, that it is truly said, That Majesty and Love never dwell together. Add hereto, that the infinite Respect which they exact upon the account of their Rank, is insupportable to Husbands, who have reason to be highly displeased at Irregularities, which they dare not take notice of. We ought there∣fore to observe the Precept of the Wise Man of Greece, who advi∣ses not to marry a Wife of too great Riches, or too high a Birth, for fear of having a Master in stead of a Companion; or, as an old Poet said wittily, for fear of meeting with a Husband in stead of a Wife.
• 2 1.279

  Men are never throughly known till their Deaths▪ All the Stains of a Voluptuous and Irregu∣lar Life, are effaced by a Generous Death. The Count de Chalais did himself as great Honour by his Death, at which he called upon God to the Twentieth Stroke, of the Thirty six that he received from the Executioner's Hand, (an extraor∣dinary Thing) as the Disorders of his Life, and his Conspiracy against the King, had dishonoured him. Letters of the 19th of August, 1626. Tome I. of the Memoirs of Cardinal Richelieu. Don Rodrigo Calderon, the Favourite of Philip the Third, King of Spain, by the Heroick Con∣stancy of his Death, turned the Hatred under which he lay, into Esteem and Compassion. Savadra, Empr. 33. Un bel morir (saith Pe∣trarch) tutta la vita honora.
• 3 1.280

  How desirous soever Princes are to throw upon others the Hatred of the violent Resolutions, which are executed against Great Men, they are always believed to be the Authors thereof, when they let those Persons go unpunished, who have put them in execution. After that Peter the Cruel had secretly put to Death Iohn Nugnez de Prado, Grand Master of Calatrava, this King (saith Mariana) expressed Grief for it, to avoid the Hatred and the Insamy which would be up∣on him by the unjust Death of a Lord, whose greatest Crime was his Friendship with a disgrac'd Favou∣rite▪ But when he made no inquiry▪ and consequently inflicted no Punish∣ment for so horrid a Fact, the whole Kingdom believed, that what all P••••ple before suspected of the King, was a Truth, which admitted of no Doubt. History of Spain, lib. 16. cap. 18.
• t 1.281

  These Priests or Knights were instituted, in Romulus's Reign, after th•• Union of the Sabines with the Romans, who received the Sabines as Fellow-Citizens and Companions, whom the Day before they had Enemies; as Tacitus saith, Eodem die hostes, dein cives habuerit. Ann. 11. This Tatius was King of the Sabines, and was admitted a Partner in the Sovereignty of Rome by Romulus, who gave him the Capitol and the Quirinal-Hill for his Habitation. But his Death, which happen'd a little time after, reunited the Regal Power in the Person of Romulus, who thereby remained King of the Romans and of the Sabines.
• 1 1.282

  The Orders of Knighthood are not esteemed▪ otherwise than they are confined to a small Number of Knights. This small Number ought also to consist of Persons illustrious for their Birth, or for their Merit; for otherwise the Great Men look on themselves to be disgraced in being associated with them, and, conse∣quently, the Prince deprives himself of an easie way of rewarding them. Tacitus saith, That the Generals of the Army perceiving that the Senate of Rome granted the Triumphal Or∣naments for the least Exploits in War, believed, that it would be more Honourable for them to pre∣serve the Peace, than to renew the War, which would equal to them∣selves all those, to whom the Prince's Favour should procure a Triumph to be decreed. Ann. 13. In Portu∣gal, it was pleasant to behold the Taylor and the Shoemaker of King Alphonso the Sixth to wear the Ha∣bit of Christ, although in truth they were as worthy of it, as most of those, to whom the Count of Castel∣melhor sold it.
• u 1.283

  Cabrera well observes, that the Spectacles and the publick Games were the Cause, that the People of Rome, who were before contented to obey the Magistrates and the Laws, thought fit to desire to have a Share in the Government. For taking upon themselves licentiously to Applaud what gave them the greatest Pleasure, as if they had been capable of Iudging prudently, they began to perceive, that the Players set a great Value on their Approbation, and that their Favour gave them Reputation. So that after they knew the Power which they had in the publick Feasts, they came to slight the Nobles and the Magistrates, and afterwards to create Tribunes, Aediles, and Quaestors. At last they introduced the Plebeians into the Con∣sulship and the Dictatorship, and made them thereby equal to the Patri∣cians. L. 10. c. 22. of his History. So that we have no Reason to wonder, if Tiberius, who was so well skilled in the Arts of Government, had an Aversion to Spectacles, and all popular Concourses.
• 2 1.284

  As there are certain Days in the Year, which the Fathers of Fa∣milies spend in Rejoycings with their Children, it is very reasonable, that there should be also some, on which the Prince should live as in a Fami∣ly with his People. Tacitus saith, That Nero, who was otherwise a very bad Prince, made Feasts in the publick Places, and shewed himself through the whole City, as if all the City had been his Ho••se. Ann. 15. Wise Princes, saith Cabrera, assist at the publick Plays, to gain the Affection of their Subjects, and these Plays, or Spectacles, are assigned to certain Days, to mitigate the ordi∣nary Discontents of the People by Diversions, which deceive their Trou∣ble. Cap. 1. lib. 9. of his History. Commines saith, That Princes, who divide their Time according to their Age, sometimes in serious Matters and in Council, at other times in Feasts and Pleasures, are to be com∣mended, and the Subjects are happy who have such a Prince. His Me∣moirs, l. 6. c. 4.
• x 1.285

  Strada saith, That Octavius Farnese, Duke of Parma, and Son-in-Law to Charles the Fi••th, was a great Observer of this Maxim, and thereby was as much beloved by the People, as any Prince of his Time. Laxamentis popularibus ipse se privato non absimilem immiscebat, effecitque, ut inter prin∣cipes ea tempestate populorum studiis ac benevolentia claros meritò haberetur. Lib. 9. dec. 1. Burnet saith, That Elizabeth, Queen of England, was a per∣fect Mistress of th•• Art of insinuating herself into the Hearts of the Peo∣ple; and although she was suspected of being too much a Comedian, she succeeded notwithstanding in her Designs, and made herself more beloved by her. People, by little Complaisances and Affectations to shew herself, and to regard the People as she passed the Streets, than many Princes have done by scattering Favours with both Hands. History of the Reformati••n, p. 2. l. 3.
• 3 1.286

  A Prince, upon his coming to the Throne, ought to make no alte∣ration in Things, which he finds to have been of long Establishment, the People parting with old Cu∣stoms with great diffi••ulty. If the Memory of his Predecessor is dear to the People, he ought to conform himself to his manner of Govern∣ment, at least until his Authority be well established. He must lead the People through long Turnings, and do it so, that they may go where he would have them, without perceiving whither they are going. Lewis the Eleventh had like to have lost all, by desiring to undo all that his Father had done. When he came to the Grown, (saith Commines) he disappointed the best and most eminent Knights, who had faithfully served his Father in the recovery and settling of the Kingdom. But he oftentimes repented afterwards that he had treated them so, by acknowledging his Error, for thence sprang the War called The Publick Good, which was like to have taken from him his Crown. C. 3. of l. 1. and c. 11. of l. 6. of his Memoirs. When he died, he there∣fore advised his Son not to do as he had done. Elizabeth Queen of Eng∣land, at her coming to the Crown, acted directly contrary to Lewis the Eleventh, for she employed most of the Ministers of her Sister Queen Mary, by whom she had been ill Treated; and although in her Heart she was already entirely a Prote∣stant, she was notwithstanding Crowned by a Bishop of the Church of Rome, and ordered Karn, who was Mary's Ambassador at Rome, to make her Compliments to the Pope. Burnet's History, Part 2. l. 3. Ma∣riana saith, That Emanuel, King of Portugal, made some difficulty to recall the Duke of Braganza's Bro∣ther and Children, who were in Exile, that he might not in the be∣ginning of his Reign shew, that he had a Design to change what Iohn the Second, his Predecessor, had done; and that he might not make them his Enemies, to whom Iohn had gi∣ven their confiscated Estates. Ch. 13. of his History.
• 1 1.287

  The good Opinion which most Great Men have of their Ability, or of their Strength, makes them often neglect to search the bottom of the Cabals and Conspiracies which are formed against them. I never (saith Commines) knew a Prince, who was able to know the difference betwixt Men, until he came into Necessity, and into Trouble. They who act in Fear, provide well against Con∣tingencies, and oftner succeed, than those who proceed with Pride. For which Reason, 'tis no Shame to be Suspicious, but it is a great Shame to be deceived, and to be ruined by Negligence. C. 12. of l. 1. the 4th of the 2d. and the 5th of the 3 d. About the middle of the last Age, there happened a Revolution at Sienna, which serves for a Lesson to Gover∣nours. A Spark of this general Conspiracy against the Emperour, saith Iohn Ant. de Vera, flew from the Kingdom of Naples to Sien••a, where Don Diego de Mendosa then commanded; but this Spark entred so subtilly, that although Don Diego had Notice given him of it, he yet found somewhat in the outward Carriage of the People wherewith to flatter his Incredulity, which in the end cost him very dear; for the People of Sienna coming to cry out Liberty, drove the Spaniards and the Florentines out of their City, and received a French Garison in their stead. Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth. And this was the cause that Don Diego, who had been so great a Man in his Youth, was not employed in his old Age, so that his riper Years paid for the Faults of his younger. Thus Le Dom Bal∣tazar de Suninga speaks of him in the Extract of his Life, which he hath prefixed to his History of the Wars of Grenada, in which he hath very much imitated the Stile of Ta∣citus.
• 2 1.288

  This is what all Governours ought to do, upon Notice given them of Conspiracies which are a form∣ing against the Prince and the State; immediately to secure (saith a Poli∣tician) the Persons suspected, and the Places which they command, that they may afterwards at leisure inform themselves what there is in it, and finding them guilty, punish them according to the Exigence of the Case. For, in such Occurrences, Incredulity is perilous; all Delays are dangerous; the least Iealousie is reputed a Crime; and the slightest suspicious; make room for Iustice to take place, which cannot be too rigorous; Rigour in such a case pas∣sing for Clemency, and Favour for Rigour. Thus Princes and Mini∣sters of State, in Treasonable Pra∣ctices, ought in the first place to take the Buckler of Resolution, and afterwards to unsheath the Sword of Iustice, either against the Heads only of the Conspiracy, for Exam∣ple, or against all that are engaged in it, for the Offence. In the Me∣moirs of Montresor. The Cardinal de Richelieu▪ strongly maintains this Maxim: In the course of ordinary Affairs, (saith he) Iustice requires an authentick Proof, but it is not the same, in those which concern the State. For in such a case, that which appears by pressing Conjectures, ought sometimes to be held to be sufficiently proved; because Conspi∣racies, which are formed against the publick Safety, are commonly ma∣naged with so much Cunning and Secrecy, that there is never any evi∣dent Proof thereof, but by their Event, which admits of no Reme∣dy. In these cases, we must some∣times begin with the Execution, whereas in all others, legal Evidence by Witnesses, or undeniable Papers, is preferable to all other Ways. Pol. Test. p. 2. c. 5.
• 3 1.289

  The Power of the Destinies, saith Paterculus, is not to be sur∣mounted, when they will destroy any one, they pervert his Counsels, and take away his Iudgment. Ch. 57. and 118. Commines saith, When God is so highly offended, that he will no longer endure a Person, but will shew his Power and his Divine Iustice; then he first diminishes the Understanding [of Princes], so that they shun the Counsel of the Wise, &c. Cap. ult. of l. 5. of his Memoirs. Ierom Moron, Chancellor of Millain, was esteemed the greatest Politician that was in Italy, and yet he fell into the Nets of the Marquis of Pesquera, whom all his Friends advised him to beware of, as of a Man, who would infal∣libly sacrifice him to Charles the Fifth. A Thing which appeared so much the stranger to me, saith Gui∣chardin, because I remember, that Moron often told me in the time of Leo the Tenth, That there was not a worse, nor a more perfidious Man in Italy, than the Marquis of Pes∣quera. His History, l. 6.
• 4 1.290

  It is no small Question amongst Politicians and Soldiers, Whether it is better for a General of an Army to have great Courage with a mo∣derate Understanding, or a great Understanding with moderate Cou∣rage. The Cardinal de Richelieu gives the Preference to great Cou∣rage, and afterwards adds: This Proposition will appear, it may be, surprising, it being contrary to what many have thought of this matter; but the Reason of it is evident. Men of great Courage are not put into a Consternation by danger: and con∣sequently all the Understanding and Iudgment, which God hath given them, is serviceable to them on such Occasions: On the contrary, Men of little Courage being easily put into a Consternation, find them∣selves so disordered at the least Dan∣ger, that how great an Understand∣ing soever they have, it is utterly unserviceable to them, because their Fear deprives them of the Use of it. As a General of an Army should not have Courage that is void of Iudgment; so neither ought he to have too much Flegm, or too much Speculation; because it is to be feared, that the foresight of many Inconveniencies which may happen, but which do not, may hinder him from attempting Things which would succeed in the Hands of others, who are less Speculative▪ and more Daring. Politcical Test. par. 2. sect. 4. c. 9.
• a 1.291

  This young Man, saith Paterculus, was of a robust Constitution, had a quick Apprehension, and a delicate and penetrating Wit, beyond what is to be imagined of a Barbarian. Considering, that nothing is more easie than to destroy those who fear nothing, and that overmuch Confidence is the most ordinary cause of great Misfortunes, he communicates his Design at first to very few People, but afterwards to many more: And this Reso∣lution was so immediately followed with the Execution of it, that Varus having neglected the first Advice of Segestes, had not time to receive a se∣cond from him: ch. 118. Charles, Duke of Burgundy, committed the same Error that Varus did, and perished like him, by refusing to give Au∣dience to a Country Gentleman named Cifron, who came to discover to him the Treason of the Count de Campobasso; and by not crediting the In∣telligence which Lewis the Eleventh sent him by the Lord de Contay, his Ambassador in France, that this Count was selling his Life. Whereby you see, saith Commines, that God infatuated him on this occasion, Memoirs, l. 4. ••▪ ult. & l. 3. c. 6, & ••.
• 5 1.292

  As Princes seldom marry but by Interest, not for Love, Alliance is so far from being a Band of Friend∣ship betwixt them, that it opens a Gap to new Pretensions, which grow into Quarrels, and afterwards into Wars. The last Duke of Burgundy hated Edward King of England, and the whole House of York, against which he assisted the House of Lan∣caster, whence came his Grandmo∣ther by the Mother's side; and yet at last he married Margaret, Sister to Edward, only to strengthen him∣self against King Lewis the Ele∣venth. But as this Alliance was not made but by State-Interest, and that both of them might gain their Ends, the Duke notwithstanding hated Edward, on whom he made biting Iests; and Edward offer'd Lewis to joyn with him, and to bear part of the Charges, if he would continue the War against the Duke. Com∣mines, l. 1. c. 5. l. 3. c. 4. l. 4. c. 8▪ & 11. of his Memoirs.
• b 1.293

  Now the Eder.
• c 1.294

  Now Marpurg, the Capital City of Hesse.
• d 1.295

  The People of Brunswick, and of Thuring▪
• 1 1.296

  As there is nothing subject to greater Iealousie, nor more diffi∣cult to preserve amongst power••ul Neighbours than Liberty, they who advise War, appear to have a greater Affection for their Country, than those who advise Peace, and consequently have more Credit a∣mongst their Fellow-Citizens. It was by this Method that Maurice▪ Prince of Orange, who looked on the Treaty of 1609. as the Ruine of his Authority in Holland, where he aimed at the Sovereignty, found means to destroy Iohn Barnevelt, who had been the principal Promoter of this Treaty, by perswading the Peo∣ple by Pamphlets, that this great Man was corrupted by the Spanish Gold, and held Intelligence with this King, for the reduction of the Uni∣ted Provinces to his Obedience.
• 2 1.297

  When a Subject is conscious that he is guilty of T••eason, he ought not to trust to the Prince's Clemency, if he hath not good Se∣curity of it. If my Mother was my Iudge, said Alcibiades, I would not trust her; with much greater Reason, they who have the Prince for Iudge and Party, ought to take good Se∣curity before they surrender them∣selves into his Hands. The Cardi∣nal Alphonso Petrucci was no sooner come to Rome but Leo the Tenth caused him to be arrested, and af∣terwards strangled in Prison, altho he came thither under the Security of the Pope's safe Conduct, where∣of the Spa••ish Ambassador was Gua∣rantee. The Landgrave of Hesse was cheated by the Confidence he reposed in Charles the Fifth, with whom he had two Electors, and se∣veral other Princes of the Empire, for Intercessors.
• e 1.298

  These were peculiar Ornaments of the Priests.
• 3 1.299

  Sometimes Princes, who value themselves upon Gratitude, pardon the Children in consideration of Ser∣vices don•• by the Fathers, or by the Ancestors. Charles the Fifth par∣don'd Don Pedro Laso, (who brought him the Message from the Rebels of Tol••do,) because he was the Son of a Gentleman, whose Memory was dear to him. Philip II. perceiving, whilst he was consulting about an Affair with Mat. Vasquez, his Secre∣tary of State, that a certain Gentle∣man of his Chamber observed them both with some Curiosity:

  Go tell that Man, said he, That if I do not take off his Head, he is be∣holden for it to his Uncle Seba∣stian de Santoio, who gave him to me.

  Cabrera's History, l. 12. c. 3.
• 4 1.300

  It was much more glorious for Thusnelda to espouse the Interest of Arminius, who was the Deliverer of Germany, than that of Segestes, who was a Traitor to it. Traitors have this Misfortune, That they are of∣tentimes hated and contemned by their own Children.
• 1 1.301

  He obliquely repro••ched the Infidelity of Arminius, his Rival, who having been formerly in the Service of the Romans, had obtained, as well as himself, the Privileges of a Citizen, and the Quality of a Ro∣man Knight. Assiduus militiae nostrae prioris comes, & civitatis Romanae jus, eque••••remque consecutus gradum▪ s••gnitia ducis inoccasionem sceleris usus est. Paterc. Hist. 2. c. 118.
• f 1.302

  Philip of Macedon being asked, whom he hated or loved most: I love those very much, saith he, who will be Traitors to serve me, but I as much hate those who have been so. The Count de Campobache, saith Commines, made an Offer to the King, (Lewis XI.) by a Physician, called Mr. Simon of Pavia, that if he would perform some Things which he demanded, viz. the Payment of 400 Lances, 20000 Crowns in ready Money, and a good County, he engaged to deliver the Duke of Burgundy into his Hands, or to kill him. The King had this Man's Wickedness in great Abhorrence, and acquainted the Duke of Burgundy with the whole Matter. Memoirs, l. 4. c. ult. & l. 5. c. 6. Upon the Count de Campobach's Arrival to the Duke of Lorrain, to whom he had sacrificed his Master the Duke of Burgundy, the Germans gave him to under∣stand, that he should retire, and that they would have no Traitors amongst them. L. 5. c. 8. I ought not to pass over in Silence the Praises which are due to Elizabeth of England, for the handsom Answer which she made to to that Graves••on, who gave her an Account of a ••reacherous Act done to the Spaniards at Berg-op-zoom. After ••aving gived him a Thousand Crowns for his Pains, and his Voyage; Return home, said she, and if I should ever 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in need of a Man, who knows how to be a Traitor in perfection, I wi•••• make use of you. Colomma, l. 1. of his History of the Wars of Flan∣ders.
• 2 1.303

  Traitors never want Pretexts to colour over their Treason, nor specious Reasons to defend it. All their Remonstrances are full of those, which Tacitus puts in the Mouth of S••gestes. There is scarc•• any Cause so bad, which a good Advocate can't colour over.
• 3 1.304

  It is common with great Men to revenge their private Quarrel under the Name of the publick Quarrel. Seg••stes accused Arminius to Varus, as a Man who hated the Romans, and who rendred their Al∣liance suspected to the Germans: The Accusation was true, and the Defeat of Varus's Legions confirmed it; but the Motive of this Accusa∣tion, the Merit of which he so ex∣tols to Germanicus, was not so much an Effect of his Love and his Con∣cern for the Romans, as an Effect of the Hatred which he bore to the Ravisher of his Daughter, and of the Iealousie which he had to see Arminius more Powerful and more Esteemed than himself in his Coun∣try. Thus we may apply to Sege∣stes what Paterculus ••aith of the Consul Opimius, That he sacrificed the Son of the Consul Fulvius Flac∣cus (who besides his tender Age was innocent) to the Hatred that he had born to his Father, rather than to the publick Vengeance. Visa ultio pri∣vato odio magis, quam publicae vin∣dictae data. Hist. l. 2. c. 7.
• 4 1.305

  Irresolution is the greatest Fault that can be in a General, or in any other Man who hath the Manage∣ment of publick Affairs. What Advan∣tage can be taken of Opportunities, where Execution is more necessary than Deliberation, by a Minister, who knows not what to resolve on, who fears every thing, and who is equally fruitful in Doubts, and bar∣ren in Expedients? Princes have but one good Remedy against Conspira∣cies, which is to prevent the Conspira∣tors; and all Princes, who have not done it, have been overtaken by them. In a word, Whether in War, or in Peace, Irresolution is the Ruine of Affairs, and oftentimes even worse than a bad Resolution; because there is sometimes a Remedy for this, whereas the other renders the least Evils incurable, or lets slip all Oc∣casions.
• 1 1.306

  It is fatal to great Men to be unfortunate Fathers, and to behold Fortune a Step-mother to their Chil∣dren. If Arminius espoused the In∣terest of his Father and Mother, as it is to be presumed, he could not expect better Treatment from the Romans than what they gave him, it being the Maxim of all Princes, to revenge upon the Children the Injuries which they have received from the Parents. It may be also observed here, that great Men are often punished by the same Evil•• which they have inflicted on others, Arminius had taken away from Se∣gestes, his Daughter, who was pro∣mis••d to another; and Germanicus, by a just ret••rn, took away from him h•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and his Son, whereby Seg••s•••••••••• doubly revenged. Com∣m•••••••••• makes m••ny Re••••••••••ions of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, kind, whereof this is the most Instructive. Although, said he, the Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had just cause to hare the Constable S. Pol, and to procure his Death, yet all the Rea∣sons that can be alledged in this Matter, cannot justifie what he did, in selling him to the King out of Covetousness, in order to have him put to Death, after he had given him a good and authentic•• Safe-conduct. And as this was at the first S••ege of Nancy, that he committed this Crime in dispatching the Order to deliver the Co••••table to the King's Men▪ God permitted, that at the second Siege of this City, he was betrayed by him in whom he put the greatest con••idence, and justly paid for his Per••••diousness to the Constable. His 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 5. c. 6.
• g 1.307

  Alphonso, King of Naples, said, That there was no succeeding in War but by Diligence and Diversion. Guiccardin's Hist. l. 1.
• h 1.308

  This River is now called Ems, whence the City of Embd••n takes its Name.
• i 1.309

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith, That in the Defeat of Varus's Legions, there were lost two Eagles, one White, and the other Black; that the White sell to the Auxi∣liar•• Sarmatians, and the other to the Germans; whence came the Arms of the Empire, which bears an Eagle Sable, in a Field Or; and of Poland which bears an Eagle A••gent, in a Field G••les. In his Chronicle.
• k 1.310

  The ••ippe.
• l 1.311

  The Field, in which Varus was slain with his Legions, is called at this 〈…〉〈…〉, i. e. in High-Dutch, the Field of Victory. Bernardin de Mendo∣•••••••• ••aith, That there remains also to this Day in the Bishoprick of Munster, a place called 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that is to say, the Borough of Varus, which was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the People of the Country, to preserve the Memory of the Defeat of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. His Memoirs of the Low-Country Wars, l. 3. c. 3.
• m 1.312

  T••citus saith, Fallacibus Campis. The same Mendoza saith, That 〈…〉〈…〉 are Lakes and Marshes of 30 Leagues extent, and make the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 almos•• a De••art▪ Ibid.
• n 1.313

  Principia was a void Place, where the Eagles and the Colours were set. As each Legion had its Eagle, it had also its Principium; so that by these three Principia, it was known that there had been three Legions.
• o 1.314

  That is to say, three Cohorts. For they rise from Cohort to Cohort, according to their Merit, or the time of their Service.
• p 1.315

  These Ditches served for Burying-places for Malefactors, whom they covered with the Earth soked with their Blood.
• q 1.316

  Don Diego de Mendoza hath finely imitated this whole Funeral De∣scription, in his History of the Wars of Grenada, l. 4. c. 9. in his relating the Circumstances of the Defeat and the Death of Don Alphonso d'Aquilar▪ Brother to him whom in Spain they call the Great Captain. Which I have taken notice of here for the sake of those, who love to read Works writ∣ten on the Model of T••••itus, whom Don Diego had much studi••d.
• 1 1.317

  When a great Man begins to displease the Prince, a sinister Inter∣pretation is put upon all his Actions. The Memoirs of Queen Margaret are full of Examples of this, and particularly the Second Book, in which are to be seen, all the Om∣brages that Henry the Third took at the least Actions of the Duke of A∣lenson, his Brother.
• 2 1.318

  Whereas Germanicus ought to have rouzed the Courage of his Sol∣diers, he ran the hazard of wholly sinking it, by letting them see that, which he should have carefully hid from them. The frightful Dream of Cecina, of which Tacitus speaks in one of the following Chapters, plainly shews the Effect, which this Spectacle was capable of produ∣cing in the Soldiers Imaginations▪ For,

  Somnia fallaci ludunt temeraria nocte, Et pavidas mentes falsa timere jubent. Tibul. Epigr. l. 3.

  So that although Tiberius was an∣gry to see the Care which Germani∣cus took to gain the Affections of the Soldiers, he had yet most just cause to blame a General, who let his Ar∣my see, just as they were going to fight, the Remains of the Butchery of the Roman Legions.
• r 1.319

  It is a Causeway, made upon Piles with a great deal of Sand, above a League long. The Hollanders have made a Fort, by which they pass as they go into Friseland.
• s 1.320

  Coriolanus said, That Victory took away Weariness.
• 1 1.321

  To be a great Man, it is ne∣nessary to have had the Trial of both Fortunes. He, that hath never had any but Good, knows but one side of Nature, and cannot be expert, because he hath had no occasion to exercise his Industry. He, that hath always lived in Adversity, and in Troubles, runs a great Hazard of being corrupted by Prosperity, which, according to Tacitus, hath sharper Goads than Misery. Secundae res acrioribus stimulis animum explorant, quia miseriae tolerantur, feli••itate cor∣••umpimur. H••st. 1. Which made one of the Ancients say, That he had rather Fortune should a••••ault him with Adversity, than cherish him with her Delicacies. It is ne∣cessary there••or••, that a Man em∣ployed in, or d••••igned for the Ad∣mini••tration of publick Affairs, should taste of good and bad For∣tune, that he may 〈◊〉〈◊〉 well a••quaint∣ed with its Strength. Anthony Pe∣rez, who had had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Share of Ad∣versity, said very judicially, That Nature hath two Carvers, which labour in polishing the Matter of Man, viz. Good, and bad Fortune; that one of them is employed in po∣lishing the coursest Pa••t, whilst the others cuts and chi••••ls that which is most excellent, to make a most ac∣complish'd Work thereof. In my Opinion, saith Commines, speaking of Lewis XI. the Hardships which he met with in his Youth, when he fled from his Father, were of great Advantage to him; for he was forced to please those whom he stood in need of; and this Good, which was not inconsiderable, he learned from Adversity. And in a∣nother place, I dare give him this Commendation, That I never knew a Man so wise in Adversity, nor who was more dextrous in winding him∣self out of Difficulties. Memoirs, l. 1. c. 10. l. 3. c. 12. Lastly, it hath been often observed, that of all Princes and Captains, those have proved the Bravest, and the most Able, who have had the least Share of good Fortune. And Don Iuan Antonio de Vera saith very judi∣ciou••••y, That when Caesar seeing himself taken with a furious Tem∣pest, said to his Pilot: Fear not, thou carriest Caesar, and his Fortune; He did not mean his good Fortune, but rather his invinc••••le Courage; because, in such a Danger, it is cer∣tain, that he relied less on his For∣tune, though that had never aban∣don'd him, than on his undaunted Spirit, and on his Experience, which he had acquired amidst the Labours, and the Haza••ds of War, which had never put him into any Consterna∣tion. His Enbax. Dial. 2. The Cardi∣nal a'Ostat speaking of Henry IV, I have observed, saith he, in the course of his Life▪ that of the ma∣ny cross and troublesom Events, which he hath had in Peace and in War, God hath drawn out Good and Prosperity for him. Lett••r 339.
• 1 1.322

  As we ought not to regard Dreams too much, so neither ought we wholly to slight them, espe∣cially when they nearly relate to the present State of Affairs, for the Contempt of them is the cause that we neglect to apply Remedies to those Evils, whereof they are the Fore-runners. There is a prudent Mean betwixt Superstition and In∣credulity, which commonly pro∣ceeds from Self Love, which al∣ways flatters us, rather than from a true Solidity of Spirit. The Queen Margaret makes a Reflection which is of great weight. Some (saith she) hold, That God doth in an especial manner protect the Great, and that to Minds, in which there shines some uncommon Excel∣lency, he gives by good Genius's some secret W••rnings of Accidents that are like to happen to them, either of Good or Evil, as to the Queen, my Mother, who the Night before the unfortunate Race dream'd, That she saw the late King, my Father, wounded in the Eye, as it happen'd; and a••ter she awaked, desired him several times not to run that Day ... Being dangerously sick at Metz, and having about her Bed the King Charles my Brother, my Sister, and my Brother of Lorraine, and many Ladies and Princesses, she cried out as if she had seen the Battel of Iar∣na••; See how they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 away, my Son hath the Victory! behold in this Lane the Prince of Conde dead! All that were there, believed that she raved: But the Night after, Monsieur de Losses bringing her the News of it, I knew it well enough, said she, did I not see it yesterday? Then they perceived, that it was not the ra∣ving of a Feaver, but a particular Notice, which God gives to illu∣strious and extraordinary Persons. And for my self, I own, that I was never near any signal Accident, ei∣ther Unfortunate or Prosperous, of which I had not some Advertise∣ment, either by Dream or other∣wise; and may well say this Vers••, Of my Good, or my Evil, My Mind is my Oracle. L. 1. of her Memoirs.
• t 1.323

  Two or three Months before the Death of Henry the Fourth, the Queen, his Wife, being in Bed with him, saw in a Dream a Man who stabb'd him to Death with a Knife. The News of his Death flew to Lisle in Flanders, to Antwerp, to Bois-le-Duc, and to Mastri••h, ten Days before it happen'd. For it often comes to pass, that the News precedes the Accident. On the Eve of his Death, as he a••••isted at the Coronation of the Queen, a Maid, named Iane Arnaud, seeing him, said to her Sisters, Behold a dead Man, who resembles the King, who are buried here! The Day that he was stain, seve∣ral Billets were thrown into his Chamber, which all gave him warning of his Fate. But he neglected all this as Caesar did, and perished like him▪ Homer saith, That as the Dreams of common People are to be slighted, be∣cause of the Weakness of their Brain; on the contrary, there ought to be a great Regard had to those of Persons who have the Management of State Affairs, because they arise from their Experience, and the continual Re∣flection, which they make upon the great Events of Civil Life. L. 2. of the Iliads. Cabrera saith, That Ioan of Austria, Mother of Sebastian King of Portugal, being with Child of him, thought that one Night she saw enter into her Chamber a great many Moors, clad in Habits of divers Colours. The first Presage of what was to besal this Prince at the Battel of Al••asar in A••rick. His Philip II. l. 11. c. 10.
• 2 1.324

  The greediness of Soldiers, who are commonly more intent upon Enriching themselves, than upon Fighting, is the cause that there is scare ever a compleat Victory. This is an Evil that seems to be without Remedy, seeing, that after so many Ages, the Prudence and Severity of Princes and Generals have not been able to put a stop to it.
• 3 1.325

  Reflections of this kind do Sol∣diers no good, because they serve only to abate their Courage; wit∣ness the false Alarm, spoken of in the following Chapter.
• 1 1.326

  When an Army hath been beat∣en, it is very subject to take false Alarms: And it is on these Occa∣sions, saith Xenophon, that a Gene∣ral is much perplex'd, for the more he encourages his Soldiers, the greater they imagin is the Dan∣ger. Quanto magis j••beat illos bo no esse animo, tanto existimabunt in majore se esse discrimine. Lib. 5. Cyropaed.
• u 1.327

  The Camp, which was always of a square Figure, had four Gates, the greatest of which was called the Decumane, and served for a Postern▪ through which the Soldiers passed, who were carried to Punishment. It was opposite to the Praetorian, so called from the Praetorium, or the Gene∣ral's Tent, which always stood towards the Enemy. The other two Gate••, which were on the two Sides, were called Principales.
• 2 1.328

  When Foresight and Counsel have preceded the Danger, Fear is easily overcome; but when Fear hath prevented Foresight and Coun∣sel, Advice and Exhortations will hardly find place.
• 3 1.329

  If it happens, saith On••sander, that a vain Terrour, or even a re••∣sonable Fear, hath seized the Spirits, it is then that a General ought to shew the Soldiers an assured Coun∣tenance, and u••shaken Courage. Stratag. cap. 13. There is nothing that more perplexes the Prudence of a General, than these kind of fals•• Alarms, in which the disorder'd Minds of an ignorant Multitude are not easily recovered o•• their Sur∣prise. I observe in the Memoirs of Commines, that a Squib which fell on a Window, where Charles of France, the Duke of Berry, and Charles Count of Charolois, were talking together, was like to have confounded and disorder'd all the Princes and Lords who were in League against Lewis the Eleventh, if Mr. Iohn Boutefe••, who threw it, had not come and declared that it was he, and had not thrown three or four more in their Presence, to take away the Suspicion which they had of one another. L. 1. c. 5.
• x 1.330

  Don Iuan Antonio de Vera relates an Action exactly like this done by Fredrique Enriquez, Admiral of Castille, at the Battel sought betwixt the French and the Spaniards near Pampelune. In the Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth.
• y 1.331

  Tacitus calls this place Prin••ipia.
• 1 1.332

  It is rare, for two Generals to agree well together in one and the same Army, especially when they are both Men of great Parts and Experience, as Arminius and his Uncle were. The Protestants, who were in League against Charles the Fifth, lost the Battel of Meissen, be∣cause Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxo∣ny, and Philip the Landgrave of Hesse, who commanded in conjun∣ction the Army of this League, were both too great Captains, and besides, of too different a Humour, to yield to one another. This Battel was fought the 24th of April, ann. 1547. The Turks had not failed of taking Malta, ann. 1565, if Piali, the Ge∣neral at Sea, would have held good Correspondence with Mustafa, the General at Land.
• 2 1.333

  Amongst barbarous People, the most violent and rashest Persons have always the greatest Credit, for Delays seem to them a sort of Sla∣very. Barbaris, quanto qui•• audacia promptus, tanto magis fidus. Ann. 1. Barbaris cunctatio servilis▪ statim exequi, regium vid••••ur. Ann. 6.
• z 1.334

  The Outworks of the Camp had three Things, viz. a Ditch, (Fossa;) a Rampart of Earth, (Agger;) and a Palisade all round made of great Stakes, (Vallum.)
• 3 1.335

  It seldom happens, that an Ar∣my which is commanded by two Generals comes off Victorious. The Roman Armies were almost always defeared by Hannibal, when he had to do with two Consuls; whereas he was always beaten, or, at least, hindred from being Victorious, when a Dictator was at the Head of the Roman Army. As long as the Com∣mand of the Army was divided be∣twixt Monsieur de T••renne, and the Ma••eschal de la Ferte-Senecterre, their Iealousie rendred the fairest Enter∣prizes abortive; but from the time that the former was got rid of his Companion, who put every thing to hazard, Fortune always ••avoured him.
• a 1.336

  In the Siege of Tournay, ann. 1581, Mary of Lalain, Princess of Epi∣noy, being not contented incessantly to exhort the Soldiers and the Burghers to a vigorous defence against the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards, she so valiantly exposed herself, that she had her Arm broken by the Shot of an Arquebuss, of which she died the Year following. Thus this Lady made good the Character which Commines gives of her Family. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Philip de Lalain, saith he, was of a Race, of which there have been few who have not been valiant, and have almost all died in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Prin∣ces in War. Memoirs, l. 1. c. 2. Ann. 1595, the Lady De B••••••gny, Wi••e of the Lord of Cambray, performed the D••••y of a Captain, and o•• a pri∣vate Soldier, in the defence of this Town again••t the Spaniards. Night and Day she went to visit the Sentin••••s, and to observe the Battery; ••he wrought on the Fortifications; she di••charged the Cannon; with her Pike in her Hand, she exposed hersel•• to all Dangers, and braved the Spaniaras, and would not hear of a Capitulation. Which might have succeeded, if her Husband had not been so odious to the City, over which he tyrannized without Pity. Herrera calls this Lady, another 〈◊〉〈◊〉, another V••rulana. Hist. part 3. l. 11. c. 16. & Don C••r••os Coloma, l. ••. of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wars of F••an∣ders.
• 1 1.337

  It is not one of the least Praises of a General, to take care of the ••ealth and Lives of his Soldiers. As there is nothing so Valuable as Life, so there is no Benefit, whereof Men have a more grateful Sense, than of it; especially Soldiers, who are ex∣posed to more Dangers, than all the rest of Mankind. The Spanish Com∣mentator on Commines saith, That the Soldiers set upon the Tomb of a certain Captain, who died at Mi∣lain, the Words of the Creed: Qui propter nos, & propter, nos••ram salu∣tem, descendit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inf••ros. The Spa∣niards, adds he, gave not this Praise to the Prince of Parma in Flanders; for whilst his Army was in want of every thing, he must not want Mules to ••etch Spaw-Waters for his Baths. Ch. 9. l. 6.
• 2 1.338

  In the Opinion of Livy, Civi∣lity and Liberality are never free in a great Fortune. The Prince can't look upon a great Man, who studies to gain the People's Affections, but as a Rival, who would steal from him the Hearts of his Subjects, that he may afterwards deprive him of their Obedience. Henry the Third, saith a Politick Spaniard, one Day ask'd his Confidents this Question: What doth the Duke of Guise do, thus to charm the People's Hearts? Sir, (said a cunning Courtier,) he gives with both Hands, and when it is not in his Power to grant what they desire, he supplies it with Words: Let them invite him to a Wedding, he goes; to a Funeral, he assists at it; to be Godfather to a Child, he accepts it. He is affable, caressing, and liberal; he carries it fair to all People, and speaks ill of none; in short, he reigns in their Hearts, as your Majesty doth in your Territories. Gracian's Heroes, ch. 12. Of all that Don P••dro Giron, Duke of Ossen, did to continue himself in he Viceroyship of Naples, and to hinder the Cardinal Gaspar Borgia from taking Possession of it, nothing rendred him more suspected, or ra∣ther more criminal, than what he did after the arrival of the Cardi∣nal to Prochira, an Isle near Naples. Having assembled the common Peo∣ple, he threw among them abun∣dance of Money, and when he had no more left, he pull'd off the Gold Buttons which he had on his Clothes, and a Girdle of Diamonds; and af∣ter that, by an extravagant Libera∣lity, he also threw his Hat and his Cloke to them, imploring the Assi∣stance of this Multitude against a Priest, who, he said, was not fit to govern a Kingdom, of which the Pope had a desire to possess himself. Conjuratio Ossuniana 1612, & 1620.
• 3 1.339

  Tiberius transgressed through Distrust and Iealousie, but Agrippi∣na through Imprudence; for she better remembred whence she de∣scended, and whose Wife she was, than whose Subject. The same Com∣mentator on Comminus saith, That Distrust is wont to take away the Iudgment of Women, but that on the contrary it gives Iudgment to Princes, and improves it; that it is a Passion that absolutely masters Ladies; whereas it is a Quality that is absolutely necessary to Kings. Witness Edward the Fourth, King of England, who, according to Com∣mines, was driven out of his King∣dom by the Earl of Warwick, be∣cause he always lived withou Suspi∣cion. Chap. 1. of the Commentary, let. E. and ch. 5. of l. 1. of the Me∣moirs.
• 4 1.340

  Great Services draw Calami∣ties on those who perform them, especially when they are Men, whose Birth, Courage, or Merit, gives Iea∣lousie to the Prince. The younger Pliny saith, That it is seldom seen, that a Prince loves those, to whom he believes himself most obliged; and, according to the Testimony of Commines, Lewis the Eleventh was of the same Opinion. The Reason of this is, because Men do that more heartily which comes purely from Free-will, than that which they are obliged to do by a Motive of Grati∣tude. Anthony Perez saith, That it fares with the great Obligations which a Prince hath to his Subject, as with those Fruit-Trees, whose Boughs are broken by being over∣laden; and that to have performed extrao••dinary Services to his King, is a sort of Obligation, which ruines the Favourite.
• 5 1.341

  There is nothing, which a Fa∣vourite, or a chief Minister, ought to take more Pains about, than throughly to know his Prince's Hu∣mour; for without this it is impos∣sible, that his Favour should last long, or that he should not fall a Victim to his Enemies. Cabrera saith, That the Prince of Eboli was not so great a Statesman as the Duke of Alva, his Rival; but withal, that he far better understood his Master's Humour. And it is to this Knowledge, that he attributes the good Fortune of this Prince, to keep the Favour of Philip the Second, to the last moment of his Life. He preserved it, saith he, because he kept him company without being troublesom to him, and without im∣portuning him when he was inclin'd to Solitude. He always bore him a great Respect, and this Respect al∣ways increas'd as his Favour, and the Obligations which he received. He discharged the Duties of his Place, without Artifice, and with∣out Constraint. He digested and prepared with care what he had to Negotiate, and spoke his Opinion with a natural Modesty, and heark∣ned with Attention to his Master's Answer, without ever dilating in impertinent Discourses. He spoke advantagiously of those whom the King loved, and, by a handsom and prudent Dissimulation, he seemed to understand no more, than what the King was willing to tell him. He kept every thing secret which the King said to him, and if others spoke of it, he was the last that did it himself. When he went to Court, he moderated his Train, and never clothed his Domesticks in richer Li∣veries than the King's; and when he reprimanded any one in the King's Name, he avoided speaking with Heat, and keeping a wise Mean, he inveighed against the Fault, and not against the Person. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 History, l. 7. c. 7. & l. 10. c. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Perez saith, That the Duke o•• Alv•• one Day speaking to him of this Favourite, expressed his Opi∣nion of him in these words: The Lord 〈…〉〈…〉, of whose Party you are so great a Favourer, is not one of the ablest Statesmen that we have had; but as for the Art of under∣standing the Nature of Kings, I acknowledge he hath been so great a Master, that how great soever all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that are here are, we meet with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where we think to have the 〈…〉〈…〉 a Letter to a great Favou∣••••••. The Result of all which is, 〈…〉〈…〉, or a Minister, who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 only beloved by his Prince, is bet∣t•••• establish'd, than he, who is high∣ly esteem'd by him.
• 6 1.342

  A prudent Minister, and who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Reputation of his Prince, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to avoid nothing more, than 〈…〉〈…〉 Disquiets, and his Iea∣••••••••••▪ This is so dangerous a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Princes, and carries them 〈…〉〈…〉 troublesome Resolutions, and oftentimes so unjust, that there 〈…〉〈…〉 Care taken, to calm the Agitation of their Minds. Happy are the Kings, who have Ministers of such a Temper, as was Don Antonio de Toledo, Grand Prior of Leon, who having received an Order to bring a Cassette, in which were the Letters and secret Papers of Don Carlos, tore all those, which might prejudice this young Prince, and his Friends, before he put them into the Hands of Philip the Second. Cabrera's History, l. 7. c. 22.
• 7 1.343

  When Princes dissemble their Resentment, it is a sign that they are meditating a cruel Revenge. The Constable of St. Pol, who had so much Wit, was so weak as to believe Lewis the Eleventh reconci∣led to him after the Interview at Noion; for if the Hatred was so great before, it was still greater on the King's side, who was ashamed that he had spoken with his Ser∣vant, with a Bar betwixt them. Commines's Memoirs, l. 5. c. 11, & 12.
• 1 1.344

  According to Onosander, Gene∣rals of Armies ought to unde••stand Astronomy. ••nerrantium per noctem supra terras siderum Imperatori peri∣tiam aliquam in••sse oportet. Strate∣giei, c. 39. And Polybius, as great a Politician as an Historian, saith, That a General of an Army cannot take just Measures neither by Sea nor Land, if he doth not well un∣derstand the Summer Solstice, and the Equinoxes. Debet perspicue cog∣noscere solstitium aestivale & aequi∣noctias, & intermedias dierum & noctium tam auctiones, quam diminu∣tiones; sic enim duntaxat secundum ratione•• commensurare potest, quae tam mari, quam terra perficienda sunt. Lib. 9. Christopher Columbus saved his Army, which was perishing by Famine, by the Prediction which he made of an Eclipse to an Indian King, who refused to furnish him with Provisions. Pagliari Observa∣tion 74.
• b 1.345

  The Latin hath the Weser, but it ought there to have the Rhine, where was the Winter Quarters of the Legions. For Vitellius carried the two Le∣gions into the Gaules, whereas to have gained the Weser, which was be∣yond the Ems, had been to have carried them into Germany. There is more reason to conclude, that the word Visurgim is slipt in for Vidrum, called now the Wecht, which is one of the Mouths of the Rhine, than to attribute this Error to Tacitus, who always places the Weser where it is at this Day.
• 1 1.346

  Caresses and Praises are in stead of all Rewards to brave Men. Cardinal de Richelieu saith, That Henry the Fourth being under an extream Necessity, paid his Servants with good Words, and made them do Things with his Caresses, upon which his Weakness permitted him not to put them by other ways. Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6.
• c 1.347

  Sueton saith, That he resolutely refused the Title of Father of the Coun∣try, and the Senates swearing to his Acts, for fear lest one Day they should think him unworthy of two so great Honours. Ne mox majore dedecore im∣par tantis honoribus inveniretur.
• 1 1.348

  There is no Prince so wise, saith Commines, who doth not some∣times fail, and very often if he lives long; and thus would it be found in their Actions, if Truth had been always spoken of them. Lib. 5. cap. 13.
• d 1.349

  It was an Oath which the Magistrates took, to hold for well done whatsoever the Prince should do during his Reign. They renewed it eve∣ry Year, on the First of Ianuary. It was by this Oath, that the Romans open'd the Gap to Slavery; for to ratifie and to hold for Authentick what∣soever the Prince should please to ordain, was to put an Arbitrary Power into his Hands, and to banish Liberty. Lewis the Eleventh seemed to exact a like Oath, when he said, That none ought ever to withstand the Prince's Will, no not when he was out of his Wits.
• 2 1.350

  This Doctrine can never be too much inculcated on Princes, who, for the most part, presume much on their Power. Would to God, that each Prince, in the course of his Reign, might only meet with such a Minister, or a Confident, as he was, who said to Philip the Second, Sir, Be moderate, acknowledge God on Earth, as well as in Heaven, lest he grow weary of Monarchies, and provoked by the Abuse which Kings make of their Power, in usurping his, he give another form of Government to the World. An∣thony Perez, in one of his Spanish Let∣ters. It was very strange Discourse in the Mouth of a Pope, (Paul the Fourth,) who told the Cardinals, That he would make his Memory immortal by the Dominions which he would give his Family, according to the Grandeur of the Pontisicate, by virtue of which, he had Empe∣rours and Kings at his Feet. Cabre∣ra's Hist. l. 2. c. 2.
• 3 1.351

  Bad Princes turn all Offences into new Articles of Treason, to render them unpardonable, under a pretence of not going against Rea∣son of State.
• 4 1.352

  A wise Prince ought not to suf∣fer those Satyrical Writers to go un∣punished, who make a Trade to bespatter the Reputation of great Men, of Magistrates, and of pri∣vate Persons. The Prince, who suf∣fers them, draws upon himself the Hatred of those, who find them∣selves injured by these Verses, Por∣traitures, and secret Histories, where∣with they feed, or rather poison the Publick:

  —Iam saevus aportam In rabiem verti coepit jocus, & per ho∣nestas Ire domos impune minax. Hor. Ep. l. 2. ep. 1.

  It was, perhaps, none of the least of the good Actions of Pope Sixtus the Fifth, in punishing that Poet, whom he sent to the Galleys; for a Sonnet which he made on an Advo∣cate's Wife, wherein, whose Name he made, to rhime with the word Putana, notwithstanding she was of an unblemished Life. A Punish∣ment, to which this Pope condemned him for rhiming likewise with his Name, which was, Matera. Leti's Life of this Pope, part 2. l. 3. If the Prince is the Protector and the Preserver of the Lives and Estates of his Subjects, with much more Reason ought he to defend their Honour, which is the most valuable Thing they posses. Charles the Fifth did one day an Action, inwhich it is not easie to say, whether he discovered more his good Nature, or his Merit. Desiring to give one of those Divertisements, which they call in Spain, 〈…〉〈…〉, i. e. tilting with Canes or Reeds, he com∣manded the Grandees to divide them∣selves into Troops. Each Lord took care to make up his own Troop of the most considerable Gentlemen of his Acquaintance, but not one of them thought fit to take a certain Cavalier, a Man of Merit and Im∣portance, because he had some sort of Blemish in his Birth. A Gentle∣man of the Emperour's Chamber speaking to the Emperour of the Mortification which this Cavalier was under upon this account, who was at that time also in the Anti∣chamber; the Emperour, without seeming to know any thing of it, appearing at his Chamber Door, said to the Lords who attended at the Entrance; Sirs, Let none take Don N. ... because he is to be of my Troop. Epitome of his Life by the Commander of Vera. Cabrera saith, That Philip the Second turned his Back on those whom he heard speaking ill of others, and particu∣larly if it was of his Ministers. His History, l. 5. c. 17. He answered a Canon's Letter in these Words: I am informed of what you say con∣cerning your Bishop, and you ought to take care to be more reserved in speaking of such Persons. L. 11. c. 11.
• e 1.353

  He owed the Empire to her.
• 5 1.354

  Nothing offends a Prince more, than to attribute his Fortune, or his Exaltation, to those, whom it is not his Interest to acknowledge as the Authors of it. If the point of Ho∣nour is the most tender part of pri∣vate Persons, how sensible must Princes be of it? Ferdinand the Catholick, who owed the whole Acquisition of the Kingdom of Na∣ples to Gonzalo Hernandez, discover'd how uneasie he was under this Obli∣gation, when he said; I do not see that I have reason to rejoyce for ha∣ving acquired this Kingdom, seeing that there is no return of Profit to me from it; and that he, who hath conquered it in my Name, seems not to have had a Design to have acqui∣red it for me, but only for himself and those, among whom he hath di∣stributed the Lands and Revenues. Paulus Iovius, l. 5. of the Life of the Grand Capitaine. Maurice, Prince of Orange, could not endure to be told, That he owed his rise to Iohn of Barneveld, who, by his Autho∣rity, made him leave the College, and put himself at the Head of the Armies of Holland in his Father's stead.
• 1 1.355

  An Instance, how Scandalous the Profession of Players is account∣ed, as who have always been ex∣cluded from the Rites and Ceremo∣nies of Religion, not only among Christians, but among Heathens likewise. In the Year 1687, the Ita∣lian Actors being desirous to offer up publick Prayers for the King's Recovery, had, under the Character of Italian Gentleman, obtain'd Leave to perform their Devotions in the Church of the Great Augustin's at Paris; but the Arch-Bishop dis∣cerning the Cheat, recalls his Li∣cense, and would not permit it. Impias preces, detestanda vota.
• 2 1.356

  Religion ought never to be made use of, either as a colour, or instrument of Cruelty.
• 3 1.357

  'Tis for this Reason, that Crimes against Princes are punished with a greater Severity, than Bla∣sphemy, and many other Offences against God, because the Prince hath no other way to make himself fear∣ed, than by present Punishment. In Ireland, where Oaths and Perju∣ry are too usual, they who swear falsly by the Hand of the Governor, or Lord of the Place, are bound by the Payment of an heavy Mulct to repair the Injury done to his Name, whereas they who swear upon the Bible, upon the Altar, upon the Image of St. Patrick, their Apostle, or of any other Saint, are pass'd by without any other Censure, than that of being declard Forsworn.
• 1 1.358

  For bad Examples, saith Pater∣culus, seldom or never stop at the first Author, who begins them; but when once a Gap is opened to them, how small soever, they soon spread themselves far and near.
• 2 1.359

  In matters of Report and Ca∣lumny, poor People, as living most in Obscurity, are more to be feared than others. Inasmuch as such Men are neither by Birth nor Merit qua∣lified for any share in Business, nor yet honest enough to consider the publick Good, they stick not to set eve∣ry place on fire, out of hopes to make their Fortunes in the confusion. They are sure to forget nothing, that lies in their power, to disturb, by flat∣tering some, and libelling others, that order of Government, which hin∣ders their Advancement to Offices and Honours. Ch. 8. of the Second Part of the Pol. Testament.
• 3 1.360

  When the Witness depos'd all the Ill that was either said or belie∣ved of himself he shewed no Displea∣sure at it, lest he should be thought to confirm the Truth of those Re∣ports, if he had appeared concerned at them; but as soon as any men∣tion was made of an Injury done to Augustus, he immediately vents his Anger against Marcellus, thus, under pretence of what had been done to the Statue of his Father, revenging the A••••ront, which he took to be offered to himself. Pro Augusto con∣quer••ns 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dolorem proferebat. Fur∣ther, a great many People use the Images and Pictures of Princes to the same purpose, to which Signs or Bushes are hung out at Taverns: and I remember, I my self have heard it said, That Onosrio Camai∣ano, President of the Apostolical Chamber, treated with great Re∣spect the Portraiture of Pius the Fifth, his Friend and Benefactor, as long as that Pope lived; but as soon as he was dead, he orders the Head to be eraz'd, and that of his Succes∣sors to be put in its place. Obs. 162. I doubt not many have ob••••erved oftner than I, what happened a ••ew years since upon the Death of a great Minister, whose Portraitures gave place to those of his Collegue in a great many Houses in Paris, but af∣ter this they were changed.
• f 1.361

  For, in Matters of great Importance, the Iudges were wont to swear▪ That they judg'd according to their Conscience; using this Form, Ex animi sententia; or else this, Si sciens fallam, ita me Diespiter bonis ejiciat, ut ••g•• hunc lapidem; The Oath was made on the Altar o•• Iupit••r Lapis.
• 4 1.362

  A Prince, who desires to be well advised, must take care not to give his own Opinion first, because none will dare to contradict that. If he speaks first, it is a sign he ex∣pects Approbation, and not Coun∣sel; and therefore it is dangerous for him to declare his own Iudg∣ment. Upon this account, Philip the Second seldom as••isted at his Council of State, Because (saith he to Antonio Perez) the Presence of the Prince intimidates the Spirits, restrains the Passions, and makes the Counsellors speak by Form, like Preach∣ers from the Pulpit; whereas being by themselves, they Dispute, they Heat and Provoke one another, and shew without reserve their real Tempers and Interests. This serves much for the Information of the Prince, who, on the contrary, if he be present, is in hazard to disclose his Sentiments, and to argue with his Subjects as with Equals. A thing incompatible with Majesty, which is supported by out∣ward Respects, in the same manner, as the Pontifical Ornaments procure to Prelates the Veneration of the Peo∣ple. Perez, in his first Spanish Letter. A certain Italian Prince said, That when a Prince knows not what to resolve upon, he must hearken to the Advice of his Council, and speak his own Sense last; but that, on the contrary, if his Resolutions be fully fixed, he should give his own Opi∣nion first, that so none may presume to oppose it.
• 5 1.363

  It happens but too often, that Princes suffer for over-talking them∣selves. Commines, chap. 10. of the First Book, and ch. 10. of the Fourth Book of his Memoirs. When a Sove∣reign falls into Passion, (says a Spa∣nish Cavalier,) he should call to mind that Emperour, whom his Con∣fessor oblig'd to promise, never to have any Command put in Execu∣tion so hastily, as not first to allow himself time to say over all the Let∣ters of the Greek Alphabet. Don Carlos Coloma, in his Tenth Book of the Wars of Flanders. Another speaking of Charles the Fifth, who, contrary to his Oath, granted a Par∣don to the Duke of Cleve••, says, That he never broke his Word, but when it had relation to something of Cruelty. Don Iuan Ant. de Vera, in the Abridgment of his Life. More∣over, Prince Ruy Gomez de Silva had reason to say, That Words uttered in heat of Dispute, and unpremedita∣ted, are more regarded by Princes, than all Remonstrances whatever. Chinas y varillas arrojadas al descuy•• do ob ran mas que lansas. Ant. Pe∣rez, in a Letter, entituled, To a Grand Privado.
• g 1.364

  With what Gravity, saith Paterculus, did Tiberius assist at the Tryals of Causes, not as a Prince, but as if he had been a mee•• Senator or Iudge. Ch. 129. of his Second Book.
• 1 1.365

  Those Princes very much de∣ceive themselves, saith Pliny the younger, in his Panegyrick, who think they cease to be Princes, if at any time they condescend to do the Office of a Counsellor or Iudge. There are some, says Pagliari, who blame Pope Clement the Eighth, for going in Person to visit the Courts of ••udicature, the Parish-Churches, Convents, and even the very Cells of the Monks, as if so much Dili∣gence and Concern were beneath the Dignity of the Supream Bishop. As for my self, I believ it was a matter of great trouble to this Pope, whose sole Study it was, to perform the full Duty of his Station, that he could not inspect all the Churche•• and Monasteries in Christendom; so throughly was he perswaded, that, for the discharge of his Conscience, he ought not to leave to the Care of others, the Administration of Things so material to the Salvation of Souls. Observ. 474. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would all Bishops wer•• effectually convinc'd of this momentous Truth, which that ••aith∣ful Monitor within is always ready to exhort them to the Practice of.
• 2 1.366

  Wealth is a mighty Ornament to Greatness, and Men in Wealth, who receive such Advantage from outward Splendour, that of two Persons equal in Merit, it may with∣out scruple be affirmed, that the richer is the better, for a poor Ma∣gistrate must have a Soul of a very resolute and virtuous Inclination, if he doth not suffer himself to act sometimes by Considerations of In∣terest. Besides, Experience assures us, that the Rich are under less Temptation to Extortion, than others. Sect. 1. Ch. 4. of the First Part of the Polit. Testament of Card. Rich. The Counsellor Broussel, whose Integrity the Parliament and People of Paris did so highly Extol, having been promis'd the Government of the Ba∣stile for one of his Sons, became from that time, of a furious Bigot for the Faction of Slingers, a great Royalist, and wholly in the Service of Mazarine. Memoirs of L. R. However, the Chancellor of the Ho∣spital, a Person the most considera∣ble for Estate and Probity of any of his Age, affirm'd, He preferr'd the Poverty of the President de la Vacquerie, before the Riches of the Chancellor Raulin; (the one was first President of Paris, and the other Chancellor to the Duke of Burgundy. It is he who founded the Hospital of Beaune.)
• h 1.367

  That is to say, 25000 Crowns.
• 3 1.368

  Those who, to obtain their Suits, address themselves directly to the Prince, desire rather a present Denial, than to be referred to his Ministers, who commonly are little respected for the Kindnesses they do, whether because in truth they are not th•• proper Donors, or because the num∣ber of Petitioners being almost infi∣nite, the Discontented are a thousand times more than the others. Be∣sides, the more Hands the Petition passes through, the less Share has the Prince in the acknowledgment of the Favour; whereas, indeed, 'tis all his Due. To give immediate Dis∣patch, and without referenc•• to Of∣ficers, says a Spanish Gentleman, i•• to Reign more, and Disoblige less. That is to say, when a Prince can, without Inconvenience, give a decisive Answer. Don Fadriq••e Moles, in his Audiencia de Principes. Hortalus laid open the State and Reasons of his Poverty before a full Senate, and yet Tiberius made him a very rough and angry Reply. See Articles the 37th and 38th, of the Second Book of An∣nals.
• 4 1.369

  The Denials of a Prince, should be temper'd with Sweetness, and Courtesie of Behaviour. 'Tis not the refusal, but the manner, which occasions the Hatred and Ill-will▪ for nothing more affronts, than Rude∣ness. Nihil est tam deforme, quam ad su••••mum imperium etiam acerbi∣tatem naturae adjungere. Cicero, Ep. 1. ad Quint. fratr.
• 5 1.370

  According to Seneca, Favour•• that must be extorted by the force of Cringes and In••••eaties, are as Bread made of flinty Gravel. I had rather buy, than ask, says Cicero, speaking of those, who are forc'd to ask and beseech over and over again. Pliny the younger commends Tra∣jan, for that he never put any to the trouble of attending, either for Audience or Courte••ies in his Power to grant. Audiuntur statim, dimit∣tuntur statim. Another says, silence is the best Cloke of Poverty.
• i 1.371

  These Books were kept in a private Apartment of the Capitol, as an Instrument of Policy, to awe the Populace and Soldiery during the Cala∣mities of the City and State. The People of Rome were always very in∣qui••itive, to know what was contain'd in these and some other Books, which were in the custody of the Priests; witness the Reward one Flavius received, the Son of a Freeman, who was created Tribune, Senator, and Edile, for having given to the People a Register of the Ceremonies, which he had purloin'd from the Censor Appius Claudius, under whom he serv'd as a ••lerk.
• 1 1.372

  A Prince newly advanced to the Throne, ought carefully to a∣void the Introduction of Novelties among the People, especially in Mat∣ters pertaining to Religion. If Ti∣berius had given leave to make pub∣lick the Sibylline Books, the People▪ having no ••ondness for one of his Humour, would have been sure to expound reflectingly the ambiguous Oracles, as also the vain and ••alla∣cious Predictions, though, perhap••, they were never meant for a Pro∣phecy of his Government. The Books of Numa having been found in his Grave, the Senate voted them to the Flames, being informed by the Praetor Rutilius, who by their Order had inspected them, that they contained Points contrary to the Re∣ligion then in Vogue with the Peo∣ple. The Areopagus condemned Socrates, because he endeavoured to make the People believe, there was but one God, when yet at the same time many of the Senators were ve∣rily perswaded, that it was true. Witness the Altar dedicated to the Unknown God, whom St. Paul af∣firmed to be the God whom they worshipped. Acts 17.
• 2 1.373

  It is not fitting, a Prince should bestow all that a People may desire, because there will be no end of this; but when the Requests they sue for are reasonable, it then becomes him in Civility and Prudence to yield something, lest otherwise their Minds be exasperated. If a Country hap∣pen to be poor and barren, or hath been ruined by a long War, as it often befals Frontier Towns and Provinces, it is most equitable it should be Exempt, and Tax-free, not for ever, but for some very short time; I say, very short, for when the Time shall expire, if the Necessities of the Place still conti∣nue, the People will be obliged to crave a further Forbearance, and by this means an opportunity will be afforded for a second Favour, which will be esteemed greater than the first.
• k 1.374

  For every Proconsul had three Lieutenants, which was an Oppression to the Provinces, whose Government was Pr••consular; whereas those in the Emperour's Division were under the Government but of one Lieute∣nant, called a President, from whence they were called Presidial Provinces. The Proconsuls were Annual, but the Presidents continued in their Provin∣ces, till the Emperour sent a Successor. The Proconsuls exercised more Authority than the Presidents, but sometimes the Emperour would advance th••se to a Power equal to that of others, by giving them a Commission for Consular Authority. The Presidents were sometimes only of the Order of Knights, whereas the Proconsuls were always of the Senatorial Body, and the Consular Rank. Legatus Caesaris, and Praeses, signifie the same in the Latin Historians. There are also Provinces called Praetorian, or Publi•••••• Provinciae, according to Tacitus, Ann. 13. because the People disposed of the Governments; but when these Assemblies of the People were put down by Tiberius, these Provinces became annexed to the Iurisdiction of the Se∣nate, and were held by Lot as the Proconsular. It may be useful to ob∣serve by the way, That Augustus, who would assume no Title, but that popular one of Prince of the Senate, yet made no scruple to over-reach them in the distribution of these Provinces; for he took to his own Share all those, where the Legions were in Garison, under colour they were expo∣sed more to danger, as lying nearer to the Enemy; but the true Reason was, That he might make himself Master of all the Roman Militia: Ut in manu sua res omnis militaris esset, says Dion. So that Tacitus had good Rea∣son to say, Patres & plebem invalida & inermia. Ann. 1. And in another place, Speciosa Senatus populique Rom•••••• nomina. Hist. 1.
• 3 1.375

  A Prince, who knows he is hated, as Tiberius did, must indu∣striously decline the giving any oc∣casion of Comparison between him∣self and a Predecessor, that was popular; for the People, whose only Rule 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iudging is wont to be their present Humour, will never do him Right, no not even in Things where∣in he excels his Predecessor. Inviso sem•••• principe, se•• bene, seu male sacta pre••••••nt. Tac. Hist. 1. I will add on this Occa••••on to the two Reasons, which Tacitus here as∣signs, Why Tiberius declin'd ap∣pearing at the publick Shews; ano∣ther, which was, That he might not be constra••••ed either to grant or refuse the People the Demands they were w••nt to make to the Prince in full Theatre.
• 4 1.376

  A new Prince, as was Augustus, has no better way to keep quiet the People, whose Liberties he has in∣vaded, than by Sights and publick Plays, especially if he seems to take Delight to be at them himself; for then the People, who mind only the outside and appearances of Things, receive it as a piece of Com∣plaisance and Courtship to them; when it is in truth the main In∣strument by which they are ensla∣ved.
• 5 1.377

  It was Tib••rius's Interest to have his Son Drusus better belov'd than Germanicus. Therefore, it is not probable, he ever intended to render his own Son odious, consi∣dering the terrible Iealousie he had of Germanicus, his adoptive Son.
• 1 1.378

  It is sometimes an Advantage to the Prince, to say nothing during the Contest and Disputes his Mini∣sters and Counsellors fall into one with another, for he may benefit him∣self at their Cost. In the heat of Op∣position, something always happens to be said, which both Parties would been unwilling to have spoken in their sober Senses. Tiberius, who bore a mortal spight towards Gallus Asinius, for the Reasons alledged by Tacitus in the beginning of this Book, took, it may be, more Plea∣sure, to see him contending with so much earnestness and fury, than Asi∣nius did in insulting his Col∣legues.
• 2 1.379

  A Prince, who would establis•• his Government, must not venture to alter the Laws of his immediate Predecessor, but to be sure not, if this Predecessor is one much lament∣ed; for such is the way of the Peo∣ple, that they constantly admit kinder Thoughts of a good Prince who is gone, than of him they have at present, though no less deserving.

  What hath been setled by Prin∣ces, whose Management hath been esteemed judicious, must not rea∣sonably be changed, unless an in∣convenience be by Experience found to follow from it, or it evi∣dently appear, that it may be al∣tered for the better. Sect. 1. ch. 4. of the First Part of the Pol. Testam.

  As for the Regard Tiberius paid to all the Laws and Edicts of Augustus, it is not amiss to observe, That it proceeded as much at least from Po∣licy and Precaution, as Gratitude, for he could not do otherwise, with∣out weakening the Authority of all that Augustus had enacted in his Fa∣vour, for preferring him before Ger∣manicus.
• l 1.380

  Tacitus says, De modo lucaris, which, according to Turnebius, is Merces Histrionum.
• m 1.381

  For every Comedian had his certain Followers, whose Employment it was to set the Spectators a clapping in his Favour, and to decry all others; whence came frequent Quarrellings and Tumults, in which every one took the Side he most fancied; and 'tis for this Reason, that Tacitu•• stiles them, Operae Theatrales, Histrionale Studium, Certa•••••• Histrionum, in several places of this very Book of Annals.
• n 1.382

  Comedians, who play'd by Imitation and Posture, and counter••eited all sorts of Persons.
• 1 1.383

  Reason does not allow People to be excus'd from all Charges or Burdens, for if this Badge of their Subjection be wanting, they will be apt to forget their Condition, and by consequence, the Obedience they owe. Many Princes have lost their Kingdoms for want of maintaining Forces sufficient for their Defence, out of fear to burden their Subjects. And some People have become the Slaves of their Enemies, by aspiring to too much Liberty under their Na∣tural Prince. But there is a stated Measure, which cannot be exceeded without Injustice, common Sense be∣ing able to inform every one, that a a Proportion ought to be obser∣ved between the Burthen and the Strenghth of those who are to bear it. Sect. 5. ch. 4. of the First Part of the Pol. Testament.
• o 1.384

  It was somewhat like the T••illm, or the Extraordinary in France, in time of War, This Revenue had three Funds to maintain it; The Twentieth part of ••ll Estates by Inheritance, and of Legacies; a Twentieth part in the Sale of Slaves; and an Hundredth part of all Goods imported in Trade. Au∣•••••••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 laid this Duty.
• 2 1.385

  Sooner or later Princes are sure to revoke the Priviledges and Acts of Grace, which were at first grant∣ed by Constraint. After Charles Duke of Burgundy had brought the City of Liege to Terms, he passed the Law to the Citizens of Gaunt, who, the very next day after his entry, mutini'd against him, forcing him to restore all Duke Philip, his Father, had ta∣ken from them, and to give them whatever Immunities they desired. But being returned to Brussels, he orders the 72 Banners of the Inhabi∣tants of Gaunt to be fetched away, with all the Letters Patents signed in their Favour: The Banners he sent to Boulogne, ••ulled the Priviledge called that of the Law, which was, That of the Twenty six Sheriffs, the Duke should have power to create but Four; and condemned their City to an Amercement of 36000 Florins. Commines, chap. 4. book, 2. of his Me∣moirs.
• p 1.386

  Now the Inhabitants of Terni.
• q 1.387

  Under the Popedom of Sixtus V. there was a Proposal to enlarge the Channel of the River Tyber, thereby to render it more commodious for Na∣vigation; but the Pope changed his Mind, upon an Intimation that this would be a means to facilitate the passage of this River to the Turks, and other Enemies of the Roman Church.
• 1 1.388

  In France, where the Offices are for Life, the Maxim of Tiberius hath the Approbation of all the great Men, inasmuch as it favours their Interests; but it is it may be against that of the Prince, who, in some sort, ties up his own Hands, in giving what he cannot take away; and likewise against that of the Publick, where more Persons would be gratified and requited, if Places were Triennial, as in Spain. The Fable of the Fox, which being fal∣len into a Pit, where the Flies sorely stung and tormented him, refused the assistance of the Hedghog, who proffered to drive them away; Be∣cause (saith he) if you drive away these, others will come half starv'd, and exhaust all the Blood I have left. This Fable, I say; which Tibe∣rius alledged as a Reason on which his Maxim was founded, concludes nothing in favour of Governments for Life; because the Fear of being no more employed, and the hope of rising from one Post to another more considerable, will serve as a Curb and Restraint to Triennial Officers. Besides, such a frequent Removal, inclines People to bear the more patiently with the Governours they dislike, in hopes of better e're long. Cardinal Richelieu contends for the Custom of France, that is to say, for Governments during Life; but I may say, that in this matter he was influenced by the consideration, ra∣ther of the Ministry he was invested withal, than of the Publick; for seeing the Governments were dispo∣sed of absolutely at his Pleasure, 'twas his Interest they should be Perpetual, because his Relatives and Dependants, on whom he bestowed the most Valuable, might then ren∣der him more puissant and favoura∣ble in the Provinces where they commanded, than they possibly could d••, in case their Administration had been only Triennial. And this is so true, that if we compare the Argu∣ments he offers for one and the other, (in the Second Section of the Fifth Chapter in the First Part of his Politick Testament,) it will be easie to discern, that the practice of Spain, in changing Governours so often, did not to himself appear altoge∣ther so pernicious for France, as he was willing to have it thought in this place. Insomuch, that had he remained Bishop of Luson, or Secre∣tary of State, he had been able as well to defend the contrary Opi∣nion, which he in part inclines to towards the close of the same Pa∣ragraph, where he thus speaks: I am not afraid to say, it is bet∣ter in this particular to keep to the Usage of France, than to imitate that of Spain, which nevertheless ••s grounded on such Policy and Rea∣son, with respect to the largeness of its Territories, that although it cannot be conveniently reduced to Practice in this Realm, yet, in my Iudgment, it would do well to be observed in such parts of Lorrain and Italy, as shall continue under the Dominion of France. I conclude therefore agreeably with him, That since Countries remote from the Re∣sidence of their Princes require change of Governours, because continuance for Life may make them have a mind to throw off the relation of Subjects or Subordinates, and set up for Supream, and Masters of them∣selves; the Custom of Spain will become absolutely necessary to France, if she go on to extend her Frontiers.
• r 1.389

  Cato the Censor's saying was, That to continue the same Persons long in Offices, did demonstrate, either that the Commonwealth afforded few that were fit, or that they made small account of Magistrates.
• 2 1.390

  A bad Policy this: For a Prince, who prefers few of his Subjects, hath not only few Dependents, but always many Enemies, that is to say, as many as deserve to be intrusted or considered, and are not. Thus plura∣lity of Places is as opposite to the true Interest of the Prince, as plu∣rality of Benefices is to that of the Church. I shall here remark by the way, That the principal Sup∣port of the Regal Authority in France is the great number of its Officers. And Augustus of old had never multiplied Offices, but the better to secure his Authority by a multitude of Magistrates and Expe∣ctants. Commines speaking of the last Duke of Burgundy, says, his Favours were not well placed, because he was willing every one should share in them. Chap. 9. lib. 5. of his Me∣moirs.
• 3 1.391

  A Person of ordinary Parts, and a moderate Capacity, is more likely to make his Fortunes with Princes, than one of a sublime and great Wit. For all Superiority be∣ing ungrateful to them, and they being ambitious to be accounted Chief and Best at every Thing, will never love, nor consequently prefer a Man, whose Understanding seems larger, and more penetrating, than their own. The Letters of Anthony Perez contain a great deal to this purpose. Among others, there is one directed to a Grand Privado, wherein he thus speaks, when the Holy Spirit says, Seem not wise in the Presence of a King; he meant not to say, Be not wise, but, Seem not to be so; as if he had used these Words, Conceal thy Parts, and thy Prudence, shew not thy Intellectuals. Prince Rui Gomez de Silva, the greatest Master in this Art that has appeared for these many Ages, told me, he learned this Rule from a mighty Favourite of the Kings of Portugal; and that in all the Advices he gave, and in all the Consultations he at any time had with his Prince, he took care to carry himself with all the Wariness and Circumspe∣ction he possibly could ... He further added, That he so contrived the Matter, that the good Success of his Counsels might seem to be only the effect of Chance, and not the return of any Care he had to please him, or of an intent Appli∣cation to his Business, but he seem'd ••o carry himself like those Game∣sters, who in Play depend more on the favour of Fortune, than their Skill. On this Subject, continued he, the same Prince related to me, what passed one day between Ema∣nuel King of Portugal, and Count Lewis de Silveira. The King ha∣ving received a Dispatch from the Pope, composed with great exact∣ness, sends for the Count, and commands him to draw up an An∣swer, whilst he himself was ma∣king another, for he had a strong inclination to be an Orator, and indeed was so. The Count obeys, but first declares his Reluctancy to enter Competition with his Master, and the next day he brings his Paper to the King, who, after he had heard it, was loth to read his own; but when the Count had pre∣vailed with him to read it, the King acknowledging the Count's An∣swer to be the better, would have that sent to the Pope, and not his own. The Count, at his re∣turn home, orders two Horses to be saddled for his two Sons, and went immediately with them. And when he was in the Fields, he saith to them:

  My Children, seek ye your Livelihood, and I mine, there is no farther means of living here; for the King knows, that I am wiser than himself.

  Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, who relates the same thing in the First Discourse of his Am∣bassador, seems to say and believe, that it is a Fable; but be it so or no, it is still very Instructive.
• s 1.392

  These three Reasons, says Scipio Amirato, preceeded from his Vices▪ The first, from Laziness; the second, from Malice; and the third, from a mixture of Laziness and Folly. For, if he liked not to employ deb••uched Persons, he should have concerned himself to find out those that were good; and if he was afraid of virtuous and great Men, let him have but changed often, and he had been secure. In the last Discourse of the First Book of his Commentaries. Commines says, All crafty Princes are jealous, that all great Princes are so, and particularly, wise ones, and such as have made many Enemies, and injured many, as Tiberius had done. Ch. 7. l. 6. of his Me∣moirs. Yet Iealousies are to be admitted with Slowness and Deliberati••••, for to be too much addicted to Iealousie, is not well. L. 3. ch. 5.
• t 1.393

  Tacitus saith, Posse pro••iteri. Profiteri therefore was what we call, to stand for an Office, o•• to get his Name put into the List. Quaesturam petentes, (saith Paterculus) quos indign••s judicavit, pro∣fiteri 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hist. 2. cap. 92. That is to say, the Consul forbid some of those, who pretended to the Questorship, to give in their Names, be∣cause he believed them unworthy of it.
• 1 1.394

  The Words of Princes seldom agree with their Actions; and most frequently they act directly con∣trary to what they say.