A compleat history of the lives and reigns of, Mary Queen of Scotland, and of her son and successor, James the Sixth, King of Scotland, and (after Queen Elizabeth) King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, the First ... reconciling several opinions in testimony of her, and confuting others, in vindication of him, against two scandalous authors, 1. The court and character of King James, 2. The history of Great Britain ... / by William Sanderson, Esq.

The Life and Death of MARY Queen of SCOTLAND.* 1.1

KIng Iames the fifth dying of discontent,* 1.2 more than dis∣ease, the 13. of December 1542. in the 33. year of his age, and 32. of his reign, left his Crown to an only Daugh∣ter Mary, at six daies old; as she did afterwards, to her Son, born a King: (Fatal sufferings to a people, to be Subjects to young Soveraigns) And this Succession was put into a Will patcht up by the Cardinal David Beaton, and clapt into the Kings hand to sign. The Government of the Kingdom for the present was intrusted unto the Queen Mother, a wise and virtuous Princess of the House of Lorain; And though she might, as yet, be ignorant of the Actions of State, in this short time of her experience in Scotland, but 4. years; yet the Nobles, dissenting factions, agreed, the rather herein to accept of her; Each party presu∣ming to work their ends the better, out of her Ignorance.

The people were religiously divided in Opinions,* 1.3 Romish and Reformed, which had put the late King upon extremity of Iu∣stice against the Separatists, as they then were stil'd, indeed Dis∣senting among themselves, but afterwards, Congregating and Covenanting, gave them other Names. But in their several Professions, sundry persons suffered Imprisonment, Life, or loss of all.

The Scots derive their Christanity from the disciples of S. Iohn (their Patronage of St. Andrew) and the propagation thereof (not from Rome,* 1.4 I dare say) no•• indeed, they will have it from their own Plantations in Germany; where, increasing Christianity, the persecution of Domitian drove them home, again, into Scot∣land. And so they utterly refuse to have any thing to do with Rome, by means of Victor, that held that See, as others will have it.

But they confess,* 1.5 That Celestine Bishop of Rome, sent lear∣ned Palladius to convince the Heresie of Pelagius, (a welchman born, and bred up in the Monastery of Banghor) then oversprea∣ding that Nation. And after his good success therein, brought in (say they) Prelate Bishops, having had (by their favour) Priests and Moncks long before, and thereafter all kind of Romish Orders. Nay, Boniface the eighth, making use of the complaint of the Sco••ish Clergy against King Edward of England, cruelly afflict∣ing them, and also of the resignation of the people to the See of Rome, The Pope thereby claims right to that Crown, writes to Edward, and malapertly Bids him not meddle with his Vassalls and Subjects.

But after too much lording of the Romish Cl••rgy, and the great Schism at Rome, Pope against Pope (three at one time) Some men began openly to discover them to the world. As Wickliff in England, Iohn Hus, and Ierome in Bohemia; the Scots will have of theirs too,* 1.6 Iames Resby and Paul Craw (who indeed were but their Pupils) that quarrell'd with their Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews, and so began their fray.

So that the Scots reckon themselves happy, without Bishops, till Palladius; from him to Malcolm; from him to Patrick Gra∣ham, their first Arch-Bishop; who came in with that title, to the dislike of all the Bishops. The inferiour Clergy could not brook the strict authority of him, and so by them, and the Cour••iers too boot,* 1.7 Graham lost that Title.

And one Blacater traces his Steps, and procures himself Arch∣bishop also; then followed Beaton,* 1.8 and he brought in the Car∣dinals Cap, and all these in opposition each of other, which gave occasion to sundry men to publish these discontents, together with some Corruptions of the Church, not unlikely to make a rent. And therefore, the Pope sent unto Iames the fourth, a Sword,* 1.9 and Title, Protector of the Faith, and not long after (his gifts were cheap) unto Henry the eighth of England a Sword, and Title, Defender of the Faith.

I find the Scots had some Martyrs who begun their Reformati∣on with private opinions.* 1.10 Resby suffered anno 1422. Paul Craw 1431. In 1494. about 30. persons, men and women, called Lol∣lards, from one Lollard a Schismatick indeed, (not as the Fryer discanteth, Quasi Lolium in area Domini.) And these put their Articles (34) in writing. The first Protestation that we read of amongst them, being in the year 1527. then suffered Patrick Hamilton, of the Antient Family, and so forwards many more.

The Northern Martyrs had repute of constancy in sufferings beyond others;* 1.11 Which gives occasion to discuss the reason, for it was observed, That the people of this Isle exceed in zeal of profession, and are called in Italian, Pichia Pelli, or Knock-breasts, Hypocrites. So are they naturally better qualified with courage in extremities of sufferings, and therefore accounted most vali∣ant; in respect of the Climate, the Heart furnished with plenty of Blood to sustain sodain defects, is not so soon apprehensive of Death, as where the Store-house of blood is less; every hazard there, raiseth fear, paleness and trembling; Angli bello in∣trepidi, nec mortis sensu deterrentur, witness the bold and cheerful sufferings of the condemned.

Answerable to our Bodies are our Laws, suitable to the Inha∣bitants of this Soil; Not being, since William the Conquerour, compelled (in Criminal Tryals) to confession by Torture, as in the Civil Law of other Nations, whose Innocency would rather

yield to be guilty, than to endure lingring pain.

Insulani plerunque fure••,

Death not prevailing to dete•• men from common offences;* 1.12 what constancy then, shall that Man have, who is martyred for matters of Religion, and health of his Soul? Britannis, quibus nihil interest humine sublimive putrescant, non valet. Purpuratis Gallis, Italis, aut Hispanis ista minitare. And therefore Pope Clement the eighth impaired his Cause, by burning Mr. Marsh at Rome, in Campo divi sancta ••iore, whose constancy made him a Martyr, and many carryed away his ashes as Reliques, and that Pope resolved therefore, That none of the English Nation should from that time be confirmed with fire.

The Enemies of true Religion have not gained to themselves by that cruelty: Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae. The Romans were tender, in case of Religion, to condemn to death; Cato was not of opinion with those that would have sentenced the Bacchanals, he alleging, That Religion was apt to deceive men into a shew of Divinity, and therefore to be wary in punishing the Professors, lest the common people should suspect something was done thereby derogating from the Majesty of God.

Tantum Relligio potuit suadere Malorum.

And so the occasion of some Martyrs amongst the Scots increa∣sed numbers, their Ashes being the best Compost to manure the Church.

And now return home,* 1.13 out of England, those Persons of Ho∣nour, Prisoners to Henry 8. at the last fatal Battel, with whom he deals so cunningly, that by his Noble Usage, and some Bribes to boot, he returns them his Pensioners, especially, their utmost endeavour or a Match with Prince Edward and their Queen, young Couples, He five, She but one year, old. And with this conceit the King might conquer Scotland by mariage, to save him expence of money and men, by the Sword. But the French King Henry,* 1.14 not liking this lincking, began quarrels with the English, embarging their Ships and Merchants goods; the like with them in England; So that some Forces were from hence speedily sent over, which besieged Landersey, but the French King in person with a mighty Army, made the English to rise for to meet them: In the mean time the Town was relieved, and the King, having done his Work, returned in the dark.

The Scots Prisoners kept their word,* 1.15 and prevailed so far at home, that their first Parliament concluded the Match, and con∣firmed it by an Instrument under Seals, and ratified by Oaths; and that their young Queen should be sent to her Husband; but these Scots soon byassed by the French practices, break faith and refuse.* 1.16 This Indignity set Henry on fire for revenge, who tran∣sports an Army into Scotland in 200. Vessels, under command of

Viscount Lisle, Admiral for the Sea, and the Earl of Hartford for the Souldiers,* 1.17 and Land at the Fryth, marching in three Battalia's towards Lieth: And were encountred with skirmi∣shes by six thousand Horse, who soon retreated, leaving Lieth to be consumed with fire. And being (besides this Success) too powerful to be opposed, marched forwards towards Edinburgh, and were humbly besought by the Provost and Burgesses to spare their Cities ruin, and be pleased with the Souldiers free quarter, and Bag and Baggage at parting. No, this was not sufficient to appease the Enemies fury, who being therefore somewhat op∣posed, entered by force with fierce assault, took part of the Town, which they ransacked, and consumed with fire Holy-rood-House and the Palace.

The Ships returned with large Spoils,* 1.18 and the Army marcht on, coasting the Countrey homewards, ransacked above thir∣ty Towns in their way, with no more loss than fourty men.

Having thus punished them for perjury, King Henry design'd as much,* 1.19 or more, to the French, with two Armies, the one under Command of the Duke of Norfolk, who besieged the strong Town Maittrel, but were beaten up with loss and little ho∣nour. The other had better success, by the Duke of Suffolk, for embodying both of them, encamped about Bulloign, with pow∣er enough to be masters. And therefore, for the glory of the gallant King,* 1.20 Himself comes over, and after a Months Bat∣tery, takes, first, the Upper, and then the Base Town, by Articles, to depart with Bag and Baggage; the whole number of Souls 4444. and King Henry Mans the Town, and so comes home again.

And it was time so to do;* 1.21 for the Scots always aiming at such opportunities, fell into the Marches of England, rifling and burning all the Towns they came to, from whence the English were fled, till they met with the Earl of Hartford, who was sent with twelve thousand men, and doing as the other had done before, ruin'd all, without opposition of any. And thus, but by turns, King Henry intending to be more cruel with Re∣venge, to that end makes peace with France, but dies two years after.

Which Gave the Scots,* 1.22 some time of breathing from abroad, never free from quarrels at home; the State increasing in Facti∣on, the old Council keep up their Inquisition after Heretiques, as they termed the Reformers; and for Example fell upon one Wis∣chard, whose outward zeal and affection to their Cause, gave him courage to confirm it by Fire and Fagot; And for whose death,* 1.23 the Cardinal David Beaton (lately come to enjoy his Kinsmans CAP) was barbarously murthered in his Castle of Saint Andrews, by Norman Lisle, Iames Melvin, and others, and

were justified in that barbarous act, by Iohn Rough, preaching it for sound doctrine,* 1.24 who had got into their gang one Iohn Knox, the most notorious Ringleader, afterwards, of all dis∣order in their Reformation; which now began to quarrel with the Crown also,* 1.25 and all Regal Government: For presently sur∣prizing the Castle, He was, by the Crowd, vocated (as they call it) to be a Preaching Minister, whose Pride enduring no Rival,* 1.26 soon turned out Rough that brought him in. But Knox finding no firm footing in Scotland, fled into England two years after.

And now began the tumult within,* 1.27 and without the Castle; the Town taking parts, Monsieur d' Osel sent into France for a great Army, and as soon as sent for, was wafted over in 24. Gallies,* 1.28 anno 1547. beginning Siege and Battery to the Castle, which was quickly rendered, and the Prisoners and Spoil there∣of returned back with the Army into France; The English were comming to oppose the French,* 1.29 but Henry 8. of England dying, gave occasion to the French to return Victors.

The antient League of Scots and French was decreed in the time of Achaius the first Monarch of Scotland (Offensive and De∣fensive) with Charls le Grand of France;* 1.30 viz. Let this League indure for ever; Let the Enemies of the One be so to the Other; If the Saxon or English invade France, the Scots shall send aid, as the Numbers shall be desired, and at the French Charge; If the Eng∣lish invade the Scots, the French are to send competent assistance, and at the French Charge.

So that we may now say, Never was League more faithfully observed, or longer continued, even till the Union of King Iames the sixth with England; which begat that saying, He that will Either win, with the Other must begin.

But forthwith to ballance these Broils,* 1.31 comes an Army from England, of ten thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, by Land and Shipping; which King Edward of England, lately come to the Crown, and at ten years of age, sent under the Conduct of his Uncle the Duke of Somerset his Protector. Not without some resolve,* 1.32 in these civil dissentions, to vie Mastery for the pursute or pretence of Mariage. And the third of Sep∣tember entring into the cold quarter, brought them to the Scots Borders, but with so much Civility, as to send Summons to the Duke of Castle-herault, who bore the best sway, as the ho∣nestest Man amongst them.

He puts the Scots in mind,* 1.33 That the blood of Neighbors, Kin∣dred, and Christians, are too pretious to be vainly spilt; That he comes to prevent it, and if he be put to it, to use his force: It refers onely to a firm Peace, not for the present, but perpetual, if the U∣nion of sacred bands of Marriage may confirm it, which we desire

now, as ye have promised heretofore, the advantages so equal, that the even gain pleads alike for both.* 1.34 Princes of fitting years, of Com∣positions, Mind and Body alike; in Powers matchless by any; One Island, Speech and Manners. To ballance these with hopes, or likelyhood from Forein, it were more safe to examine by Examples of Others, than to make tryal by themselves. For his part, presu∣ming to meet with many of his Mind amongst them, he would endea∣vour to moderate such Articles formerly prescribed, as might ren∣der the young Queen more content, viz. To remain (for some years of her Infancy) at home; to be bred up with her own people, and with her own choice and Council of her Peers to consent to a Husband. In the mean time not to be tempted with a Forein Match of the French, or any other, nor to be bred beyond Seas. And with this Conclusion, he will depart home, with recompence for any hurt done already.

The Scots were a mighty Army for Men,* 1.35 and ne••r hand for all Ammunition. They say themselves above thirty thousand after their Mutiny, wherein thy lost eight hundred; and thus priding up, upon this offer of the English, neglected to read these Letters in Council, Lest, indeed, the equitable conditions should raise a Mutiny in the Multitude, who were most for this Match, until the French faction pretended that the English came to force their Queen away.

Upon this,* 1.36 the Scots advance along the Shore, and from an English Galley one Cannon shot took away at one blow five and twenty Scots, which routed the Next Archers; And Somerset set forward his Horse Troops that his Foot might gain the Hill, who were soon forced back; but as to recover their Courage, their Harquebuse horse fall on, with help of their Artillery, and showres of Arrows, that the Scots gave ground to be out of the reach of the Cannon, whilst the English cry out, they fly, they fly, which fear, and not force, increased to a total flight; and their rancks quite disordered,* 1.37 gave the Battail to the English, with loss of Fourteen thousand Scots, the Lords Lohemore, and Fleming, with almost all their Chiefs fell by the Sword. Taken Prisoners fifteen hundred, and amongst them Earl Huntley, Lord Chancelour, with the Lords Hester, Hobs, and Hamilton, and many others at Musleburgh, Septem. 10. 1547.

The English Master five miles about, fortifie Keth and Amor, two adjacent Islands,* 1.38 take the Castles of Fas and Humes, raised some Fortifications at Londere and Resburgh, and so re∣turn.

The Scots thus worsted,* 1.39 send to implore aid from France, who send over ten thousand, amongst whom, say the German Au∣thors, came over three thousand Almans, High-Dutch, under Command of the Count Reingrave; but in general under Go∣vernment

of Monsieur de Osse, a man of some successful Re∣nown; and after landing, join with eight thousand Scots neer Hadington, and beleaguer it, being lately fortified by the Eng∣lish; where, assembling Council in May, they advise to send over the young Queen into France, the immediate cause of those troubles; And to fortifie themselves, against furture assaults, or pretences of the English, they consult it best, to betroth her to the Dolphine of France: And for the present, the English be∣ing overburdened with the Expence and continual war, never to have hopes of an end, make fair offers of a Truce for ten years, in likelyhood, therefore, that one of the Princes might dy, which would expiate for the former promises and conditions of Contract. But this advise, over-ruled by the French Faction, and Romish Clergy, with the offer of four thousand French Crowns yearly Revenue to the Duke Castle-herault, it was resolved to fight it out,* 1.40 and send away the Queen, who was transported o∣ver, round about Scotland by the West Sea, and arrives upon Bretaign in France, and so to Paris; escaping the English Fleet that watched for her about Calice; She being now but six years of age, accompanyed with Iames her base Brother, Io. Arskin, and Will. Leviston.

The Siege of Hadington continues,* 1.41 and as bravely defended, when comes to their succour thirteen hundred Horse, armed Cap∣a-pe, to assist to the Besieged, under command of Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Thomas Palmer, but in the way, were all cut of by Am∣buscade. But the Earl of Shrews••ury following with an Army of sixteen thousand, amongst whom were four thousand Germans (equal friends for like pay) raised the siege, most French, who retreated very honourably, and left the Town for the Earl to en∣ter, who relieves it, and returns to Berwick.

Monsieur de Osse marches to Humes and Fas Castle,* 1.42 Places ta∣ken by the English the year before, surprizes the Centinels, and takes the Castles. But Humes was taken by this Device. Order had been given, by the Governour, for the County to come in with provision, by such a day, whereof de Osse makes use; loads his own Souldiers like Countreymen, who were let in by a Portal, cast down their provision, and secretly armed, fall upon the Guard, let in more company, and so surprize the Castle.

In August after,* 1.43 comes the Earl of Rutland with three thou∣sand Germans, and other Forces of the Marches, knowing the great difficulty for Hadington to hold out, the County so extrem∣ly forraged of all Provisions for contribution, without a standing Army to protect them; Dismantling the Places of Strength, draws out all the Men and Ammunition, fires the Town, and re∣turns to Berwick, not meeting any one to oppose him: And

this was the last expedition from King Edward;* 1.44 though the French remained with most of their bands, and some Galleys; and so was poor Scotland massacred by two stranger Armies, as a prey to both Nations. But now began to have a breathing, being free from Strangers till the 2 year of Q. Elizab••th.

During this time of trouble,* 1.45 Iohn Knox, having been impri∣soned by the State for tumults and disorder in behalf of Reforma∣tion, escapes, and was now got into England, preaching at Berwick, then to New-Castle, then to London, and so to the South of England, untill Queen Maries daies of Martyrs: But after∣wards, too hot for him to hold out, he passes over to Geneva, from thence unto Franckford; which very unwillingly he did, being counselled thereto, much against his mind, by Iohn Calvin, a Frenchman of Aquitain, and bred a Civilian, who indeed could not brook such another Spirit as was his own, to meddle in that Government.

At Franckford he was accused of Treason against the Emperor,* 1.46 and Queen Mary of England, whom in his Treatise of Admoni∣tion to England, he called, the One, little inferior to Nero, the Other,* 1.47 more cruel than Jezabel, for which he was forced to fly back to Geneva, but could settle no where, and so returned to Deep in France, and thereafter into Scotland, in anno 1555. and again, after some weeks, from thence he fled back to Geneva; Nor there could he have footing,* 1.48 but returns to Deep, in anno 1557. From thence he conveys sundry Letters to his factious Lords, Lairds, and La••cks, tells them of true honor, to stick by the Kirk and his Counsel; for that cause are they called Princes of the People, not by descent of Birth and Progeny, but by their duty, to vindicate the oppressed Kirk.

Hereupon, his Letters, and other missives, so prevailed, that the faction came into a Common Band,* 1.49 1558. and then Knox comes home, when Q. Mary of England dies, and Q. Elizabeth succeeds.

And thus lincked, began their Geneva Congregation, into the face of Kirk; Elders appointed, and called the Privy Kirk; and at Dundee, it was first erected, by the scatte••ed notions of Knox pickt up at Geneva; which profession there, hath since spread into many the Reformed Churches of Christendome.

I shall take the boldness, to digress into that Story; In Anno 1124.* 1.50 The Bishop of Geneva was the Prince of it, and the Ter∣ritory thereof, and contending with Aymo a lay Earl, de Imperio Civitatis, the Emperour Frederick the first, gave leave to the Bishop, Ut ille solus Genevae principatum obtineret Regali jure. Yet some contentions followed,* 1.51 betwix•• the Bishops, the Earls, and the Dukes of Savoy; and therefore the Citizens, for De∣fence of themselves,* 1.52 entered League with the Helvetians, Berne,

and Frebergh (the Neighbour free Cities) and so were power∣ful to shew their Teeth,* 1.53 against both factions, and occasion was soon offered to bite.

For by the preaching of Farellus (sometime Scholar unto Stupulensis and Viretus) they began to dislike their Bishops Per∣son,* 1.54 and his Popery; Beginning to reform, as other the said Neighbour Cities had done.* 1.55 Novandae Religionis studium, ac Reipub. commutandae oblatam occasionem arripuerunt. And yet they would have been content with Him and his Episcopacy, but not with His Popery.

The Bishop in possession, and having (as Calvin after con∣fesses) Ius gladii,* 1.56 & alias civilis Iurisdictionis partes, Farellus then exclaims against that Civil Authority in Bishops, as un∣lawful.

From which Doctrine, it was no marvel if the Citizens took upon them, that the Soveraignty of the City was in Themselves, and so the Bishop, and his crew, gat away.

Quo ejecto,* 1.57 Genevates, Monarchiam, in popularem statum co∣mutarunt.

And by such advise as pleased them, they ordain a new Form of popular Government, jura Magistratus.

The Bishop joined with the Duke of Savoy, quarrels his right, assault the City, anno 1536. and were beaten back, and the Ci∣ty,* 1.58 ever since, rule themselves: For Calvin was now come to them, a Frenchman, and may be called their Founder, the wisest man that ever the French Church could boast off; A Civilian bred, and got his Divinity, not by learning it, but by teaching others. And this was their first Principle in Divinity, to cast off their Rulers at Pleasure. The Gospel, to wrest the Sword.

Thus altered the Soveraignty, and thereafter the Government of the Church; Some of their own say, it was mirabiliter. In∣deed, much like the other; as The One was thrust out, so the O∣ther was abolished;* 1.59 Dealing therein, as men do with rotten houses; overthrow all the whole frame of Ecclesiastical building at once, in∣to a rude heap; out of which, they may the better make choise, and take of that old stuff, as they please to build a new, and yet in that way they are as inconstant. But hereupon they advise of a Church Government,* 1.60 respective to some Neighbour Cities; and in this hurly burley, they confesse, they could fall upon no better, and yet they soon change this Model.

A principal Stickler therein, was this Iohn Calvin, He be∣gan Ecclesiam componere anno 1536. It being before (as himself saies) tanquam dissoluta Scopa,* 1.61 and makes them swear to his Dis∣cipline, paucis capitibus comprehensum,, which lasted not nine Moneths wonder,* 1.62 and he, and his Comrades, bold Farellus and eloquent Viretus banished, and why? Tyranni esse voluerunt;

In liberam Civitate••, voluerunt novum pontificatum revocare.

In their absence, the City disagrees (Farell••s and Viretus being better provided) Calvin lying at the Lurch, sometimes at Tigurum,* 1.63 Basil, Strasburgh, returns again 1541. and with much cunning devises, as there was a Civil Sena••e, so he would have an Ecclesiastical Assembly of twelve simple Citizens, and (observe his modesty) but six Ministers; The odds made it more colourable for Calvin, in Number, but not in Value (U∣nion in a prepared Conspiracy, prevailing more than Number) for himself cunningly commands all, to the great regret of the Comminalty, whom at his pleasure, and with his power, in the Consistory, he suspended from the Communion, which is in∣deed the very Scepter of their pretended Sion.

The City displeased with their Con••istory,* 1.64 advise with their Neighbour Cities on that point, and therein Calvin in outward shew the most busie, and therefore is admitted to pen their mis∣sive Letters, but underhand directs his own Letters to their Minister Bullenger,* 1.65 and others; presuming that their Ministers would confer with them; and therefore thus he prepares them, with lamentable Complaints against the (Geneve) Senates blind∣ness, unhospitable to Strangers, abusive to Farell••s, Defen∣ders of Hereticks, and Devils incarnate. Implores conside∣ration upon himself, and his Associat••, being impugned by the wicked, for bringing them, from under the yoke of sin, to see the Sun of Righteousness. Ascribes much to their Mini∣sters, the ver•• ••upport of Gods Church, N••nc (saith he) ex∣tremus actus agitur, nisi istinct afferatur remedium. And unless the Devil be now unsaddled by them, habenas ei laxatum iri, he would get the Bit in his Teeth, and run riot at pleasure. And for his own part he meant not to stay by it, but run away too; Nec morositate nostra ••iet, ut loco potius cedamus quam sen∣tentia.

And for what can a Man imagine all these good words? why, truly he tells Mr. Bullinger, Brevis summa est, that your Noble Senate would say, that his Discipline is Consentanea verbo Dei. By no means, they would not; but they were content to say, it did accedere ad praescriptum verbi Dei; and withall returned back with their Letters a Form of their Government, but not to prescribe any of it to them, for that their own at Geneva might be more convenient.

Hereupon 1537. Calvin foreknowing the effect of their Let∣ters, hastens the City to resolve, who, with much ado, assemble, and put their own discipline to the Vote, which came to this up∣shot (as Calvin saies himself) In illa promisc••a calluvie Suffragiis fuimus superiores;* 1.66 for when stomach strives with wit, the match is unequal.

And let these his own Words be recorded (in perpetuam rei memoriam) by how many reverend Fathers, and famous Per∣sons, with what Wisdome and Deliberation this Form of pre∣tended holy Discipline was revived and entertained, if a disor∣dered multitude by most voices, laid this plat-form, for all po∣sterity to imitate.

Major voice,* 1.67 helpt him well, upon which advantage he would practice: And therefore crouds in fifty French, his Countrey∣men, at a clap, free Denizons; who had Ius Iubendae legis, and his Inter est was (no doubt more) to force in Ministers.

For when the Magistrates would have but preferred a Genevi∣an born to be one, Calvin storms at him; Trollietus (saies he) quidnam? quod natione sit Genevensis (no other cause) nisi quod Simiae amant suos Catulos.* 1.68 And indeed the Emperour Charls V. intending wars upon France, gave good leasure and leave to the Reformers to increase, the Pope to be displeased, which occasioned Calvin to compile his Book De necesitate refor∣mandae Ecclesiae.

And so have we, from whence It came, whither It would, who devised It, when, and how, and where, planted in Gene∣va Anno 1554. and Calvin continued there to his death, 1561. aged 52. years.

And yet to spread it abroad (for all Calvins wit) he was glad, it seems to get it into favour with the assistance of Reverend Be∣za,* 1.69 being alike bred up with the profession of several Refor∣mers, who (together) gave value to the progress of this begin∣ning; and truly of a good Man, grew much in admiration of Calvins wit, which induced him thereto, and became at length very bold (in his Prescriptions to some in England) to intermed∣dle here, and in Scotland, for the like Reformation; witness his Epistles to Lawson and Knox;* 1.70 His discourse of three kind of Bishops, of God, of Man, and of the Devil, to the exceeding censure of him.

In France it had no repute, being termed Thalmud Sabaudi∣acum.

To England it came, upon occasion of some Male-contents, in reference to Geneva; for in Queen Maries Martyring time, those being fled to Franckford, they were afresh assaulted with the Orders of Geneve; and Knox and Whittington collect the particulars of Edward the sixth's Common-Prayer Book, and send it to Calvin, who very censoriously is pleased to say Mul∣tas video fuisse tolerabiles ineptias.

However, Franckford inclined to the English, and chuse Dr. Horn their Superintendent: at which Calvin storms; and by great entertainments of other English, as Whittington, Gilby, Goodman, and others, invited their Persons to Geneve, and so

stole their hearts to his humonr also.* 1.71 And they thereafter spread it in England the second year of Queen Elizabeth. About which time, Knox came also and carried it into Scotland. And this is the true story of the Geneve discipline briefly and impar∣tially put together.

This year a Treaty was held at Cambray,* 1.72 by Delegates of England, France, and Spain, for settling the various differences of State; but especially between England and France, for re∣storing Calice, which had been lost to them by Queen Mary, but by no means would be rendered back. Yet at last a Truce was concluded upon these Articles.

Neither Prince shall invade each Other,* 1.73 nor assist Eithers Ene∣mies. The Ships of either Nation shall give Caution at their se••∣ting out to Sea, not to molest each Other. Free Commerce and Tra∣ding to be increased. The French Fortification at Armoth in Scot∣land, to be demolished. Eight years the French shall enjoy Calice, with the Appurtenances, and sixteen Pieces of Ordinance, and pre∣sently after shall restore it to Queen Elizabeth. Eight sufficient Merchants (not French Subjects) shall be bound in 500000 Crowns for performance hereof, and the Right of the Town to remain in the Queen. And if any Attempt or Innovation, be by any English, during that time, against the French, or the Queen of Scots, then the other shall be free. And on the contrary, If any prejudice shall be attempted or done by the French King, the Queen of Scots, or the Dolphine, against England, then Calice shall be instantly from thenceforth rendred to Q. Elizabeth.

A Peace at the same time and place was concluded between the Queen of England, and Francis and Mary King and Queen of Scotland, and certain A••RTICLES of Agree∣ments were referred to Commissioners to regulate abuses of each Borderers.

And accordingly this Peace was proclamed in England and Frauce,* 1.74 but soon broken; for the French King aiming at Eng∣land, for his Son and the Queen of Scots, would not withdraw his French Garrisons out of Scotland, as was agreed, but privi∣ly sent over fresh Supplies, and openly challenges Interest in England for his Son and Daughter-in-law; and in all writings used this Title,* 1.75 Francis and Mary King and Queen of Scotland, England, and Ireland; Bearing and quartering the Arms of Eng∣land, and upon their Heralds Coats.

Of which Throgmorton the English Ambassadour Lieger, com∣plained without redress. Levied forces openly and sent them to Scotland to border all places of England; And being an utter Enemie to the Protestaints, was under hand abetted by the Pope, the Emperour, and Spain, holding Her an Heretique and Illegitimate. But those his Designs were soon cut off by an

untimely accident upon him; for tilting at the Nuptials of his Daughter with Spain, and his Sister with Savoy, and being run in at the eye with a Lance, the Bur sticking in his brains, he died immediately.

Some hopes Queen Elizabeth had now of lessening her fears,* 1.76 and therefore to strike in with his Son and Successor, She kept his Fathers Obsequies with magnificent solemnity in Pauls Church; And sent Howard the Lord Effinghams Son, to Con∣dole the Kings Death, and to Congratulate the new Successor, with desire to continue Friendship and League, as with his Fa∣ther. But the Guisians Party that now were like to govern all, counselled the young K. to increase the quarrel, and not to leave off the Arms of England.

Throgmorton was told, That they might as well bear those of Eng∣land, as Queen Elizabeth did theirs of France. It was so questi∣oned at Cambray, but Doctor Wootton, answered, That twelve Kings of England on a Row had born them, with so much au∣thority, that no Treaty ever disputed.

But at last France finding the Queens jealousie to kindle into flame,* 1.77 they forbore, with this bravado, That indeed it was un∣done upon better consideration; no addition of Terms or Ti∣tles could give Honour, but rather Diminution, to the Most Christian King of Fr••nce; and that former Kings challenging and prosecuting their undoubted rights to Naples and Millan in Italy, yet used them not additional to France.

We return again to our Scots. Knox came to his Party, be∣ing arrived out of France, May 1559. hastens to Saint Iohnstons, * 1.78 preaching them into practice. And first they chuse an Orator, the Laird of Caldor, with Petitions and Supplications to the Queen Regent of their Demands; for having before got leave to read the Bible, now they desire to convene in Prayer, to in∣terprete the Scripture, to baptize their own, to receive in both kinds, and (ever at the end of all) to have the Priests Refor∣med.

To all these, She gave a reasonable answer, but not so satis∣factory as they required.

They protest in Parliament to stand to their Tenents, and If Distraction or Destruction follow, the blood they bring home to the score of bad Government. For which, they were summoned to appear at Serlin; and they, to strengthen themselves against any force, congregate all their parties from Dundee, Montross, Saint Iohnston,* 1.79 Angus, and Mernes; and so came forward to∣wards the Queen at Sterlin; whom she caused in prudence (with fair promises) to be staied; and now they call themselves the Congregation, and keeping still in a body, the necessity of State inforced her to put them to the Horn; Inhibiting all upon pain

of Rebellion not to side with them. Whereupon they fall to acti∣on, Robbing and Plundering the Gray and Black-Fryers, a buil∣ding of wonderous cost and greatness, which in three daies they who∣ly destroyed.* 1.80

But the French Forces, and other power of the Kingdom, soon made them to yield the Town upon Treaty, which was se∣cured by the French, until several Congregations had inveigled some of the Discontented Nobles, and siding with them, send a Trumpet to redemand the Town; which being denied, by force take it;* 1.81 And with Knox (their chief) destroyed Scone, took Sterlin, and so marched to Edenburgh: from whence the Queen was fled ro Dunbar, and there in the Name of Francis and Ma∣ry King and Queen of Scotland,* 1.82 Dolphin and Dolphiness of Viennois (now in France) and lately maried, commands them to separate and depart home; upon pain of Treason.

This begat a consent to treat at Preston, to little purpose there, but was somewhat pieced afterwards at Edenburgh; Then they make a New Covenant at Sterlin,* 1.83 resolve to call as∣sistance of the Neighbour Princes, and send into England to Q. Elizabeth, newly come to the Crown.* 1.84

The Queen Regent (a most modest and virtuous Matron) was as busie;* 1.85 and accordingly came over 1000. French in Au∣gust, the rest in September; and so each party prepare for Warr.

The Congregators had got to their side these Noblemen, the Duke of Castle-herault,* 1.86 the Earls of Arran, Arguile, Glencarn, and Montieth; the Lords Ruthen, Uchiltry, Boyd, and divers o∣ther Lords and Lairds; The Queen proclaims them Traytors; They reply with a Declaration against it.* 1.87 She thereupon by Lion her Herald, denounceth Treason against them all.

Upon which they convene,* 1.88 draw up Articles against her Go∣vernment, and to depose her from Regency; and for Her and the French to depart Edenburgh in 24. hours, and the next day storm it, but with loss, and fled.

The Earl of Bothwell, having much interest in the State, sends for more forces to the Duke of Guise in France,* 1.89 who go∣verned all there, and sent them some, which suffered Shipwrack upon the Coast of Holland.

Robert Mel••in, in behalf of the Congregators, returns from Q. Elizabeth, with Articles to be answered; which afterwards came to a Contract.

And having got England,* 1.90 in a different Policy, to friend their Cause, they wisely decline their Title of Congregators, and call▪ themselves Protestants, as in England, from whom now they have great Support (rather to ballance with the French,* 1.91 than bowlster their proceedings) but it was long first, being of∣ten

••olicited by hu••ble Letters from the Protestant Lords, and particularly, to apologize for a pestilent Pamphlet written by Knox against the Government of Women, which he also excused in se∣veral long-winded Letters to Queen Eliz. her self,* 1.92 and to Sir W. Caecil Secretary of State.

To whom Caecil replies in brief.

Mr. Knox, Mr. Knox,* 2.1

Non est Masculus neque faemina; Omnes enim (ut ait Paulus) unum sumus in Christo Iesu; Benedictus vir qui confidit in domi∣no, et erit Dominus fiducia ejus. I need to wish you no more pru∣dence, than Gods grace; whereof God send you plenty.

Oxford July 28. 1559.

W. CAECIL.

But their Messenger was Secretary William Maitland of Li∣dington, and others, who in a doleful tone complains, that since Queen Maries mariage in France, the Scots Government was quite altered, with favour to the French, who flock thither for preferment, and trust of Offices of Honour, and Places of Strength, their Coin corrupted, and so in time to Master all, and make them French.

Caecil,* 2.2 Lord Burghley, a wise and subtle States-man, deals with Sir Henry Peircey (afterward Earl of Northumberland) so far their Neighbour, to pick out of the Congregators, what they aimed at; for they were then budding into a profession, which the wisest of the World knew not what to make of: And, that if they succeed by this assistance, upon what conditions they would piece with England, and so to find their temper, being supposed State Revolters.

They,* 2.3 with eyes heaved up to Heaven, answer, For no other Aim or Intention, but the glory of Iesus Christ; and the sin∣cere word of God, truly preached, against all Abominations, and Superstitions; to restrain the Fury of Persecution; and conserve their Liberty; The mutual Love of both Kingdomes, was the Sum of all their desires, to which end they vow their Lives and Faith.

It was but slowly considered; upon these grounds, That the Scots were poor, bare of Money and Munition, unfaithful to themselves, and not to be trusted abroad, but warily to go to work with them, They were advised to stand upon their Guard, and not enter rashly into Arms.

But when the English found the French so forward, as to be on foot with Warlike forces, under command of Marquess •• Albeuf, Uncle to the Queen of Scots, levied by the Reingrave in Germany, with Ammunition and Ordinance, ready to be ••hipped, It appeared to be rather for Conquest than Counte∣nance,

and so was it time for the English to strike in for a share, if not to prevent such Neighbour-hood, upon that Rule, Let the French be thy Friend, but not thy Neighbour, and indeed were afraid of an invasion, as was threatned, upon several Preten∣ces.

And first the English Counsellors wisely considered, not to provoke, nor to give bad Examples for Princes, to lend Pro∣tection to rebellious Subjects (For so all Potentates esteemed the Scots against their Sovereign.) And on the other side, it might be accounted little Piety, to forsake a Protestant Party, for so the Religion would have them. But concluded it reasonable to be in Arms, and to expect occasions; It being alwaies the English fore-sight to prevent invasion at home.* 2.4 On the sudden it was hastened to send forces to Scotland, upon pretence however to assist Religion, and so drive out the French from thence ere they should take firm footing there.

This Result might be grounded on former Examples; by the English neglect, lost Ambleteul, and the Fortifications neer Bo∣logn, taken suddenly; which necessitated the loss of Bologn it self, presently after. And the same carelessness rendered Calice to the French. Upon which score, lest Berwick and the Bor∣ders should be surprized, forces are sent by Land thither, and by Sea into Edenburgh Fryth, with a Fleet that suddenly set upon the French Ships riding neer the Shore, and their Garrisons in the Isle of Inchketh.

The Duke of Norfolk comes to Berwick with forces assisted with Commissioners (Sir William Caecil Secretary, and Doctor Wootton a Civilian.) And who must come to kiss their hands, but the Prior of St. Andrews, Iames, the Bastard Son of Iames the fifth, the Lord Ruthen and others, Commissioned from Ha∣milton Duke of Castle-herault, and the Confederates, and there enter league with England.* 2.5

In May 1560. For preservation of the Kingdom of Scotland a∣gainst the French, during their Mariage with the French King, and a year after: and for expelling the French, provided that they preserve obedience to the Queen of Scotland.

The Governours of that State, Who had imped their Wings with Eagles Feathers▪ liked no game now, but what was raked out of the ashes of Monarchy, making head against Soveraignty. And to make it the better, called in to their aid the English Forces, inviting their antient Enemy the English, against the French; and by that means, turned her own Sword, into her own bowells, to the funeral of her own Liberty; and so it was no wonder, Scotland at that tiuse, to pass under Foreign Servitude. Evermore crying Liberty, which they most avoided as they came neerer to the End, and Event.

And hereupon an English Army of 10000.* 2.6 was sent, under Command of the Lord Gray, and were received by the Duke, Arguile, Ruthen, and Others; the Queen Regent, with her fa∣ction, took security in the Castle of Edenburgh; The French inclosed within the Town,* 2.7 issued out upon the Besiegers, and put them to flight.

But rallying again, forced the French into the Town, and stormed it with great loss.

And now the Ministers make the fourth and last Covenant, To expulse the French out of the Kingdome,* 2.8 when in Iune 1560. the Queen Regent dies, and forthwith came Commissioners, Randan with a Bishop, Deputies from the King and Queen in France;* 2.9 Sir William Caecil, and Doctor Whitton from England, treat and conclude a Peace at Edenburgh in Iuly, That the Eng∣lish and French should depart the Kingdom,* 2.10 and 24. elect shall go∣vern, whereof the King and Queen in France shall nominate seven, and the States five, as one Council; and six of those to be of the Quorum. And Deputies of the Congregation to be sent into France by Petition to the King and Queen for granting privileges concerning the Reformed Ministers, and their Religion.

Which Treaty Queen Elizabeth endeavored evermore here∣after to press Queen Mary to ratifie, which she alwaies refused, or excused.

And thus being rid of two devowring Armies, some hopes remained to recover that poor Nation into reasonable quiet.

But the Strangets gone,* 2.11 the Ministers pulpit their Design, prescribing certain Diocesses to several Men. We shall use their Names hereafter.

• Knox to Edenburgh,
• Goodman to Saint Andrews,
• Heriot to Aberdeen.
• Row to Saint Iohnstons,
• Meossen to Iedbrough,
• Christoson to Dundee,
• Forgeson to Dumfermling.
• Lindsey to Lieth.

Afterwards they had their Super-Intendents.* 2.12

• Spotswood for Lothian,
• Woram for Fife,
• Willock for Glasco,
• Canswell for Arguile and the Isles,
• Dun for Angus and Mearors.

And then the next Parliament,* 2.13 they supplicate for Liberty of Conscience, with Invectives against Papistry, but not Episco∣pacy

as yet. And presented 25. Articles of the Confession of their Faith ratified by the three Estates, called Lords of the Articles, viz. eight Lords, eight Church-men, eight Com∣mons; * 2.14 these are first to consider Articles and Heads, and then to present them to the Parlament to pass, and are called in the Latine, Authores Apolecti.

And two Acts were published against the Mass, the Popes Supremacy and Jurisdiction, which were sent to the King and Queen in France for ratification, but by them refused; however Knox, Winram, Spotswood, Willock, Dowglas, and Row, devi∣sed a Policy of Church-Government,* 2.15 which they called Disci∣pline; And fearing the future, they send Commissioners into England, to supplicate Queen Elizabeths assistance and support, against fresh Forces out of France; when in December 1560. Francis King of France and Scotland dies,* 2.16 and therefore to his Queen Widow, was sent the Lord Iames, afterwards E. of Mur∣ray, as her Counsel.

In this Interim,* 2.17 the Ministers bethink of some Orderly Form in the Kirk; The Manner of electing Super-Intendents was, to summon the Churches about Edenburgh, by publick Edict; Iohn Knox presented Iohn Spotswood, Super-Intendent of Lo∣thian, whom the multitude accepted, and promise obedience, as to their Pastor.

He by questions, professes and answers, That he accepts of this office without any respect of worldly Commodity, Riches or Glory; but since these daies of pluralties, they leave out this Article without answering, concluding to be subject and o∣bedient to the late Discipline of their Kirk.

And thus he becomes a Minister of the Multitudes making, which, with the blessing of some one of them, he is dismis∣sed.

At this time comes over an Ambassadour from France to restore Bishops and Church-men;* 2.18 He was answered Negative, and so departed. And presently after they fall to pulling down Abbies and Monuments of the Church.

And now begins Jealousies,* 2.19 between the two Queens of England and Scotland; For the Scots had sent into England for the Queens ratification of the Treaty at Edenburgh, which she signed; but the Queen of Scotland in France refused it, with excuse, until she comes home, and consult with her Council; which the other took ill: Although she had endeavoured with reasonable Arguments to satisfie her Ambassadour Throgmorton therein.

But the Widow Queen arrived in Scotland out of France in August 1561.* 2.20 in most tempestuous weather; Triste et lugubre Cae∣lum: And no sooner come, but hath Mass in her Chapel;

and breeding disquiet,* 2.21 she proclaims it death to oppose it; a∣gainst which the Earl of Arran protests by Proclamation, and Knox by preaching; with whom, the Queen vouchsafes con∣ference, concerning the Mass, which she wisely sought to maintain, and rebuked him for his insolent Book against Go∣vernment by Women; and Knox gave it for his opinion of Her, That she had a proud mind, a crafty Wit, and indurate heart.

And the sooner to put Her to it,* 2.22 the Provost and Bayliffs up∣on their Election at Edenburgh, customarily proclaim the gene∣ral Ordinances, and Orders of the Town; In which they in∣serted against the Mass, and for which they were punished, and proclamation for freedome of Papists.

The Ministers oppose, and in private Conventicles, dispute Obedience to Soveraigns in that case, and conclude to be absol∣ved; whereat the Council were offended, and Knox and Row urge it the more, and resolve to put the question (forsooth) to the Church of Geneva, which Knox undertakes to mannage.

The Queen being thus busied,* 2.23 to quiet her own discontents, Queen Elizabeth sends Sir Peter Mewtes to require the Ratifica∣tion of the Peace at Edenburgh (as upon all Scotish distractions she evermore urged) who was answered as heretofore, that She would advise.

The General Assembly of the Kirk was now,* 2.24 wherein the Ministers could not be ruled with any reason, but rashly offered their Book of Discipline; which the Lords, (even of their own Congregation) wisely thought fit, not so suddenly to prescribe, till the affairs of the Estate were settled, and the Ministers as madly would have it now, drawing (with all their ••unning) the Gentry, to their side, and to assemble without the Lords; so that it was visible to wisemen, Excessit medicina mo∣dum, or rather, excessit medicina malum.

It was now conceived opportune,* 2.25 for the Queen, and the peace of all, that this assembling, at the Will of the Ministery, should be questioned, and if possible to make them void, un∣less by publick allowance of the Prince; for under colour of rectifying some disorders in the Ministery, or other petty occa∣sions, they took opportunity by this means, to convene, and so to plot and vent all their devices against Government; and this being expresly conceived dangerous, and mutinous (as they ma∣naged the matter) it was stopt.

Then they propose the ratification of their Discipline Book,* 2.26 subsigned with hands enough of their Nobles, when it was de∣vised; they durst then do no other, for fear of the Multitude; which the Queen refused; protesting mer••ily she was well as∣sured, The Lords that subscribed, never ment to submit, being t•••• severe for their wilde tempers to obey, who under Writ, as children are baptized, fide Parentum.

Then they supplicate for maintenance, being as yet, only at the Will of the people.

To begin their work, a reasonable pittance was sufficient con∣tribution, which afterwards, they inordinately sought means to increase.* 2.27

And therefore for the present to please them, the Council Or∣dered, That the Bishops should have two parts of their Livings, and the other two parts should be gathered by appointment, for uses of the Ministers, and the common affairs of State: The Queen being served, the Ministery should have the Remainder. Which Knox interpreted in his Pulpit, to be

Two parts to the Devil, The third between God and the Devil, And the fourth for his Dam.

And by compute of their own Lords of the Congregation, a hundred Marks a year,* 2.28 was then sufficient for a single Minister, viz. five Old Pieces, and three hundred Marks to the highest, with Wife and Children, (the Super-Intendents excepted.) The Lords fearing the Pride of the Ministers, appointed Modificators (as they stiled themselvs) left they should be over wanton,* 2.29 which truly with this pittance could not be much feared. But indeed, for what they had (as the Queen observed) they never prayed for any blessing upon Her, to which Knox replied, That she had no more interest in that Revenue, than the Souldiers had to divide Christs Garments; Nay, she not so good title as they: for they par∣ted not them untill Christ was crucified, But she shares whilst Christ is preaching. These words were accounted insolent, which he boasted of, That thus Truth will triumph.

At this time a Riot was committed by the Marquess D' Al∣buef, * 2.30 the Earl Bothwell, and some others, upon the House of one Ramsey for his Daughter-in-law, Allisson Grage, in malice against the Earl of Arran who bore affection to her. The Ministers were great Sticklers herein, evermore siding in all quarrels, as might make for themselves, and supplicate the Queen for pub∣lick Justice; She execused her Uncle D' Albuef, being a Stranger to the Customes of the Country, but she would order his obe∣dience and civility for the future.

This not sufficient, the Duke and Hamilton (fomented by Knox) take Arms against Bothwell;* 2.31 to appease them, the Queen sent Murray (lately made an Earl) & Huntley, to command Peace. But Bothwell having private conference with Knox, gained unto them the E. of Arran. Not many daies after Arran discovers to Knox, and others (but falsely) that Bothwell should conspire to take the Queen, and deliver her to him, & that Murray, and Lething••n the Secretary,* 2.32 should be murthered, and so he and Bothwell to govern all, which he resolved to discover to the Queen, and

did;* 2.33 immediately tetyring to his Father, the Duke of Castle-Herault, at Kennel; who, it seems, suspected his false Design, and restrained him. But he, getting loose, meets his Brother the Earl of Murray, who brought him to the Queen at Faulkland. Upon his Accusation Hamilton and Bothwell were secured, not without some appearance, that Arrans tale was disjointed, and therefore he was thereupon cunningly advised by Knox to pre∣tend a little whimsey of distraction in the brain, to colour their Knavery. However, the Queen commits them all to Saint An∣drews Castle, and takes from the Duke his Command of the Ca∣stle Dunbarton.

She returns to Edenburgh, where, according to the season, some Court pastimes were exercised by the Queen her self, against which Knox openly preached, and which begat a confe∣rence with him, the Lord Iames, Morton, and Lethington being present; accusing him to have irreverently and dishonestly spo∣ken of her Majesty, endeavoring to draw the peoples affections from their duty, much besides his Text, but upon his better behaviour, there might be hope of the Queens Grace and Par∣don, which was, as yet, deferred.

But she no sooner progressed to the North,* 2.34 her absence giving occasion (as at all such times) for the Ministers to assemble, and evermore to whisper some dangerous designs against them, on purpose the better to linck themselves in power for any plot; and to busie themselves in all State-affairs, which now began to be in difference amongst the Lords, especially Huntleys party against Murrays power, and the family of the Gourdons; and, which gave occasion to Knox, and his Party, to preach fears and jea∣lousies, and to stand upon their Guard, doubting, very much, to be questioned for those, and other, his offences; They as∣semble at Ayre, where to secure himself, and to make his parti∣cular Crimes past, to be justified by them all, They enter a new and strange kind of Covenant,* 2.35 That whosoever shall molest, trou∣ble, or hurt any of their Members, the fact shall be reputed hainous against the whole body of them all. And this was made an Act, and confirmed with Subscriptions, Sept. 1562. Amongst whom, in this rabble; they had got to side with them, such unruly Lords, as were like to make notable use of this their Doctrine, as Glencarn, Boyd, Uchiltry, and others.

Then travels Knox to Neisdall and Galloway, keeps corre∣spondency with Bothwell, who had lately broke Prison; writes to the Duke to beware of Huntley, bruiting abroad that the Queen was surprized, Murray and all his Friends slain; in this his journey he challenges the Abbot of Cosranel to dispute, op∣poses his preaching, and puts Hay into his Pulpit.

In this progress of the Queens,* 2.36 the Castle of Innerness was

maintained against her entrance by Gourdons Command, which by force was fain to be rendred, and his Kinsman, the Captain, hanged, and diverse other Confederates: whereupon Earl Hunt∣ley takes Arms and threatens Murray, Lethington, and Pittarro, to the hazard of the Queens person, who calls to her aid all the Counties to Aberdeen, summons the Castle of Finlator, which was denied her, and the Castle of Ashdown also, by Huntley. Gourdon seizes a Guard of sixty men, slew some, and disarmed all; for which fact, and Huntley also refusing to come in, they were proclamed Rebells, who raise a thousand men, the Queen as many,* 2.37 and to her aid comes the Duke, the Earls of Arguile, Murray, and Glencarn, and, neer Aberdeen, Huntley was beaten, his two Sons slain, and himself, a Corpulent Man, with the heat in Summer time, died without any wound, and was carried to Aberdeen, that night; which fulfilled his Wifes prophecy (af∣fected to Witchcraft) that he should be in the Town that night without any hurt.

Gourdon was presently executed, who in fear, but more hope of life, revealed the Treason of his Father and Family, as also of the E. of Sutherland.

In those times the French were much imbroyled with Civil Dissention at home, which gave occasion that the Intelligence, and outward Friendship of both Queen of England and Scot∣land increased, and Lethington was sent express to England first, and then to the Guisians in France, concerning the Scots affairs, and the Queens Mariage, of which now began much talk, with the Infant of Spain, or with the Emperors Brother, or with the Duke d' Neveurs, but the most guessed aright, which after hap∣pened, with the Lord Darly son to the Earl of Lenox.

The Court came to Winter at Edenburgh, where the season commonly admits more plenty of Diet and Entertainments, and so had been usually observed at Christmas time, but now no more such Idolatrous mirth and prophaness, the Ministers rail against it, which had like to have brought much mischief, but that their business was somewhat interrupted by the slip of of a Chip of their own Block; for Panl Messans, Super-Inten∣dent and maried,* 2.38 was questioned for getting Barn upon his Maid Bessy; he boldly denied her accusation, and much cun∣ning there was, to hide this Sin from the general slander of the Ministery, Especially by the Papists Priests, whose Brotherhoods had been often canvased by the Congregation, for such Crimes. And at the instant, when the opinion of his Sanctity, and some juggling helps of his Brethren to boot, inclined the Judges to cleer him, notwithstanding ears and eyes of several Witnesses, afforded more than suspition of his guilt, then on the sudden, comes home the Wenches Brother from Far, being heretofore

intrusted by Messans with Bribes and Tokens for them both,* 2.39 with such other particulars as at last condemned him; who in the end confessed all, though he was Knox great Companion, and Ring∣leader into much mischief.

At this merry Christmas,* 2.40 one Chattelet, a French Gentleman, having had the honour to dance with the Queen, the usual grace of all Princes at such Balls, by which occasion he imboldened himself so far into disorder, that she caused him to be question∣ed, arraigned, and executed; Indeed he had placed himself so suspitious for Mischief, or Treason, as he acknowledged his guilt, and died penitent; and desirous (in an humble intenti∣on) to satisfy any jealousie of dishonour to the Queen, he said at this time of his suffering, that he was no otherwaies guilty, but, pour estre, trouve in lieu trop suspect. The Ministers commen∣ted at pleasure on these his last words, trouve in lieu trop suspect.

In Easter following the Mass was more publique, by permis∣sion of the Bishop of Saint Andrews,* 2.41 and the Abbot of Quit∣holm, which had been forbidden under pain of Death, yet un∣derhand permitted, but divers persons, Priests, were apprehen∣ded by the Kirkmen who take upon them to prosecute, examine, condemn and execute without authority of the Queen or Coun∣cil, They pretending, That the Spirit of God did to their con∣sciences justifie their actions.

And to the Court comes Knox, bold and busie, preaching it into a further practice, who was willed by the Queen to preach Jesus Christ, and him crucified, and peace to the People; to leave the affairs of State, and proceedings of Laws to her Ex∣ecution.

He answered, That the Sword was trusted to Princes, whilest they execute true Iudgement; If otherwise, those that fear God may perform that duty, and justifie it. He had his Text for it, Samuel slew Agag, whom Saul saved; Elias spared not Jezabel, nor Baals Priests, in the presence of the King Achab; Phi••eas was no Magistrate, yet strook Zimri and Cosbi to the Death.

There was an Election of Super-Intendency at Dunfres, and the Bishop of Caithness stood for it, which the Queen opposed, against whom she had good reason to except, having been false to her private Items concerning the Ministery, and under∣hand revealed all to Knox, who had gotten interest with him his great Confident; and therefore the Queen advised Knox to be just in their choice of good men (for the Bishop was now cut out a chip of their Block.) But he is to be chosen upon this Score, That the free Spirit electing, they cannot err; And so being confident to carry it by his power, left the voting to the Commissioners.

His back being turned, they take Robert Punt; for now was

Knox progressing his Itinerate Circuit, to Glasco, his visitation, and to get assistance of voices against those of the Mass, who were summoned to Assemble, in May following, at Edenburgh; where the Bishops, Priors, and Parsons appeared, and to please the People,* 2.42 divers Papists were committed, the first that ever suffered imprisonment for their Religion by publique Authority. Which yet was ill construed by the Kirk-men, as done, say they, by deceit, to avoid further quarrelling in Parliament, which began two daies after; And the Queen, attended with a train of Ladies, gave fresh matter of anger to the Kirk, for their fine clothes, and were not quiet till they presented Articles for Reformation therein;* 2.43 and hereof being told by Earl Murray, as disturbers of greater consequences; Knox in a rage dischar∣ges Murray, by writing, from medling with the Kirk (in which busi∣ness he had been very observant) or with his affairs (as he stiled his Popedome) Telling him, of his mean estate, when Knox took him up at London; and by his means, thus set up, beyond his me∣rit, or mans imagination: but now; he leaves him loose to his own wit, and doubts not but to his destruction.

And thus he durst do to the Queens Brother, the prime man at the Stern of the State.

In this Parliament Acts and Ordinances were made,* 2.44 against Adultery and Witch-craft, (which at that time abounded, even with the great ones) for restitution of Glebes, Reparation of the Churches; and yet all these could not content Knox, for he pulpits nothing but State-affairs; is displeased with all, And tells them,* 2.45 that although their Parliament ends, without due con∣firmation of the Kirks desires, their establishment was by the best of Parliaments, without King or Queen; and they scorn to steal away from their former stoutness, which hath thus far prospered; bids them be assured, that if the Queens affection in Mariage (which he knew of as well as the best of them all) should fall upon an Infidel (all Papists being so) they must expect plag••es to follow, and the Kirks curse to boot.

Of this,* 2.46 he and Arskin, Super-intendent of Angus, were questioned by the Queen in private; She tells them in tears, which broke into brevity, How low her Princely Nature descen∣ded in often conferences with sundry of them; advising them to mo∣deration, whilst she could Counsel for their quiet establishment. And thus restraining her self in punishing their disorders, both against her Person, her Power, and her deerest Uncles (for you spare none) you take the more Liberty to heighten your offences beyond pardon.

Knox answers,* 2.47 That his patience in suffering abominations, was more agreeable to be disputed than his pardon was to be pleaded, and if his tongue took liberty in his preaching place, she must take it as she pleased; for in the Pulpit, he was not Master of himse••••, and

yet had no Superior but God, to speak plain, not to flatter any flesh up∣on the face of the Earth.

Qu. Doth my Mariage concern the Pulpit?

Kn. Yes, more than your Counsellors, who are so wedded to your affections, that none but we dare tell them their duty; and as my birth makes me a Subject, so my Gifts give me freedom of equality with your Peers, and it becomes me not to be less content with your publick actions; Your Mariage concerns us all.

Arskin was more moderate, and much moved at the Queens excess of Tears; Which rather burst out in despite so to be de∣spised.

But Knox told her, He could better sustain her Tears, than the trouble of his Cause, or to betray the Common-wealth.

Herewith, she bid him be gone, but durst not question him, his faction was so great. Yet not over fearful to be less than her self, she set the committed Papists at Liberty; at which Knox was angry, using his grace at Meat, To be delivered from Idolatry, and to have Peace but for a season, and why (said some) not alwaies?

He answered, That he prayed in Faith, and his Conscience con∣ceiving, during the Mass, peace could not be, therefore in Faith he wished it might not be.

To Sterlin the Court came,* 2.48 her houshold-Mass never, till now, questioned; A zealous Brother, Patrick Cranston, past up to the Altar, and forced away what was thereon in presence of the Priest ready for their sacrifice; for which violation Cranston, and another, his Companion, Armstrong, were committed; which intrenching upon their late Covenant, concerned their whole Body. The News was carried to Knox, in all extremities his counsel was called for, and therefore, Pope-like, he sends his Breves.

IOHN KNOX

To all the Brethren, &c.* 3.1

And thus subscribed,

Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in my Name, there am I in the midst.

He remembers the Brethren of the dangerous by-past times, which their Assemblies withstood, but being not frequent, the adversary took advantage, that their bloods are to be shed in the persons of these co••∣mitted, for only opposing the rascal Multitude that repaird to that Id••l, with their devilish Ceremonies, & conjuring accursed Water; this pre∣paration upon these two, and some others, is as a door opened for cr••∣elty against us all; for prevention he commands a meeting publick

at Edenburgh, without fear of any power, or failing at the day assigned.

This Letter dispersed by Copies, came also to Ayre, and so to the Queen and Council, at Sterlin, and sentenced as Trea∣son; the Nobility were speedily sent unto for their Authority of Condemnation in December.

In the mean time Murray returns from the North,* 3.2 confers with Lethington and L. Heris, advises Knox to submit for pardon, which he boldly refused, having sent for Spency Advocate of Dundee, and others, to assist him. But was brought to the Queen and Council in the evening; whom the Brethren followed in Multitudes, flocking and forcing, even to the Cabinet Chamber; where assembled the Duke, Arguile, Murray, Glencarn, Ruthen, and a full Council; and then the Queen came in presence. Le∣thington produces the Breves, which he acknowledges, and reads them. Being asked, whether he were sorry so much had past from his pen, he answered, Before I repent, teach me my Offence; If the vocating of the Queens liege people be a Crime, We must then di∣stinguish between lawful and unlawful Assembling; what Conven∣tion hath been without my vocating? He was answered, That heretofore it might admit favourable construction, but now the Q. presence in the Kingdom, and more peaceable Authority, it becomes no private person to assume that boldness. Knox replied, The time that was, to me is now; though the Devil has got a vizard, he came in as himself, a Tyrant; and was it then more lawful? But now he practiceth under the Cloke of justice, what he could not do by strength; And if my Convention was without the Q. command, so hath all that God hath blessed, since the beginning of this action. The Q. fin∣ding the pulse of the major party of the Lords, consented to spare further censure, upon his better behavior, and so he was returned.

The General Assembly began in December,* 3.3 and the Petitions which the Ministers of Churches presented, were neglected, to which they concluded,* 3.4 if the Q. will not, we must. Christ. Goodman an Englishman of their gang, demanded of the Secretary, What title either the Queen had to the thirds, or the Papists to two parts? He was answered, Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena republica. But he replied, I am so, in the policy of Scotland, but free born in the universal Church of God, and the care thereof, as equal mine, as any yours. Knox craved the Opinion, and sentence of the Assem∣bly, for his behaviour formerly and present; to which some said, It was not for them to justifie rash Iudgments of men, who speak their own pleasure, not the publick profit. Nothing intervend, but the Mi∣nisters continual railing, until the next general Assembly in Iune 1564. whereto, the Lords adjoined; but withdrew into the Inner Council-house, and required to confer there with the Su∣per-Intendents, and chief Ministers; answer was returned, That

as they were members of the Church,* 3.5 so they ought to propose in pub∣lick, and be assisted by the whole body; inferring some foul play, to draw the Ministers singly to the faction of the Court. Which the Lords in answer endeavored to cleer, assuring, that no conclusion should be of this discourse, without consent of the Assembly.

And so they were permitted a choice number, among whom we may be assured Knox was not wanting, and to watch the Scribes pen.

The Lords began to remonstrate the grace of the Queen for liberty in Religion, though not of her own profession, which should deserve good Offices from that Church, to maintain her advancement, and to procure obedience of her people, with their unanimous and uniform Prayer for her Majesty, especially Mr. Knox to be moderate in obedience to her person and State; for others by the evil example may imitate the like liberty, albeit not perhaps with the same discretion and fore-sight.

Knox answered,* 3.6 The Queens grace is not the grace of God; Ido∣latry is maintained by her own person, and for her Sins the Land must lament. So was Juda and Jerusalem for Manasses; and though not all the people, some followed, and some consented, by act and deed, by suffering and permission, as the Q. and you Lords.

They told him of his prayer, which was, To illuminate her heart, if thy good pleasure so be, with condition: he answered, We must ask according to his will, thy will be done, and so the Master of the Prophets and Apostles taught him to pray.

They said it gave a doubt in the people of her conversion. No, said Knox, In her obstinate Rebellion, not to hear true preaching, but will use the Mass; and Peter prayed, That if it were possible, the thoughts of Simon Magus may be forgiven him, and the same doubt toucheth me of the Queen.

After long disputation of the duty of subjects in general, which Knox disallow'd in each particular, Lethington desired the Lords to decide these questions, and whether the Q. should have Mass? but Knox opposed sentence, but in the Assembly, yet they fell to voting and dissented, without concluding.

In Iuly the Q. in progress,* 3.7 there past many letters of kindness between the two Queens, with costly presents and tokens.

In October the E. of Lenox returns from England, and for his sake, the sooner to restor him to his lands, after 22. years exile, a Parliament is called at Edenburgh, in Decemb. and then arrives his Son Henry Stuart, Lord Darly, out of England, and E. Bothwell out of France, against whom Murray complains, concerning the Conspiracy, (alleged by the Earl of Arran,) and for breaking Prison.

The Q. taking great affection to Darly,* 3.8 she posts away Lething∣ton to Queen Elizabeth, that she meant to mary him, the rather,

he being of Kin to both Queens; for his Mother was their Co∣sin German (and of the same name Stuart by his Father.)

King Iames the fifth having lost his two Sons, declared his Resolution for the Earl of Lenox to be his Heir;* 3.9 but the Kings death, and his Daughter born, prevented that Design.

Then comes the Earl out of France, with intention to mary that Kings Widow, and that failing, he maries Margarite Dowglas, and his Son maries the Kings daughter Mary, and so the effect of the Kings desire continues the Crown in the Name and Family.

Q. Eliz.* 3.10 not pleased to suffer such Contracts with Subjects, prejudicial to the Crown, (seeing her great affection) pretends to declare her Heir to the Crown of England, if she might advise her Mariage, and commands Lenox, and Darly, to return to England, but underhand well satisfied, she promoted the Mariage, as good security to the succession of the Crown of England, he being se∣cond heir to the Q. of Scots; Nor cared Q. Eliz. to have her meanly maried, who she thought (of her self) was too proud.

The Court affairs hindred not the business of the Church,* 3.11 who receive several Letters from the brethren of the West, to them at Edenburgh, Dundee, Fife, and Angus, to mind them of the Mass, which stuck in their stomacks, till it were vomitted out of the Kingdom. They feared the Papists Pasche, and so made suppli∣cation to the Q. by the Super-intendent of Lothian, for effecting their desires; which the Secretary received, and procured the Q. letters to several Bishops, of St. Andrews, Aberdeen, and other pla∣ces, to forbear Mass.

The Communion was administred in Edenburgh, Apr. 1565. and neer Easter the Bayliffs imprisoned a Priest,* 3.12 one Carvet, after Mass, and others with him, revesting him with his Robes, and so, Priest-like, mounted him on the Market Cross, with his Chalice bound to his hand, and his body to the Cross, for 2 hours, whilest the Boyes sweetned him with rotten Easter Eggs.

The next day he and his Companions were accused and convin∣ced by Assize, and sparing his life, he was again tied to the Cross, for 3 hours, the hang-man beside him, to keep off the Malignity of the people, and after imprisoned, whom the Q. shortly after released, and well rewarded him, and his Assistants Low and Ken∣nedy, * 3.13 with livings. In May convened at Edenburgh, the E. Murray, with his Confidents, to keep the Law-day against Bothwell, who durst not appear, but fled into Frace, not without suspition of favor and maintenance of the Q. though she was innocent. This convention (of colour concerning Bothwell) being, Murray, Ar∣guile, Glencarn, Morton, and others, Lords and Barons, sat upon business of the Church, for enlarging some Articles, to be ready for the next general Assembly.

The Queen as far as Sterlin,* 3.14 soon had knowledge of the As∣sembly, and jealous of all Conventions without her presence, commanded their appearance before her, with the Super-Inten∣dents, * 3.15 and others. This served her turn another way, to give presence to her investing the Lord Darly with titles of Honour before Mariage; and procured them to sign the Ratification of the Contract, though Murray refused, and excused, until the whole, or principal, Nobility should be present.

At this instant, arrives at St••rlin, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, Ambassadour from England, being teturned with ••ethington; who declared, that his Queen was highly displeased with this precipitate Mariage, and the meaness of the Man, and desired that the Earl of Lenox, and his Son Darly, might be dismissed back to England. To this the Queen gave fair words, and would satisfy her Sister by Embassy of her own.

And so was the Mariage propounded in Council, and gran∣ted by all, with Murrays consent, upon these terms, to esta∣blish Religion, and abolish Mass, but in that particular to be further discussed at Saint Iohnstons.

And forthwith was Darly created Earl of Ross,* 3.16 and withall the Queen called for the Super-Intendents, pleasing them with some Court-Holy-water, but referred the business of Religion to a publique Dispute for Peace to the Kingdom. This was not satisfactory to them, but they advise upon six Articles for the next Assembly; And then they presented them to the Queen at Saint Iohnstons by Commissioners from the Church National at Edenburgh,* 3.17 as they now stile themselves.

First, For abolishing all manner of Popery, universally to be suppressed, not onely in each Subject, but also in the Qu••ens own Person.

Secondly, Provision of Maintenance for the Ministry, and dis∣sposing of Livings.

Thirdly, For Tryal of Sufficiency of Super-Intendents, and Ministers.

Fourthly, For all lands of Popish Foundation to be restored for maintenance of the poor, and Scholars preferment.

Fiftly, Against all horrid Crimes, Ecclesiastick and Temporal, be appointed two Iudges.

Sixthly, For ease and support of poor H••••sbandmen, &c.

The Queen receives these Articles, but refers answer, till she comes to Edenburgh in eight daies: which displeased the As∣sembly, who therefore have private meetings, and elect eight persons, to see the Brethren well armed, and after a longer time of attendance, get answer in Writing.

To the first,* 3.18 The Queen is not perswaded to Presbytery, and believes no impiety in the Mass, and so not to be prest against Her

Conscience, nor will she forsake hers; and having no assured consi∣deration to countervail the same, she may not loose thereby, her Al∣lies of France, (the maried Ally of this Realm) and other her Con∣federates; That seeing they plead for Freedome of Conscience, she lists not to be bound up; That for the Establishment thereof in the body of the Realm, she refers to the consent of Parliament, and in the mean time assures, that for Religion, on her part, none shall be disturbed.

Secondly, She thinks it unreasonable to be defrauded of so great a part of the Crowns Patrimony, as to put the Patronage of Bene∣fices, out of her own hands, and want Support; but allows conside∣ration of her own Necessity, and the Ministers Support.

The rest in effect, she refers to Parliament.

By the way from Saint Iohnst••n, to shew her inclination to the Kirk, being to Witness the Christening of the Lord Le∣vinstons child, She gave her presence to the Protestant Sermon, which she never did before.

And yet had she notice of some Conspiracy of the Kirk, upon which, divers were committed at Edenburgh.

And being minded to mary,* 3.19 she prorogues the Parliament till September, and summons by Letters, such Lords and Gentle∣men, that were neer, with Arms and Forces for fifteen daies to attend her person at Edenburgh the 23. of Iuly, and procla∣mation also for Free-holders in like manner;* 3.20 then Ross was made Duke of Ro••hsay; and the same day, the Banes and Mariage was concluded.

Murray, both privately and publickly was advised to attend, but refusing, an Herald is sent, and after eight and forty hours, he was denounced Rebell, and put to the Horn, and Arguile also.

And now begins Parties to stir, Athole against Arguile, Lind∣sey against Rothess; the Lord Gourdon, after three years impri∣sonment in Dunbar, was released and restored, to be a Bar in the North to ballance with Murray.

In the evening the Mariage was proclamed,* 3.21 By name Henry and Mary King and Queen of Scotland, and solemnized the next Morning, 27. Iuly 1565.

Not without Divine providence, for the more certain conjun∣ction of both Kingdomes in their right of Descension from Margarite (the eldest Daughter to Henry 7. of England) who had but two children, Iames the fifth, by Iames the fourth, and Margarite Dowglas, by Earl Angus, her second Husband. This Iames the fift, had but one Child, Mary, sole Heir to the Crown; Margarite Dowglas brought up with her Uncle Henry 8. maried Stuart Earl of Lennox, who was banished into England, by them came Henry Lord Darly, and Charles, father to Arabella. So that

the whole right of Q. Margarite (all other issue of H. 8. failing) was united in these.

The Earl Rothess, the Laird Grange, and Pilcar, with others of Fife, were put to the Horn, for not appearing, and imme∣diately the Drums beat,* 3.22 for men of War, to take pay for the King and Queen, which alteration begat several fears.

The Lords disperse to Arguile,* 3.23 and send Elphinston into Eng∣land for support, who brought ten thousand pound Sterling. And in August the Lords meet at Ayre; Hamilton, Arguile, Mur∣ray, Glencarn, Rothess, Boyd, Uchiltry, and Others, conclude to be in force the 24. of August; which the King prevented, by hasty proclamation of their rebellion, and commanding all men to appear at Lithgow the same day.

Upon the ninth of August (being Sunday) the King comes to the High Kirk at Edenburgh,* 3.24 and hears Knox preach, who speaks against Government of wicked Princes, and for the sins of the peo∣ple God gives them Boyes and Women; Iustly punishing Ahab for not ordering the Harlot Jezabell.

Immediately Knox was summoned before the Council, and silenced for twenty daies; and Cragg to supply his place.

The 25. of August the King and Queen journied to Glasgow,* 3.25 and the next day the Lords met at Paisley, with a thousand Horse, and march to Hamilton, keeping the passes in sight of the King and Queen, and so to Edenburgh, entering the Town, notwithstanding the Canon-shot of the Castle; and immediate∣ly beat their Drum, and offered pay, for Defence of God (as they called it) but to Men or Arms came to their Support; and that was strange, for all the chief Lords were there, the Duke, Mur∣ray, Arguile, Glencarn, Rothess, Boyd, Uchiltry, and other Ba∣rons. They write expostulatory Letters to the King and Queen, without answer, who martch with five thousand men; Lenox had the Van, Morton the Battel, and the King and Queen the Rere, and come immediately towards Edenburgh. In the mean time the Castle makes six shot of Canon, and the next day the Lords depart to Hamilton.

The King & Queen pass to Sterlin, and command all to return to Glasgow, where remaining four daies (the Lords being gone to Dunfres) they return again to Sterlin, their Army increasing both Horse and Foot, and so to Fife, where the Lords subscribe, to defend the King and Queen against the English and Rebells,* 3.26 and so come to Saint Andrews, where the King summons the Lords by Name to appear within six daies, which they refusing, are put to the Horn; and being come to Edenburgh, they proclame, The design of the Lords, under pretence of Religion, to suppress the present Government, or to appoint Counsel of their own.

In October the Super-Intendent of Lothian, with the whole

Ministery under his Charge, meet at Edenburgh, present a sup∣plication to their Majesties, by their Super-Intendents, Spots∣wood and Lindsay, for payment of their Stipends, which is pro∣mised to be paid.

The Lords removed to Carlisle, the King and Queen march from Edenburgh the 8. of October towards Dunfres, mustering 18000. men, and marching up and down, return to Eden∣burgh.

The most of these Lords being of the Religion,* 3.27 and called The Lords of the Congregation, fled into England to the Earl of Bedford, Lieutenant of Berwick; from thence Murray posts to London, but leaves the Lords at Newcastle. He was much mi∣staken, for the Queen, with great sute ere she affords him au∣dience, demanding, how he, being a Rebel to her Sister, dares thus boldly take protection in her Realm, denies to support him, or any his Confederate Companions. However, after Murrays departure,* 3.28 she sent them aid, and writ in their favour to the Queen.

Upon this Rebellion, divers of the Kirk party, fled al∣so, as ingaged therein, and those remaining were in some fear. Iohn Knox, stiling them absent, the best and goodlyest part of all the Nobility, chief Members of the Government, alwaies praying for them in publique, and reviling those that appeared for the King, even in the presence of all the Coun∣cil.

In November all those Lords in Rebellion were summoned a∣gainst the fourth of February, for Treason, and not appearing, the Queen publiquely declared her Defence, and Maintenance of the Catholiques, and sundry Lords, and others, went openly to Mass.

At last the banisht Lords humbled themselves for the King and Queens favour.* 3.29 The Duke and his Friends at Newcastle in England, by mediation of the Abbot of Kilcunning, had pardon up∣on condition to depart into France, which he did.

The 25. Decemb. the Commissioners of the Churches for the general Assembly convene in Edenburgh,* 3.30 and conclude, That notwithstanding the Acts of Parlament and Proclamations, the Masse and Papistry was maintained, and new Collectors being put in, forbidding allowances to the Ministery, in great want. In these they resolved to have relief.

The Catholiques for themselves supplicate also, for publique use of their Religion, which was granted, and they offered the dispute, being backed by the King and his Faction, all Pa∣pists, together with the power of Rizio an Italian favourite, un∣der title of the French Secretary;* 3.31 and yet these Lords now at

Court were divided, Morton, Mar, and Lethington, against Hunt∣ley and Bothwell.

And again the General Assembly meet at Edenburgh, and or∣der a publique Fast throughout all the reformed Churches;* 3.32 the manner devised by Knox, and printed, which is the first me∣thod of that kind that we read of in Scotland. So there∣upon followed the effects, Supplication to the Queen for Regulation of the means ordained for Support of the Mi∣nistery. Spotswood, Row, and Lindsey present their case. And the Queen answered, that the fault was in their own Officer and Controller, Pittarrow, who medled with the thirds; and so the Ministers and Assembly departed to their Residencies.

In Ianuary arrives (through England) Monsieur Rambullet,* 3.33 Embassadour from France, with 40. horse his Train, who brought to the King the Order of Saint Michael, (the Scots call it the Cockle-shell) and at this Ceremony of investing, the Heraulds were in some disorder to devise Arms for the Kings bearing; The Arms of Scotland were not allowed; seeing the Parliament denied him the Crown Matrimonial, he could have no other, but as Earl and Duke,* 3.34 the Queen bidding them allow him no more than his Due. Her love becomes cold, for she began to set her Name before His, and not long af••er to leave him out of all writings. And because of some necessary use of his Signet a∣lone, It was advised out of his hand, and trusted to Rizio.

And now at Edenburgh, the Court busie about the Attainder of some of the banished Lords, not submitting, which by rea∣son of dissenting parties was staied, and more particular occa∣sioned by the Murther of Rizio. This Italian (or Piedmontoise) a Musitian by Profession, but by his Wit and cunning got to be Secretary to the Queen for French, as Mettallan was of State; who for envy to him, and love to Murray (Rizio's Enemy) plotted revenge with Morton, and Lord Herris, to be rid of Ri∣zio, by any way: but Morton refused. Then he insinuates with Rizio, and tells him, that the Office of Chancelour being in Morton, a man unlearned in Letters, or Laws, was only pro∣tected by the Queens favor; which if by his means withdrawn, his Office might be soon surrendred to Rizio, and he made capable thereof, by being free Denizon, and naturalized.

Hereupon Mortons Castle of Tantallon was summoned into the Kings hand, who enters as heir to his Grand-father the Earl of Angus. Rizio is designed Earl, and money offered for Mel∣vin Castle; with the like increase of Favour, neglects his duty to the King, and draws on his own Death, now concluded by George Dowglas an active man, the Lord Lindsey, Lord Ruthen, and the Earl of Lennox the Kings Father. Rizio suspects, and keeps Guard of 50. Halberds. Then they adjoin the E. Morton,

hardly drawn thereto, until his right to the Earldom of Augus was restored, and further capitulates by Articles, That Religi∣on should be re-established, as before the Queen returned out of France; The banished Lords to be restored; And the fact to be owned by the King, who signed hereto.

Lenox posts into England to the Lords, and brings them neerer the Borders. The Confederates, and Morton, with strength and secrecie, seizes the keys of the Palace, leaves some forces in the Inner Court below, to surprize such Lords as were not of the plot, and staies in the presence. The King, with Ruthen and five more, went up the back-stairs to the Queen at Supper, waited on by the Countess Arguile, Rizio, and some Servants; She was amazed to see them armed; Ruthen fastens upon Rizio, tells him a meaner place became him; who ran to the Queen, and clasping her, the King gently takes the Queen in his Arms, and saies, He is resolved to punish the Villain for his abuse to the Countrey, and so delivers him to Ruthen, who carries him down to Morton. Bothwell and Huntley raise the Court, but are beaten back by the Guard, and forced to fly. Metallan, who though chief in this design, supped with Athole to keep him in, and himself from mistrust, but his Ser∣vants were in the fray, which scuffling below was suspected a∣bove, as a Rescue for Rizio, and so they suddenly stab'd him with Daggers. The South••aiers had warned him of the Ba∣stard, which he interpreted to be Murray; but it was George Dow∣glas who was a bastard.

These Murtherers at the first had proposed to hang him, and had Halters for that purpose, but in hast they stabb'd him with 53. wounds. Bothwell and Huntley came in to the Close, but soon had their arrand to begon or to taste the same sauce. Rizio had ambitiously managed the most affairs with pride, beyond the equipage of the King, and was designed this Parliament to be Chancelour, which made those Lords in envy to be his Ene∣mies, and forced the King, and his Father to sign to his Death. Rizio had advice of this by the French Priest Dannet, but his fate was unavoidable, which the Queen some time resented with tears, threatning revenge, which to avoid they fly to England, where Ruthen dies. The Noise hereof in the Town, caused the Provost to ring the Common Bell (or sonner le Tocsen, as the French speak) assembling 500. and come up to the Court, but the King told them, all was well.

The King,* 3.35 to strengthen himself after this Action, inclined to the Religion, and subscribed to a Proclamation, that all Bi∣shops, Abbats, and other Papists, should avoid the Town, which they did; and commands the Provost, and those of Lieth and Conogate, to be in arms, with advice also to other Lords to ha∣sten

to him with force. And now comes Murray, and other ba∣nished Lords being sent for (as the Covenant against Rizio was subscribed) convoyed by Hume with 1000. horse; The Earls Cathness,* 3.36 Athole, Sutherland, with all the Bishops being depar∣ted the Town; In comes the other new faction of Lords, and in Council advise the Queen to be satisfied with Rizio's death, and take it as good service; the Queen dissembling her passion, got the remove of all the men in Arms out of the Court; and so with some domestiques in the night drew the easy King to fly with her to Dunbar, sending for all the Lords to attend in five daies.

The Religion, by these factions ever-more get advantage, which otherwise this Parliament now sitting might have lessned, being most Papists, for a dozen wooden Altars, were prepared, to be set up in St. Giles Church.

The Queen, now assisted with Bothwell, Huntley, and others, with Proclamation before them, march with a thousand back to Edenburgh, from whence the united Lords (but divided in o∣pinions) depart and disperse, and Knox we easily believe was not left behind. And much troubled were he and his, that the King by his Proclamation, now excused himself from the Murther of Rizio, who offended all men (their own words) the fact being done for his Honour, if he had wisdome to see it, and so lost his Cre∣dit and Friends by his Inconstancy: and tr••ly it was rumoured, and some writ so, that Knox had a hand in it.

Divers Lords were put to the Horn, their Lands escheated, and many of them executed, but Arguile and Murray received into favour, and both factions somewhat pieced and reconciled. The King and his Father neglected,* 3.37 and Bothwell preferred ve∣ry highly.

The Ministers Supplicate for their Stipends, complaining ve∣ry humbly (not usual) of the Officers and Collectors, and for redress, desire Mandatory Letters for Restitution, and to stop it in the Queens Exchequer till farther Order. In all she promised very gratious relief.

The 19. of Iune 1566. the Queen at Edenburgh was delivered of a Son,* 3.38 with exceeding joy, and great happiness to all the Kingdome, and the several assemblies followed, assisted by Murray and Arguile, wherein Paul Messans formerly excommu∣nicate about his Bastard,* 3.39 as aforesaid, and now returned out of England, was to be received into the Church again.

Knox invited him home, and presuming of his free pardon, and forgiveness, sent his Apostolique Letters to accompany him to the Assembly, and tells them in the words of St. Paul (con∣cerning the excommunicate incestuous person▪) It is sufficient that he was rebuked of many &c. For this cause I write, that I

might know your obedience in all things;* 3.40 and to whom you forgive, I forgive also &c. But notwithstanding this Apostolick Command, his Repentance is prescribed, much like a Penance; Presenting himself in Sackcloth, bare of Bonnet, and bare of Shoon for an hour, at the Entry of Saint Giles Church in Eden∣burgh, at seven hours in the Morn, till Prayers, psalm and Text, and then upon the Stool all Sermon: and so for three several Church-daies, and confesses his Repentance. And in this man∣ner also in Iedwart and Dundee; which after all performed, and received a Repentant, He complaining of this rigour and shame, without taking leave of any, retires back again into England.

The Bishop of Galloway, the Earl of Huntleys Brother, being called to Council, could not brook his former title of Super-In∣tendent, as he was stiled, and thereof formerly well pleased, but must be called Bishop of Galloway.

In August, one Harris, that had been of the Queens Chapel, but lately of the reformed Religion, and got into E. Ruthens ser∣vice, having acted in the Murther of Rizio, was thereof convict, hanged and quartered.

The King condemned of all,* 3.41 and neglected of the Queen, wrote to the Pope, and to Spain, complaining of the Queens ill Government of the Catholiques, which she intercepted, and re∣sented to his ruin. For Bothwel to bring on his Design aimed to be Principal, and to effect his Greatness, thought good to procure Morton to be called home (but not to Court) where he might look on, and not be seen, free from fear and danger, and though a Kins-man to the King, yet his Power was lessened to no∣thing.

Most writers complain of these times, and some of them, like Noahs blessed Sons, overspread with the Mantle of silence the nakedness of these unnatural actions, of such, as we ought to ow duty and piety unto, pittying the Errors of Princes. Their excellent endowments of Nature and Morality, not to be exam∣pled, and yet Shipwrackt in mis-governing. I cannot search into all the Causes, which drew on these lamentable events, Secret Lothings in Wedlock, which who knows, but the Actors; dislike, hatred, freedom, revenge; seconded with false shews of Reason, and Colour of Law and Justice, what will it not do? Her Husband had dragged Rizio from her affection, and favour, to death. He was not crowned, but made publique by Her Proclamation, not acknowledged by Parliament, and in law but a Private Man, and her Subject, and so lyable to judg∣ment.

But his powerful kindred and Friends, prevent that attempt. Secret Justice is Justice; formalities are for common Causes;

and the Princes power may dispence with forms in case of ne∣cessity or convenience, and so he became an object of wicked mens malice.

And now had Knox procured,* 3.42 though heretofore he cunning∣ly refused, as fearing prevention or false play, when now not overlooked, he to his purpose got the Churches of Geneva, Bern, and Basil, with others, reformed in Germany and France, to send to the Kirk of Scotland the sum of their several Confes∣sions of faith, he alleging the dissonant opinions of Scotland; which occasioned an Assembly of Knox and his Confidents, who having a confused irregulation, without any positive Ar∣ticles, concluded as the most cunning way to assent to all with∣out exceptions, and so returned answer; as if in Spirit to jump in faith and discipline, who never could agree amongst themselves in either.

At this time (the Kirks saies so) Bothwell was wounded in chace of the Theeves at Liddisdale,* 3.43 whom the Queen visited, and thereof in grief, took sickness in extremity; but say they by binding Cords about her shacle bones, knees and great Toes (a pretty cure for our Mountebanks, It seems an od fit of the Mother) she revived, prayed in English, and commends the cause of the Catholiques to Murray and Bothwell, whom she as∣signed Regents.

The King posts from Sterling to the Queen at Iedburgh, where he found Her somewhat convalesced (saies the Church∣men) but scarce would speak to him; who immediately returns to Sterlin, where the Prince was, and so to his Father at Glas∣gow.

She being recovered, took pleasure to visit Bothwell, who was brought in a Litter to her, and cured; and afterwards she progressed to the Borders neer Barwick, which she viewed with∣in half a Mile, the Governor discharging the Ordnance for her honor,* 3.44 and offered her his lawful Service, visiting her in excel∣lent Equipage.

The Borderers are the Inhabitants of both Nations; Men of War,* 3.45 Subtile, Nimble, Experienced, Adventurous in arms; comprehended by the East, Middle, and West, but bounded and limitted, as the Success of War gives distance, neer or far∣ther off. Continual fewd between either for three hundred years. Aut Bellum inter eos populos, aut belli praeparatio, aut Infi∣da pax fuit. A Custome there is amongst all, never to believe a complaint against any, unless one of his own Countrey-men will witness it also, according to that of Cambden, Nulla nisi Scotus in Scotum; Nullus nisi Anglus in Anglum testis admittitur. which seldom happens, and so they sight it out.

And these were Receivers of Fugitives of both Nations, as

their Crimes or Ne••essities required protection or pardon; In∣different Subjects to either Nation, or rather acknowledging no Soveraign. Over these people either Kingdome had their three several Governours to rule them by force.

The Baptism of the Prince was solemni••'d at Sterlin by the B. of S. Andrews▪* 3.46 at five a clock after-noon, Decem. 17. 1566. after the manner of the Protestant Churches, and christned Iames, the Witnesses were the Earl of Bedford, then Governor of Berwick, for the Queen of England; the Count de Briance for Charles the French King, and an Ambassadour for Philbert Duke of Savoy. The Queen of Englands Present a Font of pure Gold, valued three thousand Crowns, though she grieved in heart to hear her Rival prevent her in the honour of a Mother. The King belike, knowing the English Ambassadours Charge not to salute him King, was not present at these Solemnities, nor required, but kept his Chamber; His Father sends to him to repair to Glasgow, which he did, without adiew to any, and not a Mile on his way, but he felt pa••gs in his Stomach, and at Glasgow blistered blewish; which the Physicians suspecting, with their Antidotes, and his Fresh Youth, he recovered.

The Earl of Bedford had in Commission to compound the differences Domestique of the Court, between King and Queen; and for them to forbear the bearing the Arms of Eng∣land quartered with Scotland, and to ratifie the old Treaty at Edenburgh. The last she refused, as in some particulars de∣rogate from the right of her Issue to the Crown of England.

The Queen in this Christening Triumph,* 3.47 congratulates all Suters, the Kirk put in, and had what they desired; Subscri∣ption to their Maintenance, out of the thirds of Benefices, and presented by the Bishop of Galloway to the Assembly, when ha∣ving got their ends, their Stomachs were yet squemish, for the Collections (which granted but of Grace) themselves to gather, pretending, That it was their part to preach to the People, and to expect from them maintenance necessary, as of duty the Pa∣stor to pray, might crave of his flock to pay, and farther for them to have no care; and also, seeing the Tythes were onely for the Ministery, they required the Protestants should keep them in their own hands, and be so accountable unto them, and not to permit the Papists to meddle therein. So at one blow they meant to acquit the Papists of their Portion. It was ob∣served, how soon those Men stand upon terms, and by cree∣ping into the people, begin now to give Law to their Bene∣factors.

And now also,* 3.48 they thunder Excommunications for trivial Offences, deny the Communion to whom they or the Godly party are displeased withall; And though an Offender, repen∣tant,

and done his Penance, yet he must stay from the Sacra∣ment, till the Minister saies, that he is penitent enough, that is, when he thinks fit, as he likes the party; If not, they are all, Father, Mother and Daughter, called into Disciplinarian Consistory, a place of Criminal Infamy. And although the Lay had place therein to judge, yet the Kirk did all, and more than ever any Bishops Spiritual Jurisdiction; and the Magi∣strates Power and Office was only to effect the Forms of the o∣thers censure, and be their Executioners. And of all, they had procured the Queens consent at Sterlin: Nay more, they obtained for every Borough, a douation of Altarage, Annalls, and Obites, which alwaies heretofore were due to the Papists, but now to be disposed for maintenance of the Ministery, with∣out stickling at these Abominations.* 3.49 And how ingratefully they acknowledged the Queens bounty, they divulging, that she intending revenge against the King, stroke in with the Kirk, lest they might disquiet her designs and affection to Bothwell; who also for the favours and countenance that he received in England, was much their friend.

And thus heightned,* 3.50 they take upon them to write to the Bi∣shops and Pastors of England, who profess with us (say they) the truth of Jesus Christ.

Taking knowledge that divers Brethren, the most learned (no doubt) in England, are deprived Ec••lesiastical function, for not using S••perstitious and Idolatrous Vestments; urging the Apo∣stolick Argument, To do, as to be done unto, insisting much up∣on the tenderness of scrupulous Consciences, and that the Brethren, that use not those Raggs, neglect not you that do, and so conclude, not to rend Christs Garments for trifles.

But they have sithence learned other language, and practice worser usage, blood and death, who follow not therein all things of their discipline.

The Bishops reformed were as busie on their parts, not to be presbytered in their own Jurisdictions; and procure to be o∣beyed in all such cases, as before, in the time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and therefore to discharge the Commis∣sioners; for it was now conceived the best policy in the Queen, not to deny either of them, especially where they might cross and quarrel themselves.

The King reasonable well recovered of his drench, was visi∣ted by the Queen at Glasgow, and brought him and his Father to Edenburgh, lodging him neer the Court, in a conveniency from noise, and proper for his health; where she often visited him;* 3.51 and lay in bed with him; but returning to her Palace, the 9th. of February in the 21th. year of his age, 1566. the King was, say some, strangled in his Bed, at Midnight, and

one Servant that watched with him, the House blown up with Gun-powder, his body was found the next morning in a Gar∣den, without the Town Wall, and without any mark of fire. Bothwell, with some others, by warrant, caused the body to be viewed by the Chirurgions, at the Q. command, and buried in the Abby.

This end had Henry Stuart,* 3.52 18. Moneths a King. He was a Prince of high extract by Father and Mother. His Chara∣cter sans-parel; comely, tall, ingenious and liberal; fitted for all Excellencies of mind and body, if time had lent him ex∣perience. He had a quick wit, and writ well, and because he was a King, Covert-barn, and meddled the less, he had the more leisure to hunt and hawk, and ride great Horses, and therein the Mastery. His vices were thereafter; Greatness and Ease made him feed high, and those brought him to In∣continency, though the Queen was beautiful and young e∣nough for a Princess. Such neglects of his, by the Designs of others, hastened his ruine, who took boldness thereby to work their own ends, without the least Guilt of the Queen.

This is the report of some,* 3.53 yet others give as a Story. For the Ministers in hate to the Queen (who truly it appears did much for them in the case of Policy, and their immerits) tells us that by Bothwels direction, Sir Iames and Gilbert Balfores, Chalmers, Spency, Sebastian, Iohn de Bourdeaux, and Ioseph brother to Rizio, Domestiques of the Queen, and Strangers of all Nations, were the men that were Actors in the Murther; Bothwell being in hope to succeed him, in case the Divorce from his Wife should come timely from the Pope,* 3.54 which his hast could not stay for; and easie enough it was to infuse this into honest Lenox, who supplicates the Queen for tryal of Bothwell by Assize, before the Earl of Caithness President, the Earl Cassiles, and other Peers, fourteen in all; who cleered Bothwel, and this was dispatched for satisfaction of the Com∣missioners of the Christned Prince, and their Soveraigns. But Bothwell follows the Queen in her visit of the Prince at Sterlin, from whence he carries her to Dunbar, and for which violence he gets a general pardon, and so includes that of the King, if it should farther burst out.

There was no let to the Queens affection but Bothwels Wife,* 3.55 from whom he was soon divorced, and both content; for She made the first hasty second mariage with the Earl of Sunderland, and he, after the banes publiquely asked by Crage the Minister, was married to the Q. May 15. 1567. (Mala nubunt Mense Maio) by the Bishop of Orkenay.

And truly compare all those which have writ of this Queen,

several Authors,* 3.56 and in several Languages (for all are partial) we may yet pick out truth, concerning her Husbands, and her hasty mariages, in their proper stories.

That Morton,* 3.57 and Murray, and many others besides, plot∣ted the Murther of the late King, upon Malice, Ambition, and Revenge; Each of them by several Interests. But Bothwell got the best Bone, and they their Bones. Indeed they also here∣in murthered the honour of their Mistress, for she seemed a Property, whirled about with every wind, which they sailed by.* 3.58 Buchanan speaks much of this matter in a worser way, and payes the Queen to the Purpose in his History; as also in his Pamphlet, The Detection; Both which were condemned in Parliament; and of them both he repented, Wishing that his blood might expiate those his Falsities and Impieties.

Udal hath more of it in her excuse,* 3.59 and if not partial, take him, who afterwards writ to K. Iames. Or if you please, take our relation who write the neerest of truth than can be gather∣ed, and thus it was.

Sir Roger Aston an English-man (and preferred in Court by the Earl of Dunbar) lodging in the Kings Chamber that night of his Murther;* 3.60 Both of them smelt the fire of a Match, which caused them hastily to leap out of their Beds, and out at a win∣dow into the Garden; the King had his Sword in his hand, and suspecting Treason, as also hazard of the young Prince, hastily commanded Aston to speed thither and prevent his danger, whilst himself single was seized upon by divers, and wounded to death, and so left in the Garden; and to colour it, the House was blown up with Gun-powder, but the Kings body not scorched by any fire, was viewed, and found to be slain by such, as so ordered the secrecy, as not in those daies to be divulged. And this Tale was told by Aston himself, since he came into England with K. Iames.

But that I may unfold the Mistery of these late Murthers, and how the Queen was involved into future suspition, by her hasty Mariages, I shall open Murrays subtilty to be the chief Au∣thor and Actor in all.

The slaughter of Rizio (not long ago) gave security,* 3.61 in that time of distraction at Court, for Murray boldly to appear before the Commis∣sioners, upon his Indictment of Rebellion, the very next day after the Tumult, and so no Accusation came against him, the Murther being hastned for that purpose, The Queen therefore (through the Kings intercession) receives him; her self in such Distraction, con∣ceived it the safest way to depend on his Brotherly (base) Counsel. The King very sensible of his own Accessary in Rizio's death, and deluded by the Cunning contrivance of Morton and Murray, His youth and easiness of belief giving way, Now repents of that rash∣ness,

implores the Queens clemency, and ingenuously reveals to her the Villany of them all, with resolution to be revenged. And seeing the Bastards power and interest in Affairs of State, equal, if not before, His, advises with others to remove him farther off; Murray hath intelligence of all, and, under shadow of outward duty, thought of nothing more than to ruin him. Of which he acquaints Morton by Message into England, who was conveyed thither upon Rizio's murder.

Some difference between the King and Queen gave the advan∣tage; for by their former villany; they animate him to strain upon the Rights of Soveraignty, to his face, which covertly they opposed to the Queen, and alwaies after he had done a miss, to leave him in the lurch.

And finding the good nature of the King likely to comply into af∣fection with the Queen, and to be reconciled together. To prevent them Murray draws in Bothwel to the Confederacy with these murtherers, who though fled, acted in all Councils. And so Both∣wel must be reconciled to Murray, and brought into grace with the Queen.

Contracting under hands and seals, and bound with Oaths, That the King being laid aside, he advanced, the Queen distrusted by the Peers, and so the rule of Regency in Murray.

Upon this Conspiracy, the Bastard conveys himself slyly out of the way, but twelve hours before the King was murthered; and in hurray of affairs returns to Court, and altogether they advise (nay compel) or threaten the Poor Queen to mary Bothwell, who they present, as nobly born, bold and faithful to the State, against all assaults of the English, to prevent the Tumults of the time, and hazard to all. If not, they would purchase their own security, by any otherwaies, how prejudicial soever to her safety, which at last, she was forced to consent unto.

And this Relation was confirmed under the hands of the Earls of Huntley and Arguile, and sent to Q. Eliz. as an undeniable Truth, dated Decem. 1567. which I have seen.

Hereupon the Confederates to acquit Bothwell of the Mur∣der, consent to the general apprehending all such as were suspe∣cted; and Bothwel in particular accused by the Earl of Lenox the late Kings Father;* 3.62 his Case is pleaded by Morton, and he cleered by Sentence of the Judges. And now Bothwell fitted with honour to a capacity of Mariage, the Confederates gain∣ing many Lords to their design, set their hands to an Instrument for that purpose, and altogether implore the Queen to mary Bothwell, which being done, and their turns served; Then they increase a violent suspition, and vent it abroad of the Queens guilt and consent with Bothwell, and so conspire her deposing, and his distruction.

Murray most suspected for the great Villany which followed, intreats for leave to travel into France, as weary of these Dis∣quiets, and to colour his knavery commits his whole Estate in trust to the Queen and Bothwell. No sooner gone, but all the Confederates take Arms, publishing, That Bothwell, now Duke of Orkney, intended to surprize the Prince, and captivate the Queen,* 3.63 who get forces and proclame them Rebels, and march to Seaton, and thereabout. The Armies face each other of equal strength. The French Embassadour. mediates for Peace, but to no purpose, and so retires into Edenburgh. The Lords, to add Justice to their Cause, which seemed hor••id a∣gainst their Comfortless and distressed Queen, satisfie the peo∣ple, that were racked into fears and jealousies how to distinguish these distempers in State. They caused therefore their Ensigns with this device. The late King wounded and dead, the Prince James kneeling by, his hands heaved up towards Heaven, with part of the Psalm; Iudge and revenge my Cause O Lord.

Then out comes Bothwel, and, to avoid the blood of many, of∣fers his own in combate against any. Iames Murray the youn∣ger Brother, accepts the Challenge, but he is refused as not e∣qual in honour. The elder Brother, William Laird of Tyllyburn and then Lord Lindsey, desired the Combate. To whom Morton sends the warlike Sword of Earl Archibald (commonly called Bell the Cat) and a Buckler; with these he presents himself between the Armies; and Bothwel* 3.64 there before. But the Queen forbad them.

In fine, the Lords increasing numbers, being neer home, Eden∣burgh and the Hamiltons failing the Queens forces, Bothwel takes time to fly (being under-hand advised by Morton, his pretended back-friend) which he did least if taken Prisoner,* 3.65 he might be to unravel all these Treacheries. And now absent, it would in∣crease belief of his and the Queens guilt, in the late Murther of the King. He gone, and ••he worsted in fight, and without any defence, renders her self into Edenburgh Castle for thatnight; and the next day she is carried Prisoner to a Castle in the Isle of Lochlevin, under the strickt custody of Murrays Mother, the Harlot of Iames 5. insulting over the poor imprisoned; boa∣sting her self the lawful Wife of Iames 5. and her Son to be his lawful Off-spring.

Both••ell under hand sends to Balfore, Governor of the Castle for a Silver Cabinet of the Q. which was delivered to the Mes∣senger, but discovered to the Lords, who surprized it, and so the secret Letters opened all their actions.

In this hurray of affairs, the Ministers never idle, break down the Abbies, and all the figures of painting and sculpture in the rich Chapel of Holy-rood.

At last comes the Hamiltons, with forces in sight of Eden∣burgh, to recover all, assisted with Arguile, the Earls of Hunt∣ley, Caithness, Rothess, Crawford, and 15. Lords, besides others of Ge••try.

The other Lords move the general Assembly of Mini••ters now (as alwaies in uprores) convened in Iune, to write to the Ene∣my. And besides those Letters, who more busie to accompa∣ny them, and go on the Errand but the Ministery, that mean•• nothing less than peace. Knox, Dowglas, Roe, and Crage, ma∣king such demands for themselves, and more maintenance for the Ministery, That the Cure would be far worser than the Dis∣ease.

These Peace-making Ambassadors,* 3.66 but more military min∣ded, return with their message, bad enough to be bid welcom, which they also heighten for their own purpose and join altoge∣ther in 8. Articles.

That the former Parliament, 24. of August 1560. and all the Acts for Religion should be made good, and defended as lawful.

That the thirds of Tyths, and larger proportion of Benefices for the Ministers.

For reception of youths into Schools and Universities by probate to be reformed.

Crimes against God to be punished.

The Murther of the King to be prosecuted.

The Prince protected.

The Covenant promoted, Popery suppressed by arms, if need were.

That all successive Kings and Princes at Coronation to be sworn to the Religion.

Queen Elizabeth detesting these unbridled insolencies of Subjects (whom she termed,* 3.67 Perfidious, Ingrateful, Cruel Re∣bels) sends Sir Nicholas Throgmorton to expostulate with the Confederates, to restore the Queen from imprisonment, and preserve the Prince into England.

They all assemble (Rebels seldom consent in unanimity) but resolve Not to admit Ambassadours of England, nor Le Croc. and Ville du Roy out of France, to see the Queen. Lethington the cunning Secretary, and his faction; advise for her restoring; he Murther of the King to be answered; the Prince provided for; Bothwel divorced and Religion published.

Others would banish her perpetually into England or France, and those Princes to undertake her Renunciation of Regency to her Son, and certain Lords.

Others are for her Tryal, Condemnation and perpetual custody, and to set up her Son.

The last, and most villains, would have her deprived of Princely Authority, life and all; and this Kno•• and other Ministe••s thun∣dered out in Pulpits.

Throgmorton disputes her Cause,* 3.68 alleging what the Word of God, and all National Lawes do decree, concerning the sacred power of Soveraigns, and earthly duty of Subjects. They reply with Buchanans damnable doctrine, de Iu••e regni apud Scot••s,* 3.69 Murray and he, Contrivers of that Tractate (con∣trary to the whole Histories of Scotland) to create and depose their Princes. They excuse their non-admission of the English Am∣bassadours address to Her, with the denying of the French, who seemed to be satisfied; And in conclusion, frame a De∣claration in writing, without subscription of any, which they exhibite to Throgmorton in answer of all.

In effect, To no other intent they shut her up, but to sequester her from Bothwels person, whom they pretend she dotes upon, to their r••in, and so whilst she cools towards him, her anger may abate from them; with which result and no more, he takes leave, and re∣turns home to England.

They work upon her restraint and miserable Imprisonment; first,* 3.70 in fair way to resign her Regency; and to incline her, they loosen her to a little freedom, the better to shew her the means to escape away; but increasing threats if she refuse, to arraign her for Incontinency, Murther and Tyranny.

At last they compel her to set her hand unto three Instru∣ments.

To resign her Crown and Royal Dignitie to her Son, scarce 13. moneths old.

Murray to be called home to be Vice-gerent, and if he re∣fuse, then

To these Rectors, Iames Duke of Castle-herault, Gilespich Earl of Arguile, Matthew Earl of Lennox, Iohn Earl of Athole, Iames Earl Morton, Alexander Earl of Glencarn, and Iohn Earl of Mar.

And this she did, as extorted in Prison, which were publisht and proclamed the 19. of Iuly 1567. and 5 daies after the Prince crowned at Sterlin, at thirteen Moneths and eight daies old. The Royal, ••ow much soever infant (being due to him at his Birth) is furrogated into the Throne of his deceased Ancestors, and Morton and Hume take Oath for the King; So∣lemnities and Paction, by stipulation and Coronation, do but shew him to the people, not make the Soveraign; and so by these pledges of their faith, knit affections together; for the Ceremonies of his Coronation, due from his birth, though prorogued for a while, did not derogate from his Right, and Regal Authority. And Knox knockt out the Sermon. Murray

is sent for, and returns out of France, and August 20. accepts the Regency.

And because very lately, we mentioned Bothwells challenge for combate. In this void time and place we shall say something concerning Combates.

It was usual in all parts of Christendo••e,* 3.71 where differences could no otherwise be decided, the party was allowed his purgati∣on, By Oath, or otherwise per dquam can••entem, ferrum ign••um; or duellum vulgare.

The Northern Saxons and Normans brought it amongst us; and so continued whilst we were barbarous, but afterwards con∣demned often by the See of Rome.

Richard 1. gave leave for Turnaments (for it had been done by licence, extrajudicial) and so we had of them between Coun∣ties and Towns, It a quod pax terr•••• nostr a non infringetur.

As also, Vir is militaribus Com. Lincoln.

And afterwards Redman, and his three Friends, Hastiludere, cum Halberton, & tribus sociis suis, Civit. Carliol. And it follow∣ed, to be very Ordinary, and too much frequent, till the Pope forbad it through all Christendom.

Detestabiles nundinas, vel ferias, quas vulgo Torniamenta vo∣cant &c. unde mortes hominum, et pericula animarum, s••pe con∣veniunt.

The single Combat was also by legal process in Cases Criminal, in appeals of Treason, out of the Court Marshal, as between Essex and Montford in Henry 2. time. Audley and Chatterton, Rich. 2.

For Murther or Robbery, it is, out of the Kings Bench, as you may read it, Modus faciendi Duellum.

It hath been granted in Cases Civil out of the Marshalls Court about different bearing of Arms, as between Scroop and Citsil; or otherwise, for Title of Land, as in Paramo••rs Case.

But the more justifiable hath been used by sundry offers sin∣gly for saving blood-shed of many.

Three of Our Kings severally challenged that tryal against the French King.

And by Charles of Arragon, and Peter de Terracone for the Isle of Sicile; and that was allowed of by Pope Martin and his Col∣lege of Cardinals.

But it was grown too Common, and so afterwards forbid∣den by Canon, between the Duke of Burgandy, and Duke of Gloucester. Being detestabile genus pugnae, omni divin•• et ••••∣mano jure damnatum, et fidelibus interdictum, &c. Et qu••modo existimare quisquam potest rectum Iudicium ex Duello, In quo

Inimicus veritatis, Diabolus dominatur?

The Regal Prerogative have sometime restrained that liber∣ty in Martial Exercises, or private quarrels, and punished non∣Conformists.

Edward I. Publice fecit proclamari & inhiberi ne quis (under loss of Lands and Goods) either torneare, bordeare, aut Iustas face∣re, aventur as facere, &c. sine licentia Regali speciali.

Nay, none to wear weapons, but the Kings Officers, and some few excepted.

But more often to forbid single Combate, or to determine it, or take it up.

Mawbray and Hereford, both banished.

And when Aneste and Chatterton were ready to fight, Eandem querelam in Manum suam Rex recepit.

That of Fitzthomas, being challenged by Sir William de Ves∣sy, to have defamed the King by Words mentioned in a Sche∣dule. Willielmus audita tenore Schedulae, dementitus est predicto Iohannem, dicendo. Mentitus est tanquam falsus, & pr••ditor, & denegavit omnia sibi imposita, & tradidit vadium in Manum Iu∣sticiarii quo illud admisit. Et predict Iohannes advocavit omnia, & de••entitus est simul dicto Willielmum.

This was done in Ireland, before the Kings Deputy there, but was adjorned into England before the King, and there ad∣judged void. Quia non sit citatus in Regno isto placitare in Curia Regis &c. Duellum co••ce••ere in pla••is de quibus cognitio ad curiam Regis non pertinet, contra legem & consuetudinem Regni. Igitur concordatum est quod processus totalitur adnulletur.

Sundry punishments, in several Cases without licence.

The Earl of Surrey fined a thousand Marks, pro quadam trans∣gresione, in insultu facto, in Alanam de la Zouch.

Inquisitio facta est, de omnibus tenementis & catallis Ro. Garvois, quia Insultum fecit & percussit Edwardum (filium Willielmi) or Williamson.

Cromwell was challenged by Seagrave to fight in France; Subjecting thereby (••aith the Record) this Kingdome to that, was stopt in the way and tryed at the Kings bench. Et super hoc dominus Rex valens habere avisamentum Comitum Baronum Mag∣natum & aliorum de Concilio, &c.

Qui omnes enim dicunt, quod hujusmodi factum meretur poenam amission is vitae.

He was committed to the Tower, and long time unpardoned, His Second was fined two hundred Marks.

Droomlenrig and Hempsfield, antient Noblemen of Scotland upon Suspition of Treason had leave to Combate at Holy-rood-house, armed like antient Palladines fought it out, till the King in presence parted them. Iames 5.

We read of one in the time of Queen Elizabeth 1571. be∣tween Simon Low, and Iohn Ryme, Plaintiffs, against Thoma•• Paramour Defendant.

It was by Writ of Right for some Lands in the Isle of Tenet, in Com. Canc. and in issue at the Common-pleas.

Paramour had his Champion, one George Thorn, who came to the Bar, flung his Gantlet into the Court, to approve the right of Paramour by single Combate, against any.

One Henry Nayler, a Fencer, takes it up, to answer for the other Defendents.

And in Tuttle Fields, by Westminster, the place appointed; A Tent for the Lord Chief Iustice Dyer of the Common-pleas; and other the Barons of that Court.

The Tilt 60. foot square, railed in with Scaffolds round about for Spectators.

Two Pavillions East and West, from one issues out Thorn ap∣parell'd in red Sandals, upon his black Armour, bare legged, bare head, and bare arms to the Elbo, brought by the hand of Sir Ierome Bowes, who bore a red Baston of an ell long, tipt with horn, his Yeoman with an Ox-hide Target, and the Gant∣let bore before them upon a Swords point. To oppose him en∣ters the other, conducted by Sir Henry Cheyney, and both Com∣batants take Oath, to come fasting. But ready to encounter, the Demandant was missing, and so by default, the Chief Ju∣stice resites the Writ and former passages of challenge, and gives Judgement for the Tenant, and leaves the Demandant, and his Pledges, de prosequendo in impercordia Reginae, ••id. Dyer 30.

Some preparations there were of late in King Iames time, intended between two Scotch men, the Lord Ree, and David Ramsey, in point of Treason; but I know of no other policy, preventing the Tryal, than the doubtful effects to decide the question, by this way to find out truth.

But because the matter hath been long laid aside, the manner thereof will not be amiss to preserve to Memory. The Ceremo∣ny was wont to be thus, when it was in Authority and use in the Earl Marshal or High-Constables Court.

The Appellant exhibits his Bill in the High Court, Constable, or Marshal, and failing of his proofs, offers force of his own body, upon the Defendant.

And the Constable (as Vicar General in Arms, (so saies my Author) under the King, hath power to join issue in Battel, and within fourty daies after to appoint time and place. The Constable assigns them arms, being a Gantlet and short Sword, and Long Sword and Dagger; They bring able pledges for ap∣pearance at the day, and for good behaviour to each other till then.

The King names the Field, sixty foot long, and fourty foot broad, firm ground, and even listed about, by Order of the Marshall with Rails, with two Dores, East and West, seven foot high, and kept by the Serjeant at arms.

At the day, the King sits on a Throne mounted, with two seats on each hand for the Constable and Marshall, at the foot of the Ascent; who demand the Pledges, to render them∣selves to the King, or the Appellant and Defendant, to come in and make Oath.

The Appellant comes on horse-back to the East dore, whom the Constable brings in, and demands his name, and why thus armed; He answers I am A. B. Apellant, and demand Entry, to make proof of my intent against C. D. and to acquit my Pledges. The Constable takes off his Bever, and proclames him to be the Man, opens the door and bids him enter, with his Arms, Victuals, necessary Attendants, and Council, pre∣sents him to the King, and sets him on a Seat till the Defendants comming, and request being made, his Pledges are dischar∣ged.

Then the King commands the Constable, who commands the Marshal, and he the Lieutenant, and he the Marshal of the Heraulds of the South (if it be this side Trent, being the Mar∣ches of King Clarencieux) or otherwise if it be Northward, then the Heraulds of Norris King of Heraulds there) to call the Defendant thus. O yes, C. D. Defendant, Come to your A∣ction, acquite your pledges in the presence of the King, Con∣stable and Marshal, to defend your self against A. B. before three of the Clock after Noon▪ He enters at the West dore in like manner. Their Appearance presently Registred in the Re∣cords of the Constables Court, with the order, time, horses, arms and attendants and their manner.

Two Knights are assigned Observant to either Adversary, that they take no charm or spel, or other evil arts, till their Oath be taken, which the King commands the Constable to receive, and what other Protestations their Council shall advise; If not,

The Register saies; you A. B. Appellant; do you know this to be your Bill of Complaint exhibited in Court before the Constable, Swear to the Truth thereof in all points, and that you intend to prove the Contents thereof upon C. D. so ayde you God, and your Patron Saint; and then proclaims, Thou A. B. thy Bill is such in all points, continue thy intent to prove it this day, so God help thee and hallowing.

The Defendant C. D. in like manner, &c.

Then the Appellant takes his second Oath, That he comes appointed with Arms, as was assigned without knife, or other

sharp weapon, no stone or herb of virtue, charm or spell, of power or belief to be assisted, but only by God, and his own Body, and merits of his Cause. So God him help, &c.

The Defendant swears the like.

The Constable bids them both to take each other by the right hand, without violence, gently, and laying the left hand on the Book, He saies, I charge your A. B. that you use all ad∣vantages to force the Defendant to render himself into your hands, or to demand a Parley, or with your own hands to kill him, before you part out of the lists, by the light of the Sun, and age of the day assigned, by your Faith, and so God help you.

The like by the Defendant.

Then O Yes.

The Herauld pronounces; In the Kings name, That no per∣son approach within four foot of the List, keep silence, give no sign by Countenance, or otherwise, to advantage either, upon pain of life and member, and loss of Chattel. The King of Arms and He∣raulds, are assigned to Minister unto them, to eat or drink of what they brought with them, asking leave of each other. Within the Lists, are admitted a Knight, two Esquires of the Constables Train, and the Lieutenant; also a Knight, and two Esquires of the Marshals, being all in Armour, with Launces unbarbed to part the Combatants at his Majesties pleasure, and these lying flat on the Ground at each side of the List, only the Constables Lieutenant and the Marshals standing.

At the instant of the Kings Direction, the Constable shall say,

Let them go, Let them go; The Appellant advancing upon the Defendant, the Constable stands ready at the Kings pleasure, whilest they fight, viz. to stop, take breath, or otherwise, neither of them ingaged in advantage. They may not whisper; In case of Tr••as••n the convict shall be disarmed by command of the Constable, one corner of the List to be broken down, his body dragged at a horse-tail to the block of Execution, to be beheaded or hanged on the Gallowes; the Marshall to see Exe∣cution.

But in cases of particular interests, he shall not be drag'd, but shall be thrown over the lists, and lose the penalty of the Lands or honor in question.

The vanquished forfeits his Horse and Arms, and all which he brought into the Field with him, unto the Constable, as his Fee.

The Lists, Rails, Seats, &c. to the Marshal.

If the Combate be withdrawn by Command, or perswa••i∣on of the King, and both content (else not) they shall be led

out together by the Constable, and proclamation made thereof, with equal honor to them both.

I have read of such a duel Combate, before the King of France, between Robert le Blanch, and Le•••••• le Force, in a case of Treason; Blan••h the Appellant grapples le Force, and casts him down; sets his left foot upon the others stomack, holding up his right hand, with his sword by the Hilt, his left hand with∣in a foot of the point, and therewith presently he meant to ••tab him: but to add more strength, his right foot was somewhat raised from the ground; when instantly the King cryed, Hold, hold, casting his Truncheon, to part them. Wherea•• le Force, nimbly leapt up, without hurt.

The King, being willing to preserve le Forces life, ••ot with any good affection (for he supposed him guilty) but for the future examination of Con••••deracy; Yet he adjudged him ••anquish∣ed, which the Defendant ••tterly denied, and craved Iudgement of the Con••table and Marshal, who had a pre••••y way to save the Kings honour, and yet to do Justice.

Their sentence therefore was, that le Force should be prostrate to the fatal stroke as before, and the Apellant; with all his former advantage and form of postures, and so they did. When le Fo••••e with nimble strength li••ted up Blanch his right foot, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him down, skipt up 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and stab'd the other to the Heart.

And forthwith k••eeled to the King, told him, That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Assistance of his Patron Saint, the merit of 〈…〉〈…〉 event of th•• legal Tr••al, which he in Hono••r would not ref••se▪ Yet for more satisfaction to his Majesty, he produced six sufficient witnesses attending in the Field, whom he preserved upon all e∣vents, and who cleered him.

However, the King quarrelled with the Constab••e and Mar••••all for declining his Sentence, being Supream; which they humbly denyed. The King being a Party in case of Treason or Felony, can∣not be judge, in Lands and Honour he may. This di••tinction in those times of Treason, was taken for Reason.

But though these Combatings are rarely now in Example, yet have we taken up Private Duells, the more frequent, sometimes for Right, but in••o••••erably too often, for Honour, as we term it.

Certainly, to use the Sword in a private 〈…〉〈…〉 par∣ty, must be a tempting of God, and an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tryal, though we read two of them in Scripture, The challenge of Goliah, which David undertook, The inveterate quarrel of Ioab and Abner in the Interests of their several Masters, David and ••••hbosheth, perfor••ed by twelve on either p••••t, singly; the Challengers had the worst.

It was commonly imitated by some Gallant in the Head of an Army in France and Holland, or by Parties; but the wise Willi∣am of Nassa••, at the siege and loss of Breda, after Briote was so slain, forbid it any more to be done during his life.

In how ill condition is that righteous cause which must be concluded by the Sharp, Force and Fencing? for Saint Bernard saies, That he that conquers Mortaliter pec••at, he that is slain ae∣ternaliter perit.

The difference of the evil is, the Challenger hath in it more provocation. It hath been held lawful for a man slander∣ed by an unjust Accuser, to vindicate himself by his own Sword; But, It destroyes Iustice, and Robs God of his Re∣venge.

Ordinary and Common Challenges (upon what ground soe∣ver, being willingly refused, and yet by the Adversary therefore proclaimed base and cowardise) may diminish the offence of ac∣ceptation, but concludes him deeply guilty by Gods Laws; The Plea of Conscience ought to suppress the Fancy of any Figh∣ter.

The result is thus, To answer the Challenge, let a Man pro∣vide to be daily armed, and if he be set upon, God and his Cause willdefend his Life and Honour. To make a bargain of bloodshed is damnable, and the intention (though both escape) is murther. The Council of Trent, excommunicated all persons whatsoever, none exempt; with loss of Lands, and Christian burial.

But Bothwell (who causeth this Digression) being rid of the Combat, flies, and was pursued to ship-board, but got to sea turned Pyrate about Orknay. Morton at his own charge set out several Ships to take him, Grange was Admiral, and almost surprized him, yet he escaped in a light Pinace (over a crag of the Sea) which grazed on the Sands, but the pursuers stuck fast, and were saved by their Cock-boat; and Bothwell got into Den∣mark, was there suspected, examined and imprisoned.

Earl Murray, having with much seeming unwillingness, in August, accepted the Protector-ship, which he long thirsted after, Summons a Parliament in December; In which the Resignation, Coronation, Regency, and the Queens Imprisonment, were con∣firmed; And forthwith (accompanied with the Conspirators) repairs to the Imprisoned Queen at Loch-leven, Mortons Castle; She besought him with tears to protect the young King, to go∣vern with a good conscience, and to spare her Life and Reputa∣tion.

Then to colour his Villany, he executes divers for being present at the Late Kings murther. But they protested at the Gallowes, that Murray himself, and Morton, were the Authors,

cleered the Queen, and so did Bothwel Prisoner then in Denmark, and so to his dying day, That she was not privy nor consenting. And fourteen years after, when Morton was executed therefore, he confest, That he moved that the Queen might be made a Party therein, but Bothwel refused.

And thus, the Government not so secure, but factions in∣creased, envy to the Regent, hatred to Religion, and duty to the Queen, now Bothwell was gone; Metallan and Tylliburn, the Hamiltons, Arguile, and Huntley, join together. And Bea∣ton Arch-bishop of Glosgow, now Lieger for the Queen in France, with much secrecy, gave them hopes of Men and Money.

Her cruel Imprisonment forces her escape,* 3.72 by means of George Dowglass, brother to the Governour of the Castle, be∣ing oft times trusted with the Keys to let in and out the Queens women. And in the disguise of one of them, she got out, and he, and Tylliburn rowed her over the Lake, and with a dozen horse men, convayed her that night to Hiddery, the next day increasing to five hundred horse, with the Lord Seaton and Ha∣miltons, they came to Hamilton Castle; and because this De∣sign was her last which she acted in Scotland, we have searched out the truth, from several Relators as followeth.

The Regent Protector now at Glasgow,* 3.73 and pleasing the peo∣ple with seeming Justice to settle them, was now himself to seek for Protection. Some advised him to Sterlin, where the King was, but Dowglas opposed, protesting to do, as Boyd had done, who was gone to the Queen, with intention (as he per∣swaded them) to act Husha's part; for he returned a message to Murray, To do them, better service with Her. Morton and Simple advised the same, to stay at Glasgow; for safety consisted in sce∣leri••y, the Queens liberty would soon gain the People, and the more remote, the more affectionate to her; Their own strength was the Towns-men, and as Enemies to Hamilton the Surer their faith to them; Cunningham and Simples, po∣tent Neighbours; Lennox and the Kings party many; and the Earl of Mars forces not far off, to whom Messengers are posted round about. The Lord Hume came with six hundred Horse, and so conceived themselves four thousand strong, sufficient to dare the Enemy.

The Queen was gotten head of six thousand,* 3.74 and con••iding in this advantage of number, she purposed to withdraw her per∣son for safety, into Dunbarton Castle, and so to mannage the war with expedition or lingring, at pleasure.

M••rray guessing at their aim, drew out into Glasgow-moor, supposing the Enemy that way, but seeing them on the South∣side of the River Clide, crossed the Bridge and Foords, and

got there before them, who being prevented, marched the way of Rothrington which leads to Dunbarton, but the Regent more wary, galloped his Horse-men, and mounted Langside-hill, and his foot hasten after. Two advantages made for Mur∣ray, Arguiles sickness, a sudden Apoplexie; the Army halting, he chose the ground. The other was, the Queens too hardy confidence in her own number, which seemed less than they were, ever marching over Hills and Dales without perfect view. These retired to another Hill oppos••te to Langside, drew up in Order, Arguile was her Lieutenant, and led the Reer, and with him, the Earls Cassiles, Eglinton and Rothesse, the Lords Sea∣ton, Sommervail, Yeston, Borthick, Sanwhere, Boyd, and Ross. The Va•• committed to Claud Hamilton of Pasley, Son to the Duke, and Sir Iames Hamilton; indeed, consisting most of Hamiltons; Iames Stuart commanded the Musketeers, 300 men. The Lord Harris the Horse, most of them Borderers and Servants.

The Regent devides in two Battalia's. The Van by Morton, with whom were the Lords Hume and Simple. Himself the Reer, and with him, Mar, Glenc••rn, Monteith, the Lords Ruthen, Uchiltry, and Kinkart, the Sons of Lennox, and the Citizens of Glasgow; the Horse commanded by William Dowglas, Alex∣ander Hume, and Ioh. Corinchell.

Upon encounter these Horse retire,* 3.75 and fell back to their Foot, indeed the other over-powred them, but these were driven back by a flight of Arrowes, that gawled the Horse.

The two Vans join Battel; The Regents shot secretly placed in Yards, Gardens and Orchards of the Village Langside, neer the Lane, where they shot at pleasure upon Arguiles, who be∣ing freed from this hazard, were fresh assaulted by Mortons Pikes and Speares; and other long weapons, which being bro∣ken, they join pell mell within Swords length, and neerer, with daggers, stones and fists.

In midst of fight the Regents High-landers fled first, out of the Rancks of his own Companies, or out of the Wings, as other•• say, the Lord Lindsey at hand, cryed, Let them gang, Ile supply their place, and ••••epping forward, charged Arguile afresh, whose weapons broken before, and overcharged with new impression,* 3.76 turned backs, and fled disorderly. The Re∣gent seeing the victo••y, followed the chase, wherein more suf∣fered than in the fight. The High-landers, as yet taking heart, made good their first faults, and slew without mercy, and had done more, but that the Regent sent horse to save the Enemy. Many were taken of Note, Seatons, R••sses, Hamiltons, the Sheriffs of Air and Lithburn with others. On the Victors side were slain▪ saies my Author, but one (of Note he means) and for

his Epitaph only, we shall name him unfortunate; yet he was called Iohn Ballony of Preston, Mortons man; and not many hurt.

The poor Queen stood a mile off upon a Hill,* 3.77 saw all lost, and then fled, with the Lord Harris and his Horse, towards England.

Some say the Contention between Iohn Stuart, and Arthur Hamilton, two Captains of the Queens Musketeers, strove for precedency, and she adjudged it to Stuart, for his Name, and once of her Guard; Hamilton took it ill, but nobly chal∣lenged the other to the Career, who followed as hastily, and were both seconded as inconsiderately, by the rashness of a∣nother Hamilton of Pasley, the Just occasion of the Loss of all.

The Regent convenes the Estates, which the Queens facti∣on opposed, not willing that he should fix himself with greater Friendship, whilest yet their future hopes depended, and ther∣fore caused a rumour of some fresh assistance out of France, for the Queen, under conduct of Mortige of L••xemburgh; and in a readiness he was, but staied to assist the French King in his Ci∣vil Wars. Arguile therefore comes to Glasgow with 600. horse, and conferred with Hamiltons, but to no effect. Huntley also with 1000. men, was hindred by Ruthen▪ and returned. Yet these procured letters fro•• the Queen of England, to forbear convening, till she were acquainted with their proceedings, and justness of their cause▪ why they took arms against the Queen her Cosin, of whose wrongs she is sensible, and expects a speedy account. However the Convention continues, and di∣vers are punished. 5000. Horse and 1000. Musketeers are le∣vied for suppressing the incursions of the Nedisdale, Annandale, and Galloway men, seize certain Houses and Holds of severall late Lords in Arms; some oppose, but many are made soon to submit.

The Queen in miserable distress,* 3.78 sends away Beaton unto Queen Elizabeth, with that same Ring, an ezcellent Ada••ant, (a token of Friendship) received from her before, to tell her, that she intends to come in person, and crave her aid, which was promised; And so by Sea in a small Barge, she followes Beaton, and lands at Werkington with 16. men, and 4. Watermen, in Cumberland 17. May 1568. writes to Queen Elizabeth, the State of her Affairs in Scotland, most pittifully expressed.

You are not ignorant (most Excellent Sister) how some of my Subjects advanced by me to the height of honour, conspired to oppress and imprison me and my Husband, and yet by your intercession I recei∣ved them into F••vour, ••hen they were by force of Arms driven to

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Queen Elizabeth could not but commisserate her case, but was jealous of her Person, and Cause; she was told of her elo∣q••••nt tongue to move credence, and her condition considerable with the Ca••••••lique Princes, to draw Parties to protect her, to quicken the Guises, her Cosins, to her former Clame to this Crown, and the Innovation of others. And so to settle her advantages under Protection, whilest she may provide, to con∣vay her self beyond Seas, at her own pleasure. And many more, likely fears, not u••••eigned, caused Queen Elizabeth for more safety of the Kingdom, to detain her Prisoner ••o Bolton Ca••••le, in Tuition of the Lord Scroop▪ and Sir Ralph Sadler.

M••rray thus at liberty holds a Parliament, attains many of the Queens ••••••ends,* 3.79 notwithstanding Queen Elizabeths displea∣sure, who requires him to come, or send Commissioners to rea∣son with her the misusage of their Queen, otherwise she threa∣tens

to restore and protect her.* 3.80 Murray obeys, and not know∣ing who to trust, comes himself on the errand to Berwick, with Morton, Bishop Adams, Lindsey, Liddington, and others his Confidents. And to boot also, comes that Monster of Ingra∣titude, Buchanan (my Author stiles him so) the greatest Crea∣ture of Murray. Queen Elizabeth sends Howard, the fourth Duke of Norfolk, created Barons by Edward the 4. 1461. and by Ri∣chard the third, Dukes of Norfolk, 1483. the Earl of Sussex, and Sir Richard Sadler; And ••or the imprisoned Queen, comes Lesley Bishop of Ross, Levinston, Boyd, and Others.

Lethington, first advised with them, the danger of calling to question so great a Princess of Crimes, before English men their Enemies, and how France would resent it; at which they were all mute. And the Queen of Scots Commissioners (to whom the first place was yielded) before they took Oath, protested, that although their Queen was content her innocence should be shewed, yet being a free Princess, she did not acknowledge her self Subject unto any. The English urged likewise, That they did not admit that protestation in prejudice of that right which the Kings of England, alwaies claimed as Superior of the King∣dom of Scotland. Queen Maries Commissioners declare by wri∣ting, how Morton, Mar, and others had levied Arms, misused their Queen, and extorting her Resignation in Prison, that Murray had usurped the Regency, and inforced her to fly for suc∣cour into England. Murray, and the Commissioners for the King Infant answer, and relate the manner of the late Kings murther by Bothwel, for which the Noble-men called him in question, whom the Queen protected; that she voluntarily re∣signed, and the Parliament had confirmed it; and all this was evidenced by Letters. Her Commissio••ers reply, and deny all, telling the Truth of these Stories (in such particular as is before herein declared) and therefore crave aid of England, to assist Her.

The English Commissioners require better proofs than by Let∣ters, for Lethington had counterfeited her hand, and was suspe∣cted might do ••o by these.

Murray refuses other proofs than such Letters as he shewed, with much modest regret (forsooth) To be put to it to accuse his Sister at all, unless the Queen of England would undertake, to pro∣tect the King, and to relinquish the Queen. But the English told them all, though there appeared not, as yet, sufficient for the present to be dilated upon, yet Murray is required to leave some of his Company here, to answer Exceptions which their Queens Ambassadors should propose hereafter, and so they departed. Much pleasing to the Duke of Norfolk, so to break off, hav∣ing alwaies favoured Q. Maries Cause, and from this time had a Mind to mary her.

But Murray to make things more safe, po••••s to the Queen of England, and to her produces Articles and other 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Book, called the D••tection, which had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 credit with her,* 3.81 though ••illing she was that reproach ••ight l••dge ••pon the Queen of Scots. Indeed many Engli••h Lords inclined to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her 〈◊〉〈◊〉, at which Queen Eli••••beth swore, She 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so long as Norfol•• lives, of whom henc••forward she was j••alous. Duke Hamilton was returned out of Fr••••ce, whither he had fled, and besought that Murray might relinquish the Re∣•••••••••• to him, being (as he 〈◊〉〈◊〉) his due, as next heir to the Crown, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Queen found his pulse beat too hig••, and least he should proceed in that Claim, she commanded him not to depart with∣out her Licence.

The Regent and his Company having leave to depart in Fe∣••••••••, * 3.82 the Duke Hamilton made means to follow, and being Lieutenant for his Queen, and got home, sends forth his Pro∣clamations, and shewe•• his Authority, which none obeys; For Murray was comming to nip the Bird in the Head, and comes to Glasgo•• with an Army, to whom Ha••••••ton 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and prefixes a day for Hamilton (with pledges) to subs••ribe to his po∣wer at Edenb••rgh, and there likewise he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it off, till his Queen sends her consent. Hereupon he and Herris are committed. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Huntley were the next to be reduced; Both of them had been bu••ie in the Regents absence, but were now suppre••••e••, and so all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Perth, to hold a Convention of ••tates.

Thither came two Packets from both Queens. Elizabeth made three Propositions.

• 1. That the Kings Mother might be restored to her 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 2. That her Name might be joined with her Sons, in all writs, and the Government continue in the R••g••••••.
• 3. And if none of thes••, then that 〈…〉〈…〉, with all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and hon••••••, without pre••••di•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King.

This last was accepted, the other rejected.

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These Queens had several Designs in their Demands, Eliza∣beth was wi••••••ng to be rid of the other, rather than she should

mary with Norfolk; for she feared her great Friends here, and beyond Seas.

And Mary was therefore more earnest to satisfy the Duke, who meant not to adventure the Treaty upon uncertainties; And Murray for these respects kept Bothwels title in being; for from England he was assured by his Friends there, that Norfolks plot, and Queen Maries, was so cunningly conveyed, that no wit nor power was able to countermine. Yet he remained stedfast, and sent one of his Domestiques to Queen Elizabeth, with Queen Maries Petition, and their answer; but She not sa∣tisfied with such an Ordinary Messenger, the Abbat Pitcarn was sent Express, from the Convention at Sterlin, held only for that purpose.

About the same time of his last arrival at London, the Duke of Norfolk was committed to the Tower,* 3.83 October 11. and the Conspiracy discovered, which was thus.

Murray, with much cunning, before his late departure out of England, proposed some hopes to Norfolk of mariage with the Queen of Scots, and secretly induced a belief of her present restoring, and spread these Rumours to prejudice her, and to increase jealousies, with many other suspitious, which surroun∣ded Queen Elizabeth, Of Rebellions at home, and Plots a∣broad by the Papists. And as many more Tales that Q. Elizabeth, and Murray, had compacted against the young King. To wipe off these, an Apology was printed in Queen Elizabeths defence. In truth, she was much perplexed with fears, out of Emulation of the other. Yet with some compassion for her Imprisonment; and in both these distempers, there wanted not Instruments to rub the wound. Mary often solicited Queen Elizabeth with hum∣ble, yet Princely, Letters, with such compassionate Eloquence, that though the Queen had a Wolf by the Ears, yet with tears, had oft resolution to return her Home, and dealt with Mur∣ray by Messengers herein, but he was settled in malice, and would not incline.

Then was rumoured the Mariage of the Duke of Norfolk with Queen Mary, as advantagious to both Realms and security of the Kings person, who must be brought also into England, and so under Queen Elizabeths power, and she so to be secured of fears. And that for finishing so good a work, the Dukes Daughter should be contracted to the King. And these De∣signs, many the chiefest Earls in England had contrived. Mur∣ray himself at his being here, intimated no less to the Duke, for that, She having maried her self to a Boy, then to a rash young Man, and last to a Mad-brain, might now recover her honor to wed him, a Man of discretion. Nay more, secretly, by Melvin, of∣fered to the Queen of Scots, his Service to effect it. And the

Secretary Throgmorton, with the chiefest Lords, Arundel, Nor∣thumberland, Westmerland, Sussex, Pembroke and Southampton, and Leicester also (his Rival) were all of the Plot, and he broke it very seriously to Norfolk.

Upon which the Duke, not faint-hearted, courted the Queen by Letters, and all consenting, Articles were propounded.

• 1. For security of Queen Elizabeths person and issue.
• 2. To Covenant a League between both Kingdomes.
• 3. To establish Protestant Religion.
• 4. To receive into favour, with pardon, all the Scots.
• 5. To Revoke her assignation of the Kingdom of England, and to mary Norfolk.

They promise to procure Queen Elizabeths consent, and the other to be restored, to all which she, in Prison, easily yielded, and who could blame her in the case she was? But ere they had so done, Queen Elizabeth had suspition, and therefore it was more than time to break it themselves, so from one to the other it was neglected, till Leicester did it.

She asked the Duke thereof, and charged him to decline it, least he hop't headless, and it was good warning, sufficient to him to look ere he leap't, and so he stole away in time of Pro∣gress back to London.

Caecil wisely took care of the State, and learned so much of the Matter, that the Duke began to fear; restless in any place, withdrew to Norfolk, where some Commotion was purposely set on foot, and he suspected. To prevent the worst, he returns back towards the Court, but at Saint Albans was taken to guard, and secured, for by this time Treacherous Murray had out of Scotland discovered what he knew, and upon which the Duke was sent to the Tower, Bishop Ross, and others committed, and Pembroke examined, not well remembring what he had said, or should say: for he could not read a word. Northumberland and Westmerland take Arms, but fearing greater opposition fled in∣to the North.

But ere all this was known in Scotland, Secretary Metallan increased faction for Queen Mary, and sided with Hume, and Grange Captain of Edenburgh Castle; and before it was ripe, he is sent for to Sterlin, accompanied with the Earl Athole, to inter∣cede if need were; and need there was, for he is accused as Ac∣cessary to the late Kings murther, and committed close Prisoner. Sir Iames Balfore in the same Condition, were both of them sentenced by the Convention of States (for by them Murray did all his work as in cases of Treason) but with much ado, Balfore had pardon, and Metallan reprived to Edenburgh Castle; and Murray posted up and down to reduce the Norfolk faction, and the Queens, who were increased; and returns to the Life

Tryal of Metallan at Edenburgh,* 3.84 where finding his Party too strong, being of Hamilton, Huntley, Arguile, and others, he wa∣rily adjourned the arraignment; for, though by this time News came of the Dukes Commitment in England, yet his Faction increased very powerful, and his Plot went on in Scot∣land.

The Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland,* 3.85 in favour of the Queen of Scots, and right Rebels to Religion, with 6000. Foot, and 2000. Horse, mastered Durham, burnt the Bible, and Service Books, heard Mass in Darnton, and took Bernard Castle, but being pursued by the Earl of Warwick with twelve thousand men, and Sussex with another army of seven thousand, they were forced to fly into Scotland in December, and lurked a∣mong the Borderes and Robbers, until Morton betrayed Nor∣thumberland to the Regent, who sent him prisoner to Lochleven, being an Enemy to all sides but the Queen of Scots.

This service Queen Elizabeth took well, and gave audience to Pitcarn his Ambassadour, to whom she promised, to desist the restoring of Queen Mary, and assured all friendship to the Regent when he should crave her aid. The effect was soon published in Scotland, to the fear, and lessening of Maries party, and they not able to Master his Power, took the bold way of base trea∣chery, be one Iames Hamilton (whose life Murray had saved) and he undertakes to kill him. His opportunity he takes at Lithgow in secret, where he placed himself in a House as the Re∣gent passed by, shot him with an Harquebuss out at a Window, the bullet passed thorow his Body, and killed the Horse under George Dowglass 21. Ianuary 1569.* 3.86 He dyed that night. Hamil∣ton had his horse ready, and scaped beyond Seas, where he dyed not long after.

Murray was base Son to King Iames the fift, and took up Re∣ligion for the gain of the Spoil of Papists. He was a Man full of Ambition, injurious, and ungrateful to the Queen, and likely not to have spared her Son, when time had wrought him power to effect it.

He was much assisted in his Regency by Mortons perpetual concurrency, and may be coupled as Parmenio and Alexan∣der; Nihil Murray absque Morton, Multa Morton absque Mur∣ray.

It comes to be the question, whether for Interest or Friendship Morton was so fixt; certainly Murray aimed at all, the Queen in durance, and his labour so to continue her, or rather to have her in his Custody, and so to have ordered her and her Son, for his own purpose.

To ballance him, the Queens faction were, Hamiltons, Ar∣guile, Athole, Huntley, and almost all the petty Princes (as the

Scots call themselves) Earls of Crawfoord, Rothess, Eglinton, Cassiles, the Lords Harris, Maxwells, Iohnston, Seaton, Boyd, Grey, Mettallan the Secretary and Politicquer, and Grange the a∣ctive Captain of the Castle of Edenburgh, and most of the strong Castles and Forts; the French did assist them, and Spain favo∣red them, and so did all Catholiques. In England the faction of Norfolk, and Papists, and all Male-contents, or Treacheries took up Queen Maries cause to mutiny. She had her Rents in France duly paid, and her Jewels, and much under-hand sup∣port to countenance her Am••assadours abroad, and private E∣missaries, and a working brain for her own ends. All the Eng∣lish banished Lords, Dacres, Westmerland, and all the Popish at home.

The other party, which we call the Kings (but indeed they were of all sides partial to their own Iuterests, Pride and Am∣bition, and took up factions accordingly) were Morton, Mar, Lenox, Glencarn, Lindsey, and Glams, Simple, Methvain, Ru∣then; no Castles but Sterlin and Tantallon, and the Commons, and from England Queen Elizabeth knew well how to feed them on all sides with a bit and a bob; for in this time she had sent three several Armys against the Borderers under that colour, which most horridly burnt all in their way, with incredible mis∣chief to that miserable Nation.

The Murther of Murray was lookt upon as more publique than to be acted by one, and a Resolution of his Friends to que∣stion it by force or Justice. In the mean time the Estates appoint a day, and this put off was counselled by Metallan, who was got out of Prison in this hurrey of affairs, and suspected the Plotter of Murrays death.

The Lords meet and stand upon their guard; but agree in nothing for the common safety; the Queens Party elect three Lieutenants, Arran, Arguile, and Huntley, and appoint a Parlia∣ment in August after.

In this while Queen Elizabeth sends Sir William Drury with three hundred Horse, and a thousand foot into Scotland, to pur∣sue her Rebells as was pretended, but sided with Morton, and did some mischief to the Queens Faction, and so returned Home.

The 13. of I••ly in a Convention at Sterlin, Lenox the Kings Grandfather is chosen Regent,* 3.87 and Hamilton refused, Queen Eli∣zabeth, declining her direction in that Election, but well plea∣sed, since she had his wife in her hands. He marches with For∣ces of 5000. men to Linlithgow, and prevents the Lords Mee∣ting of their Parliament in Augnst after, and so with increase of men makes up eight thousand, Ranges the Country, and spoils his Adversaries, with Marshal law hangs them up by Scores, and returns to Sterlin.

The King of Spain,* 3.88 not with much affection to the Cause, but for his own interest, and malice to Queen Elizabeth, secretly sends money and ammunition to Huntley in the North. The Duke of Castle-herault and Arguile send Seaton to Duke D' Alva in Flanders for aid, and to restore the Captive Queen; He pro∣mised fair; but did nothing, having much to do for his Master a∣gainst Holland.

Nay the Pope fell to work with his Bulls, excommunicates Queen Elizabeth, and absolves her Subjects, and some fears of a Rebellion in Norfolk, to deliver the Duke, exceedingly belo∣ved and pit••yed. And therefore upon his humble petition and penitency, abjuring the Mariage, was released the Tower, and restrained only to his own House, but with a Keeper, Sir Henry Nevel, whether in favour, or to beget in him more Guilt; for Henry the Eight's Statute of Treason to mary the Blood Royall without leave, was repealed by Queen Eli∣zabeth, and his Misdemeanours were not yet come up to Felony.

But she, in much trouble, and fear of Forein Forces, and Domestique Insurrections, dayly put in practice in Darby-shire, Sent Caecil and Mildmay with 16. Articles to Queen Mary at Chatsworth in Darby-shire, not unreasonable, unless those con∣cerning the Scots interest with France, of antient League and Security; which therefore she wittily argued, as not in her pow∣er without their consent. For her Dowry was from thence; the Scots Guard of Gens D' arms in France of one hundred Horse, and 124. Archers; the interest of some Clergy in pension; and immunities from their Scots Merchants and Students in France; All which (except the English would recompence) she could not remove their Amity; and some Castles also required, in Scot∣land, which she could not render, and so these Overtures were quite declined.

The Scots Incendiaries at home, fearing that Queen Eliza∣beths good Inclination, or other Forein assistance, should re∣lease their imprisoned Queen, and so revenge would follow; Morton, with others from Scotland, are sent to prevent it, and present a tedious insolent memorial, the gall of the pen came from Knox and his Kirkmen, with authorities of ipse dixit Cal∣vin, too hateful for president to others, in justification of them∣selves, and against Royalty, which the Queen read and disdain∣ed as a Libel. Yet she ordered Commissioners to treat with Queen Maries Commissioners and them, concerning her Release, but they excused themselves by a frivolous restraint of their Autho∣rity therein. But certainly, They that came impowred to deprive, had powers to restore; And indeed what needed Authoritie from o∣thers at home, when wicked facts had made all equals. Facinus quos inquinat aequat; and so all return home.

Herein, nothing to the poor captivated Queens Release; her Friends in Scotland worsted in all their actions of Arms or Treaties; strong places surprized; and many executed for be∣ing but suspected of her Party; Arch-Bishop Hamilton (Bro∣ther to the Duke Castle-herault) hanged as privy to the late Kings Murther, without any Arraignment or Tryal; and she here deprived of all her Friends and Domestiques but ten per∣sons.

She then bethinks her self of the last remedy; sends secret∣ly to the Duke of Norfolk, renues her affection, and conjures his Assistance; with other Letters to the Pope and King of Spain, by Higford the Dukes Secretary, a fiery Fellow (even such another Creature as might be a President afterwards unto Cuff Secretary to his unfortunate Master the Earl of Essex,) who, besides his Errand, insinuates to the Duke, fair hopes of Con∣federacy and assistance from all the Catholique Princes, and the Pope also. And with this Plot of impossibilities (not without suspition of Treachery to his Master, for before these letters were burnt, he secretly stole the Minutes of all their private mis∣sions, and lodged them purposely where they soon came to light) The poor Duke (easy enough to be cosened, but not into the villany of Treason) detested and disliked his Motions. And yet afterwards, but for meddling with money in behalf of that Queen, to be sent to her Friends, (which was misconstrued per∣haps in the worst sence) for Support of Enemies against Queen Elizabeth, he fell into this mischief and Treason, which Hig∣ford confessed, and discovered all the former Matters to boot.

The Duke not dreaming what was acknowledged, denyed all at his Examination, and so was again committed to the Tow∣er, and presently after him, the Earls Arundel and Southamp∣ton, the Lords Lumley and Cobham, with others his Friends, but these scaped with life, and in hope of pardon, told all they knew, and more than truth. And thus was he betrayed, not know∣ing whom to trust, where he lodged till he lost his head, the next year after.

Bishop Ross Queen Maries Lieger Ambassadour of long time ago,* 3.89 and so now here, A witty and well-experienced Man he was in his Craft, and up to the ears in all Designs and Plots for her Relief and Advantage, through his Letters intercepted, and all their confessions produced, was sent for and examined; the most guilty Crimes of them all, either the Contriver, or deeply Acce••••ary; some he confessed; those which concerned others, he constantly concealed, and cunningly answered unto all. There being sufficient evidence to make him guilty, he stood upon his Privilege, which he wittily defended; and

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yet were qualified from any punishment.

The Tribunes of the People in Rome, were free from question in their Annual Office.

Particular Mischief, submits to the conveniency of the Pub∣lique.

Leges de Jure Gentium inductum est ut eorum Corpora salva sint, propter necessitatem Legationis, ac••ne confundant jura co∣mercii inter Principes.

Let us come to latter Customes of our own kind.

Henry 2. Restrained the Popes Legat, until he swore not to act in prejudicium Regis vel Regni.

Henry the third did so likewise to another of the Popes Le∣gates.

Another fled of himself, timens pelli sui.

Edw. 1. Complained to the Pope, and had satisfaction, ere his Legate was released.

Henry 8. Restrained the Ambassadour of Charls 5. one Lew∣is de Prat, for but falsely traducing Cardinal Wolsey to his Master.

Charles the ninth of France did so to Sir Nicholas Throg∣morton, for Counselling the Prince of Conde, against the King.

In Spain, was Doctor Man, Ambassadour from England, im∣prisoned for using his own Religion, and yet Gusman de Sylva, at that instant here in England had Mass with freedom. But then the Inquisition mastered that State 1567.

We restrained Don Guerman de Aspes in London for Libelling this State to the Duke D'Alva, 1568.

The French Ambassadour Alpin, and Maluset were so used also.

The Venetian Ambassadour at Madrid protected an Offendor that came into his House (the usual Sanctuary) who by force was taken out from thence, and that State justified that Action, condemning the Ambassadors Servants that opposed; Some to death, and some to the Gallies, but were only all banished. The King of Spain sends the whole Process to Venice, and by His Ambassadour Lieger there, one Mendoza▪ declares publickly to all the World, That in case his Mi∣nis••ers should so offend, He remits them to punishment where they resi••e.

And another Mendoza for abusing our Ministers of Sta••e here, was first restrained, and after banished, 1586.

See Another hereafter in this Kings Reign, the Marquess Ino∣josa, for scand••lizing the Prince, and Duke of Buckingham, 1624.

And our Bookmen say, that a Forein King, though admitted here by safe Conduct (for without Licence he cannot come) may be implea∣ded for Debt or Trespass, and condemned for Treason; for i•• is a

general Law of Nations▪ That in what place an offence is committed, according to the Law of that place, they shall be judged, without re∣gard of any Privilege. For a King out of his proper Kingdom hath 〈◊〉〈◊〉 merum Imperium, but only retains Honoris Titulos & Dig∣nitatis; and per omnia distringitur etiam quoad personam.

And the same assuredly is of their Ambassadours, N•• occasio daretur delinquendi: He hath protection of His p••rson; Like as a Sanctuary will save a Mans life from Manslaughter, but not when Manslaughter is committed within the Sanctuary, for then he does willfully wave the benefit. Indeed their Persons (as their Masters) are sacred from violation of private men, but not from punishment of offences against the publike State.

See Cook 7. part. &c.

Here are Presidents; but it hath been more nicely disputed, let others conclude.

This year gave end of daies to that antient Noble Lord Wil∣liam Pawlet,* 3.90 Marquess of Winchester, and Lord Treasurer of England twenty years, having lived 97. years, whilst he saw the Children of his Childrens Children, to the number of one hundred and three persons.

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bishop in spite of Adamson a Minister, preaching against that Or∣der, which he divided in three sorts, 1. The Lords Bishop (to wit Christ) and such was every Pastor. 2. My Lord Bishop, such who sit and vote in Parliament, exercising Iurisdiction over his Bre∣thren. 3. The third sort was my Lords Bishop, one whom some Lord in Co••••••substitutes hi•• Receiver, without means or Power E∣piscopal, whom he called a Tulchan Bishop, because the Tulchan which is a Calves skin stuffed with straw, is set up to make the Cow give down her Milk▪ Mr. Knox (he preached more and pronounced Anathema dant••, anathema accipienti.

Whilest the Estates were busie at Parliament,* 3.91 far off from E∣denburgh, and thereby secure, an attempt was made upon them, There was one George Bell in Edenburgh, Ensign to a Foot Com∣pany, born in Sterlin, well acquainted with each Corner there, and each Lords Lodgings, possibly to be surprized in their care∣less watch; He marches from Edenburgh with two hundred Horse, and three hundred foot, Earl Huntley, and others, their Leaders thither, and undiscovered, till they had planted the Market place, and set Guards in the Lanes, entered the Lords Lodgings, and surprize them Prisoners, the Regent, Glencarn, and others. Morton only defends himself with his Servants, and the Enemy in hast, set the House on fire, some of his Men slain he yielded to Balclough, who had married his Neece Margaret Dowglas. The Souldiers, careless, fall to plunder the Houses, whilst Mar and his men in the Castle, force the Market place, but in vain. Then he sends sixteen pieces of Brass, called Founds to his own new House a building, and so not reguarded for plundering, got up to the upper Rooms, and shot out at the Win∣dows into the very street, when the Enemy was thickest; who thus amazed, fled without order, and Mar pursues them, with such other, that crept out of their Hidings, and make a suffi∣cient number to be again Masters of their own, both Prisoners and Spoil, Morton and Glencarn, seizing their Keepers▪ the Re∣gent was taken by David Spency, who to save him at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Souldier,* 3.92 lost his own life, and His also. So both sides were vanguished, and both victorious in a few hours, Of such advantage is diligence and expedition, and mischievous is negligenc•• and security. Multum in utramque partem fortuna potest, as Caesar saies.

The Kings Grandfather Lenox thus dead, and presently bu∣ried, * 3.93 there were three listed for Election, Arguile, Mar and Mor∣ton, the first but lately reconciled to the Kings part, the last was best beloved, but Mar had the charge of the Kings person, and so caried the vote to be Regent, Sept. 1571. Much he could not do in his small time of Government, he convend the Country, and sate down against Edenburgh, but wanting Artillery, returns

to Li••th, parts the Kingdom ••••to quarters, and sends for their Divisions by turns;* 3.94 Those in Edenburgh issue o••t, and set fire on Dalkieth with Spoil and Pillage, return, but were so close beset, that wanting victual, they p••ocure the Ambassadors from France and England to mediate the reconcileme••t.

And for a Prea••ble to future peace, the Ambass••••ours obtain a Truce in Iuly, beginning the first of August 1572. until Ianuary following. The Conditions were, that Edenburgh should be free, for all the Kings Subjects; which was to say, that the E∣nemy, could keep it no longer. And before the end of this Truce, Mar takes leave of this life, in a desperate Feavour at Sterlin, October 1572. and without dispute Morton was elected to succeed him.

And now let us to return to England, where in November 1572. appeared a blazing star, alwaies portending ill fate to great persons, It was placed Northwards in the Constellation of Cassiopeia, making a Geometrical figure (with three chief fix∣ed Stars) lozing-wise, called Rombus. It appeared bigger than Iupiter, and less than Venus. It never changed place, but carried about by motion of the Heavens, as other fixed Stars, and so continued six moneths. The Sphere far above the Moon, where no other Comet was ever seen, or indeed Natural can appear, so strange to Astronomers, as since the Creation was never the like, and had onely reference to Caelestial, or rather super-C••lestial con∣sideration.

And therefore forthwith followed in Ianuary that Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk,* 3.95 was arraigned in Westminster Hall, before Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, High Steward, and 25. Earls and Barons. His Commission being read, Garter King of Arms delivers to him the White Rod, which he receives and delivers to a Serjeant at Arms, standing by, and holds it up all the time. The Duke was brought in between two Knights, and the Ax held besides him, by the Executioner, with the edge from the Duke (but after sentence it was immediately turned to him.) His Tryal lasted till night; and all the matters before remembred were urged against him, together with his own Letters, as also those of the Queen of Scots and Bishop Rosses, besides evidence by Witnesses, whereof he was condemned, as in Case of High Treason, and after 4 moneths delay, he was executed upon the Tower-Hill, where he acknowledged and confessed all.

Abo••t ten daies after,* 3.96 Commissioners were sent to the Q. of Scots, to expostulate criminally with her.

• 1. For usurping the Title and Arms of England, and had not re∣leased them, as was agreed in the Treaty of Edenburgh.
• 2. For the practice of Mariage with the Duke of Norfolk.
• 3. As also all the beforementioned Contrivements, particularly urged.

To all she wisely answered, and to the most of them N••ga∣tive.

A League being concluded, between England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 France, the Ambassadour moved for favour to the Queen, who was answe∣red, that she deserved none; for that she had secret confedera∣cy with the King of Spain, by the Lord Sea••on, which being dis∣covered and true, the French were silent.

The Estates of Scotland, took some time to present their De∣sires to Queen Elizabeth, how fit Morton was for the Regency; which ••he took well, though she knew they intended the pow∣er upon him, for so she had the honour, to say, She made him▪ and with who••••, in truth, she alwaies kept the most narrow cor∣respondency, trusting to his Judgement and diligence, to do much for the King, with whom he alwaies sided.

The King was committed to the custody of Alexander Ers∣kin (for Erskin the then Earl of Mar was under age, whose pecu∣liar right it was to challenge that trust) and Buchanan designed his Tutor, a man of some fame by the Scale of learning, whom Time and Ambition wrought afterwards a dangerous Incendi∣ary to the King and State.

From this Parliament now sitting, were the Papists utterly excluded, and laws for advance of Religion enacted, to the wonder of all, how soon the Papists (frighted into fears of loos∣ing their Estates) very forwardly subscribed to the Reformed, which so heightened the Kirk into swelling Pride against Bi∣shops also, that their violence afterwards could never be brought to Moderation. Though the Protector conceaved the Prelatical function, to be no less necessary in State, then warrantable in Reformation. And so he regulated them (as the Bishops of England) Votes in Parliament, but abridged their Authority o∣ver others. And thus stood the power of Synods, interposing the moderate Prelates, who yielded much in Peace to the pub∣lick Ministery, and belike, conceiving that time and experience might mollifie them to a more convenient Constitution.

The faction for Papists was of the French and Queen of Scot, whose countenance were the Hamiltons, Arguile, Huntley, and Hume, ancient Barons, Grudging at the Vice-Roy's Govern∣ment, sought to undermine his Establishment; and he at home, by pleasing the people gained the City and Kirkmen.

For now was Knox become the Temple incendiary imitating the Vandalls devastatious, ruinates the Monuments of Ance∣stors Piety, Church-bells and Bed coverings scape not him nor any other such like sacrilegious ravings; himself accknowledged that Mary had and did then blame him for his too great rigor and se∣verity, that in his heart he never hated the persons against whom ••e thundred Gods Iudgments, hating their Sins, and forbore none

of what ever condition; doing it in Gods fear thus much he said for him selfe, and being the words of a dying man, I say them over for Christian Charity, and Honour to his parts; whose Character needs no more than the former History faithfully set down, wherein it appears, a Beacon he had been, apted to fire the Kingdome. but his blaze was this year extinguished and he died of good age 67. years; whether his History of the Church were his own, is suspected of some, his name supposed to gain credit to the work which in many parts seems ridiculous. Mor∣ton in some eminencie and lustre, fell into an obloquie of an in∣famous Act, upon the person of Thomas Percey Earl of North∣umberland. whose desperate case (together with Westmerland forced them from home (as you have heard) to seek for succour in Scotland,* 3.97 after some time, Westmerland got into Flanders▪ but Northumberland wandred in the woods of Hatles for habi∣tation, and was (heretofore) by his Comrades betrayed to Morton, and delivered up by him to the late Regent Murray; whose Au∣thority preserved him by the Law of Nations, from Queen Eli∣zabeths fury, but now Morton powerfull by preferment and plen∣tifull in Estate whom honour, had made so, aud some meritt, valuable▪ yet I know not with what errour of honesty basely sould him for a piece of Money to Hunsdon, Governour of Ber∣wick and so became headless by the fatall Ax at York. The fruit of this ungratious Act,* 3.98 fell upon the Protector himself in the Ultimum of his life, by the like fall of the Ax, that often cures great men of these wicked maladies 1581

The Kingdome of Scotland,* 3.99 heretofore in severall fewds now was devided into two unnaturall factions of Son and Mother, the King and captivate Queen, in which dissention the Nobility side into severals. England and France interpose accord, but with sinister respects, for the French Ambassadour had his Item, and meant nothing less. Queen Elizabeth to countermine him, sent Killegrew to join with the King and Religion; yet a Treaty was perswaded. In the interim, Kirkaldy Lord of Grange, and Governour of Edenburgh Castle,* 3.100 being on a high Rock, inaccessable, fortified by a Fe•• and Lake on one side, and a Moss, which surrounds it; and to his faction (being the chief Baron) the French, gave hope of assistance; To whom he sends over his Brother Iames Kircaldy for men and money, with which returning, he lands at the Castle Blackness, the Governour thereof Andrew Stuart, though before his Confident was of late bribed to seaze him in∣to fetters, whilest he carried the news, and 1000. French Crowns of Kirkaldies to the Regent.

In his absence on this treacherous errand, Kircaldy corrupts his Keepers▪ and they the Souldiers, and so of a Prisoner he

hath the Keys and custody of the Castle.* 3.101 In two daies returned Stuart, and no sooner entered, but is secured into Irons; which he studies to revenge, and conceived, that the best way might be the same, and so the less suspected, to catch his Adversary in the same Gyn, which so lately caught him. With feigned tears, and a cunning tale, he melts the hardned Gaolers into compassion, and they the Guard, with helps of some bribings, some Crowns secretly sowed up in his quilted Wastco••e. And, as if better than they could design it, Kircaldy would needs accom∣pany his Wife in a visit forth of the Castle, when as hastily he was shut out, and the late Governour set at liberty commands all again.

During which time the Treaty came on,* 3.102 but ended without effect, and Grange begins his fury on the City, as fuel to his fire. Either part implore assistance. The Protector, from England, and soon was sent to him by Land and Sea, nine Canons, six de∣mi-Canons, six Sakers, 9. Culverins, with all necessaries, and 1500. men under Command of the Marshal of Berwick, Sir William Drury, who joined with 500. hired Scots, and so furi∣ously assaulted the Castle, that from the twenty fifth of April, in thirty three dayes it was rendred to the Mercy of the Queen of England, who referred it wholly to the Regent, and the Lord Grange,* 3.103 and his Brother Kirkaldy executed by the Hangman Metallan had poisoned himself some daies before, to avoid the Regents severity, which he deserved.

He was a man adorned with all natural parts, wise and pru∣dent, indefatigably busie, but Fortune (the Mistress of humane Counsels) delighted to make him, like her self, inconstant. Hume, Petarrow, and Melvin kept in prison, and so was the re∣nowned Countess of Arguile, who was the Daughter of an Harlot. Liddington was found there also, and sent away Priso∣ner to Lieth; who, because he had been a notable Actor all his life, and being a pen-man, not by Law of Arms to dy by the Sword, we may guess how he came to his end, by poison, the fate of cunning politiques, who if they scape the Ax or Halter, are too wife to be le••t long-lived for worser effects.

This Success set Morton aflote, which he husbands so ill, as made him (though he governed all) submit to base lusts, Pride and Covetousness; to supply which he abused his Trust, to the prejudice of the People, in each particular. His exactions were ingeniously observed by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fool Bovy, that often rubb'd his Masters Shins with his Giers, some importunate Beggars craved alms of the Regent, the Fool bid him hang them, and why so cruel, said he? Because of your custom and cunning to make an hundred rich men beggars when you please.

He coined for the King some pieces of Gold,* 3.104 with the Kings

picture, and circumscribed, In utramque paratus.

And contraversed the Royal Arms of Scotland, with this in∣scription,

Parcere subjectis, & debellare superbos.

The silver pieces bore two swords, with Trajans Motto,

Pro me, si merior, si non in me.

He was the first Coiner of the Copper in that Kingdom, cal∣led Hard-heads, and after abased them from 3 half pence to a penny, as also the black piece, and abased them also▪ which ne∣ver till then were corrupted. And by their neighbour the Ne∣therlands coined also, and exchanged for good Sterling, which in after times made the Dutch cunning in that trade of cosening all Kingdoms; and thus having reduced the Kings Coffers to a small purse, he sets upon the Clergy.

In the former Story of the Kirk in Queen Maries time,* 3.105 all the Revenues being then in the Papists, she settled a part of the third, with which she was to relieve the Ministers, as a Donative; and indeed the disorderly Collection (before mentioned) was then complained of by those parties, and therefore now by re∣monstrance, Morton (siding with them) orders a Supplement to inculpable (or well-affected) Ministers annually, and so takes in∣to the Kings Treasury all the Thirds, to which the Kirk subscribe irrevocable, and thereby he commits the cure of 3. or 4. Parishes to one, and so out of the Relique of the third, there must needs arise much gain.

The Church therefore in time, open their own eyes, to see this fraud, and complain to the Council, but receiving delayes, their implacable hatred to Morton, increaseth with their suffe∣ring; and in this nick of time (Knox being dead) returns Andrew Melvin,* 3.106 a Man of the Kirks own making, for being drencht in the Genevian discipline, he reforms this Church according to a hairs breadth, and subjects them all to his vehement spleen, a∣gainst the very Office of Episcopacy; and thus broached, it drowned withall both Laicks and Church-men, out of the ea∣sie apprehension of both their advantages, and the Dispute was preached by their State-meddling Sermons, which begat undo∣minable Presbyterian licentious Tumults ever after.

The Arch-Bishops of Saint Andrews and Glasgow oppose Mel∣vins Discipline in most acurate Sermons and Declarations.* 3.107

The difference grew high and dangerous, unless to the Re∣gent, whose aim was to fish in troubled Waters, not caring for the future, gave fuel to the Zelots flame, which neither command nor Counsel could ever after extinguish.

I may not omit to Memory the horrid Massacre throughout all France, upon the persons of the reformed Religion, called by the Adversaries, Hugonites, from one Hugo (as they would

have them) the History is so horrid, and the more uncertain in particulars, because the Papists strain their pens to piece it with some Excuses. But the truth was written then by One Ernest Va∣ramund of Freezland, in the time of Charls the ninth King of France, 1573.

In Anno 1561. an Assembly of the Estates in the Kings house at Saint Germans in Lay neer Paris in France, in the time of Charls the ninth, concluded terms of Pacification in Religion, among other Articles, It should not be prejudicial to any Man to profess the Reformed Religion, in the Subur••s of Towns only.

Francis Duke of Guise (a Stranger, of the House of Lorain) was not present, and within few daies after in Champanie slew men, women and children in Vassey 200. persons; Among those of the Religion was Lewis of Bourbon of the blood, Prince of Conde, Gaspar de Caligni, Admiral of France, and Francis Andelot his Brother, Captain of the Fantarie, and others, Noblemen and Gen∣tlemen.

Katherine de Medices (Pope Clements Brothers Daughter, and Mother of King Charls) born in Florence, a City of Italy, had the Government of the Realm in the Kings Minority; for though by the Law of France, neither Inheritance, nor Government, are admit∣ted to Women; yet by negligence of Anthony King of Navar, She had the power. The Prince of Conde, in fear of the Guises, gar∣risoned some Towns, stood upon his Guard, and so began their Civil Wars there, and published his Reasons, For Defence of the Kings Edict for Religion. Several Battails, and losses on both sides, and the Duke slain, peace was made, and liberty of Religion in certain places, which continued for five years. The Queen, to strengthen her Party, cunningly brought in six thousand Switzers, and pretend∣ed them, for defence, quiet and peace to all; yet suddenly garrison∣ed such Towns as the Religion had willingly surrendred, saving onely Rochel, who stood upon their former Conditions two hundred years past, Not to be forced to any Garrisons. Upon some rumours and fears, the Prince of Conde, and the now Admiral ••ly thither, the cause of the third Civil War.

The young King, by perswasion of Charls Cardinal of Lorain, the late Duke of Guises Brother, published Edicts, That no man pro∣fess other than the Romish Religion. But both parties wearied out with this last Miserable Distraction, the King politiquely pretends to drown all Discontents by a Reconciliation, and to join both forces against their Common Enemy the Spaniard, who in truth had barba∣rously murthered the French Plantation in Florida in the West In∣dies, and Marquisdome of Finall. And to this Contract ingaged the Prince of Orange in the low Countreys, by means of his Brother Lodowick, now in the Admirals Camp at the very time when the

Emperour had offered to reconcile Orange to the Spaniard. And by these pretences this third War was ended, with Toleration of Religi∣on as before, with unanimous Congratulation by Embassyes from the three Electors of Germany (Princes reformed) and sworn to by the King sacredly to observe. Which so incouraged the Orange party, as to bring all their Sea prizes into Rochel, and this Contract drew in Eliz. Queen of England; and all these overtures committed by the King to the Admirals prosecution.

Notwithstanding these publique Conditions therein, the Pope sent Cardinal Alexandrine from Rome, with Instructions to perswade the French King to enter societ•• with the League of Trent, to make war upon the Heretiques; and had satisfactory answer from the King and Queen-Mother; and on the Contrary all possible tokens of favor to the Admiral and his Complices, in restoring their losses, with a sum of one ••undred thousand pound Sterling, out of his Treasure, not leaving the least action undon to amuse the Admiral into firm assu∣rance of the Kings faithful intentions. And to confirm belief, purposed to affiance his Sister Margaret to Prince Henry, Son to the Queen of Navar, who had defended the Cause of the Religion in the late Wars, and this to be celebrated according to the Reformed Religion. The League between Charls the King, and the Prince of Orange, and Articles concluded. The Mariage appointed in Paris, and the Queen of Navar (of the Religion) repaired thither for the Solem∣nity. The Admiral also sent for by the King to go before to Paris, promising himself to follow; and the Spire-Cross-Steeple, called Gastignes Cross erected in the rage of the Civil War, in Triumph and reproach of the Religion (a Monument of Civil Dissention) was by the Admirals request overthrown.

Great Assistance of Men and Ammunition sent to the Army of the Prince of Orange into Germany; And order to the Treasurer, to deliver moneys to the Admirall for the Publick Service, without accompt.

In this Interim, the Queen of Navar was impoisoned at Paris by a pair of perfumed Gloves, by one Renat, a cunning Apotheca∣ry, and so the Kingdome descended to Prince Henry her Son, who was to be affianced to the Kings Sister, and the Mariage solemnized with respect to eithers Religion. And five daies after the Admirall solicited the Council in behalf of the Religion, and returning home with divers Noblemen, he was shot by a Harquehuss out of a Win∣dow, through both his Arms, by one not certainly named, but the A∣betters were Guisets.

The King visits the Admiral in some danger of Death, from whom he receives advice and Counsel in his private affairs, and with great affection and thanks, the King commanded a Guard for security of the Admirals person, by Cossin Captain of the Kings Guard an utter Enemy to the Admirall, and all his Friends advised to draw

into the Admirals quarters to be neer to him.

Thus all things prepared for the purpose of a Massacre, the Queen Mother summons all the Confederates, with advice, to spare the King of Navars life, and the Prince of Conde, and the Execu∣tion to be the next night early, by Order of the Duke of Guise, who summoned the Diziners, and told them the Kings design to destroy all the Rebels of the late Wars, at the sound of the Tocksein or Bell, and the Mark of difference, a while Cross in their hats, and a hand∣kercher about the arm. The Duke of Guise, with the Kings Guard, and the Bastard Son of King Henry, assisted by Cossins, beset the Admirals house, who nothing moved in respect of the Kings seve∣ral sacred Oaths to peace, the league with the Queen of England, Articles of Treaty with Orange, Faith to the Princes of Germany, some Towns taken in the Low-Countries by the Kings Command, the Mariage of the Kings Sister, solemnized but six daies before, Ingagement of Forein States, shame and dishonor to the Law of Na∣tions; all was by him argued as security.

Cossin with others, enters the house, and slew all in his way; the Ad∣miral comanded his Servants about him to fly, and shift for themselvs, being ready himself to dy for the Church. ••he Villains enter his Chamber, Benuese a German, thrust the Admiral into the Body, and Attin a Picard shot him into the Heart, with a Pistol, and threw his body out of the Window, down into the Court, where the Duke de Guise, and the Bastard, and other staied to view it, and so mar∣ching out, cryed, that this was the Kings pleasure, for that the Con∣spirators had resolved to kill the King.

The Admirals head was sent to Rome, his body dragged through the Streets, and after hanged up on the City Gallowes with a rope by the feet, and so all that day murthering and killing all of the Religion, Men, Women and Children.

The King of Navar, and Prince of Conde, in the Louvre were sent for to the Kings presence (their Servants being all slain) and so preserved; all the Noblemen and Gentlemen their friends slain, and the next day a fresh murthering ranged through all the Cities, and all the Offices and Places of the dead presented to the Murtherers, and by this Example Post news commanded all the other Places of Reforma∣tion to be so butchered throughout France, ••s in Orleance, Angiers, Viaron, Troys, and Auxerre, &c.

The King fearing the Dishonor of this base Treachery, and per∣jury, posted Letters to all his Governours of Provinces, and speedy Messengers to England, Germany and Switzerland, of this great Commotion in France, raised by the Duke of Guise, and his Com∣plices, upon the Guard and person of the Admiral, and his Friends, with the Death of many, and hazard therein of the Kings person, his Mother and Brethren by the safety of his Castle the Louvre; this

dissimulation he was forced unto for the present; and yet within two daies after, declared in open Parliament, that the Admirall and his Confederates had conspired his death, with his Mothers, Bre∣thren, and King of Navar, which was prevented by the others death. And this was published in print to this day; and from thenceforth all publique meetings of the Religion were forbidden.

Some Reluctancies there were of several persons that conclude this horrid fact, surpassing the memory of all former ages; Others com∣pare it with the monstrous murthers of King Mithridates, who with one Messenger and one Letter, caused an hundred and fifty thousand Romans to be slain; some said it was like the murthers of Peter of Aragon upon eight thousand French in Sicily.

The difference was, their cruelty was executed on Strangers, this on the Kings own Subjects and Countreymen.

These Discourses put the King to consider how to blanch this mon∣strous act with some colour of Iustice. And therefore they framed a Body stuffed with bottles of Hay, for the Admiralls, dragged again a∣bout the Stre••ts, his Arms and Ensigns of Honour to be broken, his memory by a form of ••riting condemned, his Castles and Houses ra∣zed, his children infamous, and his Trees and Woods to be hewn down from the height of six foot.

One Cavaignes and Briquemaul, men of excellent merit (the last being seventy years of age) were imprisoned and tormented for to subscribe, That they were of counsel with the Admiral to kill the King and his kindred, which they indured with horrid reluct∣ancy even of their Tormentors, with great constancy, and therefore they had a form of Iustice, and were executed with the Halter, and so was the man of Straw the Admiralls Image, hanged with them for a ridiculous example, first murthered, and then by a mute arraign∣ment, sentenced and executed.

Such as fled from slaughter, or were hidden in the woods, were by fair words in a Proclamation promised mercy, but returning home were sure of the slaughter.

And so throughout the whole Realm of France, for thirty dayes together, were so many thousands massacred, that besides the unmari∣ed, there remained above an hundred thousand wid••••s and children, well born, begging their bread.

When all was done, and wearied with slaughter, The Edicts came out, that the former Treaties of Pacification should cease. And a form of abjuration for such as were terrified by others sufferings to re∣nounce th•• Religion, and none to be suffered to profess other than the Romish faith.

Whilst these sparks of former feud lay raked up in embers by pacification at home in Scotland, Bishop Ross in England, and but imprisoned in the Tower (as you have heard) though a man full of plots and policies,* 3.108 yet his privileges of Ambassador af∣fording him protection for his life; It being too much suspicious to send him under hand to his grave, and legally they could not. He was therefore released, after 2 years imprisonment, and packt away over seas, into France; in whose time of imploy∣ment here,* 3.109 as a faithfull servant to his Queen, many Co-actors were put to death, others detected and imprisoned, yet even with his parting, he left not unattempting; and was for many years following, beyond seas, with all the Catholick Princes in Christendome, a most pestilent disturber of Queen Elizabeths quiet; for not long after, he delt with Henry 3. of France, to turn Morton out of his Regencie, and to steal the young King thi∣ther, whose faction in Scotland might weaken thereby; and as he grew in years (with the French Tutorage) his affections might de∣cay towards the English; the ancient league with the French strength∣ned, and with England dissolved.

In this small time of cessation from War,* 3.110 the Scots without cause to implore England for any ayd or relief. The Governours of each Borders assign a meeting to compose differences for eithers quiet, against the usuall rapines of Robbers▪ where, dis∣putes began, and quarrells followed: the English were worsted, and taking the neerer way,* 3.111 fled from the fury into Scotland, and so for justice to Morton; whose censure being much too parti∣all, not onely in not doing right, to punish his countrey men, but dismisses the English, with much ado••, by Subscription, and Pledges.

This behaviour of the Scots,* 3.112 soon incensed the Queen, who being presently upon the posture of a Bordering War, Morton prudently layes blame on the Scots Commanders, beseechet•• her Majesty not to raise a War with them, whose maintenance must be with much blood, the common cause necessarily beg∣ging defence of peace, betwixt the two Kingdoms, and if civil War should follow upon Scotland, it might introduce a ne∣cessity in them, to call in the French, whom she in her Princely affection and great wisdome, had but lately afforded them the means to ridd away. And that before time should grow elder, his endeavours should be with such good of∣fices and service for her Majesty, as might countervail the in∣conveniences already happened. And for questioning of the Governour, he remembred a president under Henry 7. for ex∣piation of Sir Robert Carrs death (then Governour of the mid∣dle borders) which was then referred to a meeting in Scotland to enquire. This gray-hair-instance incensed her the more, untill

the Scots Governour Carmichell was sent to answer it in England,* 3.113 and then indeed, his Present of Hawkes to the Courtiers, be∣came a saying, He gave them live Hauks for dead Herons; Two Brothers of that Name Herons killed in the fray.

This petty disturbance,* 3.114 gave time and leasure for the Praecisi∣ans (now so stiled) not to forget their ministerial ragings, who e∣vermore upon such occasions put in a spoke for themselves, be∣cause their stipend was not redressed. And herein were so presum∣ptuous, as to utter their fancies, and to act what ere they thought best for their advantage. But herein the Regent stopt them in their Career, remembring them of the Treaty of Lieth, which forbad all Innovation in Religion, during the Kings Minority.

This year took away James Hamilton Earl of Arran,* 3.115 and Duke of Castle-herauld at Poictures a Province in France. He was Grand∣child to James 2. And after the death of James the 5. In the vi∣gour of youth, and Mary his daughter succeeding in the Crown, she had this Hamilton a while for her Protector, and then declared her Heir apparent.* 3.116 A mild man and tractable he was, though her birth and quality, drew on turbulent spirits, to bring him on the stage, and sent him into France with her, where he was caressed for their party, and created Duke, and Captain of a troop of Horse. Somewhat he medled in state, after his return home, but soon retired into priva∣cie; for which the mad-headed Ministers and Buchanan blamed him of sloth.* 3.117 From him, proceeds 4. branches, James Earl of Arran; John, Claud, and David, three of them infected with the Mothers disease, became frantick, or rather bewitched.

At this time was Iohn Ormston, commonly called black Orm∣ston,* 3.118 because of his Iron colour, apprehended and had his tryal, and executed for being guilty of the late Kings Murther. Likely enough to have discovered more particulars than he did confess, being Intimate with Bothwell, who communicated the pur∣pose to him, and shewed him the subscriptions of the Earls of Ar∣gaile, Huntly, Secretary Lethington, and Balfore, testifying their consents to that horrid Act.

Nevertheless the Regent permitted Balfore to enjoy the bene∣fit of the Pacification, passing an Act thereof in counsel, to the regret of many: for though it was doubted whether the sub∣scription of Arguile and Huntly, were not counterfeit, but of the other, the hate to their persons, made the sensure of their guilt, easie of beliefe to all, but Arguile dying soon after, his office of Chancellor was conferd on the Lord Glams.

Adam Heriot Minister of Aberdee•• dyed this year,* 3.119 and of their Church is accompted worthy Record; he had been a Fryer of the order of St. Austin, living in the Abbey of St. Andrews, learned and eloquent in the Pulpit, subtile also in school divini∣ty. The Queen Mother, heretofore, hearing him preach, was

so affected to his wit,* 3.120 and judgment, and integrity, that in rea∣soning with some Lords upon the Article of Real presence, she offered to be concluded by Heriots opinion; who was required to preach thereupon, before her, and a numerous Auditory. But there he flaggd so prevaricate, as most men were unsatis••ied, of which being sharply censured by some, his worthy friends, he fell into sadness and regret of soul, till he did openly re∣cant, and renounce Popery, and forthwith joyned with the then congregation. And afterwards in the ordering of distri∣bution for Ministers amongst the Burgs, he was elected for Aber∣deen (the place then, of the ablest Papists) the rather, there∣fore; to reclame them from their errors, by practice of Piety, profound preaching, wherein he profited, to again of many to the faith in 14 years labour: and dyed 60 years of age.

And now was Andrew Melvil,* 3.121 a fiery zelot labouring for the absolute Presbyterial discipline of Geneva, i••sinuating with Iohn Dury minister of Edenburugh in their Assembly, to question the lawfulness of the Episcopall function, and the Authority of Chapiters in their election; but himself (cunningly pretended ignorance) but since the question was so started he commended the speakers zeal, seconding the purpose, with a tedious dis∣course of the flourishing estate of Geneva Church, and the opini∣on of wise Mr. Calvin, and reverend Mr. Beza, and came to affirm.

That None ought to be Officers in the Church,* 3.122 whose Titles were not found in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And though that of Bishops were in Scripture, yet not to be taken in the same sense, that commonly was conceived; Christ allowing no Superiority amongst Ministers. Himself only Lord of his Church, and all the Servants in one degree, having like pow∣er. Concluding, Then the Corruptions of Bishops were so great, that unless removed, Religion could not be long preserved.

Hereupon divers are selected to confer three to three, and concluded their opinions to the Assembly.

• 1. That the Name Bishop was common to able Ministers of a flock, his chief function to preach, to administer Sacraments, and exercise Ecclesiastical Discipline with consent of his Elders.
• 2. That some one Minister might oversee and visit such reasona∣ble bounds besides his own flock.
• 3. And he to appoint Preachers, with advice of the Provincial Mi∣nisters, and the consent of the flock.
• 4. And to suspend Ministers from their Office, with consent of the Ministers of the bounds.

It is strange that the Arch-bishop of Glasgow, and six other Bishops with Super-intendents▪ and all interessed, were not cal∣led to the conference, though present in the Assembly. Nor doth it appear that they spake at all therein, so humble to hold

their tongues in a case of their own, or rather referring it to the Regents Wisdom, whose opinion had been ever to uphold Episcopacy.

The next Assembly altered the question, and formed it, Whe∣ther Bishops as they were then in Scotland, had their function war∣ranted by the Word of God? But the Major part approved of those in the last Meeting.

The Regent finding them so to differ, sent them word, to settle upon somewhat▪ and to abide therein. Of which they take advantage, and with much ado present a form of Policy to the Regent; Acknowledging in their Preface, That they did not accompt it compleat, but to add or diminish as God shall reveal vnto them; But some Troubles in State prevent their further pro∣gress.

The Regent* 3.123 flesht in the fury of rapine, having fleeced Com∣mons and Clergy, and settled the North and South Borders, cared not for the Gentry, and grieved the Peers; His neerest friends, the Earl of Angus, and others, forewarned him of his Slippery station; But Morton, settled in the very seat of the Scorne••, careless of any complaints, made good his greatness by grace of Queen Elizabeth, whom he conserved with all diligent ob∣servance. His aim was to ruin Hamiltons house, hating them as his Hereditary Enemies, scared thereto by an old Wives Rhime, which bid him beware of Arrans Race (Hamiltons Family) whom he banished or suppressed.

The two last years (as it seems) slipt away in shew (I am sure in silence of any disturbance,* 3.124 for ought that Authors can tell, to much purpose) but it is like the more was in secret hatching. For as the Queens Imprisonment grew to her impatient, so by Q. Elizabeth it was heightned to some danger. As a Wolf by the Ear. To keep her in durance, was her own disquiet, and to re∣lease her, dangerous to the State; all their study was to counsel what to do with her, and with much difficulty it was agreed upon to put her to Death.

There was one Antonio d' Peres,* 3.125 Secretary to Philip of Spain, escaped thence out of Prison, and over he comes to England, as best able here to do his Master most injury. He was grown intimate with the Earl of Essex, which being known to Caecil Lord Burleigh, he advised, that Essex might deal with him, to fish out somewhat from his Masters streams, which was done to the purpose, revealing all his designs for the imprisoned Queen, and being rewarded here, had his Invitation home again, with some hope of reconcilement and favor also, which fell out, not as he desired but as he deserv'd, for he was at last hangd for his labor. In many of his Letters to Essex, which since came to my hands, I find much of the m••tter, but for want of the Key, the Cyphers

put me to trouble, with some consideration, What uneven po∣licies there were,* 3.126 towards that poor imprisoned Queen.

Don Iuan* 3.127 of Austria, Governour, for the King of Spain, o∣ver the Netherlands, proud and ambitious; being Neighbourly acquainted with the Troubles of England and Scotland (for to him all these discontented Fugitives repaired) was made believe, that the Duke of Norfolk being gon, the Queen of Scots was most fit to be offered to him, and easie enough to be effected, with the expulsion of Queen Elizabeth, and assured hopes of both Kingdomes. To which purpose, he hastily makes perpetual peace with the Netherlands, and labours his time and means to infest England. But underhand to amuse Queen Eliza∣beth the more, gives her the occasion to congratulate the Peace, by sending the Articles for her perusal; intending secretly with all speed to surprize some Pieces and Ports in England, and Scot∣land, with help of the Pope, who sent to the King of Spain in his behalf; and the chief Fugitives of England and Scotland being with him, he in an instant, had swallowed the Conceit and Mariage of a Queen, with two Kingdomes to boot; but his wilde ambition the sooner flatted, and he fooled into neglect, and disdain.

And now dies that Princely Lady Margaret Dowglas, old Countess Dowager of Lenox,* 3.128 63 years of age; whom Queen Elizabeth kept in England at her elbow, whilst her sonne Darly was maried to the Scots Queen, and her husband had power there. She was descended from Henry 7. by Margaret his eldest daughter, maried to James 4. who had James 5. And being a widow, maried to a second husband,* 3.129 Archibald Dowglas Earl of Angus; by whom she had Margaret Dowglas of Harbotel in Northumber∣land, who maried Mathew Earl of Lenox, leaves France and comes into England to Henry 8. And here invested with honour and land in Yorkshire.* 3.130 From these issued Henry Stuart Lord Darly, who maried Queen Mary, of whom came King James 6.

So then, her descent was royall; in King Edwards time in much honnor here, but after in adverse fortune, she lived super∣vivor to eight of her children; thrice imprisoned for affecting mariages with Thomas Howard, son to the Duke of Norfolk; then for her sons match with Queen Mary; and the last was, for her younger son Charles, with Elizabeth Candish daughter to the Countess of Shrewsbury, and mother to the Lady Arabella. She was Nobly intombed at Westminster, an elaborate Sepulture, and then left living King Iames the sixth, and this Arabella, who was thus neer to the Crowns; And therefore imprisoned hereafter by King Iames for intermariage with Seymor the now Earl of Hartford, but she died without issue, and so without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of future interest to these Kingdomes. See anno 1616.

Amongst other of Mortons plots and processes,* 3.131 raysing the Revenues of the Crown, one was, for recovery of some lands, which was given by the Queen to Mary Levingston whilst she was her maid of honour,* 3.132 and now maried to Iohn Simple, who made his best defence in his sute; but fearing the Regents ri∣gour, had passionately avowed, That if he lost his land, the other should lose his life. This, and other discourse, that he was coun∣tenanced by Lord Iohn Hamilton and his brother Lord Claud; instigating also Adam Whiteford of Milton, Nephew to Simple, to kill the Regent in the street with an Harquebus. Simple upon Torture confessed all, and more also, his cowardize not affor∣ding him courage to hold out: Whiteford did better, his con∣stancie was not terrified with the wrack, and therefore, gave suspition, that the others confession was extorted, by the pain, of punishment, yet to make out the matter, Simple was arraign∣ed, condemned, and brought to the Scaffold, but pardoned; the like had the other; and both of them, the favour of the people, to blame the Regent for his rigour, whose main inten∣tion was thereby, to invalue these Lords and their estates, to his griping gain.

One Allester Dow Macallan a notorious thief, was apprehend∣ed by Earl Athol,* 3.133 who was prohibited by the council, and char∣ges directed against him, for exhibition of the man. the fel∣low being set at liberty by Arguile, falls to his old profession, and robd Athol, who in revenge invades Arguile, and so the countrey take uprore thereat, until an Herauld discharges those convocations, and cites them both before the Council, but were reconciled.

Arguile goes on and arms against Claudonald, seizes the Re∣gents Messenger, tears his Letters missive, and swears him and his Train not to return to tell tales. This insolencie, fires the Re∣gent to revenge, and for the present did no more, than proclaim him Rebel.

But these and other tumults shewed an Ecclipse of Ministerial Government, and gave means to private mens discontents, to open a way of complaint against the Regent. Alexander Arskin,* 3.134 attending on the King, takes advantage of Arguile and Athols re∣concilement, plots with them, to open their Causes to the King, which they must countenance, and did, but so craftily, as that the one (Athols) counsel was called, upon the others complaint. And advise, to summon the Lords (mostly enemies to the Regent) to meet at Sterlin.

Mortons avarice and lust subjects him, from his strength and Power that ruled all, to become weak in Authority over any; His enormities of several natures, numberless, which brought him sodainly to sinck. Besides his fins, the Hamiltons were his

Enemies, made so by his own malice, upon that Noble Family; as also upon the Earls Athol, Montross, and Arguile, whose kins∣men he proclaimed Traytors, for not appearing at his Call.

Arguile invites these Lords and others to accompany him to the King at Sterlin,* 3.135 with remonstrance of such grievances as the State groaned under; and were seconded by fit Instruments, such as evermore reside at Court. He is sent for by the King, and Council, but delaies time to make Friends; their opinions various, it was yet concluded as the safest way, to piece Friend∣ship with Arguile, who refused, unless he would also quit the Regency. To this he demurs, and retires from his Enemies power.

And this gave good occasion to the boisterous Praecisians,* 3.136 whose pursute was after such prey, as might innovate Authori∣ty, which they hated, because it was Regal, though Mortons interest had been ever to preserve them; the Arch-bishops only being lately commanded not to obey the Synods Decretalls, a∣gainst which they complain in the Pulpit, and having there the liberty of the tongue, for that time, they tell all to the people, and of more than he could be guilty. The Earl of Angus was his Ally in blood, and the chief of the Dowglasses, who with Carmichel a Commander of War, advise him to Arms; But Morton rather submitted to a Parliament at Sterlin.

Thither he sends his Friends (but withdrew himself) and with them his Papers and Notes expostulatory of his good Services, which were not liked, because not Petitionary. And thus they seemed to signify, and first,

He craves leave of publique Iustice upon his Accusers.* 3.137 If other∣wise that his Majesty thought fit to oversee their disobedience to au∣thority, then to be pleased to disburthen him of his Office, and not to suffer his Royall Name and Authority to be despised in the Person of his Servant; for as he had oft times made offer to demit his Regency to his Majesty, so now the more willing, if a Substantial course might be assured for preservation of his Highness person, the order∣ing of his Majesties Houshold, and dispensing of the Revenues of the Crown. And herewith he recommended the keeping of the peace contracted with England as a security to his Majesties Right and Ti∣tle to Succession. And so recounting his former Services from the Kings birth to this present. His assistance at the Kings Coronation. His and his Friends hazard at Lanside field, the siege 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Brichen. His legations undertaken into England, the recovery of the Castle of Edenburgh, the Pacification of the Realm, all on fire a•• his first entrance, the redeeming of Iewels and Plate of the Crown, and re∣storing of the Royall Patrimony to some reasonable condition. And in regard of all, he craved no more, than allowance of his expence, and a discharge of his Intromissions by the Estates of Parliament.

These not sufficient to prevail, and his friends having littl•• Power, and his bad Cause to plead, he was voted non-Re∣gent.

And accordingly into the hands of Angus,* 3.138 Claim, Ruthen, and Harris, he delivers the Crown, Scepter, and other Regali∣ties, which were presented by them in a great Convention of Lords, and Angus invests them on the King, with the univo∣cal acclamation of all.* 3.139 He having not yet attained to the years of youth, yet in this turbulent time, took upon him the Scep∣ter, which was celebrated at Edenburgh, and the affairs of State rendered to the King now at twelve years old, but with assi∣stance of twelve Noblemen, three of them by turns alwaies a∣bout him, and Morton of the number, as to bring him to rea∣son, not to cast him quite off to ruin; whose wit and experience was useful to the State, which he soon imployed to master them all.* 3.140

The deposing Mort on exalted the Presbyterian hopes, to e∣rect the Geneve Discipline, by Pastors, Deans, and Super-inten∣dents, and now to bring it about, they call a Synod, wherein all factions, to the prejudice of the King, were more cherished than Divine Worship intended; for they decree, The Ecclesiastical Regency to the Super-Intendents, and left the Bishops only to one Church, and exempt from Iurisdiction▪ to relinguish Episcopacy, and to omit Dispensation of Divine duties.

The King withstood this decree, and revokes the business to his own brest; and therein the Bishop of St. Andrews was the grea∣test Stickler. The adverse party had Andrew Melvin,* 3.141 a Man singular with them, but not with the learned; His tenents were To vindicate equality in the Ministry, arrogantly endeavouring to suppress the Churches ancient authority, and to erect to them∣selves, a Statue of honour, from the ruins of the Bishops dis∣grace.

Sick, and ill disposed, was the estate of Episcopacy, the Prae∣cisians prevalent in number. The Nobles for Episcopacy, joined with the Kings inclination, To take protection of the fainting Ec∣clesiastick Discipline into his Care, commanding the other to infuse fidelity into the people, to abstain from innovation, to reverence Bi∣shops, and follow peace.

Mortons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gave him time and means to meditate Re∣venge,* 3.142 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the youthful inclination of the young E. of Mar, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quarrel with his Uncle Erskin for assuming the chiefty of that family, and the usurpation of the Kings Tut••lage. It took fire with the Gallant, who secretly with his Train, posses∣ses Sterlin Castle, his Uncle Erskin and the King, and puts by Arguile, one of the three Assistants. The noyse hereof brings the Lords into Arms, and their care of the Peace of the King∣dom,

assign Commissioners herein,* 3.143 who decree all Erskins former interest upon Mar. The Queen of England sends Randolph,* 3.144 (whose often Legations had made him exquisite) to congratulate the King, whose rare and various Ornaments of Wit and Lear∣ning, eminent in such an age, as no Prince could ever parallel, assures the Queens great affection, and perswades the Lords to peace, which was patcht up for the present.

But Morton grows insolent, abolishing the Triumvirate rule, and usurps all to himself; of which Arguile, Athol, and Mon∣tross, remonstrate to the King, who refers it to the next Parlia∣ment in Iuly at Edenburgh,* 3.145 where secretly some Lords covenant, whom Morton undermines by fraction, and advises for the mee∣ting at Sterlin, as more wholsom for the King and Nobles, but indeed fitted for his faction of men of Arms, and so it was to be there, in the Court of the Castle, and not, as usual, in the Common-Hall; against which the other Edenburgh Lords pro∣tested, as invalid, and would not meet. But the Parliament sate, and the King this first time adorned with Majesterial Or∣naments, Robes and Scepter, told them, That it was not materi∣al where they met, so his safety were included; that his Court entertained all, excluded none; However this place should be no Prescript for posterity; that he intended no innovation a∣gainst his Predecessors Institutions;* 3.146 that the opinions of a few, should not dictate to the whole, and so approves the Act by Pro∣clamation.

Montross, a Commissioner for the Lords remaining at Eden∣burgh, posts thither with this news, they take Arms ten thou∣sand men, and yet declare for the King. Angus, Mar, and Morton, do the like at Sterlin, wh••re both sides incamp, but fought not, at the earnest endeavour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the English Ambassa∣dour Sir Iohn Bowes, and all disband. And to piece this Dis∣cord, * 3.147 the King proposes Moderators, Lindsey, Harris, Ogleby, Innerness, for Arguile; and Rothess, Bucan, Ruthen and Boyd, for Morton; but not prevailing, Morton retires to his Palace at Dalkieth; In whose absence, the Delegates accord, and he, and Arguile, and Athol, meet and feast at Lieth, which so pleased the King, that he congratulates those whose endeavours had acted so much good, and they again discuss, what can be com∣modious for his Princely Dignity, Magnificence, and Pro∣fit.

And it began to be time so to do; the Kings wants the Coun∣cil supply by over value of Coyn;* 3.148 which the Citizens withstood, as over bitter for their digest; Experience having taught this truth, That the value of Silver, alters the price of victual and all vendables; the King, as the great Rent Master, or Land-lord, bea∣ring the greatest Loss for the future, though not discernable for the

present, to his raw young Counsellors; and this trick was put up∣on Morton, and worse happened to his destruction.

The Earl Athole, Lord Chancellour, by the extremity of his disease,* 3.149 yielded to nature, or rather a delaying, consuming poison forced him hence; the suspition fell sadly upon his Cor∣rival Morton, and the revenge fell into the Power of Arguile, who was chosen Chancellour in his Place. This occasion no doubt, the very Devil put into Mortons head, to work himself mischief; for in pure Conscience, he intimates to the King the story of his death, and so instigates his anger, against the Ha∣miltons, remembring also, the slaughter of his Grandfather Lenox, and of Murray, late Regents; and for these other crimes (aforesaid 1573.) and so begins their persecution with fire and Sword, assisted with Mar and Angus. The Hamiltons within their Castle, and other places besieged, were forced to yield to the Mercy of the King, who executed the Actors of the Para∣cide, and pardoned the rest. Iohn, and Claud, the Sons of the late Duke of Castle-herauld, in great distress what to do, adven∣tured to fly into England, whom the Queen vouchsafed har∣bouring, and sent Master Erington, to intercede with the King.

The next Parliament was in October at Edenburgh,* 3.150 where the King shewes himself to his People; his years advanced, with his Princely understanding to extraordinary Fame, requiring his person more publike than at Sterling. Solemnities and Ceremonies of Princes being the formal entertainments of reverence and re∣spects. And so he rode in all possible State, the first day of sit∣ting.

A great novelty to many to find Majesty in Man, that had but seen the shadow, for m••••y years in Queens or Counterfeits, but now attracted from the peoples hearts and hands venerations and blessings.

He tells the Houses the benefit of peace,* 3.151 and this blessed op∣portunity to confer with them, for the good of the Kingdome, which his non-age had denyed them, administring rather occa∣sion of Commotion, than the remedy of publick grievance; which now he resolves to redress; alwayes reposing confidence in their wise Counsels, and calls God to witness, his part aim∣ed at the Preservation of Religion, Subjects safety, and King∣doms security.

And first he enacted.* 3.152

The form of Confession agreed in anno 1567.

To the Prescript administration of the Sacraments in Act and Will.

That the present Religion embraced was to be esteemed Orthodoxal in doctrine and discipline.

And to be imposed upon all that went beyond seas, by Oath and Subscription.

The Bible commanded in Scotch to each family.

The Power of Ministers regulated and limitted; And the Disci∣pline erected by the Bishops and Super-intendents (which had suffered some Diminution, but no Synodical act for abolition) should be con∣firmed.

And so with prosperous effects, the Parliament ended, and the King returns to his Sports at Sterlin.

The Presbyters now took up some colourable fears,* 3.153 upon lan∣ding of one Amys (or Amatus) Stuart Lord Aubigny, so called from Aubigny a Village in Aquitain; a French-man born, but of Scots family, and kinsman to the King. A notorious Guisit (and Papist, as they would have him.)

The Town Aubigny was (by Charles the seventh of France) given to Iohn Stuart of the family of Lenox, who commanded the Scots there, and worsted the English; which Town and Ti∣tle, depend ever since, on the younger Sons, and so on this Man. He was sent over by the Guises, or rather sent for over by Montross, and Arguile, to subvert Morton, or to break the Truce twixt England and Scotland. And no sooner land∣ed, but received with all honor, and advanced in trust; created Earl of Lenox, and after created Duke; a privy Counsellor, of the Bed-chamber, and Governour of Dunbarton Castle.

He was soon accused for engrossing so suddenly so much fa∣vour, * 3.154 and since it hath been taken up for advantage; who ever was like to please the King, was thereupon cryed down by the Church, for a Papist; and so he was presented to Queen Eliza∣beth, a dangerous Man, and what mischief an evil favourite might suggest to the Kings maturity; fitted to act evil impressi∣ons; his Mothers Designs, troublesome to both Realms, more easy and proper for him to execute.

These in England,* 3.155 and somewhat at home, both together to wrest him from the King, and Bowes is sent from Berwick to charge it home before the King, and his Council. The Queen of England not liking any so neer the King so much of the French Faction, as he, and one Monbirneau, an Actor in the Massacre of France. Bowes, ere he entered into his errand, re∣quired to have Lenox and him dismist the Board, which was refused before the cause or crime were charged; and bidden to produce his Commission for his peremptory demand, which he could not, and so was forthwith called home.

Yet to prevent the prejudice of his anger, Alexander Hume is sent after to excuse it to the Queen, so to learn the truth of her mistrust; She, as in such Cases to Messengers, so all Princes take, as Affronts to themselves, and so did She, and remits

him to Burleigh,* 3.156 disdaining to see him her self.

Burleigh Wisely assured him, the Queens affections to his own person, as a Protestant, and his merits to his Master, which she would own in any of his Ministers;* 3.157 besides, she knew him a good Counsellor for her Kinsman the King, but denies you her presence, who lookes not upon any Ambassadour, from another, where her own have been unheard, and his Commission demanded, without Presi∣dent. But, these are the fruits (said he) of your young Kings new Counsellors, whose first principles are to discredit your best friends, and interess their factions, such as the Cosin Guises, and a French∣man or two of theirs, sent over for that purpose, to hazard ruin to the State, if they be let to run on, unless, the Queens prudence and power prevent. And so he parted.

Morton full of malice,* 3.158 retires in discontent to Dalkieth, dis∣liking the state, and manner of Court Miners; for in doubt of some danger to his own person, he came not neer the King, but as commanded to counsel. This distance gave his Enemies cause to fear, and to prevent his hatred, hasten their resolution to ruin him by the accusation of Iames Stuart, sonne to the Lord Uchel∣trie, a bold-faced young man, and had his arrand to charge him home; which he did, (of murthering the late King) and thus accused,* 3.159 to his face, and confined to his lodging, he might expect no better, than the last act of fate, to take away his life; and though a Pensioner to England, this was done, without dread of any. But this ill news coming to Queen Eli∣zabeth, * 3.160 she Posts away Randolph, now Post master of England, to remove Lenox, and to plead for Morton.

And in their great Assembly he recounts the Queens favours, in freeing the Scots of the French, with expence of English blood, and treasure; when her power could have seized all, for her self, the King then in his cradle; his Regents successively owning these kindnesses, till Aubigny and that other, came in to ruine Religion, and rule the King, as their ward: producing letters to some purpose, which most men thought, to be counterfeit; and so effected nothing.

When nothing would serve his turn, to turn out favorities; Randolph takes upon him to set them by the ears,* 3.161 and deals with both factions, Lenox and Mortons (underhand) working jealousies, to free themselves by force, from eithers fewd, which grew high and daingerous; offering ayd from England, to set things square, which he made round. These being marched to the Borders, and the Scots (as for the King) prepared to receive them, the English faction withdrew then, and being discovered, many were sen•• to prison, and Randolph thus far besides his Commission, durst not indure the power of his privilege, but slipt away, leaving his Nephew, and Angus and Mar, chief in∣cendiaries

to shift after;* 3.162 and Morton to his just reward, who was forthwith arraigned, convict and beheaded, for the murther of the Kings father; and so confest by him, before he dyed, with this ex∣cuse, that in those times of distraction,* 3.163 he durst not but to do so. The fatall Axe (called the maiden) himself had Patterned from that at Hallifax in Yorkshire, which he had seen, and liked the fashion; for falling down between two posts, executed him sure and sodain. His Honour and Title was conferred on Iohn Maxwell.

He was an able man in what he undertook,* 3.164 so that we may say as of Cato, In hoc viro, tanta vis animi ingeniique fuit, ut quocun∣que loco natus est, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuisse videretur; nulla ars, neque privatae, neque publicae rei gerendae, ei defuit, urbanas rusticasque res pariter callebat. He was slow of speech, with a natural composed gravity, his countenance Majesticall, his actions Princely, had not that guilt of too much gathering and griping, degraded those excellencies, and left him naked to deserve nothing. He desired to have a thing which dyed with him, the Scots lawes reduced into Methode, and it was urged as useless. A great question with them, to have Order in any thing that had none to serve God; their opinion then hath since infected us.

His great wealth got together, was scattered by unfaithful hands and hearts. Livor post fata quiescit.

Discite mortales, mortalia temnere, & illa Quaerere, quae miseris non rapit aura levis.

About this time Ruthen (lately created E. Gowry) the son of William Ruthen Queen Maries deadly Enemy,* 3.165 with other conspi∣rators, under pretence of conserving the peace of Religion, to which they were urged by the factious Ministery, and which to secure, they endeavour to remove Lenox and Arran from the King (that was their colour) but in their absence they invite the King to Ruthen Castle, and their seize him Prisoner, with threats of death, untill he consented to the imprisoning of Arran, ba∣nishing of Lenox into France, and the return of the fugitive Angus out of England.

Of this the distressed Queen of Scots,* 4.1 Prisoner at Sheffield, writes to Queen Elizabeth a long letter full of miserable sadness, Exquisitely expressing all her sufferings, from the first of her sub∣jects very oft Rebellion against her, from which persecution being invited by her Majesty to rest secure upon her Princely succour and defence, she is now by length of time drawn on to dispair of re∣lease from that hand, which lodes her with lingring of a lothed life; plainly and justly demonstrates her, to be active and passive

consenting to all her Mishaps.* 4.2 She calls God to witness her Impar∣tial affection to her Person, and her innocency from prejudice of her affairs and State. Desires justice of God and her, and implores the mitigation of her misery, and some more freedome, though with Imprisonment of her Person. Layes all particular differences home to the Conscience of the Queen, and signs to her Letter,

Vostre tres desolei plus proche parente & affectionate Seure Mary Reg.

Indeed these were sharp and peircing, which so much disqui∣eted Queen Elizabeths Conscience,* 4.3 that she consults to release her, jointly to govern with the King. And eight Articles were drawn up (even such as they were) the world knew she would never refuse; for her extremity enforced her to yield to most unreasonable: but this was but to spin time, till the State could find some other expedients, or some exceptions, which dayly happened by Examinations, Confessions, or Suspitions, groun∣ded upon slender, yet continual attempts of private persons, and publique Designes of Forein States, for the poor Queens interests; which failing for her good, she was, though innocent, sure to smart.

But because the manner of the Kings restraint in Ruthen is diversly related, and which the Kirk justified for their own ends, I shall adventure upon the Truth in these particulars hereafter.

Some of the Lords combining mischief to the King,* 4.4 under colour of Religion and Liberty of the Kingdom, took occasion and advantage of the Duke of Arrans absence from the Court, and detained the King at Ruthen. These Conspirators were Iohn Earl of Mar, William Earl Gowry, Lords Lindsey, Boyd, Clames, and Oliphant, Some Abbots and Lairds, and stopt the King going to hunting, who not being answered to the reason and cause, grew in passion, which concluded in tears to be thus vilified. But it was reproached, That better bairns should weep than bearded men.

This news hastens the Earl of Arran to Court, where he was soon secured, and bid be patient, with safety of his life, for his brother William Stuart was wounded by the way, and kept Prisoner. The like course they take with some Noblemen sent

by the Duke of Lenox to enquire of the King. Who cried out to them that he was a Captive, and desired his good subjects to release him. The conspirators excused themselves, that their surprize only restrained the King from Arran, and from Lenox, whose banishment they threatned into France. And forcing the King to pacifie the people with a Proclamation, That for removing some differences, His Majesty interposed himself Mediator, and re∣solved to reside at Perth, being his own free and voluntary choice, and commanding such as were in Arms upon pretext of his restraint, to dissolve within six houres, on pain of death.

The Duke raises Forces, but was countermanded by the Kings Letter, to depart the Realm within twenty daies, yet he re∣tires to Dunbarton, where the Noble-men, and others, flock to defend his Cause. These uprores were posted to Queen Eliza∣beth, who sends Sir Henry Cary, and Sir Robert Bowes to advise the King to be counselled by the Lords, against the Duke and Arran, and to restore the Earl of Angus, exiled in England since Mortons execution. This last was obtained, and soon after, he was accepted into favour, but much ado to incline the King to part with Lenox.

The Lords carry the King to Edenburgh,* 4.5 where the Ministry justifie their act, joyfully singing in Procession the 124. Psalm, New Israel may say, &c.

And the Assembly then convened, ratifie the attempt on the Kings person at Ruthen, and published it in all the Churches of the Realm, to the regret and grief of all good men, to see a bad cause thus coloured over and defended by the Church, which made much for their Popedom, that by these means of distra∣ction the Lords gave themselves up to be governed by the O∣thers Judgements. Many there were that sided herein, the most honest refused to subscribe. But Arran was detained prisoner, till the Duke was gon over Seas to France, who fell sick at Sea, and had leave to land at Blackness, and so to pass, by Queen Eli∣zabeths favour, though England, where his sickness contracted into a Disease, of which he died in Paris next year after, and confessed the faith of the Church of Scotland, which he alwaies maintained, though in the Kirks policy he was accounted a Court Papist.

Two Ambassadors come from France,* 4.6 Menvel and la Matt through England, with whom was sent Davidson from Qu. Eliz. to undermine their Message, being, To work the Kings Liberty, to confirm him to the French, and renew the purpose of Association, which was▪ That the Queen of Scots should communicate the Crown with her son, and administration of Iustice, so that he may be acknowledged a lawful King by all Christian Princes; and there∣by all domestique factions suppressed.

This Embassy was voted in the Kirks Assembly to be a speci∣al grievance, a wicked practice, declaming in their Pulpits a∣gainst la Matt, who being a Knight of the Order of St. Esprit, wore the badge of the White-Cross upon his Shoulder, which they called, The badge of Antichrist, and him, The Ambassadour of the bloody Murtherer, meaning the Duke of Guise, who sent him thither.

The King,* 4.7 not able to do it otherwaies, desired the Magistrates of Edenburgh not to demit them without a Feast at parting, which was concluded on the Monday after. And all cost prepa∣red in Order thereto. When on Sunday the very day before, the Kirk proclame in their Pulpits the next day to be kept fast; and in malice to the Kings honour therein, appointed three Preachers, the one succeeding the other, to weary the poor peo∣ples attention from Morning till night, Thundering Curses, Ana∣thema's and Excommunication against all Nobles, Magistrates and Others that attended the Ambassadors. The good King sees these insolencies, but lodges them up in silence, till he got power to remedy these wrongs.

About this time dies Buchanan,* 4.8 whose Character is chroni∣cled by the Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews in his History of their Church, For his excellent wit and incomparable learning. Born near the Highlands. After his first commitment 1539. for his versifying against the Fryers, he escaped to France. Returning 1560. he professed Philosophy at Saint Andrews, and became the Kings Tutor.

He is concluded by all moderate and faithful Recordes, That he penned his Scotish History with eloquence, and with such Judgement, as that he is justly blamed by most men, for join∣ing with all factions of the time, and evermore to justifie any base and scandalous proceeding against Queen Mary, and falsly and fowly he endeavoured to depress the Royal authority of Princes, siding with the Treasonable tenents of rebellious Sub∣jects, which afterwards he expressed with bitter unmanerly sau∣ciness of his Soveraign Queen then deceased. This is the joint opinion of some, with whom we may be convinced to in∣cline.

This next Summer the King got free from his Attenders,* 4.9 for being in Faulkland, he desired to visit his Uncle the Earl of March then at Saint Andrews, where he took a view of the Ca∣stle, and being entered, the Captain of the Guard, Colonel Stuart (acquainted with the Design) clapt to the Gates and shut out the Company, and the next morning came the Kings friends the Earls of Arguile, Marshall, Montross and Rothess. And of his former Jaylers none but the Earl Gowry was admitted by the Collonels means, who had been his Servant, and upon his hum∣ble

submission for his Fact at Ruthen,* 4.10 was received to mercy, and all these Lords elected his Counsellors, with Inhibition that none should presume to come to Court with more atten∣dants than fifteen with an Earl or Bishop, ten with a Lord, or Abbot, or Priour, and six with a Baron. And now declares in publique, That however his Majesty did with patience perforce in∣dure his restraint at Ruthen, and all those former passages of Trea∣sonable disloyalty, yet willing to be an Example of Clemency to others he in favour pardoned all, admonishing the Lords to do so too amongst themselves. Yet their consciences accusing left not to convene in tumult, and therefore for more security to the King, they were confined to several Places by Proclamation, which they disobeying were denounced Rebells, except Angus, who sub∣mitted; and now was Iohn Metallan, admitted Counsellor, and hereafter became Chancelor of State.

These affaires took up the summer,* 4.11 and at the fall of the leaf comes secretary Walsingham from Queen Elizabeth, expostula∣ting the Kings receiving of Arran and casting of his nobles, who though thus mutenous as you have heard, were yet justifi∣ed by her to be defenders of his Crown.

The King told him, He was not to be taught to rule in his own affaires, being as free, as his Princess, and that his promise against Arran was made under his restraint, but now being at liberty him∣self he doth him but the like justice. Expecting his so much friendship from his Sister the Queen, not to countenance his subjects in Rebel∣lion.

The Ambassadour replyed that his Mistress medl••d not, but for his good, and complains that one Holt an English Iesuite and plotter in Throgmortons treason, should be imprisoned by the King, and yet permitted to escape by means of the French, and not rather sent to the Queen; he was answered that Archibald Dowglas guilty of his fathers murther and in England, was not rendered to him, as was desired. Though in truth, Holt got loose without leave. And so the discourse ended in peace.

And in November Lodawick eldest sonn to the late Duke of Lenox,* 4.12 from France at 14 years of age (the King having sent for his Brethren before) Investing him with his fathers honnors and lands, and the Earl Montross to be his Trustee. Some years after came over his sisters, Henrieta married to the Earl of Hunt∣ley; Mary to the Earl of Mar; the third avowed her self a Virgin to the Cloister. A younger sonne remained in France untill the King came into England, where he was advanced to great ho∣nors. Thus did a gracious King for a distressed family.

The former Declaration against the mutenous Lords,* 4.13 could not deter them from conventions, pretending the time too short, which was limitted for their submission unto confinement. And

therefore in an Assembly of the Peers the King renews his offer of pardon to such as would confesse their foule act at Ruthen, and submit to conforme themselves accordingly. The Earl Rothess protests his subscription to that fact, was forced upon him, and repents to mercy, from whose example the rest followed, and the faction to fall asunder. They had pardon and leave to depart some into Ireland, others to France. Amongst whom was Gowry who yet delayed his journey, whilst he fell into new pra∣ctises, which brought him to his death.

No wonder, to finde the Ministery* 4.14 much concerned in their Sermons to justifie, one or other of these Revolters, and the fact of Ruthen, necessary and lawful. Andrew Melvil* 4.15 affirming to the Council, That the Presbytery only had power and authority to judge and censure the Pulpit, and not the King, nor his Council. In primâ instantià, to meddle therewith though they should be treasonable. Telling the King to his face, That he perverted the laws of God and man. Upon which he was charged to enter his person in Black∣ness forthwith, but he turn'd back, fled to Barwick that night; and alwaies after the Ministery complaining, That the light of of the Countrey for learning, and the only man to resist the enemies of Religion was exiled, and compell'd for his life to quit the Kingdome. And though the King descended to satisfie the people by Pro∣clamation therein, yet it caused a murmuring, and encouraged Gowry, to expect Mars and Glammins returne out of Ireland to joyne in Armes, for Reformation of abuses in Church and State, for preservation of the King and Kingdome. The wonted old pre∣tence of all Rebells.

Gowry to colour his intended treason from suspition,* 4.16 comes to Dundee, and there presseth a ship for his voyage. But the King quickly advised, sent Collonel Stewart Captain, of the Guard to seize him, who with others made some resistance, but the Town concurring with the Captain he was taken and conveyed to Edenburgh under co∣stody of Arran. Within two daies after Angus and Mar surprise the Castle of Sterlin, but hearing of the Kings march, with formidable forces, they fly into England. Gowries confession under his hand sets down their practises thus,* 4.17 That himself perceaving the Kings fa∣vour declining and his estate aimed at by power of his enemies, he was forced to seek his own relief by concurring with other Nobles in the like Case, by the means of James Erskin, who travelled therein, and assured me of their Return to Sterlin, where we concluded, That at home it was expected, that all those who subscribed the bond in the first alteration would join with us; and besides them, the Earls Mar∣shal, and Bothwel, the Lord Lindsey, and others of the West; From England we expected supply, and that the Queen would inter∣cede for restitution of the Hamiltons.

At his comming to Sterlin he writ to the King, thus;* 4.18

Please your Majesty, It is neither diffidence nor despair in your Higness favour and clemency towards me, nor any desire I have of life,* 4.19 that moves me to require some short audience of your Majesty: But there is a purpose of such weighty importance, which is needfull to be imparted to your Highness, that might have endangered the Lifes and Estates of your Mother and your Self, if I had not stayed and impeded the same, the relation whereof concerns you more than the lives of 500. such as my self, wherein I am assured of your Maje∣sties gratious answer.

The matter is not the concealing of a Treason, but the revealing of a benefit, April 1584.

His Petition is denyed, and the same brought in evidence at his Tryal,* 4.20 being in May indicted of four points.

• 1. That in February last David Hume (Mars Man) came at night to him at Perth, communicating the surprizing of Perth and Sterlin, and so concealing and consenting to Treason.
• 2. The like he conferred with James Arskin a Trafficker from Mar, Angus, and others.
• 3. That being in Dundee, and charged by his Majesties command to render himself to the Lord Petten Weym Chancellour, and Cap∣tain of the Kings Guard, he did notwithstanding oppose him with Men and Arms, convoking aid of the people to assist him in his Treason.
• 4. That being obliged to maintain his Majesties, Life, Honour, and Crown, and having Intelligience that concerned the life and e∣state of the King and the Queen his Mother, he treasonably conceal∣ed the same.

He excepts against Sir Iohn Gourdon,* 4.21 who sat chief Justice, for some enmity betwixt Gartland (his Kinsman) and him. But this exception was soon refelled, being only affinitas affini∣tatis.

Then, that the Nobleme•• that examined him, promised that his confessions to them, should not be urged against him.

But it was answered, That their words could not warrant him.

He stood upon fourty daies time to answer for Treason.

He was told, that the King might arrest at his own pleasure.

To the last point of Indictment, That what he offered to re∣veal to the King was not of Treason.

But he was answered, that the concealing might tend to the Kings destruction.

The Indictment was found, the Jury were eight Earls, and

eight Lords, and his Sentence as in Treason, and so in the even∣ing was only beheaded.

He had been of good Fame and Honour in Court, accounted wise,* 4.22 yet he dealt in Witch-craft for revealing the future state of things, though for the general misopinion I find of the Presby∣ters against Judicial Astronomy,* 4.23 we may conceive him no other∣wise liable to their idle censure therein. Nor was he accused thereof in his Tryal, nor did repent of it at his death; yet is acknowledged to take it with peace and patience in contempt of the World, and assurance of Gods mercy. His Death she∣wed the way to Archibald Dowglas and Iohn Forbess, executed after him, the rest of the Conspiracy had Banishment or Par∣don. * 4.24 The Ministers had been nibbling at these treasonable Baits, and Polwart, Galloway, and Carmichel, not compeering, were de∣nounced Rebells, and fled into England.

And in this Parliament in May, the Attempt of Ruthen, was ratified, the Kings authority over all persons confirmed, the declin∣ing his Majestyes Iudgement and the Councils to be Treason,* 4.25 the im∣pugning of the authority of the three Estates, or procuring their di∣minution to be Treason, all Iurisdictions and Iudicatures spiritual or Temporal, not approved by the three Estates, to be discharged.

And an Ordinance made, That none should presume, privately 〈◊〉〈◊〉 publickly, in Sermons, Declarations or Conference to utter Speeches to the reproach of the King, his Parents and Proge∣nitors, or to meddle with the Affairs of State under grievous 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Now was the Ministers Spirits on fire, that they were not first heard, and Lindsey, was committed, Lawson and Balcan∣qual flyes into England, so did Poul, who impudently pro∣tested against the Parliaments Ordinance, and were all accoun∣ted Rebells.

Hereupon the King declares his Reasons to curb the Mini∣sters. * 4.26

First their allowance of the Fact at Ruthen. Melvils Declining the King and Council, The Fast kept when the Ambassadours were to be feasted, and other general Fasts through the Realm with∣out the Kings Authority; usurping Ecclesiastick Iurisdictions. Alterations of the Lawes at their pleasure and a number of such a∣buses.

To these they impudently replyed in Pamphlets,* 4.27 Libells, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pens against the Court. And Letters from those Fu¦gitives to the Ministry and Session of the Church and Council of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Town, Excusing their Absence, for resisting the wicked Ordi∣nance, and not submitting to the Tyrannical Regiment of Bishops, whom they st••led Libertines, Belly-Gods, Infamous, That after

their zealous wrestling with God, they had revelation to de∣part, and hoped after destruction of the Antichristian Prelates, to return home to their several flocks in Peace.

But by the Kings direction, this insolent Letter was replyed unto by the Session;* 4.28 wherein after the just confutation of their abuses on the King and State, They discharge themselves of being their flock, and of they their Pastors; and thank God, the Re∣vealer of secrets, that made them manifest their own shame, and relieved them from such wolves in shew of Pastors, and being assur∣ed that his Majesty will furnish them with more quiet••r Ministers, they commit the others to Gods mercy, and to repent for their former offences.

This letter subscribed and sent to England, was copied out and di∣vulged to their eternal condemnation, and out of regret of the guilt thereof, afterwards, Lawson died with grief at London.

And at home occasioned others, to follow per force, many imprisoned, some executed for meddling with State-matters, Subscriptions and Sermons so treasonable, although the Kings mercy endeavoured to reclaim them, such were their insolen∣cies, that sundry of them suffered for example to others con∣formity.

These troubles in Scotland brought disadvantage to the poor distressed Queen Mary,* 4.29 for whose relief, some practises were set on foot in England, by Throgmorton, Lord Paget, and others, the Earls of Northumberland and Arundel, the Howards also (ra∣ther suspected out of their general profession of Papistry and af∣fection to Queen Mary) and also by Morgan and others in France, and all for her; As more particular by Mendoza the Spanish Am∣bassadour in England; who being discovered, stole away secret∣ly to Paris, being charged with Throgmortons Plot, to bring in forein Power, for which he was hanged. And Mendoza as boldly recharged this State with practices against his Master, for at this time England countenanced, the Netherlands, the Duke of A••joy, and Don Antonio the Portugall, and the Am∣bassadour of Navarr now in England; and all these against Spain.

But to colour these to excuse this State, and to complain of the Ambassadour,* 4.30 Wade, Clark of the Council, posts into Spain, whom that King refers to his Council, without vouch••a••ing to see him; and not being heard at all, returnes home again. And by some papers of Creighton a Scotish Jesuite intercepted, and discovering fresh plots of invasion by the Pope, Spain, and the Guis••s, the State of England began more narrowly to look about, and to begin with the Queen of Scots miserable Tragedy, here∣in Leicester and other Lords associate by oath to persecute to the death the obstacles of Queen Elizabeths peace and safety.

Mary fearing the effects,* 4.31 made the most humble and satisfa∣ctory propositions and concessions to what Queen Elizabeth could possibly urge, and to which she (indeed) inclined; but the Scots opposed,* 4.32 especially to hear of her return home.

And to assist the hight of evils, the Presbyters in Scotland are alwaies at hand, railing at her and the King in the Pulpits, and be∣ing summoned to answer their contempts, absolutely refuse, say∣ing, That Ecclesiastick persons were exempt the Kings authority. Althought to suppresse their insolencie (very lately,* 4.33 even this year, and last Assembly of States) it was enacted, The Kings authority over all persons Ecclesiastick and Layick,* 4.34 and confirmed for ever. Their Assemblies, as well general as particular, were con∣demned, as arrogating boundlesse authority, when they list to meet, and to prescribe lawes, even to the King and Kingdome. And here the popular equality of Ministers were abrogate, and the dignity of Bishops restored, whose vocations the Presbyters had condemned as Antichristian. The scandalous books of Buchanans Chronicles, and his Dialogue De jure regni apud Scotos, and other such were condemned.

So you see in this Parliament, the King had Royally and Religiously confirmed the Articles of true Religion, and had united to his Crown the supream Authority Ecclesiastick and Civil, heretofore usurped by Papists, and lately by Prebyters. Hereupon they declare the King inclin'd to Popery, and no∣thing to be left of ancient from but the shadow,* 4.35 and not being suffered to vent their spleen, they fly into England under pre∣tence of persecution.

Yet the King delt with them by hopes and fear. Appoints their appearance in November from all parts;* 4.36 And were then pressed to subscribe obedience to their ordinary. To obey and acknowledge Bish. according to the Word of God, which words they construed to be a restriction or limitation; for say they, The Word of God commands no obedience, Thus either deceived or deceiving, to redeem their ease with yeilding, cover it with equi∣vocation; some subscribed▪ others refused, preaching against them. And evermore Praying for the banished rebellious Lords as the best Subjects who fled from ••yranny. Amongst sundry of such men that suffered trial, and others executed. Daglith the chief Minister of St. Cuthberts upon that score,* 4.37 and for corresponding by letters with Walter Balcanqual he was sentenced for Treason, but upon his humble supplication, was pardoned. David Hume and his brother executed, and indeed divers grand designes of Treason put the State to necessary jealousies and fears. Robert Hamilton accuses Douglas of Mains and Iohn Cunningham of Drumhosel, for conspiring to intercept the King at hunting, and to detain him, till the banished should return and receive him.

Upon which they were found guilty, and executed at Eden∣burgh.

And indeed Angus and others lay lurking at Barwick, who were removed therefore further into England to New Castle,* 4.38 lest the Lord Hunsdon Governour of Barwick should suffer suspition in their designes, against all reason of State, which now in Eng∣land seems to side with King Iames,

And at New Castle they lodge; Iohn and Claud Hamilton re∣tire and take up by the way to settle all here. The Scots Mini∣sters wanderers were all found out, and called to the Juncto, Lowson Carmichel, Erskin. And Mr. Iohn Colvil sent away to Secretary Walsingham at Court. Who led them with hopes that the Queens fleet (usual) rigging was intentional for their inte∣rest; this encouraged them, and gave occasion to the Scots Am∣bassadour to draw up Criminations against them, and so they were removed to Norwich, and after to London; and lodge at Long ditch beyond Tuttle street against the Park-wall,* 4.39 to whom all their Ministers resort (a petty corporation) preach, pray, keep fasting, more than private, and were so bold, as to expect leave, to be allotted a Church of their own as French, Italian, Dutch and other strangers, but the conformity of language with us, and the deformity in discipline, made their request insolent; of which they complain in their preachings, and therefore are all silenced▪ which they say brake the heart of Lawson, their Ma∣lapert minister, or rather the letter from Edenburgh aforesaid re∣nouncing him their Pastor, who deserting his cure upon pre∣tence of conscience, not to subscribe, yet takes part the Re∣bells against his Soveraign. But the particular manner and oc∣casion in Scotland was as followeth.

In civill affairs,* 4.40 the Earl Arran comanded all; keeper of the Castle, of Sterlin, Edenburgh, and Provost there, lately made Chan∣celor upon the death of the Ea••l Arguile. The office of secretary he conferred upon Iohn Metallan, Lethingtons son, having banish∣ed the Abott of Dumferlin▪ who possessed that place, and made himself Lieutenant of Scotland; which greatness, procured pri∣vate envy of others at Court, ploting his ruine. To conserve him self, he endeavoured to gain Queen Elizabeth to be his friend; and after, he had privately conferred with the Lord Hunsdon Go∣vernour of Barwick several legations were sent to England by the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews to confirm the Kings constancy in Religion, much suspected by the cunning informations of the banished abroad, and Kirkmen at home. And after him the Master of Gray came to remand the fugitive Rebells and Lewis Ballandine Justice Clark, was sent to accuse them, as guilty of the conspi∣racy of Mains and Drumhosell; but indeed Ballendines interest

conniving, his accusations were so slenderly urged; that the very ground was laid, to work their restitution and Arrans de∣struction; the Queen and her counsel under hand giving ayme to all.

Arran abused with hopes of the Queens friendship,* 4.41 conti∣nues his greatness into terms of Tyranny; against Athol, Hume and Casils; With frivolous, arbitrary justice. It fell more parti∣cular upon the Lord Maxwell for refusing exchange of Lands; the Barrony of Kinnell fallen by attainder, with the Barrony of Mernis and other Lands of Maxwell Heath. And to work out the mischief, the Lord Iohnston is made Provost, thereby being war∣den of the West Marches, might curb the power of Maxwell, whose right it was to the Provostry, and therefore rayses forces of his friends, and apposed Iohnston; for which and other In∣solencies, he is denounced Rebell,* 4.42 and commission to Iohnston with power to pursue him: Maxwell sends his two brothers to inter∣cept Lamby and Cranston, ere they should joyn head; in the fray the first is killed, the other made prisoner; which encouraged Iohnston to incurse upon Maxwells lands by fire and sword, with great spoyl & booty: the same were answered upon return of the like against Iohnston; who is taken prisoner, and the regret therof, g••eived him to his grave, shortly after.

The Quarel now engages the States, who convene, and a sub∣sedy granted of twenty thousand punds (or pounds) levied also to pursue him; but the great plague raging at Edenburgh that ex∣pedition for the present, was put off till next year.

In this interim Queen Elizabeths favour declines from Arran; the occasion being a Tumult,* 4.43 arising between the Governours of the middle Marches, Sr. Francis Russell, son to the Earl of Bed∣ford, was killed neer the Borders, the deed done by instigation of Arran, and Farneyhast▪ the slayer, was denied to be rendred to the Queens justice▪ yet not much insisted upon at that time, but rather to contract former friendship; by Ambassy of Sr. Ed∣ward Wotton, offensive and defensive with the King in cause of Rebellion; for then, came on, the Roman holy League (so stil∣ed) with the Pope,* 4.44 Spain and Guisits in France and others in Germa∣ny to exterpate the reformed Religion in all Christendome, though principally aimed against Q. Elizabeth, who courts Leagues with other Princes reformed; Sr. Thomas Bodly treats therein, with the King of Denmark;* 4.45 Wotton with Scotland; and at a Parliament in Iuly was by Act confirmed for ever, supposed sufficient, to re∣turn Wotton the sooner home. But he had private comands coun∣termines for the fugitive Lords restitution, lately concluded be∣fore in England by the late Ambassadors; with whom now he keeps private meetings, gaining time by the occasion of certain Ambassadors from Denmark, who under pretence of remand to the

Isles of Orknay and Shethland, upon the Northern coast of Scot∣land, alienated of old from that Crown. But in truth, they propounded reasons of State, For a Mariage with the King, and a Sister of Denmark,* 4.46 happily effected 4 years after.

These Ambassadours taking leave, the rumour grew high of the banished Lords Conspiracy, which causes a Proclamation for a general Convention of all good Subjects, to meet the King at the Castle of Crawford in October,* 4.47 to repell the Rebels; which the English Ambassadours craftily prevent, whilest the Lords march apace, and come to rendezvous at Linton in Tweed∣dale, and there Covenant by Oath, not to separate till they should seize the King, and remove Arran: and thither comes Maxwell, with a thousand Horse and foot, that served heretofore against Iohnston; all the rest making up but so many more; and to be even with the King,* 4.48 they proclaim also (the old and new Rebels rule) Defence of the truth, the deliverance of the King from evil Counsellors, and add, the Amity with England. Interlacing each line with Odiums against Arran, amongst other charges; That he claimed descent from Duke Mordach (beheaded by King Iames the first, upon that title) which Arran now takes up, to be Heir to the Crown, by the name of Iames seventh. And in∣deed this was now enforced, and a scandal, which all men ••n∣derstood; for, whether he had feigned such a pretence the last year, or others for him had formed it, he was forced to purge himself then in Parliament, by serious Protestation; which truly in pride of heart he did, rather to deceive the World with that folly.

Thus far Wootton plotted with the Revolters agents at Court,* 4.49 and being almost discovered by Arran, he departs hastily, with∣out leave, towards Berwick, and after him posts an Express, who overtook him at Anwick; expostulating, Whether His Mistress directed him this mannerly departure? He acknowledged to the Messenger, that he could not grant, that he came away Insalutato hospite, seeing he performed that Office with Heart and Hand; and would ever endeavour, by all possible means, that his suddain departure, should rather help to maintain, than to dissolve the amity betwixt his Soveraign and the King. By the word Hand, he referred to a Letter, which he left for the King, in which he so far complained, that the cause lodged upon Arrans discredit, who (he said) governed all. By which Arran suspected somewhat ami••s, and accused the Master Gray for hastening Wotton away.

The Lords Revolters that had intelligence of all,* 4.50 march with speed to Sterlin, and were let in by a back-way at Mid-night. And, whilest Arran was busie with the watch, at the other end, the Town was taken and rifled; Arran and others escaped. The

King inclosed within the Castle, sends out two Counsellors, to tell them, That humble Petitions better became the duly of Sub∣jects Complaints, and private address more fit than to force their Soveraign, which violent forms they would find 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that should be extorted by force or fear, and he never to want men and means hereafter to undo.

They not as yet let in, were not to learn the art of dissembling, ex∣cusing their actions, by their miserable conditions, reduced to this necessity, to seek relief rather for the King than themselves. His honour and safety, highly endangered by evil Counsellors (excepting them that were sent) and labouring these with arguments to inter∣cede for his Majesties grace and favour, and to admit their address to his person.

The King knew their meaning, and intending to say no more than willingly they should hear of, For my self (said the King) I never liked the mans arrogancy (meaning Arran) but I must secure my Servants about me; the quarrels betwixt Crawford and Glam∣mis, Angus and Montross, and Col. Stuart, as ill beloved for ser∣ving me.

No sooner said, But they vow, Not to arm for private quar∣rells of their own, or any others, not minding to mix particulars with the publique.

Upon which, they get in, fall down on their knees to the King, and the Lord Hamilton, being the best in blood, was their spokes∣man, who only craved mercy.

To whom, My Lord, said the King, I never knew you till now, and I am sorry to see your face in this fault; you have been faith∣full to my Mother in my Minority, and, I fear, may suffer more than these.

As for you (angerly browing upon Bothwell,) Francis, what ai∣led thee that never could be injured?

But—To you all that mean me no mischief, I am pleased to hold out my hand and my heart, carying your selves from henceforth, as dutiful Subjects.

It was no time to do other, and the next day in Council, to confirm by Act, their Pardon, and their Assistants, and so pro∣claimed. Crawford and Montross▪ delivered up to Hamilton, and Col. Stuart permitted to depart. Arran was gone before, fled to Coil, deprived of all honors, lived from thenceforth privately.

And now new Lords and Laws share old offices. The Guard was given to Glammis, the Castle Dunbritton to Hamilton, Sterlin re∣stored to the Earl Mar, and the Castle of Edenburgh delivered to Sir Iames Hume.

This relation the most certain, though I know it is other∣wise reported.

And no wonder to find designs in policy how to cleer these

Lords of former accusations, and confessions; the very Exa∣minants and Deponents must now voluntarily offer new Oaths, to purge them from all Treasonable Attempts. Amongst whom Duntraith now confessed to be suborned to accuse Mains, out of fear to save himself.

Besides these powers that overmastered the Kings party, the want of supply from Edenburgh lost the Court; the raging Plague swept away twenty thousand persons, and that City quite forsaken. He is forced now to yield to their Dominati∣on; this Success imboldens the disloyal Ministers to return home also, from all parts, insupportable insolent. One of them (Gibson) to the Kings face, terms him Ieroboam, a Persecutor; threatens him, That if he went on in the former way, he should be the last of his race.

And before the King and Council, he and Watson (such ano∣ther) impudently maintain the same and more to their teeth, which no Catiline could have done more treasonable.

Then their Synod, being assisted by a number of the Laicks, convene the Bishops; Saint Andrews was compeered before them, upon accusation of Andrew Melvil, in malice and private revenge, but his pretence was that the Bishop devised and penned former Acts against the Presbytery; the Bishop protests against their Judicature, and disputes his Innocency from any evil therein, and to avoid their censures, appeals to the King and Estates, and they therefore in fear what to do, a young Fellow, Andrew Hunter, professes to be armed by the Spirit, and so usurping the Chair, he pronounced Sentence against him. Cunningham the Bishops man, did the like, the next day, against Melvil.

These and other such disorders involves the King and Estates what to do with them, when the Secretary of State perceiving their vexations, advises the King to leave the Ministery to their own courses; That in a short time, he should see them so intol∣lerable, as the people would chase them out of the Nation. True (said the King) if I wer•• careless to undo the Church and Religion, it were the best Counsel, but to preserve both I must suppress disorders, lest Religion be despised.

And therefore, as these insolencies gave the King occasion wisely to foresee the dangerous events, if not nipt in the Bud, So ex malis Moribus, bonae leges nascuntur, for the State publish these Articles.

That all Preachers should obey the King.

Not to pretend privilege in their allegiance.

Not to meddle in State matters.

Not to revile his Majesty.

Not to draw the people from obedience.

And being questioned, not to allege inspiration of the Spirit.

Nor to serve themselves with colour of conscience, &c.

It is strange to observe, both before, and then, and sithence, even to these our last daies (as were by Wisemen alwaies foretold from the beginning) how this Gangreen spread, and that we are now wearied, as well as the Reader, with these relations. Let me onely observe further the Scots Acts and Ordinances con∣cerning their Episcopacy, and let any Historian tell me, when and how they started into such a sincere Reformation, as to have no Bishops at all, as many would pretend.

For first,* 4.51 reforming from Popery in 1567. That no Bishop, nor o∣ther Prelate should use any Iurisdiction in time comming by the Bi∣shop of Romes authority (but it appears by all subsequent Acts, That Arch-Bishops and Bishops were not only allowed in their Kirk, but also had Iurisdiction and authority to govern the same).

That Arch-Bishops and Bishops have the Authority,* 4.52 and are or∣dained to convene and deprive all Ministers inferiour, who shall not subscribe the Articles of Religion and recognoscing of the King and his Authority.

That Arch-Bishops and Bishops have authority to assign Mini∣sters Glebes.* 4.53

That they shall nominate and appoint Visitations,* 4.54 &c. and persons in every Parochin for settling Taxation for upholding Kirks, &c.* 4.55

That they shall direct charges how the Minister of the Parochin shall proceed to excommunications.

That they shall try the rent of Hospitals,* 4.56 and call for the founda∣tions thereof.

The Iurisdiction of the Kirk is declared to stand in preaching the Word of Iesus Christ,* 4.57 correction of manners, and administration of Sacraments.

And no other Authority allowed; but Arch-Bishops and Bi∣shops intended to continue in Authority, as is cleer by these Acts fol∣lowing.

First, All persons returning from forein Travails are within twenty daies to pass to the Bishop, Super-intendent, Commissioner of the Kirk,* 4.58 to give a Confession of their faith.

That none presume to impugn the Dignity and Authority of the three Estates,* 4.59 or to seek or procure the innovation or diminution of their power and authority, or any of them in time, coming under pain of Treason.

That Bishops are to try and judge Ministers guilty of crimes, meri∣ting deprivation.* 4.60

That no Ministers exercise any other Office beside their▪ Calling,* 4.61 and to be adjudged by their Ordinaries of Bishops.

All Acts whatever heretofore,* 4.62 anent the Kirk of God and Religion now professed are ratified.

That the three Estates (especially considering the persons exercising the offices,* 4.63 titles and dignities of Prelates, which persons have ever represented one of the Estates, &c.) Therefore declare that the Kirk in Scotland is the true and holy Kirk,* 4.64 and that such Ministers as the King shall provide to the Dignity of a Bishop shall have vote in Parliament, as any Ecclesiastical Prelate ever had by-gon.

And null all manner of Acts made in prejudice of Bishops,* 4.65 Ho∣nours, Dignities, &c. competitent to them or their estate since the re∣formation of Religion.

The same revived.* 4.66

Ordains Arch-bishops and Bishops to be elected by their Chapters,* 4.67 and consecrate by the Order accustomed.

And yet we must confess, they were oftentimes striking at the root and branch of Bishops, as others of them did against the Power and Majesty of Princes; for Buchanan terms the phraises of Majesty,* 4.68 Highness, Excellency, Solaecismos et Barba∣rismos aulicos.

Jeering at the outward State of Princes, comparing them to childrens Puppets, garishly attired. That a good Prince should be defended with innocency, Non superbo speculatorum et caetu sericatisque nebulonibus stipatus.

Another of theirs Davison,* 4.69 his Pamphlet printed in those times forced through with base invectives, both against the Government of Scotland and England, with most dangerous in∣sinuations to Rebellion.

The Genevian Ministers and their Tenents also were dispersed in England, wholly into such Arguments. Out of two more pe∣stilent sundry seditious positions may be collected, Goodman and another Author stiled True Obedience; or rather perfect re∣bellion.

It may be true,* 4.70 tis no Treason to resist the Soveraign for de∣fence of Religion, nor no treasonable assertion, That a law∣ful Prince may be deposed in case of revolt from God, and these are the proposition of all Christian Professors, but these Men following their own deceiptful wiles, and irregular opinions, adjudged that to be errour, or idolatry, which perhaps may not be so, and may traduce goodness and virtue by the rule of their own strained conceit, and so differ in the manner and matter, as reason and conscience differ from fury and frenzy.

And yet these their Doctrines Whittingham (afterwards un∣worthy Dean of Durham) in his preface to Goodmans book,* 4.71 saith, that they were approved by the best learned, meaning Calvin, and the rest of the Genevians, Gilby, Coverdale, Whitehead, and others.

But then let me tell them who were the other,* 4.72 worser learn∣ed men (as he will have them) that fled Queen Maries persecution

to Franckford, Zurick and Basill, declining Geneva; those were Scory, Barlow, Cox, Beacon, Bale, Parkhurst, Grindall, Sands, Nowell, Wisdom, and Iewell, and very many more, that maintain∣ed the Reformation of King Edwards time; and therefore Knox said,* 4.73 That the English at Geneva were separated from that super∣stitious company at Franckford.

Notwithstanding these quarrellers, heretofore (at the first) yet in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths dayes, they pretended to agree in Harmonical Confessions, though in several disci∣plines, till Cartwright and Travers in his Disciplina Ecclesiastica, makes their own tenents so positive, as that, If every hair of their heads were a life, they would lose them all, to defend their Discipline.

Then came in to their Gang, Udall and Penry, and call that discipline onely,* 4.74 pure, perfect, righteous, full of goodness, peace and honor; ordained for the joy and happiness of all Nations. Therein followed them, Martin, and his two sons, and Gilbie; and so like very apt scholars in evil,* 4.75 they out-went their masters to the De∣vil; for joyning with Copinger, Hackett, and others, they fell in∣to a desperare designe of Treason,* 4.76 for which, Hacket was han∣ged.

At last, increasing in very bold wayes, and desperate tenents, dispersed in Pamphlets, Rithmes and Ballads; It was thought fit to open their eyes and understandings, by some grave, and learned declaration,* 4.77 for setling their mad brains, which was effected by that most reverend and learned Divine Hooker, in his Ecclesiast. Policie, which for a long time (during the time of times) silenc∣ed all their Railings;* 4.78 and so satisfied the wiser sort, that the Church of God got quiet from such disturbers, till of late daies.

But to return to our History, In Iune was compleated the League with England,* 4.79 hammered out for defence of both Nations a∣gainst the Holy League (as the Papists would have it) the Com∣missioners meeting at Barwick, concluded these Aritcles, upon the former reasons.

• 1. To joyn and unite in a more strict League than ever had been before.
• 2. To draw other Princes Reformed into their society.
• 3. To be offensive and defensive against any Contractors with their enemies.
• 4. Not to assist any Invader of either Kingdom.
• 5. That the Scots to assist England against any Invasion with two thousand horse and five thousand foot at the Queens charge from the borders. The Queen the like to Scotland, but with three thousand horse, and six thousand foot.
• ...

• 6. If the North of England, there the Scots to assist with all their force for thirty dayes (the usual time of attending their own King.)
• 7. The King not to suffer Scots to be transported into Ireland, but by leave of the Queen.
• 8. Not to countenance either Rebels or Revolters.
• 9. That all the controversies of the Borderers be civilly reconci∣led.
• 10. Neither Princes to enter League with any other without the consent of both.
• 11. All by-gone Treaties of either, with other Princes, shall stand in full force, the cause of Religion excepted.
• 12. These Articles to be confirmed by Oath, and Hands, and Seals.
• 13. Lastly, That the King, at twenty five yeers old, shall confirm these, by the States of Scotland, as the Queen will then do by her Parliament of England.

This was the begining of Q. Eliz. design,* 4.80 which she presumed would in time be considerable, with other reformed States confederate; though in earnest; the whole intention of the Papists, had reference to the Church of England, the absolute or∣thodox Conserver of the true ancient Apostolick faith, though by ob∣servation of succeeding times in some relations, it appears of late wonderfully indangered. But, besides that of Religion, and strengthening her affairs in policie with other Princes, upon that score, she had a further a••m, to confirm amity with the King whom she was assured forthwith, mightily to offend, and to en∣danger her safety and honour with all the Christian world.

For now (with leave of the Reader) having been led some∣what too long in the Church affairs;* 4.81 let us remind the poor Captive Queen Mary, upon whom all the former suspitions re∣flected, and so h••stened to her ruin; for Queen Elizabeth casting about to make things safer, than fast, resolved upon the way, most desperate, which if it took not well, was yet the onely way, by taking Mary out of the way, and so give end to Eliza∣beths jealousies; to secure her Person from Treasons; to joynt her power now divided; and to settle her people from imbroiles and divi••••ons.—But soft and fair, the wily wits of Walsingham and Burleigh, must be busied about it.

For now she is removed from her fifteen yeers custody,* 4.82 under the good Earl of Shrewsbury, unto Sir Amias Pawlet, and Sir Drew Drury, on purpose to put her upon extremity of redress against their extream imprisoning. And so she endeavors, and deals with the Pope and Spain, by Englefeild, to hasten their designs, however; which designs indeed, is so peeced and patcht toge∣ther,

by those that writ of them, as if each mans fancy, in re∣ference to the publick, must needs take effect of Rebellious in∣terpretation. And what ere was whispered in that sence, was sure to be put upon the poor Queens account, by which she smar∣ted; for in this Parliament of England, the former Association of the Lords was confirmed by both Houses, and strict Acts a∣gainst Catholicks and abetters in Treason,* 4.83 which occasioned Philip Howard Earl of Arundel, eldest son of the late Duke of Norfolk, (three yeers since restored in blood) to complain of his enemies, pursuing him to the death, as others had done to his Great Grand∣father condemned, and never came to tryal; his Grandfather beheaded for trifles, and his father likewise for concernments of lesser moment. Himself thus afflicted, endeavoring to retire out of the Kingdom, but was taken and sent to the Tower, where he found Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland (as accessory to Thorgmortons design) who Pistolled himself some dayes after,* 4.84 but Arundel was onely fined in Star-Chamber.

The Catholicks desparate to do something,* 4.85 were animated thereto by Ballard a Priest, who from hence goes into France, and there layes his designs with the Old Plotters, Pope, Guises, the Spaniard and Parma to invade England, and free Queen Mary; and returning home, confederates with Babington and six more principal gentlemen, to kill Queen Elizabeth. All which their plottings were daily discovered to Secretary Walsingham, by one Pooley their companion;* 4.86 and so confident were they of suc∣cess, that Babington had his own picture, and those about him, all to the life, with this verse circumscribed,

Hi mihi sunt comites, quos ipsa pericula ducunt.

But this verse too plain, they inserted in the place,

Quorsum haec, aliò properantibus?

The Queen being shewed these faces knew ••one but Barn∣well.

Babington to hasten this design, resolves to go over himself. And by Pooley's means insinuates with Walsingham, and ingages to discover Fugitives, if he might be trusted with the Queens License, which was promised to him, but delayed, whilst all was discovered to Walsingham (by one Gifford a Priest) whom he recommended unto Amias Pawlet to suffer his servants to be corrupted by him,* 4.87 and so to intrap the Queen his Prisoner; but though Pawlet refused to conspire with his servants,* 4.88 yet he permitted one that depended on the necessary service of his Fa∣mily, a Baker, to be bribed; and at a hole in the wall, to give

out and take in letters, between the Queen and all the confede∣rates, which were (as sure) to be opened and read by Walsing∣ham, who got the Keys of the Ciphers, and had answe••s coun∣terfeited, to involve whom he pleased to suspect, in the Plot. At last (the time being ripe for Execution) they were proclaimed Traytors,* 4.89 and at several places seized, examined, and confessing to every particular, they were executed as Traytors, seven of them most cruelly; the other seven with more mercy.

The Queen of Scots was so narrowly watched, that she knew nothing of the discovery; no, not when Mr. Gorge was sent to her, to expostulate these plots. She being then on horseback a hunting, was not suffered to return; but in shew of honour▪ was led to several Gentlemens houses, in the mean time, that her servants and her Secretaries are severed from Communication, her Cabinet and Desks, and Copies of Letters, with sixty seve∣ral Ciphers discovering all, were seized and sent to the Coun∣cel.

Now is Gifford sent by Walsingham into France,* 4.90 and given out as banished; who leaves a Paper indented with the French Ambassadour▪ In charge, not to deliver any letters from the Queen of Scots, or from the fugitives, that came to his hands and to be sent into France, but to such onely, that brought the counterpain of the Indented Paper,* 4.91 which he secretly sent to Walsingham. And so dep••••ted into France, where soon he died; for, having done the main work, ere he went over, was for his re∣ward discovered to be a counter••eit (even by slight of hand and Walsinghams contrivement) and so had ••auce to his knavish face, that pined him away by inches.

In this condition was the poor imprisoned Queen at Fother∣ringhan Castle in Northampton-shire;* 4.92 when the Councel were as busie what to do with her. At last, they concluded to proceed upon the Act of 27. Eliz. made the last yeer, against Plotters or contrivers of the Queens death, as before said.

To which purpose a Commission under the great seal issued out, impowring twenty four Noblemen and others therein, who came to the Castle the 11▪ of October, to try and censure her.

Against which she excepted, As being her self a free Princess, and not liable to tryall for life; Her ignorance of the Laws of Eng∣land, and without Council; Her papers and writings seized; and so utterly refuses to be tryed. Yet being over-born, and convinc∣ed with many strong arguments of Law and Reason, she sub∣mits.

The manner of her Tryal was thus.* 4.93 A chair of Estate was set as for the Q. of England, under a canopy at the upper end of the Presence Chamber. B••neath, against it, was placed a Chair for the Queen of

Scots; close to the Walls on both sides of the Cloth of Estate, Seats were made for the Lords, Chancellour, Treasurer, the Earls of Oxford, Kent, Derby, Worcester, Rutland, Cumberland, Warwick, Pembroke, Lincoln, and Viscount Mountacute. On the other side, the Lords Abergavenny, Zouch, Morley, Stafford, Grey, Lum∣ley, Sturton, Sands, Wentworth, Mordant, Saint John, Com∣pton, Chenos. Next to these the Knights, Privy Counsellours, Sir James Croft, Sir Christopher Hatton, Sir Francis Walsing∣ham, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Walter Mildmay, and Sir Amias Pau∣let. Forward before the Earls, sate the two Chief Iustices, the Chief Baron of the Exchequer; And on the other side the other two Iusti∣ces, Delt and Ford Doctors of the Civil Law. At a Table in the midst, Popham Attourney General, Egerton Solicitor, Gawdy Ser∣jeant at Law, the Clerk of the Crown, and two Notaries.

The Prisoner being set,* 4.94 Bromley Lord Chancellour turning to her, said, The most illustrious Queen of England, being certified, to her great grief, that you plotted hers and the Kingdom of Englands ruine, and the overthrow of Religion established; Out of duty to God, her Self and People, and no malice or ill meaning, hath authorized these Commissioners to hear what can be laid to your charge, and your Answer, to defend your own innocency.

She rising up said,* 4.95 She came into England to implore aid, and was promised it, but ever since kept Prisoner. That she is not the Queens subject, but a free and absolut•• ••rincess, and cannot be com∣pelled to appear before Delegates or any other Iudg, for any cause whatsoever, but before God alone the supreme Iudge of all; which otherwise were der••gatory to her own Princely Majesty, to her Son the King of Scots, her Successors, and all other absolute Princes: Never∣theless she did present her self to refute all Crimes that could be char∣ged upon her.

The Chancellour replied,* 4.96 that her Protestation was vain; for whosoever offends the ••aws of England, in England must be subject to the same, examined and judged; and therefore not to be admitted. Yet the Delegates commanded her Protestation and his Answer to be registred.

The Patent, and late newest Statute made a Law was read and opened: to which she answered, that it was purposely made to en∣trap her.

Gawdy averred,* 4.97 that she had transgressed every part and parcel of that Law: with a Narration of Babingtons Treason, to which she was accused, as conspiring, abetting, assenting to effect it.

She denies all,* 4.98 never to have received Letters from him, nor writ∣ten to him, she knew him not, and requires Proofs of her Hand by any Subscriptions or Letters, nay, she never heard tell of any such▪ Trea∣son; Ballard she knew not, onely, she understood, that the Catholicks were grievously used, and therefore she writ to the Queen for some pity

upon them. She confessed those Letters produced from many whom she knew not, that profered their endeavours for her enlargement, but she excited none to any wicked Design, and being a Prisoner she could not hinder their Attempts.

Then was Babingtons Letters read, his Confessions and Corre∣spondencies with her, wherein the whole Conspiracy was ex∣pressed.

She answered, that Babington might write them, but prove any receipt of them; if Babington or any other affirm so much, I say plainly, They lie. A Packet of Letters detained a whole year came to my hand, but I know not who sent ••t: But Babingtons confession ac∣cused her therein.

She blamed Sir Trancis Walsingham for his cunning plottings to entrap her, with counterfeiting Letters and Cyphers▪ which he lamely excused, and put all upon policy of State.

This held out the Fore-noon.

After Dinner, was produced Charls Pagets Letter, and Curls (one of her Servants) confession that she received it; touching conference with Ballard and Mendoza for invading England, and setting her free.

She acknowledged that a Priest told her,* 4.99 that unless she interpo∣sed, her Se••••••nd Son would be excluded from inheritance to this Crown, for that the King of Spain clamed a Right, and would give place to none, except to her self.

It was insisted upon the Letters of Nave and Curl.

She answered, Curl was an honest man,* 4.100 but no sufficient Witness, and Nave was sometime Secretary to the Cardinal of Lorain, and commended to her by the King of France, and might be drawn by hope, fear, and reward, to bear false witness, and had a hand over Curl; either of them might insert into Letters more than she di∣ctated, oft times she not examining them; before she signed▪ that all Princes may this way fall into mischief, if their Servants and Secre∣taries may falsly accuse them; I desire their presence face to face, to reply to my Exceptions.

The Treasurer* 4.101 objected, that she purposed to send her Son into Spain, and to transfer her Right and Title to England upon that King.

She answered,* 4.102 that she had no Kingdom to bestow; however, what was her own, she might dispose as she pleased, and not render ac∣compt to any.

It was urged her Assistance and Pension to Morgan, who sent Parry into England, to assassinate the Queen.

She said,* 4.103 Morgan for her sake, had lost his Estate, and therefore she was obliged in honour to relieve him; nor was she bound to re∣venge an injury done to the Queen by a Friend that had deserved well of her; yet that she did always deterr him from any bloudy Enter∣prizes;

However Pensions were allowed out of England to Sir Pa∣trick Grey and other Scots my adversaries, and to my Son also.

The heads of her several Letters to Paget, Inglefield, and Men∣doza were read;* 4.104 She said, they made nothing to the Queens destru∣ction, but if any forein Prince would endeavour her enlargment, it ought not be a crime in them or her, having often intimated her self, to the Queen, that she would endeavour her own freedom.

She complained of her Servants and Secretaries perjury and treachery, and very unfaithfull unto her; that being a distressed Pri∣soner, and grown in years, there could be no hope to perfect those things which were expected from her, and therefore she was advised to con∣firm the Succession of England to the King of Spain, or to some English Catholick Nobleman; And said, that a Book was tendered to her for that purpose, which because she not admitting incurred the dis∣pleasure of some eminent persons, for being no hope from England, she was to entertain forein help.

She desired to be heard in a full Parliament, or before the Queen and her Council.

And now rising out of her Chair in great Majesty and confi∣dence, she exchanged some words with Burghley, Hatton, Wal∣singham and Warwick apart. And so the meeting again was pro∣rogued till the 25. day of October next, at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉-chamber at Westminster, before all the Commissioners; where Nave and Curl constantly affirmed, viva voce, all those particulars which con∣cerned them to aver, and which she had denied.

So then Sentence was pronounced against her, and ratified un∣der their hands and seals, in these words recorded.

By their unanimous consent at the Day and Place abovesaid;* 4.105 they do pronounce and declare this judicial Verdict, and say, That after the end of the said Parliament (specified in the Commission) viz. after the first of June in the seven and twentieth Year of the Queen, divers matters were compassed and imagined in England by Anthony Babington and others, with the privity of Mary Queen of Scots, pretending Title to the Crown of England, tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of the Royal Person of our said Sovereign Lady the Queen. And furthermore, that after the said Day and Year, and before the Date of our Commission, the said Mary hath com∣passed and imagined in this Kingdom of England divers matters tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of the Royal Person of our said Sovereign, against the form of the Statute specified in the said Commission.

All the Commissioners declaring that this Sentence did no way derogate to Iames King of Scots in right or honour, but that he continued in the same right and honour, as if that Sentence had never been passed.

This Sentence (you see) depended upon Nave and Curl,* 4.106 and

not face to face, according to the first Statute 13. Elizabeth; di∣vers opinions passed, whether credulous or incompetent. Nave's Apology to King Iames afterwards 1605. purges him with deep Protestations, neither Author nor Abetter, nor remiss in his duty by negligence, or otherwise; but opposed the heads of her Accusation to the death. But this appears not by Records; his guilt shewed somewhat that needed an apology.

Not many days after a Parliament is called,* 4.107 the which was be∣gun by authority from the Queen, derived to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Treasurer, and the Earl of Derby, and the same it seems not without former Presidents. A kinde of mo∣desty perhaps, that if a Virgin Queen must look upon her horrid act, it must be seen through her fingers, and Maries Sentence ac∣companied with the Proscriptions of the Lord Paget, Inglefield, Throgmorton, Babington, Salisbury, Iones, Tichburn, Tilves, and others, confirmed; and their Goods and Estates confiscate. And the House of Peers by the Chancellor petitioned the Queen, that the Sentence might be promulgated, and besought her Majesty for safety of her Person and Kingdoms to execute justice on the Queen of Scots.

The Queen was not to be ••aught her Answer.* 4.108 She acknowledg∣ed Gods protection, and their love and circumspection, for preserva∣tion of Her and her People, against the many and mighty Plots of Hers and their Enemies. How sorry she was, that the Scots Queen, notwithstanding her forewarnings, should be thus entangled and guil∣ty; whom (she protests) as a Princess, as her Kinswoman and Sister, she had reluctancy to spare, and to forgive, were not the security of her People involved; for, their Peace she values before her own life. Concludes, her thanks for their care and advice. But in a cause of so great consequence, she will not be rash, but consider.

Twelve days after, she desires the Parliament to consult some other way of safety, and to spare the Queen of Scots; but they answer with no other satisfaction. To which the Queen in an ex∣cellent method requests them to be answered, without an Answer. For if I should say, (said she) I will not do what you desire, I shall then say what I do not think; and if I shall say, I will do it, I may precipitate my self to danger, whom, I know, you wish to be con∣served.

Then was Queen Maries Sentence proclamed throughout London,* 4.109 and all the Kingdom, which she apprehends chearfully and resolute, and writes to the Queen, for her Body to be allowed Christian ••urial in France, where her Mothers rested, since violence was offered to the Ashes of her forefathers by the Puritans in Scot∣land; nor could she hope for burial with the Kings of England; that she might take her Death not in secret, but where her Servants and Friends could give good testimony thereof.

K. Iames her Son in sad perplexity for his Mother, sends Willi∣am Keith of his Bed-chamber with Letters to Q. Elizabeth; though it seemed strange to him, that the Nobility and Counsellours of Eng∣land should take upon them to sentence a Queen of Scotland,* 4.110 and one descended of the Royal Bloud of England; yet he would think it mon∣strous justice for her Virgin Majesty to stain her hands with the Bloud and Death of his dear Mother, a Lady of in comparable excellency in the worlds opinion, and of the same Royal condition and Sex with her Self: So, if it should be resolved, desires her to consider, how his Ho∣nour stood engaged that was her Son and a King, to suffer his Mother an absolute Princess to be put to an infamous Death.

Keith,* 4.111 after some time of delay, urges for an Answer, but find∣ing no hope, he receives other Letters, commanding him to shew the Queen how unjust the Proceedings had been against his Mo∣ther, the Laws of God and Nations, for an absolute Prince to be sentenced by Subjects, and she the first Example of profaning Sovereign Diadems, Himself concern'd in Nature and Honour to revenge such indignity; and wills him to labour the delay of her Execution, till he could send Ambassadours of his own into Eng∣land; for by Letters from Archibald Dowglas his Lieger in Eng∣land, he found him evil disposed to the business, and therefore re∣solved to send one more honorable, and of greater trust, in his place.

But Keith doing his duty,* 4.112 shewed the Queen his Masters dire∣ction, enforcing her into some passion, till Leicester and others calmed her; and then she told him, She would give no Answer in anger, but consider till morning, when she told him, that no haste should be used, if any other should come from the King in reasonable time, ••roceedings should be staid, and be glad to receive overtures to save the Queens life and assure her own.

The King certified of her passion,* 4.113 posts other Letters more calm, since his other were construed as threats to her Estates; and therefore he courts her into kindness, protesting that the Rumours spread amongst his Subjects moved them into disquiets and mutiny at the forms of Proceedings again their Queen. That for his part, he could well distinguish any pressure, by the peril of her own life, and so not blaming her directly, prays her to put a kindness upon Him, Her real Friend; desires time till his Overtures be heard, hastily coming by the Master of Gray and Sir Robert Melvil,* 4.114 who were to set out on Saturday after, and came to London in eight days.

Queen Elizabeth was better satisfied with these, being fright∣ned before into fear of breach of the late League, and War with her Neighbours, and so gave them speedy Audience.

She told them, how sorry she was, no means could be found to save their Kings Mother, and secure her own life.

They answer, Their Sovereign to save her life will interpose his credit, his Nobility as ••ledges, that no Plot or practice should be contrived by her against your Majesty; or otherwise to set her a•• liberty,* 4.115 and send her into Scotland, and so the better to secure the Queen.

Asking the reason, What should move any man to attempt against her Majesty for Queen Maries sake?

Because (said she) they think Her to succeed me, and she a Pa∣pist.

Then (say they) these means being taken away, the Danger apparently ceases, for if her Right in Succession to England shall be made over in our Sovereigns Person, Papists will have no more hope, and this we are sure his Mother will resign to him.

But (replied the Queen) she hath no Right, being declared incapa∣ble of Succession.

If so, that she hath no Right (said they) the Papists pretences cease, and so no fear of them to enterprize for her.

But (said she) the Papists allow not our Declaration.

Then let it sink (said they) in our Sovereign, by her Resigna∣tion.

Leicester being by, objected, that She being a Prisoner could not 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

They answered, It being made to her Son, with advice of all her Friends in Europe, in case Queen Elizabeth should miscarry, none would partake with the Mother against her Son; all the Princes her Friends standing engaged for her Resignation, that it should be valid and essential for her Son.

The Queen mis-understanding, was told the Ambassadours meaning, that the King should be in his Mother place.

Is it so, says she? Gods Death, that were to cut mine own throat. He shall never come to that place, and be party with me.

She was told, that coming in his Mothers place through her Death, he would be more party.

Well, (says the Queen) tell your King what I have done for him, to keep the Crown on his Head since he was born; and for my part I shall keep the League betwixt us, which if he break, shall be a double fault: and in passion got away.

Melvil made after, requesting respite of execution for eight days.

Not an hour, said she.

The King by this Conference expects extremity,* 4.116 and there∣fore writes to Gray, Think not to reserve your self any longer, no∣thing doing good if her life be lost, adie•• dealing with that State. As you affect my favour, spare no pains, nor plainness. Reade what I writ to Keith, and accordingly conform; and in this your industry, let me reap the fruit of your great Credit there, and Duty here, either now or never. Farewell.

Leicester took some pains in a tedious Letter to satisfie the Kings importunity, by telling him the common jealousie of all Princes for their own security, especially by such persons, as be∣ing within a Kingdom,* 4.117 and claiming Title to that Crown, should conspi••e with Traitors to kill the Queen; comforting the King (as well as he could) how more dangerous Queen Elizabeths Death would be, than his Mothers liberty would advantage; concluding with grave advice, not to quarrel the breach of ami∣ty, and their last League of firm friendship.

And to boot,* 4.118 Walsingham writes to the Secretary of Scotland, the Lord Thirlstan, (with whom he kept private intelligence) as a wonder, the Kings earnest desire to save his Mother, seeing all the Papists in Europe affecting the change of Religion in both Realms, built their hopes altogether upon Her, who in passion to Papistry, had transferr'd her Right to both Crowns, unto the King of Spain▪ in case the King her Son should persist in his Pro∣fession.

And true it was,* 4.119 that such tricks were rumored, to divert the King from constancy in Religion; but never so done by her; if you will credit her Declaration at her Death: though I know (for I have seen it) a Popish Abbot in the life of Cardinal Lau∣rence, at that time Protector of the Scots Nation, affirmeth, the said Translation of these Realms to be in his hands, and deliver∣ed to him by Court Olivarez the Spanish Ambassadour at Rome; but such forged Tales and Titles might have served the turn, if the Enterprize of Eighty Eight had taken effect against Eng∣land.

Thus the King leaving no means possible unattempted for a prudent and pious King,* 4.120 but to to none effect; the State of Scotland then in a miserable distraction, made so, partly in policy from Eng∣land, and the most powerfull Faction solliciting Queen Elizabeth for their Queens Execution; insomuch that it was objected, (as Pilate said) shall I kill your Queen?

And therefore now the King commanded the Ministers and Kirk in Scotland to commend her cause to God in their publick Prayers,* 4.121 which by no means their charity could afford, but abso∣lutely refused; then he appoints a solemn Day of Fasting and Prayer, with Supplications to God for Her, commanding the Bi∣shop of Saint Andrews to pray and preach; against whom the Ministers opposed, and in presence of the King put up in the Pulpit a young Fellow Iohn Cooper,* 4.122 not entered into the Functi∣on, to whom the King cried out, Master Iohn, that place was de∣signed for another, yet since you are there, Do your Duty, and obey the Charge, to pray for my Mother.

He replied, To do no otherwise than as the Spirit should direct him.

Whereupon, the Captain of the Kings Guard pulled him down, and the Bishop performed the Office, most grave and learned.

For this insolency, Cooper was called to accompt, accompa∣nied with Balcanquall and Watson,* 4.123 who were discharged their Mi∣nistery, and Cooper committed prisoner to Blackness.

Then he concludes his last Messenger with letters,* 4.124 Advising the Queen to conserve her fame and renown by her clemency, as yet unspotted from any stain of cruelty, not to be now defied and polluted with the blood of his Mother, the wound reflecting to his smart, which he should never leave unconsidered, to the tyranny of them that thirsted his destruction long since, as they do his Mothers now. Beseeches the Queens mercy and compassion to them both.

In a word,* 4.125 It was a business that till that time had no President, and Queen Elizabeth to say truth, as much perplexed what to conclude, brought her minde the more into confusion.

At length, she signed a Warrant for a Mandate, fitted for the great Seal,* 4.126 and her Execution; and trusted it with Davison one of her Secretaries, to be in readiness in case of danger. But he too hastily had it made up under the Seal, which (some say) she would afterwards have recalled, but was prevented by the earnest prosecution of Beale Clerk of the Councel, Queen Maries enemie.* 4.127 Him the Councel sends to the Earls of Shrews∣bury, Kent, Derby and Cumberland, for her Execution, unknowing to Queen Elizabeth; for (it is said) at that instant, She told Da∣vison that she was resolved of another way than by death. Indeed she was in distraction what to do, but whilst she doubted, the Councel did it for her. And so had her head taken off by the Axe at Fothringham Castle in Northampton-shire.

But,* 4.128 because her high birth and Exellencies deserve particular Memorial, I may not forget her behaviour in the last Act of Life and Death. The Earls comming thither, Pawlet and Drewry being there before, were added Commissioners to see her Exe∣cution.

And gave her warning on Monday the sixth of February 1586. to prepare agai••st Wednesday next, the eighth day following. At which, she smiled, it being very sudain, short, and unexpected: But said, that her death was welcome, seeing her Majesty (meaning Queen Elizabeth) was so resolved; And that, that soul was un∣worthy of Glory, and the joyes of Heaven, whose body can not indure one blow from the Hangman. A good while, she was silent, then weeping bitterly, retyred into her Chamber, where she spent her time in devotion, and setling her Will.

The eighth day brought her forth,* 4.129 to a sad execution. She was of Stature tall and Corpulent, thick shouldered, fat-fac'd, and broad;

double chinn'd, hazell eyes; Her (borrowed) hair, somewhat appear∣ing, was Aburnd; and her attire thus,

On her head, a dress of Laun, edged with Bone-lace; a chain of Pomander,* 4.130 and an Agnus Dei about her neck, a pair of Beads at her Girdle, with a golden Cross at the end of them; a Veil of Laun fastned to her Call, bowed out with Wyar, and edged with Bone-lace.

Her Gown of Black Sattin, printed, with a train and long sleeves to the ground, set with Acorn-buttons of Gett, trimed with pearl; her short sleeves Black Sattin cut, which opened upon purple Velvet sleeves under them.

Her Kirtle whole, of figured Black Sattin, her Petticote and upper bodies of Crimson Sattin unlaced in the back; and the skirts of Crimson Velvet; her shoos Spanish leather, the inside outward; a pair of green Silk Garters, watchet Silk Stockings, clock't and edged on the top with Silver; and under them, a pair of white Jersey-hose.

Thus set out (and not hastened) she willingly leaves her Chamber,* 4.131 and paces towards the Scaffold, gently supported with two Gentlemen, Pawlets servants; Thomas Andrews high Sheriff of North▪ go∣ing before.

The Commissioners ••••tended her coming into the Anti-Cham∣ber,* 4.132 with divers Knights and Gentlemen of that Country. And a∣mongst them,* 4.133 her servant Melvin, designed by her to go to Scotland; Ah Madam (said he) what unhappy wretch am I, the Messenger of my gracious Queen and Mistress, and of her death.

The Queen not till then weeping, My good servant (said she) mourn no more, thou shalt see Mary Stewarts troubles ended in an instant; The world is all but vain; Say thus much from me, That I dye true to My Religion; faithful to the Interest of Scotland and France. God forgive them that thus long have sought, nay thirst∣ed for my blood, as the Hart does for Water-brooks.

O God, Thou the Author of Truth, the searcher of the secret Chamber of my heart, knowst that I was ever willing to the Union of Scotland and England. But well, Gods will be done.

Commend Me to my Son; Tell him, that I have done nothing prejudicial to the State and Kingdome of Scotland, nor to mine own Honor. And so resolving her self into Tears, bids Melvin fare∣well, and kissing his cheek, said, Once again, Good and faithful servant farewell, pray for thy Queen and Mistress.

And turning to the Commissioners,* 4.134 she made some requests to them, That certain monies in Pawlets hands, might be paid to one Curl her servant, which was promised.

Next, That her servants might enjoy what she had given them by Will; and to have conveyance into their several Countries, and this my good Lord of Shrewsbury, I conjure upon you.

Then, That her poor servants might be witnesses to the world, of her patient suffering; and that she died a constant Romane Catho∣lick.

To this she was refused,* 4.135 and Kent humbly told her, It might in∣terrupt her quiet in their passions and behaviour, as is usual (said he) in dipping their linnin and skarfs in blood.

My Lord, said she, smiling, I will give my word (though but in death) they shall not deserve blame. Ah, las! poor souls! they desire to bid me adiew. I hope your Mistress being a Maiden Queen will vouch∣sefe Me the modesty of Woman-hood, to have of my own about Me at death.

You have not such strict Commission, but may afford Me more, were I less then the Queen of Scotland.

But,* 4.136 being denied, She burst into tears and scorn, I am, said she, Cosin to your Queen, descended from that Royal King Henry the Seaventh; a married Queen of France; and anointed Queen of Scotland. This is not well.

Upon which importunity they consulted,* 4.137 and appointed to her Mel∣vin and an Apothecary, her Chirurgion a Burgonian, and one man more; and two women of her Chamber.

And now,* 4.138 she passed on into the Hall, with undaunted courage, stept up upon the Scaffold, raised two foot high, and twelve broad, railed about, a low stool, a Cushion and the Block, all covered with black.

Being set,* 4.139 the Lords and Shrieff on her right hand, Pawlet and Drewry on her left; the two Executioners (common Hangmen, the one of London, the other of that Country) stood before her; the Knights and Gentlemen, placed round about without the Rails.

After silence made,* 4.140 Beale Clerk of the Privy Councel, having read the Commission for her execution, the people shouted, and cryed, God save our Queen. During which, the Queen with very care∣less regard, seemed as not there concerned.

Then Doctor Fletcher Dean of Peterborough standing before her,* 4.141 without the Rails, bowing his body with due reverance, gave her this exhortation.

Madam (said he)

The Queens most Excellent Majesty (notwithstanding this prepa∣ration for execution of Iustice, justly to be done upon you, for your many trespasses against Her Sacred Person, State and Government) having tender care over your soul, presently to depart, does by me, of∣fer to your consideration, that by the true faith in Christ our Saviour, you may live for ever. First to consider,

Your estate past and transitory.

Your condition present and to come,

And the means of bliss, Or

Bane everlasting.

Herein, having read her a tedious Lecture of the bodies frailty, commends to her consideration the Glory of Immortality, with comparisons of Mercy or Misery for ever: and so concluding (with the best Counsel he could) to deny her Romish Religion.

But she,* 4.142 not able to hold out till his ending, interrupting three or four times, tells him, he need not trouble himself nor her, to change her faith, in which she was settled during her life, the ancient Catho∣lick Roman Profession, In defence whereof she had been alwayes, and yet would be ready to sacrifice her blood.

The Earls said, Madam, we will pray with your Grace, that you may be enligh••ned with the true knowledge of Jesus Christ, and dye therein.

The Queen thanked them, but refused to pray together, unless in her own devotions.

Then they required the Dean to pray,* 4.143 who effectually in a long Prayer, desired God to open her understanding by Faith and Repen∣tance, to turn from her vain affection of Papistry, and to dye in the true Protestant faith.

All which time,* 4.144 the Queen sate on her stool, with a Latine prayer-Book in her hand, a Crucifix and Beads, not regarding what he said; Her servants also did the like.

But then the Queen, with all her people, with a loud voice, and in tears, prayed in Latin.

And after that, her self concluded with an English prayer, for the Church afflicted, for her Son, and for the Queen, and professed to be saved by the blood of Christ. Upon this, kissing her Crucifix (said she) will I shed my blood.

She earnestly prayed, That God would avert his judgements from the sins of this Kingdom, and to afford the people grace of Repen∣tance.

And prayed for forgiveness of her Enemies, who so long had sought her destruction, to convert them into the truth, and desired all Saints to pray for them and her.

Kissing her Crucifix, crossed her self, and besought Our Savi∣our who spread his Arms for all, to receive her now unto his mercy, Amen.

The Executioners kneeled to her,* 4.145 and begged forgiveness, which she granted very unfeignedly, as she said, heartily willing to receive this cup, the end of all her miseries.

Her women began to disrobe her; one of the Executioners took from her Neck the Agnus Dei tyed behind, which the Queen laid hold on, gave it to her woman, and told him, he should have money. But suffered them, with her women, to take off her chain and apparel in some hast and gladness, alwayes smiling; and putting off her strait sleeves with her own hands, denied the fellow, who rudely offered at it.

With more than smiling scorn, told them all, never such Grooms; disrobed a Queen, nor never did she undress before such com∣pany.

And now in her Petticote and Kirtle,* 4.146 prepared for death, her wo∣men skreeking, cryed out with exceeding sorrow, crossed themselves, and prayed in Latin.

The Queen crossed and kissed them, desired their prayers without mourning, and crossed her men servants, who stood without the Rail, weeping and crying out.

One of her women with a Corpus Christi-cloth wrapped corner-wayes, kissed it, put it over the Queens face, pinning it fast upon the Call of her Head.

Then she kneeled down upon her Cushion,* 4.147 resolutedly undaunted, spake aloud in Latin the whole Psalm, In te domine confido, ne con∣funder in aeternum.

And groping for the Block, laid down her head, put her chin over the block with both her hands, and held them there, which might have been cut off with her head, had they not been espied.

But being advised, she quietly ordered her self again, and stretch∣ing forth her Arms and leggs,* 4.148 cryed out, In Manus tuas domine, &c. three or four times, when one of the Executioners gently held her down, and the other gave two strokes with the Axe, before her head was off, leaving a little gris••e uncut, without the least stir or remove of the body. He lifted up her head, and said, God save our Queen.

Her dressing fallen off, her hair appeared so grey as at seventy yeers,* 4.149 very short: Her lips stirred a quarter of an hour after.

Then said the Dean, So perish the enemies of our Queen. So said the Earl of Kent.

Very remarkable was there,* 4.150 one accident; The Queen had a little Shag-dog, that alwayes followed her Person, even to her foot-steps, who (unespied) crept under her Garments, and would not remove but by force, snarling and biting; nor would afterwards depart, but laid down between her head and shoulders, most notoriously noted by all. The Commissioners gave way to the humor of the Dog, who im∣brued himself in her blood, snarling and casting up his eyes as if to quarrel with them all, and bite at them who washed him, as they did all things else▪ that were bloody.

The Executioners had mony, but no part of her Garments. The Corps was carried up into the great Chamber,* 4.151 and there imbalmed, and afterward buried in the Cathedral of Peterborough: and her fune∣rals were kept more Magnificently by the Guises at Paris; and yet more illustrious twenty six yeers after by her son, the King, in the re∣move of her Corps from thence to Westminster, where she lies in∣tombed amongst the Glories of her Royal Ancestors.

And thus she died, Mary Queen of Scotland, great grand-daugh∣ter

to Henry the Seventh of England, by the eldest Daughter Margaret, six and fourty years of age, and in the eighteenth year of her Captivity, Anno 1586.

Let us give her to the World in this brevity.

She was designed by Henry the Eighth to his Son Edward the Sixth,* 4.152 and by Henry the Second, King of France, for Francis the Dolphin; at five years of age she was conveyed in to France, at fifteen married to the Dolphin, who was after King of France.

She was sole Sovereign Queen of France one year and four moneths. Her Husband being dead, she returned into Scotland, and married the Lord Darly by whom she had King Iames.

Near to her Tomb in Peterborough Church was this Epitaph fixed in Latine, but soon pulled down.

Maria Scotorum, &c. Thus Englished:

Mary Queen of Scots, a Kings Daughter, the French Kings Wi∣dow, near Kinswoman to the Queen of England, and next Heir to the Crown, adorned with royal virtues and a kingly minde; often, but in vain, demanding the Privilege of a Prince; by barbarous and tyrannical Cruelties, the Ornament of our Age, and a right Princely Light is extinguished; and by one and the same infamous Iudgment both Mary Queen of Scots, (to a natural Death) and all surviving Kings, (being made common persons) are doomed to a Civil Death; a strange and uncouth Grave, wherein the Living are shut up with the Dead. Cum sacris enim divae Mariae cineribus, omnium Regum, atque Principum violatam atque prostratam Majestatem hic jace∣re scito; & quia tacitum regale satis superque Reges sui Officii monet, plura non addo, Viator.

Indeed so much was said and censured, that the Queen and State began to double; she in a monstrous sadness and tears, de∣nying Address of the Counsellours; and her self excuseth her Death to the King of Scots by Sir Robert Cary.

MY dear Brother,

I would to God you knew, though not to feel, how my minde with imcomparable grief is disquiet, in regard of this lamentable Event, against my meaning and intent,* 5.1 which because my Pen trembles to utter, by this my Cosin, you shall understand it. I am not so poor of spirit, to be afraid to do what is just, or to deny it, I intreat you, that God above and many on earth may be witnesses of my innocency therein; and that you would credit, had I commanded, I would also now not deny it. being done; nor appertaineth it to a Prince, to shadow the meaning with ambiguous words, nor will I dissemble my Actions, out of their own colour. Perswade your self to the truth. As I know this is deservedly come to pass, so if I had meant it, I would never have laid blame on others; nor will I impute to my self what I never dreamed. The rest he shall impart, by whom you receive these; as for

me, I would have you credit, that there is none more truly affected to∣wards you, or more studious for you and your affairs; if any shall otherwise suggest, believe them not. God keep you long in safety and prosperity.

And Cary on his Journey, poor Davison her Secretary (to make good the Errand) is called to trial in the Star-chamber,* 5.2 be∣fore Delegates assigned; a man of singular modesty and mild∣ness, answered much for his innocency, as being unwilling to contest with the Queen, yet could he not endure his modesty should wrong the Truth and his own Integrity, and so suffered himself to be be guilty and censured a thousand pounds Fine and Imprisonment, which he endured a long time, and never could procure the Queens favour, though he was relieved by her chari∣ty in his great necessity, which after followed.

The Qu. (saith he) upon the Departure of the French and Scotish Ambassadours from Her,* 5.3 of her own accord commanded me to prepare the Commission, for executing the Sentence against the Queen of Scots, and when it was exhibited, she willingly signed it with her own Hand; and after, gave order for it to be made ready under the Great Seal of England; and merrily said, Signifie thus much to Wal∣singham, who is sick, though I fear greatly it will make him die with grief.

She added also Reasons, why she had deferred it so long, to wit, That she might not seem to be drawn unto it forcibly or malici∣ously; though she were not ignorant all the while how necessary it was.

She blamed Paulet and Drury, that they had not freed Her from that care, and wished that Walsingham would try them therein.

The next Day the Great Seal was to it, she sent Injunction by Kil∣legrew, that it should not be done. And when I shewed to Her, that it was done, she reproved my haste, intimating, that some other couse by some wise Persons might be taken.

I made Answer, That that was always the best way, which was the justest.

But fearing that she might lay the fault on me, (as she had done the Duke of Norfolks punishment on the Lord Burghley) I im∣parted the whole matter to Hatton; protesting not to engage any fur∣ther in so great an Affair. He strait way did communicate to Burgh∣ley, and he to the rest of the Counsellours, who all consented to have it hastened: and severally vowed, that they would bear the blame; and they sent down Beal with the Commission and Letters.

Three Days after, perceiving her minde doubtfull, by reason of a Dream which she told, of the Queen of Scots Death; I asked, if her minde were altered? No, (said she) but some other course

might have been thought upon. And with all demanded, if Pau∣let had returned any Answer?

Whose Letters when I shewed to her, wherein he plainly refused to undertake it, as being neither honorable nor just;

She in anger accused him and others, which had tied themselves in Association of Perjury, and their Vow violated, who had promised great matters for their Princes safety, but would perform nothing: yet there were amongst them (she said) that would do as much in their own cause.

But I shewed, how infamous and unjust a thing that were, and with∣all into what Dangers she should cast Paulet and Drury; for if she allowed the Fact, she must draw upon her self Danger and Disgrace, besides a note of Injustice, but if she disallowed it, she must ruine well-deserving men and their posterity.

Afterward, the same Day, that she was put to Death, she gave me a Check, that the Sentence was not all this while put in execution, as thinking it not done.

Hereby appears foul play intended,* 5.4 by another (no doubt) wicked way, which Paulet and Drury boggled at to perform: and yet we see, what daubing there was on all sides, to cast the blame and after-shame on any, to keep the stain and blot from the eminent Actors.

And the cunning of Walsingham, who having the greatest hand in the contrivance towards her Death, craftily got out of the way at the Deed doing; and therefore Davison appeals to him, telling the truth in his politick absence of a counterfeit cold.

And Walsingham is put upon it,* 5.5 to work his wits how to paci∣fie King Iames, with a tedious Letter to the Lord Thirlstan, who had the chiefest interest in the Scotish affairs of State; propound∣ing to him, important Reasons, to keep the King from enmity with England; which though very effectual, might meet with the like resolution in Him, to forbear violence, and to take up a more calm consideration. But though the Letter be long, we may not hinder it the worlds approbation.

SIR,

BEing absent from Court when the late Execution of the Queen your Sovereigns Mother happened,* 6.1 I did forthwith upon my Return impart to Master Dowglas some things, concerning the course was conceived here, by your said Sove∣reigns best Friends, fit to be holden in this remediless Accident; for continuance of Peace and Amity between the two Crowns, as the best for both Nations.

The rather, for that by advertisement out of Scotland, I un∣derstand

that the Queens Death is like to breed a strange Aliena∣tion of his Majesties minde towards this Realm, tending (as is re∣ported) wholly to violence and revenge of that, which hath been done so necessarily by the whole Body of the same; whereof, as for my own part I should be sorry, so it is generally hoped, that his Majesty being of that singular judgment himself, by the good help and advice of such as you are in credit and authority about him, men of wisdom and experience, whom he will hear, this mischief, will (notwithstanding) be carefully and prudently prevented; considering how every way all things being rightly weighed, this course will be found prejudicial, as well to your Sovereigns Estate, as to his Reputation, if he resolve to persist therein.

For first, the Enterprise will undoubtedly be condemned, in the sight of all such as shall not be transported with some parti∣cular passion; for that they shall see, that he takes Arms for re∣venge of an Action (besides the necessity wherein it is grounded) full of so honourable and just Proceedings, as, however the effect was contrary to their liking, the manner thereof, by the late Queens great Favourers, could not but be approved and allowed. And as on the one side, the King your Sovereign oppugning the course of Justice; of so unlawfull, unjust and desperate a Quar∣rel, cannot be expected any other thing than an unhappy and mi∣serable issue: so, we being assured, that in the defence of Ju∣stice, the assistance of God his mighty Arm will not fail us, whose Judgment this was, need not to fear▪ what ever man shall attempt to the contrary, against this Realm.

But not to stand upon the justness of the Quarrels, which eve∣ry man perhaps will not so much regard; It would be considered, what means your Sovereign shall have to go through with such Enterprise, if he take it in hand. For, the Forces of his own Realm, being so far inferiour to these in England, no man is so simple, but seeth it were no way safe for his Majesty, trusting onely thereto, to make Head against the power of this Land, neither is it thought, that any man will be found so unadvised, as to wish him so to do.

But, as it may be, that a great Number (for lack of under∣standing) are carried away with such Discourses, (as some with∣out solid ground imagine) of that might be done in this case by a King of Scotland, backed and assisted (as they conceive in the air) with the French and Spanish aid; so it is likely enough, there shall not want those, that either in satisfaction of their private passions, or supply of their necessities, or better affectionating of some other their private design, would be content to serve themselves of this present publick occasion and oportunity, who will propound and promise more to his Majesty, of such fo∣rein

assistance, than they know in their consciences, can be per∣formed, if he would declare himself Enemy to this Realm; which that he should, (though to his own ruine) the Enemies of both Nations, will do what they can to procure.

But men of wisdom and understanding, laying before their eys, as well the accustomed delays, and after long ••ollicitation and pursute, the simple supplies and support, commonly found at these forein Potentates hands; as also, how doubfull and uncer∣tain the success of War may appear; England (God be thanked) being so prepared, and in case to defend it self, both otherwi••e, and also by the conjunction of Holland and Zealands Forces by Sea; in respect whereof, this Realm need not fear, what all the Potentates of Europe being bended against us, can do, to afford the same; Due consideration (I say) being taken hereof, you will easily judg and finde, how vain it were, for your Sovereign, upon so uncertain hopes, to embarque himself and Estate in an unne∣cessary War: but much more, if you shall consider, what a se∣quel and train of Dangers, this War draweth therewith, the consequence whereof reacheth to whatsoever your Sovereign possesseth, or hopeth for in this life. For, escaping to be slain in the field, if he should happen to be taken Prisoner, or be con∣strained to retire himself out of the Realm, (things that have often fallen out in experience) and then, having incensed this whole Realm against him, he should be disabled from any Right in the Succession of this Crown, (as authority is given to do it by the same Statute, whereby they proceeded against his Mother) for attempting the Invasion of this Land, what extremity should he be reduced unto?

And truly it could not otherwise be, the antient enmity be∣tween the two Nations now forgotten, being (by drawing bloud one of another again) likely to be in such sort revived, that it would be impossible to make them to receive a Prince of that Nation, and especially Him, who had (upon so unjust ground) been the Author of so unhappy a Breach.

Besides that, the greatest part of the Nobility, by whose judg∣ment the late Queen was condemned, and the rest of the princi∣pal Gentlemen of the Realm, who confirmed the same in Parlia∣ment, should have just cause to adventure any thing, even to the marching over their bellies, rather than to yield to his Govern∣ment, who carrying such a vindictive minde, they might doubt, would not day call their Lives and Honours in question.

And as for the remedy and relief which he might attend (standing on those terms) of forein Princes, there are many Examples of former Ages, and within fresh memory; as the King of Navar's Grandfather by the Mothers side, and Christian King of Denmark, both being allied to Francis the First, and

Charls the Fifth, two of the mightiest Potentates that reigned of long time: and that this present Don Antonio, may su••fice for Examples, to teach all Princes, (if they can avoid it) to beware how they fall into that state, whereby they shall be enforced to seek their own by other Potentates means; Princes, not being so ready in these days, to embrace other mens Quarrels, but where they are extraordinarily interessed in their own fortunes.

Wherefore I doubt not, but it will be seen by men of judg∣ment, (not transported with passion, or led away with private re∣spects) that it should be every way, the onely best course for your Sovereign, by a good and kinde usage of Her Majesty, and by shewing that Princely moderation, as well in this grievous Acci∣dent of his Mothers death, as his whole proceeding with this Realm (which his Highness excellent Education seems to pro∣mise) to seek to win the hearty good wills of this Nation; as the chief and principal assurance he can in any sort obtain.

For, to trust and depend either upon the French King, or the K. of Spain, as if by their assistance, he might attain to the pre∣sent possession of this Crown, they being indeed the only two Po∣tentates, whom he must have recourse unto, if he reject the amity of England; whosoever shall so counsel your Sovereign, (as things now stand) shall in the judgment of men of the best understand∣ing, be blamed either of fidelity or want of wisdom, drawing his Majesty unto so untoward and desperate a course.

For, it is no way safe for any Prince to repose his trust and strength upon their favour and assistance, to whose desires and designs his greatness may yield any impeachment or hindrance; so it were clearly against common reason, to expect other support and assistance from them, than might stand with their own com∣modities and pretensions, in respect whereof, neither of the two foresaid Kings can simply and roundly joyn with his Sovereign to his good.

First, his Religion being odious to them both, and likely to prove most prejudicial to the Catholick Cause, he growing so great, as he should be made by the union of the two Crowns; the consideration whereof, caused his Mothers affairs to stick a long time, and made now in the end, to leave him quite out of the reckoning, ordaining the King of Spain her Heir, if her Son became not Catholick.

Next, it is meerly repugnant to the policy of France, were it but in respect of the ancient claim which England maketh to that Crown, to suffer the uniting of this Island under one Prince.

They have been content in former times, when England had footing in France, to serve themselves of your Nation, therewith to annoy this Realm, by the means of diverting or dividing the Forces thereof; and so perhaps the Politicks of France can be

content to wish at this day, by your Sovereigns Quarrel, or any such like, to be eased of the burthen and miseries of the present War, wherewith they are plagued, by transporting the same into this Island. But as this Realm hath good means to prevent the mi••chief, if it were intended; so were your Sovereign to look, when all were done, but to be made an Instrument, as his Pre∣decessors have been, of the effusion of much Scotish bloud, for French Quarrels, and the desolation of that Realm.

And as things stand presently in France, it is not to be thought that you shall finde the King ready to hearken unto any Enter∣prise of this Land; He being most desirous to live in peace, both with his Neighbours abroad, and with his Subjects at home; but that he hath been forced full sore against his will, by the practice of them of the House of Guise, to countenance with his authori∣ty the Civil War raised in that Realm; which maketh him (what ever shew he hath to shadow out the contrary) to hate them in his heart.

Neither would it be held sound counsel, to be given him, by any that depends upon his fortune, to further the advancement of a King of Scots so nearly allied to that Family, which he hath discovered, and greatly feareth to level at his own Crown, with any intention to depose him, which by the greatness of a King of Scots, they should be so much the sooner and better able to effect.

The King of Spain's assistance, being now in War with this Realm, were more likely to be obtained, but far more dangerous to be used, in respect of his most insatiable ambition, deep pra∣ctices, and power, accompanied in this case with a colour of Right, wherein how far he would seek to prevail, any opportunity or advantage being offered, it may be justly doubted, by the experi∣ence that sundry States have had, which upon slender grounds of Title, have been extorted and wrung from the true Inheritors, and annexed to his own Kingdom, as Navar, Portugal, and all that he possesseth in Italy, hath been.

It is believed, that the King of Spain, considering his years, and unsettled Estate every way, would willingly incline to peace, if it were offered, with reasonable conditions, and not over readily at this present, imbarque himself in any new Enter∣prise.

But, otherwise it is well known, as he had fancied to Himself the Empire of all this part of Europe, so he had an eye to this Realm ever since he was King, in Right of his Wife. The Con∣quest was intended under colour of Religion, as it was discovered by some that were of his Privy Council at that time; his preten∣sion to be Heir of the House of Lancaster, and (since the late Queen of Scots Death) the first Catholick Prince of the Bloud

Royal of England, as also the Donation of this Crown, made to him by the Queen of Scots in her Letters, with a promise to con∣firm it by Testament; (things blazed abroad by the Spanish Am∣bassadour at Paris) ought to breed jealousies and suspitions in your Sovereigns head, and give him true cause to think, how he should be used at such an Assistants hand. Auxiliary Forces have ever been reputed dangerous, if they either in number or policy were superior to them that called them in. The Assistance therefore of Spain and France being of this nature, as your Sovereign hath need of neither, so he shall do well to forbear them both, and so shall it be well for his ease.

It may be, some will pretend by change of his Religion, your Sovereign shall better his condition, in regard of these forein Prin∣ces; besides, a great party within this Realm, that thereby shall be drawn wholly to depend upon his fortune; but the poor distres∣sed estate of Don Antonio, being a Catholick Prince, spoiled by a Catholick, and receiving so little succour at Catholick Princes hands, shall be a sufficient bar to all that can be said in that be∣half.

As for the Catholick party in England, in his Mothers life, it was never so united, as they drew all in one line, much less will they be brought suddenly to rely upon him, if he should alter his Religion, (as God defend) which would be his utter discredit and overthrow, both with the one and the other party; neither ha∣ving cause to repose confidence in him; the Protestants, because he had renounced the Religion, wherein he was with great care brought up.

The Papists, because they could not be assured in short space, that he was truly turned to their faith; yea, all men should have reason to forsake him, who had thus dissembled and forsaken his God.

And whereas it was given out, that divers do insinuate into your Sovereign, that his Honor and Reputation is so deeply inter∣essed herein, as it must necessarily turn to his perpetual ignominy and reproach, if he give not some notable testimomy to the world, of the affection and dutifull love he bare to his Mother; your King being of that singular judgment, that he is thought to have, cannot be ignorant, how far true honour ought to pos∣sess a Christian Prince, that is, not whither Passion or fury useth to carry men, but whither Reason or Wisdom have laid the bounds, that is, within the compass of Possibility, Decency and Iustice.

If the late Queen had been innocent, Revenge had been necessa∣ry, just and honourable; but being culpable, contrary, (in all rea∣sonable mens judgments) he hath sufficiently discharged the duty of a Son, in mediating for his Mother, so long as she was alive,

and so far as he was able to prevail; they which require more at his Highness hands, may be presumed, not to regard what be∣seemeth his Place and Dignity, but to seek the satisfaction of their own particular passions and desires.

And whoever perswadeth his Majesty, that the mediation used by him for his Mother, contrary to the humble pursute of the whole Parliament, hath already given that offence to the No∣bility and People of this Land, as it behoveth him of force to have recourse to forein supports, doth greatly abuse both his Highness and this Realm; for as they were not ignorant, what Nature might and ought to move his Majesty unto, so long as there were any hope of her life; so, they do not doubt, but that reason will induce him to leave sorrowing, and thinking of her, in due time.

Thus have I troubled you with a long Discourse, whereunto the desire I have of the continuance of amity between the two Crowns, hath carried me unawares further than I purposed; all which, I refer to your consideration, not doubting that you will afford most readily and willingly all good offices that shall lie in your power, to the end that a happy conclusion may ensue here∣of, which shall tend to the common good of the whole Island. And so I commit you to God.

From the Court at Greenwich, Martii 4. 1686.

Your Lordships assured Friend, FR: WALSINGHAM.

Here was good Counsel for the King,* 6.2 but for the present, in great discontent he calls home his Ambassadors out of England; the States of Scotland urge him to a revenge, to seek aid of forein Princes, and a Navy from the King of Denmark, whose daughter then was in treaty of Marriage with him.

The Catholicks suggested, rather to joyn with the Pope, Spain, and France, and to desert the Puritans; who (they said) would murther him, as his Mother. Some willed him to be Neu∣ter, to take time to bethink, and by that means, whilst his di∣stempered condition gave excuse for his Acting, he might piece himself to that party, where he should be sure of best support. Alwaies, he resolved to keep peace with England, and constancy to his Protestant Religion.

And thus,* 6.3 whilst his wisdom beyond his age (twenty two yeers) sate still, the Queen feared the more; not knowing, what Counsel might provoke him to her prejudice, and so stayed some time, till the length thereof might mitigate her sorrow, being

indeed to big to be cured,* 6.4 till it should lye down, and rest with its own weight and weariness.

Therefore knowing how mightily the French wrought in their mine to provoke both Nations to publike defiance, she mature∣ly sends several Messengers, and afterwards the Lord Hunsdon her Ambassador, with studied arguments, to take off his adhering to foreign friendships, and the danger thereby to both King∣doms, where his interest in succession was most of all concerned, being his just right, to which his Mothers sufferings could be no prejudice.

But the next yeer, Philip King of Spain, sends to the Duke of Parma his Governor in the Low Countries,* 6.5 in his Name, to promise to King Iames mony and Amunition, sufficient, to at∣tempt revenge for his mothers death. Parma sends over to Scotland Robert Bruce, a Scot by birth, and noble family, with money to quicken his purpose. The Pope, also, Pius Quintus, dispatches thither his Bishop of Dublin, to promise to the King the Infanta of Spain in marriage, if he would turn Romane Ca∣tholike; but faithfull, Metallan the Chancellor, frustrates those hopes, and returns him home with a flea in his ear.

But ere he departs, he designs on William Creyton a Scot also, and sometime Rector of the College,* 6.6 of Iesuits in Leyden, to stay behind; and this man treats with Bruce to murther Metallan. Bruce refuses that Assassination; and then he is urged to hire with Parmas mony, some needy noble man there, at a banquet, to poyson the King his invited guest, and was denyed in that also. Then he quarels with him to part with fifteen hundred Crowns, to distribute them to three other Lords to effect it, but being refused in all these, he stayes the time to work out other mischiefs hereafter; and Parma dying, he accuseth Bruce of Treason (for not willing to be a Traytor) and for which he indures long imprisonment ere he got liberty.

The Earl of Angus (to make him quiet) was sent the Kings Lieutenant on the Borders▪* 6.7 this was done to rid hm out of the way of disordering the Court, where he was ever factious, and to his own liking also, for he was contented with the condition of those people, with whom he spent much of his former time of treachery and trouble; But his disease, there, increasing, he dies. He was of a swart complexion,* 6.8 tall and slender, well proportioned and strait; of a weak and tender constitution. His death was as∣cribed to witchcraft (frequent profession with them) by one Bar∣bery Nepair in Edenburgh, wi••e to Dowglass of Castogle, who was condemned, but execution deferred, she being with child, and for the present reprieved, and after neglected, and so saved from the Gallows. Annia Simson also a famous Witch confessed, That a picture of wax was brought unto her, having the letters A. D.

written on it (which she was told, signified Archiball David∣son) and which she execrated after her form; but it seems it pro∣ved Archiball Dowglass (or Davidson) for his father was named David. He dyed the nineth Earl, and the last of his race.

If it were not natural to the Scots to be contrivers of mischief in their own Bowels,* 6.9 yet now it was not policy for England to let them need their helping hands therein; and therefore new troubles are stirred up in the Scots Court. The Master of Gray conspiring with the Lord Maxwell to kill the Lord Thirlston, Sir Iames Hume and Robert Dowglas reveale it to Sir William Stew∣art (who was returned to Court) and assure him, that Thirl∣ston, Gray, Blantine and himself brought in the Lords at Sterlin, and put his brother Captain Iames Stewart from Court, which now he repented, and would this way assist him to revenge.

Stewart not confident in the man,* 6.10 discovers all to the King and Thirlston complains to the Councel, which Gray denies, and Sir William justifies, and more, accuses him of abuse in his late Ambassie into England, and treacherously consenting to the death of the Kings Mother. But these accusations referring to truth and a leasurely Tryal, they were both committed. Which came again to examination and further accusation of Gray,* 6.11 for let∣ters to the French King and Duke of Guise; not to assist Scot∣land in revenge of Queen Maries death, unless the King would tollerate Catholiks, which Gray could not deny, but begged mercy, ingenuously confessing that he finding Queen Elizabeths resolution, advised to put her to death, rather in private, than in forms of Justice; and acknowledged those words mortui non mordent, to be his, and so meant, and not as they were detorted. And so craving the Kings gracious favour,* 6.12 was condemned and banished; A rule of the Kings clemency, never to ruine, whom he had affected.

The King now twenty one yeers compleat (and more) calls a Parliament in Iuly at Edenburgh,* 6.13 and for preparation, summons the Noblemens whom he reconciled from all controversie, and feasts them all at Court: And being the better whittled, they went hand in hand by couples to the Market-cross. A rare sight to the people if it would last.

He hoped to do as much with the Churchmen,* 6.14 Ministers and Prelates: But soft, they are not in charity with the King him∣self, for the committing of their brethren Gibson and Cooper, which was an offence to the Godly, and for the admitting Mont∣gomery (by the Kings desire) who was excommunicate. It must not be but by sparing some of his punishments, in case the King release Cooper; so nothing done for either. And being now up in spiritual Arms, they petition the Parliament, That the Prelates

might be removed from sitting among the Estates, as having no authority from the Church, no function nor charge at all. But the Abbot of Kinlass made answer, That the Ministers had dis∣orderly shut them out of their Churches, and now would turn them out of their places in Parliament. And indeed do what the King could to the contrary, there passed an Act for annex∣ing the Temporality of Benefices to the Crown, upon pretext of bettring the patrimony, and to leav the honor of Estate without Taxe on the people, but to the utter decay of the spiritual; Priors and Abotts being turned temporal Lords, which the King afterwards finding inconvenient, advises his son in his Basilicon Doron to anull, That vile and pernicious Act, as he calls it.

The Borderers were up,* 6.15 taking advantage of any quarrel, now make incursions upon England with fire and sword, beginning the revenge for their Queen Mother, as they termed it. Here∣upon Hunsdon Governor of Barwick gets audience of the King (all others before being refused) urging the most of Walsinghams reasons before mentioned,* 6.16 as a hazard to his succession, to raise war with England, and satisfies the King with a Declaration of the Judges, and the sentence of Davison in Star-Chamber, as if all had been done without Queen Elizabeths knowledge, and so the Borderers were commanded to be qniet.

An Ambassadour Patrick Vaus of Barnborough from Denmark,* 6.17 accompanied Peter Yong the Kings Almoner, who had been sent to Treat of the Marriage in May last, return now in August with the conclusion; and that in the spring, a Nobleman should be directed to accomplish the Ceremony in Denmark and bring home the Bride. But the death of King Frederick her father in Aprill, delayed the business for certain moneths after.

To end this yeer,* 6.18 comes over divers Jesuits and Priests, to deal with the Catholicke Lords in Scotland, to assist the next yeers invasion of England, in hope to find friendship if they should be forced on their Coast, and outwardly made it their business of revenge, for his Mothers death, promising to conquer the Crown for his sake, that was sure, otherwise to wear it; but the King hastely returns them home again, and proclaims against them, and their Abetters.

And the Church-men taking fire,* 6.19 though all fear was quench∣ed, they Assemble Lords and Laicks, and in a confused multi∣tude beset the Kings resolutions, to do of himself, what they so earnestly desired. And therefore in great choler sends them word, That they meant to boast him with their power, and force the execution of their demands, and admitting some of the number, they confer with the Kings Councel, and so a good course was concluded against the Catholicks, and the Ministers bidden to depart.

Nay,* 6.20 now they are up, allay them who can, for ere they dis∣band, the grievances of the Church must be rectified. Iames Gibson heretofore censured for his misdemeanour against the King, and had liberty upon promise of his Recantation and Submission in the Pulpit;* 6.21 but the man had a new Light, and told the People, that out of infirmity he had confessed a Fault, but his conscience now was otherwise revealed; that his actions heretofore were inno∣cent.

The Chancellour hath the opinion of the Assembly,* 6.22 whether To call the King Persecutor of the Church, and threaten him to be the last of his Race, were well done? and this to the People out of the Pulpit?

Much ado in dispute, to finde error in so godly a man; the ma∣jor Votes made it offensive; and in the afternoon he was to ap∣pear for defining the Censure; but in the mean time Gibson gets away, and was excused, being in fear of the King, so great an Ad∣versary; and this endured a long debate, in behalf of him, ere the Kings Advocates could plead a distinction, between his Maje∣sty and their Ministery; and all that could be gotten for the King was, the man to be suspended, during the pleasure of the Assem∣bly, which lasted but the next meeting in August, where Gibson gives his Reasons of not appearing before, for fear that the affairs of the Church might be hindered by disturbance,* 6.23 if his person had then suffered in presence of the People.

Upon this deep Declaration, without asking leave of the King, he is purged of his contumacy, which so incensed the King, who taking upon him to be some-body, the Fellow was forced to fly to the factious Brethren in England, who were labouring to bring in the holy Discipline into that Church also.

For the infection of Schisms had spread abroad in England greater Injuries and more impudent Contempts than had been known before,* 6.24 upon the Temporal and Ecclesiastical Magi∣strates,* 6.25 by the Puritans (as one calls them) of those days; and Queen Elizabeth, Semper eadem, not enduring Innovation, as im∣pugning directly or obliquely the Royal Prerogative.

The Zealots for the Geneve Discipline, railing at the English Hierarchy with scurrilous non-sense Libells, by names of Martin-Mar-Prelate, The Demonstration of Discipline, sought mischief upon the Bishops; the chief Authours were Penry, Udal, Ministers; Iob Throgmorton, Knightley and Wigstone, Laicks; their Fa∣vourites drawn in, to defend their Railings, and were soundly fined in Star-chamber; yet they privately held conventicles, and had their Synods, Classes and Presbyteries; for this cause Thomas Cartwright (the Father of the Disciplinarians) Snape, King, Proudlow and Pain, were questioned, whom certain conspired to rescue; and so great was the petulancy of these Patriarchs and

their Disciples, as would require a particular Volume to unfold. See Hist. Q. Eliz. by Martin, fol. 782.

The King, to keep things fair with England, resolved to visit the Borders with some Forces to the West Marches,* 6.26 whither the Lord Herries was fled, but submitting, and promising to conform to Protestancy, he was dismissed, and sent to his charge there a∣gain.

Whilest the King was in this Expedition, the Lord Maxwell formerly having leave to travel into Spain, and perceiving there the great preparations for an Armado of Ships to invade Eng∣land, returns home (invited by some Scotish Catholicks) a∣gainst his promise, without the Kings leave; and lands in a part of Galloway in April, where it was rumour'd that the Spanish Na∣vy should land, about the West of Scotland, and so by Maxwels means and assistance, they would joyn with the Borderers and enter England that way, the most likely to prevail; where numbers of loose Libertines and out-lodgers repaired to Maxwell, of which the Lord H••rries (being in his Wardenship) acquaints the King. Maxwell is sent for to compeer, but refuses, and fortifies his Houses and other Holds, levies Horse and Foot, and expects to encounter with the King, who came to Dunfres with so hasty marching,* 6.27 that Maxwell was almost surprised in the House, but gat away some hour before to Galloway, whilest some resistance at the Town Port, gave him that opportunity and leasure to escape.

And on the King goes,* 6.28 summons Laugholme, Treve, and Car∣lavarock, places of strength, who surrender, but the Castle of Lochmaben commanded by David Maxwell, bids defiance to the Kings face, and made it good against the Assault, untill Ammuni∣tion and great Guns were sent for to the English Warden, who forthwith committed them to a Guard of Souldiers, and at the Approach and some Shot, they yielded to parly with Sir William Stuart, for the King, and to render the Castle upon quarter of Life; but the Captain refusing the Kings Summons, was hanged, the rest had pardon.

The King stays not, but pursues Maxwell to Dunfres, and sends Sir William Stuart to follow the chace, and forced him to fly to Sea in a small Bark, whom he follows in a Ship of the Town of Ayr, overtakes him a fews Leagues off, and forces him to yield, who is brought to land,* 6.29 and presented a Prisoner to the King; this was held timely good service, which so pufft up the young Knight with pride, that some weeks after, contesting with inso∣lent words to the Earl Bothwell, at Edenburgh, he kill'd him out∣right.

The noise of the Spanish Navy gave fears of their setting forth in August,* 6.30 and in prudence for the Scots also to arm, not

knowing whom to trust, the King convenes his Nobles at Edenburgh for their advice.

For howbeit (said he) I have no occasion to distrust the Friendships and League with all Christian Princes and Estates,* 6.31 yet the Case of England lodges so near upon us, as in time may turn to be our own, and we forced to share in their Troubles; the Spanish intention is for England, and seeing my Right in Succession to that Crown, it were no wisdom for me, to suffer another to possess it before; and the Spa∣niard hath not usually been so kinde or consciencious to depart with any thing he lays hand upon, though anothers Right; they take Religion for a Pretext of their Invasion, but it is the Kingdom they seek; and we professing the same Faith with England, are sure to fare accord∣ingly, as in their Success; and the Prosecution of their Holy League will fall upon us also.

But I have ever thought, mine own and the safety of Religion, so conjoyned, as they cannot separate; nor do I desire to live and reign longer, than I shall maintain the same. I suspect what many may counsel, that this occasion fits Revenge for my Mothers Death; but, however, I am not over credulous, as to be confident of Queen Eliza∣beths excuses, concerning here ignorance therein: nor will I be so unwise as to accept the assistance of one mightier than my self, to fight my cause, lest he become Master of us all. Thus you see my minde, and my Reasons; give me your advice and assistance, what we shall do.

The Chancellour seconded the Kings opinion,* 6.32 by many histori∣cal Examples, and discreet politick Arguments; yet since the Queen had not desired any aid from your Majesty, it would not be amiss to secure your own Territories, by not suffering the Spa∣niard to land in your Dominions: that a general Muster may be taken, and some Noblemen named, to whom the People might re∣sort for Command; that Watches be set upon the Sea-coasts, and Beacons erected to allarm the Countrey, and that the King and Council would reside at Edenburgh, for Command and Authority over all.

Bothwell urged other Arguments of Revenge,* 6.33 and to invade England, from whom in this exigent (said he) we shall be sure to force good conditions; and as for himself, he had already raised Forces, at his own charge, for the publick service, as an Example for others to do the same; expecting that his opinion would pre∣vail for Invasion. But the King commanded him to guard the Coast, according to his Office, (Admiral of Scotland) and so he seemed to be satisfied.

To instance the dangerous Treacheries amongst some of the Scots,* 6.34 against their own Nation, in reference to the Spanish preten∣tions, appears, first in the Design of Colonel ••Semple, who had

about six years before, betrayed the Town of Lire to the Spani∣ard, and from that time remained in Flanders with the Prince of Parma, arrives now at Lieth, pretending a frivolous Commission from Parma to the King, which seemed of so small importance, as that it was apprehended rather a false colour of practice with some evil disposed persons, Sir I. Carmichel Capt. of the K. Guard is therefore commanded to have an eye upon his Actions, till the King returned, being now journeying to Falkland; Carmichel does so, and having intelligence of a Pinnace newly arrived in the Frith, and a Passenger already landed, went hastily, and surprizes Semple, reading of the Dispatch, seizes him and them; the Co∣lonel offers of himself to attend the Council,* 6.35 but by the way was rescued by the Earl Huntley, who undertakes himself to com∣peer with him. The Chancellour hears of this, being then at Church, (the general time of Humiliation) and with a throng of people following him made after Huntley, but the King hap∣pily returning met them before, and brought them all to Eden∣burgh.

The Chanc. informs the K. whom Huntley opposes with a weak Defence for himself, whilest the Colonel escapes away, and never more seen. The King had a gracious inclination to Huntley, ha∣ving very lately married him to a gallant Lady, of kin to the King,* 6.36 but dismissed him the Court untill the Spanish Navy was dissipated, and the general joy of that Defeat made all Friends at home.

Queen Elizabeth much pleased with the Kings fore-sight,* 6.37 and with Maxwell's Commitment, and Huntley's Banishment, with other the like prudential Providences of the King, sends Sir Ro∣bert Sidney in August to congratulate his wisdom herein, and to conclude mutual assistance, in case the Spaniard should land on either Kingdoms: and discoursing of Spains ambition to seize on England, Sidney said, Your Majesty may be assured of the like kindness at his hand, if he prevailed. The King merrily answer∣ed, That he expected the same which Polyphemus promised to Ulys∣ses, to devour him after his fellows: and so with great curtesie dis∣missed him, upon whose return home, another Messenger was sent with News of the Navies overthrow.

But not to sit down with the contrary of Caesar's Motto,* 6.38 who no sooner came but he overcame, this Fleet no sooner seen but was sunk in the Sea; the wonder of the worlds apprehension, so invin∣cible an Armado, must needs demonstrate to these Nations Gods gratious and powerfull arm in the overthrow; and though the main intent was against England, whose Prayers and Pens have often given the glory to their Redeemer; yet because some spoils of that wreck were cast on the Scots coasts, we may not re∣fer the Reader without the Book to others relation.

This Discourse I finde imprinted anno 1688. suddenly set out by the Queen to rejoyce her Subjects with each particular, and published after by other Nations, in French, High Dutch, and Hol∣lands.

The Introduction invites the Reader to a religious considera∣tion of the promise and power of God to defend his Church and People, by Examples; Lamech (trusting to his sons inventions Iubal and Tubal-Cain) boasteth unto his Wives, that he would not take the least injury, but he would slay a strong man in his wound, and a young man in his hurt. Nimrod (in the second Age) hunting men like wilde beasts, erected a Tower to reach to Hea∣ven, in pride and contempt of God. Nabuchadnezzar, Nicanor, and others the like.

It hath been frequent for the wicked to encourage themselves, and discourage the good, the one mighty in number, the last but few and weak; to that end tended the railing Rabshake the blasphe∣mous Ambassadour, of the wicked Sennacherib; Make war (saith he to Eliakim) with my Master the King of Assyria, and I will deliver to thee two thousand Horse: Have any of the Gods of the Nati∣ons delivered their Land from the King of Assyria? Where are the gods of Hamath and Arphad? those of S••pharvaim and Ivah, that the Lord should deliver Ierusalem out of my hand?

Truly the Italian Lamech, and Spanish Nimrod, the Pope and Spain, the one by his Priestly practices, Bulls, Excommunications, Interdictions; the other by his several politick assaults heretofore not prevailing, now his Babels Towers, vast and high built Bulks, Gallions, Galliasses, appear, to amaze the World, and frighten Heaven it self: so that it may be urged in opposition to all, as by the sequel was said of Iehosaphat, We had no strength to resist so great a multitude coming against us, neither knew we what to do, but our eys were fixed on thee our Lord.

The first Squadron was of Gallions of Portugal,* 6.39 wherein were ten Gallions and Zabres, amounting unto and imbarqued in them

• 7737 Tuns.
• 3330 Souldiers.
• 1230 Mariners.
• 350 Guns.

The Army of Biscay ten great Ships and four Pinnaces.

• 6567 Tuns.
• 2037 Souldiers.
• 868 Mariners.
• 260 Cannon.

The Army of Castile fourteen Gallions and two Pinnaces.

• 8714 Tuns.
• 2458 Souldiers.
• 1759 Mariners.
• 348 Guns.

The Army of Andelusia eleven Ships.

• 8762 Tuns.
• 2400 Souldiers.
• 800 Mariners.
• 260 Guns.

The Army of Guipeuzie fourteen Ships.

• 6991 Tuns.
• 2092 Souldiers.
• 670 Mariners.
• 250 Guns.

The Army of the East ten Ships.

• 7705 Tuns.
• 2880 Souldiers.
• 807 Mariners.
• 310 Guns.

The Army of Hulks.

• 7450 Tuns.
• 2804 Souldiers.
• 640 Mariners.
• 315 Guns.

The Pitaches and Zabres of Don Mendoza three & twenty Hulks.

• 10271 Tuns.
• 3221 Souldiers.
• 788 Mariners.
• 410 Guns.

The Squadron of Zaregosse two and twenty Pataches.

• 1131 Tuns.
• 479 Souldiers.
• 574 Mariners.
• 193 Guns.

The Galliasses of Naples four.

• 873 Souldiers.
• 468 Mariners.
• 1200 Slaves.
• 200 Guns.

The four Gallies.

• 400 Souldiers.
• 400 Slaves.
• 20 Guns.

Summa Totalis.

• 130 Ships.
• 20 Caravels.
• 10 Saluces with Oars.
  • for publick Service.
• 57868 Tuns.
• 19295 Souldiers.
• 8450 Mariners.
• 2088 Slaves.
• 2630 Guns.

The chief Officers were,

• The Duke of Medina Sidonia Captain General.* 6.40
• Iuan Martines de Ricalde Admiral.
• Diego Flores General of the Army of the Gallions of Castile.
• Don Piedro de Valdes General of the Army of Andalusia.
• Michael de Oquendo General of the Army of Givopesque.
• Martin Bretandona General of the Ships of the Levantines.
• Gomer de Mendoza Commander of the Hulks.
• Antonio Hurtado Commander of the Pitaches and Zabres.
• Diego de Medrano Chief of the Gallies.

The numbers of thousands of Quintals of Biscuit, Pipes of Wine, Flesh and Fish, Rice, Beans, and Pease, Oyl, Vineger, the Carriages of War, and all manner of Provisions for Land-service, would amaze the Reade••, and weary the Accountant, which was truly summed up and imprinted at Lisbone before the Fleet set out, be∣ing the 30th of May, 1588.

And afterwards there followed out of Lisbon towards the end of Iune, a supply of an Army of eighty Sail of Ships to joyn with the Armada.

Their design was to join with the Prince of Parma,* 6.41 who was to meet them in the Narrow Seas, and so to invade England to∣gether, but whether he was kept in by the Hollands fleet, who assisted the English, or was not ready, or bribed, he came not forth at all.

The English had Pinnaces of intelligence,* 6.42 that of long time before expected the Armado, who were detained by cross winds. The English Fleet anchored at Plymouth, and having sight of the Enemy, waited on them a loof, playing upon such as scattered or lagged hinmost; amongst whom was the Gallion of Don Pe∣dro de Valdes, taken in fight, and sent to Plymouth. Another of

Don Olenquo,* 6.43 which took fire, but he was saved and sent Priso∣ner. The Galliass of Naples sunck in the sands of Callis, In which Road the Armado anchored, attending for Parma, but by a Stratagem of eight old Ships, fitted with all manner of com∣bustable matte••, the Ordinance charged with Bullets, Stones, Iron, and Chains, and fired at a reasonable distance (the wind and tide serving) they were carried in a flame upon the midst of the Enemies Fleet, at which time, the trains taking fire, it fal∣ling out to be night,* 6.44 and so unexpected, that not able to weigh Anchors, they cut Cables, and in monstrous confusion sayled they knew not whether, without Order or Command, made to Sea, till the morning light ranged them in some Order, and sai∣led towards Graveling; but no Parma appearing, the English small Ships, swift and sure, chaced divers of them and sunck the great Gallions of Biscay. Two others of Portugall torn and tottered,* 6.45 fell upon Flanders, and were taken by the Dutch, The General returned Soutward with such of his Ships best provided and arrived safe at Biscay in Spain. The rest of the Fleet, tak∣ing the Sea Northwards (in distress for Water and hindered with wind, ignorant also of those Seas and shoulds) that above 40. sayl were cast away on the Coasts of Scotland, the Isles Ork∣neys, and so round again Southward, between England and Ire∣land. As the great Ship of Florence, fell upon the West of Scotland, fired by the High-Landers. And of all the Numbers of Ships aforesaid, onely fifty five came safe to Spain, there were lost thirteen thousand five hundred Men and Mariners, and as themselves say,* 6.46 not a family of repute in all Spain, but suffe∣red the loss of some kinsman, and in this fray but one English Ship, and one hundred men in all missing. So that what the Spaniard provided in four year, was thus far ruined in four Weeks, to the glory of God, and everlasting comfort of Great Britain.

The King on his part (first at Court; and afterwards through all his Kingdom) gave publique thanks to God for this good rid∣dance of so formidable an Enemy.

Whether the Astrologers were in the right or wrong,* 6.47 that foretold of Wonders to happen this year; and ment the success glorious to Spain; or whether the wonder was that they should be sunck in the Sea, as they were, certainly they writ of this and the succeeding years, full of fatallity, as in France it fell out more fearful. But for the Western Isles we felt none at all; and yet the effects were threatned by them upon all of us.

The Scots Catholiques were much amazed at this event,* 6.48 who Parma comforted with Letters, Intimating the loss not great, which should been the next Summer, by a fresh Fleet prepared

before to succour these, which now joining, will soon make good all the defects of the former.

Robert Bruce brought this news to Huntley, to be communica∣ted unto the rest of that faction, and some money was sent a∣mongst them, but because Huntleys share was not parted pro∣portionable to his desire, and desert, he grew cold in the cause, and in some discontent; the King took the advantage, and advised him to subscribe the Confession of Faith, and so was reconciled to the Church, and neglected by the other ever after.

But he was put upon it, to satisfy the Prince of Parma, and by letter,* 6.49

That after the escape of Semple, (as aforesaid) he was so beset by the Kings jealousies upon all his actions, that either he ought to yield, or to depart, or to have taken up forces to secure himself, which he was not then able to do, all hopes failing, with the evil hap of the Spaniards. But what had evil effect, he should endeavour to reco∣ver, by some good service for advance of the Catholique Cause. How∣ever God had put him in such good credit with the King, as that he hath altered his Guards, and added of his own friends, by whom he hopes to be assured, and at convenient time to be Master of the King. And so when the promised support shall arrive, he should be able to spoyl the Heretiques, and make sure for the Catholiques. Besought him to be perswaded of his unchangeable affection, though in outward shew he was forced to accomodate himself with the pre∣sent time.

January 1589. Edenburgh.

Another such like was sent over from the Earl of Arrol (whom Hay the Iesuit had seduced)* 7.1

That since his Conversion, he was obliged to advance the Catholique faith, and that Religion, the greatest and most important cause in the world, being now joined to another civil con∣sideration of great affinity to the affairs at Home; He was therefore the more intirely obliged to his Catholique Majesty; and that in Scotland, His Highness had not a more affectionate Servant than,

ARROL.

And at the very same time,* 8.1 other letters were sent by Huntley, Crawford, and Morton, (so did Maxwell stile himself in prison) to the King of Spain, when after their great regret, for the mischance of the Navy, they assure, that if it had visited them, it should not

have found resistance in Scotland, and with their Support have as∣sisted sufficient against England. The blame of all they lodged upon the English Catholiques refugers in Spain; who in enmity to others, did too much magnifie their own, as best able to do all. And therefore prayed his Majesty, not to over-countenance the one, to other neg∣lect; but that the ends of all should aim at one. And then, remitting to the advise and Declaration of some of his own Subjects, lately re∣turned from hence for several Commodious advantages, how and where to land an Army in Scotland, they proposed, that with six thousand Spanish, and money to levy as many more, they might with∣in six hours arrival, be well advanced in England, to assist the forces that he should send thither. They advise him, not to make Ar∣mies by Sea, but to assign some of his forces to Scotland, others by the West of Ireland, towards England, and so the forces divided, part at Sea, others in Scotland, the enemy should be amused therewith; refer∣ring much more to the bearer Collonel Semples relation.

The Jesuits of Spain,* 8.2 tyred out of their plots and designs a∣gainst England, resolved to work out their way by Sedition in Scotland, undermining the affections of any discontented par∣ties, and so being put in muteny, they might easily restore their decaying Romistry. Industry and Secrecy would bring it a∣bout.

To that end were imployed Bruce (the old Lieger Jesuit) with Creighton and Hay, his former Comrades, to perswade Huntly (bastard son of Iohn the Prior of Coldingham, son of Iames the fifth King of Scotland) with Arroll, Crawford, and Bothwell, to force the King from the Chancellor and Treasureshands; and no difficulty to induce the people to resent their actions, sup∣posing the King to be weary of such power about him, as redu∣ced him to their dispose. The Faction of the English flesht with his Mothers death, in time would do so by him and his Friends; and no doubt these sufferings would soon justifie their rising to rescue him and the Realm from ruin; and no mention being made of Religion, the Country would be more calm, to resist their enterprize.

The meeting must be between Lieth and Edenburgh,* 8.3 and so to Edenburgh, to settle themselves at Court about the King, kill the two Counsellers; Bothwel aboade at Crichton, and kept about him some Souldiers, whom he had seduced. Crawford and Arrol, with their Friends, came to the Ferry. Montross▪ stay'd six miles off; But Huntley came through, and the evening of the appointed time, assisted by Kinfawnes, brother to Crawford, and some of Arrolls servants, these filling the presence find the Chancellour with the King, with some of his Friends, Ormston,

Carmichel, and others, who mistrusting, encompassed the Chan∣cellor, and so he got forth.

The suspition and danger of some design intimated to the King, Huntley is sent for, examined, and committed to the Ca∣stle; which occasioned the company with Crawford and Arroll, to dissolve, and their design discovered.

And for not appearing before the Council, Arroll and Both∣well are denowned Rebells, Montross and Crawford submit, and Huntley left alone, does so too, and is permitted to go to his North Government. By the way he meets with Montross and Crawford, belay the way to surprize the Treasurer, and gave him chase to Brikel, where he was received, and they fire the House, and so forced to yield himself Prisoner, for some Weeks.

But thus prepared for the cause, they take arms again, close and undiscovered, till several Messengers bring newes to the King a Hunting, That Bothwell, Huntley, and others were mar∣ching. The King gathers such Forces as he could for the present; Bothwell (ever inconstant) retires to places of strength, and is left of his Men. Huntley goes on, surprizes Glams his Enemy, and Captain of the Guard; But at the Kings neerer approach, quits all, and lurks at home amongst the Rocks at Strathbolgie; but not safe from himself, his rebellious heart suspects the issue, and so submits to mercy, which was no worse than a Prison for the present, and afterwards he and his pardoned upon Pe∣tition.

Whilst these disorders were at home, their former Letters sent to the King of Spain, and to Parma, and some others also from Bruce, were intercepted by Q. Elizabeth, which laid open all the practices of the Lords.

And therefore she writes to the King,* 8.4 Complaining of his re∣missness in punishing these Treacheries, and of his kindness to such of the Spaniards, that fled into Scotland, after their wreck at Sea; she besought him, not to delay opportunity to punish the Offenders, and to rid the Realm of such Strangers.

Hereupon they were shipped over towards West Flanders, and by the way, were met a league from that Coast, by some Hol∣landers, set out to intercept them, who boarded one ship, putting all the Spaniards to the sword, the rest ran their ships a ground, and most of the Men pittifully drowned.

A Proclamation issued out against all Iesuits remain∣ing, * 8.5 and Hay, Creighton, Bruce and Graham, expressly commanded to depart, upon pain of death; but they inticing

Huntley, Crawford and Arroll, take arms together, came to A∣berdeen in April, and declare,

That the King is kept Captive, requiring all good Subjects to join for relief and freedom of the people.

They depended on Bothwell, and his Forces in the South, whom the King proclaimed Rebels. And for the present mar∣ches against the Earls as far as Cowry, neer Aberdeen, where he was told, that the enemy was three thousand strong, and hastning to meet the King.

The King put to the straight,* 8.6 cheers up his Company, That they had the better cause, and himself in person to suffer with them, against such, whose conditions could never be wrought upon, by bene∣fits or good deeds, to make them loyal; assist me therefore as you shall find me forward, rather for you, than for my self.

Thus resolved, Hamilton and Angus differ for the honour of the Vant-guard; Angus claiming the place by privilege, here∣tofore granted to his Predecessors; Hamilton argued his neer∣ness to the Blood Royall; who carried it by the Kings fa∣vour.

But the next Morning discovers the Enemy dispersed, for fear or favor to the Kings person, to which respect Crawford con∣descended;* 8.7 but Arroll earnest to fight, and they refusing, he parted from them at, Dee Bridge, and the King returns to Eden∣burgh. And there in some assurance, he disposes his affairs for consumating his mariage with Denmark, and to bring his Bride into Scotland.

The Earl Marshall had the Commission, assisted in Company with the Lord Dingwell, Sir Iames Seringeour, Mr. Iohn Sheen, Advocate, and Mr. Young, Arch-deacon of St. Andrews. And for the more honorable defraying the expence, a subsidy of a hundred thousand pounds (punds I conceive) was granted by the Council (by a former Warrant of Parliament 1587.) and sudden payment was made, by the well-willing Subjects, earnestly desiring a Mariage for the issue of Royal Succession in his Race.

Against this time of publique joy,* 8.8 the Rebels humbly sub∣mit to Justice, and were impannell'd before the Earls of Hamil∣ton, Angus, Morton, Athol, Mar and Marshall, four Lords, and four Lairds.

• 1. They were charged for practising with Jesuits, and others, against the Religion; receiving money from Spain, and there∣with raising forces.
• 2. That they had confederacy with Arroll, Montross, and o∣thers, and treasonably surprized Perth.
• 3. That they conspired to imprison the King, to murder Maitland and Thirlstan, Counsellors of State.
• ...

• 4. For besieging the house of Kirkhill, firing that house, and imprisoning the Lord Treasurer Glams.
• 5. And convocated by Proclamation, the Kings liege peo∣ple against his Majesty.
• 6. They opposed the Kings forces and his Person at Dee.
• 7. They seized the Kings Herauld, and rifled his Let∣ters.
• 8. And the last concerned only Bothwell, for entertaining Strangers, and others, at Dalkieth, forcing the Town of Lieth.

They were adjudged guilty, but the sentence suspended; Crawford committed to Blackness, Bothwel to Tantallon, and Huntley to Edenburgh Castle.

We may wonder,* 8.9 why the Ministers are missing in all these broyls; and now the Assembly convened at Edenburgh, the King desired them to afford him Patrick Galloway to attend his Court. They (now) acknowledge his Majesties Power to command, and his grace and favour to acquaint them with his pleasure.

A good beginning of their duty and obedience, not long last∣ing: For the King having given his Kinswoman (The Duke of Lennox Sister) the last year in mariage to Huntley, and the Bi∣shop of Saint Andrews celebrating the same, was then censured by the Acts of their Church; the Bishop not acknowledging their power against his Majesties command, they pronounce and deprive him of all function in the Church, and ratifie the judge∣ment to be proclaimed in publick.

This troubles the King, and in fear of more disquiet was fain to suffer their Sentence, and to make peace with all and re∣mits, the imprisoned Lords to liberty; for now he hears that the Mariage is accomplished by Proxie,* 8.10 and the Queen at Sea; when lo, an unlookt-for message, that the Navy of her Conduct was driven by Tempest into Norway, where she should stay till the Spring. But his affection over-mastering all difficulties, he resolves to hasten a Scotish fleet and fetch her home him∣self.

And to shadow his purpose from any home distempers,* 8.11 he pretends to send the Chancellour and Iustice Clark in Commis∣sion to her. But the ships fitted, he in private sets sail in October, leaving a direction to the Council, for Government of his King∣dom, under his own hand-writing, thus.

To satisfy some, concerning himself, and to take off suspition of blame upon others; he shews them the Causes, and the reason of the manner. It hath been conceived over-long (saith he) to defer my

Mariage, being alone, without Father, Mother, Brother or Sister, and yet a King of this Realm, and heir to another, which nakedness made him weak, and his Enemies strong. For one is no number, and where no succession, contempt follows. And my delay thus long may beget a suspition of impotency; nor am •• over rash, or passionate, without reason to direct me, but the treaty made perfect, I resolved of a Bridegrooms honor, to make it possible on my part, which was not on hers to perform to me.

For the manner, I first intended the voyage to the Admiral Both∣well; which miscarried upon his Miscarriage. Then I commended it to the Chancellour, who in truth and prudence, made some difficul∣ty for the State to furnish a Fleet, seeing the Queen was there pro∣vided; but zealous of my service offered his duty and obedience, which I made publick, reserving my resolution only to my self; not that I varied from his Counsel, as in my weightier affairs heretofore I valued; but to cleer him from advising me this way, with hazard of my person; and which indeed had not become any Counsellor to have done. And because his wisdom, enabled me in my youth, to what I did, it might still reflect also on my weakness, to be wanting to my self, and suffer him to act all, to the Malice and envy of others, and so in pitty to heap no more slanders on him, I made this work my own without injury to any.

Besides what I have said, the short passage, and safety from Seas and Sands, without Peril of Pyrates, (for other enemies I have uone) conclude that it is my pleasure; that all conform to my dire∣ctions in my absence (God willing) not twenty daies,

Farewel, Iames Rex.

This Declaration was the next day after he was shipt, pre∣sented by Hay Clerk of Register to the Council, together with the directions hereafter.

Seeing it hath pleased God to bring Us to the age of Manhood,* 9.1 and that nothing hath been more earnestly desired, by our good subjects, than to have Us honourably matched, that the Crown might descend to our Su••cession after so many worthy Progenitours. And so setting down the course of his Treaties, with Frederick King of Denmark, lately deceased, and contracted by Proxie with his Daughter, who in her voyage to Scotland, was by storms driven to Norway, willing rather to winter there, than to return back. This hazard so far ad∣ventured, it becomes him in Kingly honour and affection to relieve so great a Princess from so long time of sadness; and to associate

her Consortship with his presence, and (God willing) to return back in twenty daies.

We hope no man will seem to regret upon our pleasure and purpose, seeing the Kingdom hath wanted a Governour longer than we now intend by our absence; from the Death of our Grand-mother the Queen Regent, unto the arrival of our Dearest Mother out of France, fourteen Moneths, and the State in that time more happy in Peace and Quietness, than before or since, and yet we have and do Or∣dain.

That our Council remain at Edenburgh,* 9.2 and the Duke of Le∣nox our Nephew, Pre••ident thereof, assisted by our Cosin Francis Earl of Bothwel, together with our Treasurer, Controwler; Ma∣ster of Requests, Privy Seal, the Captain of the Castle of E∣denburgh, Advocate and Clark Register, or five at the least of them.

Then he ordains several Noblemen in their Courses to attend at Edenburgh for fifteen daies, Anguss, Athol, Fleming and Inner∣ness to begin; The next course to be by the Earl Mar and Morton, Seaton, and Yester, the Barons of Lothian, Fi••e, Shrivelingshire and Strathern.

The South to be commanded by the Lord Hamilton, Lieutenant General, to be assisted by the Lords Maxwel, Boyd, Herris, Hume, Cesford, and to reside at Dunfres or Jedbrough.

Finally he recommended the Church to peace and quietness, and to discharge all Conventions, and other Assemblies till his return, and not to fail to remember him in their dayly prayers for his safety and happy return.

And thus, having settled affairs at home, he imbarks with Maitland, the Chancelour, Ballendine, Iustice Clark, Dowglas, and the Gentlemen of his Bed-chamber and honshold Servants, and Lindsey his Minister, and ••rrived neer Upsto in Norway within five daies after.

The Sunday following he did solemnize the Mariage,* 9.3 and the ceremony was performed by Lindsey in French, and because of the Winter season, he was invited by Ambassadours, to visit the Queen Mother, and her Son Christern King of Denmark, elect.

The King,* 9.4 Queen and Train set forward the two and twen∣ty December, from Upsto, and came to Bahouse, a Castle border∣ing Norway and Sweden the 1. of Ianuary. where he staied seven daies for a Convoy from that King then at Stockholm, and was met with a Troop of four hundred horse upon the Frozen River, and so to Denmark, the next day to Westbury five daies, thence to Falhenburgh, Holmstade, Cowhalm, Elsingburgh, and the 21. of Ianuary received by Queen Mother (at Crownenburgh) the

young King,* 9.5 the Duke of Holstat his Brother, and the four Re∣gents of the Realm, with all possible magnificence.

There he remained till the end of February, and being to give honour to the Nuptials of his Queens eldest Sister with Duke Brunswick to be in April next,* 9.6 he advertiseth his Council, the reason of his stay, and sends for shipping to return, which were six, arriving at Elsenore in the middle of April, and landed the King, Queen and Company at Lieth, the twentieth day of May.

Not without the general opinion that the Witches in the blind Light of the Gospel usually trading for Devilish Money, had his help, to hinder the meeting before; which now (notwith∣standing) prospered well by the Kings presence (so it was ascrib∣ed.)

It being confirmed also afterwards, That Bothwell had in∣quired of them, the Kings fortune, which by Law was made Treason.

Queen Elizabeth congratulates the Nuptials by her Emissary Edward Seymor Earl of Worcester, with the honor of the Garter, as she had done to the French King.

In whose absence (a wonder to all) that no insurrection, or feud, had been in publique or private (unless two petty Riots by Wachop and Clangregore) nay, Bothwell so reclaimed, that in true sense of his former debaucheries, does voluntary penance, and confession in the publique Church. But this resolution la∣sted not long, for he returns to the vomit, to his utter undoing hereafter.

The Bishops absent,* 9.7 Bruce performs the Ceremony of the Queens Coronation, a Iewish rite sayes the Ministers, abolish∣ed at Christs comming, and introduced by the Pope, and not to be used.

Certainly that ceremony had not been used by the Jews on∣ly, and being mentioned in Iudges (by Parable) shews it was a custome in creating Kings; and frequent with other Nations. Hasael of Aram, was annointed by Elias; and Esay calls Cyrus of Persia, Gods annointed. Nor was every rite (if introduced by Papists) to be rejected. Seeing therefore all free Monarchs use the same, their annointing was as justifiable as their Crown∣ing, with other ceremonies of Sword and Scepter. But rather than a Bishop should profane the office, and that one of themselvs be the first Minister Presbyter that ever sanctified that ceremony, they were content that Bruce should do it, on Sunday following at Edenburgh, & 2 daies after she made her triumphant entry through the Town, with Feasts and Banquets, Masks and shews for two moneths together.

These popish proceedings in Scotland, makes Queen Eliza∣beth

more serious at home, both Kingdomes involved in the like danger; which to prevent, she falls upon such as gave most sus∣pition, and having restrained Philip Howard Earl of Arundell, for three years in the Tower, to keep him out of the way of do∣ing mischief, she now conceives it more safe to take him quite away from further danger.

He is arraigned therefore at Westminster;* 9.8 The Earl of Darby, High Steward for the day. His accusations were such of which usually the greater Catholiques are guilty, and being confirmed by Cardinal Allan (before his banishment) Parsons and other Je∣suits with whom he kept correspondence, viz. for reducing Pa∣pistry here, proved by his Letters, and the confessions of several Traytors lately executed, Savage, Throgmorton, Babington, Ger∣rard and Shelles.

But the Bull of Sixtus Quintus deposing the Queen,* 9.9 and so the Legacy of these Realms bequeathed to the Spaniard, toge∣ther with his devotions, prayers and Masses for successe of the Armado the last year 88. was the Choak-Pear, which could not be relished.

His tender years thirty three, not able to defend innocency, in opposition to those excellent Pleaders Popham, Egerton, Scu∣tleworth, men of admiral abilities in the law, made him submit to their arguments,* 9.10 with some palliation and excuse, not suffi∣cient to save him from sentence of guilt; which he received with submission, saying, Fiat Voluntas Dei. His request was eas••e, to see his Wife and young Son,* 9.11 born since his imprisonment, whom he left to the Queens favour, which was effected to the Fathe•• also, with pardon of his life, though she kept him up from do∣ing harm.

The loss of the Spanish Fleet and credit last year,* 9.12 incourages two gallant Undertakers, Sir Iohn Norris, and Sir Francis Drake, with the convenient assistance of the Queens men of War, to an expedition into Portugall, with eleven thousand Souldiers, and fifteen hundred Mariners.

It was not amiss to take up the Claim, and to take in the person of Don Antonio (base born) Prior of Cra••o, to the King∣dom of Portugall, upon his vain expectation of that nations re∣volt from Spanish thraldom, and assistance of the King of Mo∣rocco, all which failed.

They land at the Groyne,* 9.13 take and drown it, burn the villages thereabout, with slaughter of the Spanish forces three miles chace, and imbarque again for Portugal, where they land and march sixty miles to Lisbone, over against the sacred Promontory St. Vincent, where they feign there are certain Mares at a set time conceive by the Wind,* 9.14 and bring forth Foals, who live but three years; several Authors say so.

The Suburbs of this City abandoned, they enter and in∣trench, whilst Drake undertakes to pass up the River to the City; but he failing upon the shallowness of the Water, and danger of the Castles, no Natives comming in to their design, and the Calanture, infecting their Fleet, they return with honour upon the enemy, but loss of six thousand men by sickness, to which the Northern people are subject, and by contraries the Southern are rather confirmed in the North. Inward heat being remit∣ted or intended by outward air, as by sad experience of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster in R. 2. and the Marquess Dorset 1512. and this now.

We call it the Earl of Essex Expedition, who indeed, ambiti∣ous of common Fame, put himself to sea, and got aboard the Fleet, conceiting that their respect to his birth and quality, would receive him their chief, but was mistaken in that honour, though he carried all the commendations with the comman man, as titles get advantage from the merit of others, more deserv∣ing, though I know this comment upon that Lord, gains little credit in these our daies.

With this honour of assisting the distressed Portugall, the Q. assumed an interest in others her Allies, to ballance her common Enemy the Spaniard, and his Catholique cause, as it fell out forthwith in France and Nava••.

For the French King Henry the third,* 9.15 not likely of issue, that Kingdom was to descend to the King of Navar, and afterwards to the Prince of Conde, both Protestants; whereupon the Ca∣tholique Peers of France combine a Holy League, Not to permit a Reformed Professour to reign,* 9.16 no though he renounce it, l••st he re∣change his Religion with his State. This design was to exclude Navar and Conde.

The fortunate Successes of the Duke of Guise, the chief of this Villany, magnifies him above the King, who in jealousie of surprize by the multitude, retires from Paris to Bloys, where his necessity forces him to consent to the Holy League, and ruine of the Religion, and Guise to be Generallissimo, and all this un∣der Seal, and receipt of the Sacrament. But repenting of what he had done,* 9.17 caused Guise in the Presence Chamber to be run thorow, his Brother Cardinal to be strangled, and his Son Car∣dinal Bourbon, and others of the League, to be committed.

Hence followed a various Rebellion, the people at liberty to do what they list; and several Cities affecting several Govern∣ments, Democracy, Aristocracy, Oligarchy, few or none Mo∣narchy.

The Leaguers get possessession of the Crown Revenues, a new Seal,* 9.18 share the strong Holds, are joyn'd with some Parliaments,

and all the Cleagie, who cause one of their Monks, Iaques Clement, to murther the King.

The first Murther, and first occasion of that damnable Doc∣ctrine of the Iesuits to murther Kings,* 9.19 which the Pope Pius Quin∣tus stiles, Rarum, in••••gne, & memorabile, non sine Dei particulari pro∣videntiâ & Spiritus Sa••cti suggestione designatum, & longè majus esse, quam illud sanctae Judith, qu•• Holo••ernam è medio su••••uli••. The Iesuit Francis Verona Constantinus in his Apologie for Iohn Casteelin, &c. C••m e•• tempore, &c. that King being be∣come intolerable, it was not lawfull de jure or de fa••to, ••o con∣demn this Act of Clement, by reason of King Henries tyranny in Church and State, for his horrid Murders at Bloys, oppression of Catholicks, and favour to Hereticks, and so became a private man subject to the Civil and Canon Law. Besides, (says he) this act was lawfull, being committed upon him, from whom all obedi∣ence and alleageance of his Subjects were taken away by the Pope.

Platina, another Historian, makes it the common opinion, E••m (Clement) à nemine ad hoc factum subordinatum, ••ed à ••eipso po••t∣quam duabus aut tribus mensibus in hoc animi conceptu persever••ve∣rat ad hoc arduum opus permotum esse & instigatum; post jejunia lon∣ga, post orationes ad Deum continuas sese certissimum hoc pericu∣lum adiisse, in vitâ Quinti, pag. 180.

But Marian a Spanish Jesuit says, Clement had often premedi∣tated with himself, and imparted it to ••ome Divines, who con∣cluded it lawfull for any man to kill a King that is a Tyrant. Mar. Lib. de rege et Regis Institutione cap. 6. pag. 53. though the Coun∣cil of Constance possitively forbids it.

The Leaguers banish Navar from the Crown and Kingdom, and differ about election of a King, for though divers were in dispute, they (with some Justice in Rebellion) elect Cardinal Bourbon, (a degree neerer to the Crown, than Navar) and relea∣sed him out of Pri••on to the Throne. And the Duke de Maine a pretender, is pleased to be Lieutenant General of France, who instantly intends to surprize Navar (proclaimed likewise King of France) at Diep, or drive him out of all.

Navar implores Q. Elizabeth, profers league with her offensive and defensive;* 9.20 ••he, in reverence to Religion, and pitty of his di∣stre••s, sends him twenty thousand pounds in Gold, by which he kept his Stipend••aries, Germans and Swisse from revolt; some ammunition, and four thousand men, conducted by the Lord Willoughby, with four Collonels, Wilford, Burroughs, Drury, and Baskervile. The ••ame of the Queen interessed, and these mens valour, discomfited the Enemy, the day before their lan∣ding, who fled with bag and baggage to Paris, and are pursu∣ed by the English and French, who take divers pieces in Norman∣dy, and return home.

The King of Spain this while, lay gaping after these distem∣pers, fomented by Mendoza his Ambassadour, and Cardinall Cajetan the Popes N••ncio, not without their insolent propositi∣on to nominate Spain Protector of the French Catholiques,* 9.21 with such Prerogatives to boot, as he enjoyes over Naples and Sicily, of bestowing all Offices Ecclestiastical and Civil; By which the French themselves foresaw his ambition, to promote their Reli∣gion, with loss of their Reason.

Thus stood the State of France, distracted, Navar unsettled, war increasing, which hindred the Queens design to promote a Match between the King of Scotland; and Katherine Navars Sister, as defensive interests in Religion to counter with the Ca∣tholiques, and therefore she had advised the King to mary him∣self to his ••••king (for Katherines years was with the most, and her means with the least) which she understood was settled a year since on Ann the Daughter of Frederick the second King of Denmark.

But Navar she protects with great sums of money,* 9.22 she had len•• him not three years ••ince, a hundred and one thousand five hundred and sixty French Crowns, wherewith he levyed his German Souldiers.

And the last year, seventy and one thousand one hundred six∣ty five more.

It cost her twenty thousand Willoughbyes expedition.

And now this year she lends him thirty three thousand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hundred thirty three more, to muster an Army in Germany, and as much more she spent for sudden service. Thus much for France.

Every two moneths she paid to the Garrisons of Flushing and Brill one hundred and five and twenty thousand ••••orins.* 9.23 And two hundred and threescore thousand more, to 3000 horse and foot in service with the Low Countre••••.

Besides other Sums of mass expence, at home, and her own expeditions by Sea, and in Ireland by Land.

Whether these moneys are mistaken by Historians figures, the addition of a Cipher multiplying the same, otherwise they are incredible; but indeed this was the way to dy poor, for she was much in debt.

But she was not nice in Husbanding her expence to good pur∣pose, or in providing for the main, by extraordinary waies; for she was sometime put to shifts then,* 9.24 as well as her Successor since; and by the Customer Carmardines intimation of the va∣lue of Commodities,* 9.25 she raised her Farmer, Sir Thomas Smith, from the rent of her Customs of fourteen thousand pounds sterling annually, to two and forty thousand, and after to fifty thousand. This gain was not put up to his own purse no doubt,

for the Lord Treasurer, and Leicester, and Walsingham opposed Carmardine; whether of intercepting their Bribes therin, or dis∣paragement of their judgment and care, not to finde it out themselves.

By her bounty to France,* 9.26 she kept off the Spaniard from hence; her own judgment, that the end of France its ruine would be the Evening to England, contrary to others opinion, that now the cantoning of France by the Spaniard, Leaguers, and particular Pre∣tenders, she might put in for her share, Picardy, Normandy, or Brittain; but she kept them off from others.

For the Duke of Parma for his Catholick Majesty had run through Picardy, called in by the Leaguers, to relief of the Re∣bellion at Paris, and Io: de Aquila of Spain invited into Brittain, to settle of pretension of the Duke Mercoeur to that Dutchy.

Queen Elizabeth looks upon this dangerous Neighbourhood, and speedily she resolves of three thousand men into Picardy and Brittain; and it was time to prevent the growing power of Spain admitted now into Paris, who vouchsa••ed their lawfull So∣vereign no other Title but King of Bern, but the Spaniard as their Lord and King; the Pope also lent some Switz to the aid of the Leaguers, against whom the Queen proclames it Treason, to assist them by any Traffick.

This Assembly of the Church now in Iune,* 9.27 petitioned the King▪

• 1. For establishing the Churches Iurisdiction, and abolishing all Acts to the contrary.
• 2. For purging the Realm of Iesuits and Papistry.
• 3. For providing Maintenance of Ministers out of the Tyths, and the Remain to the Support of Schools, and the Poor, and Re∣pair of Churches.

For the first,* 9.28 the entrance into the Acts of Parliament, always provide for the Church.

For the second, he had already done it in part, and would wil∣lingly perfect that Work.

And the last, was committed to Commissioners of their own and others.

But to conclude, the King advised them their duty, as Peace∣makers on earth, by Preaching and Practice, to remove the barba∣rous differences which the feuds of the Nation dayly foment, and which by their former encouragements, for private ends, had been taken up so customarily, as became national; that their godly care, for reconciling such variances, might amend that Crime, grown to that height as was abominable to all strangers. I shall do my part, (said he) and if you apply your pains, my work will be the more easie, and the success effectual.

And truly thence-forward such a course was taken, that in fu∣ture all those damnable feuds were quite abolished by this King.

Though for the present it prevailed not between the Earls Huntley and Murray in the North;* 9.29 Iohn Gordon married to Wi∣dow Grant, one of his Servants, in private quarrel was killed by another of hers, whom Gordon pursues, and for not appearing, is pronounced Rebell, and Commission to Huntley, to apprehend him, in a house of the Grants; he takes it by force, but findes not the Fellow.

This was ill taken by that Family, who fly to the protection of the Earl Murray, with whom adjoyn the Clanchattons and Dun∣bars. Huntley advertised that Murray and Athol were to confede∣rate with those Glamis in Forres, intends to dissolve that knot, ere it were hard bound; but before he came, they fever them∣selves, and Murray returns to Yarnwall; Huntley's way lay by the House, and some of his men braving thereabout, they within discharge some Shot, which killed Gordon, and for which Huntley invades the other with Forces, and Murray assisted by Arroll his Cosin, prepare to defend. These tidings came to the King, whose command separates each one to his own home, which served the turn for a time, but brake out in disorder after.

Another of the same nature;* 9.30 an antient emulation of the Kers, the one of Cesfords Family, the other of Farnherst, for the Wardenry of the Middle Marches and the Provostry of Ied∣bury, which the Heir of Farnherst, William Ker, a young Spark, maintains to the death; and in a Trial of Theft before the Council for English Goods stollen, it was taken as done in spleen, and derogate to the honour of Sir Robert Ker of Cesford, the Fellow being his follower. The lady Cesford (of an haughty heart) never ceased peuling, until her Son had basely murthered the other. These were men of good repute, wise, and of great courage, and of much loss to the Borders, the one dead, the other undone, who fled for his life, until he made a large satisfaction for maintenance of the fatherless children, and by Marriage with the Chancellours Niece came again to his Family, and into fa∣vour.

We have hinted heretofore of the Northern Nations much inclining to Witchcraft,* 9.31 and in Scotland those of great Families: this Winter produced many Examinations, Agnes Simson (the wife of Kieth) a Matron of a grave and settled behaviour, she declared, that her Familiar appeared in a visible form, and re∣solved her doubts, concerning the Life or Death of any; she used to call him Holla Master, (Ho la? in Spanish, Who is there?) as he directed her; and confessed, that Bothwell bid her inquire of the Kings Reign, Life and Death, whom the Devil undertook to destroy, but failing, confessed to her, not to be in his power,

speaking words in French, which she understood not, but could repeat them, Il est homme de Dieu.

Another, one Richard Graham, confessed the like against Both∣well, * 9.32 which was the cause of his Commitment; out of which he escapes by corrupting his Keeper, and so far guilty, hath his Doom of Forfeiture, and is denounced Traitor; the Proclamation speaks, That he, being tender in bloud to the King, and further advanced in Honors and Offices above his Birth; having heretofore in an unnatu∣ral humor committed Slaughters, raised Arms against his Majesty, and practised with strangers against the Religion, and whereof his Convi∣ction in May, 1589. was superseded in hope of amendment, but since, heaping Treasons, he concluded with the consult of Witches, against the Kings Life, as by confession of sundry persons appears; and for all being committed, he hath broken Prison, and thereby taken these Crimes upon him, which concludes him a Traitor. But he enters band with the Lord Hume and others, and being forsaken flies in∣to England, his secret Harbours, till next year.

The Archbishop of St. Andrews lies Bed-rid,* 9.33 and fallen into some wants by mis-government, the Presbyters (like Crows about Carrion, the common way of the Romish Catholicks to procure Pro∣selytes) labour him to leave some Lines under hand, his opinion of matters of Discipline; they form his words, That he did not trou∣ble himself then with thoughts of that nature,* 9.34 and had never allowed of any other Bishop of the Church but St. Paul's Bishop, to which he would sign. And so Articles were drawn framed to their Design, which he subscribed; but whether in truth he did so, or some for him, or that their charity (seldom upon better terms) wrought upon his necessity, or weakness of his spirits, the Recantation came forth in publick, of which injury he complained, and com∣mitting his cause to Gods justice, died, the end of this year, and accounted a man of some scale in Learning, as they seldom want to account of themselves, one commending another, if he dies a Proselyte to them. But presently that Church falls into Schism: several Assemblies to compose Dissentions set up several Superin∣tendents in one Presbytery (or Popedom) the Lay Parishioners si∣ding with each Faction, and coming to the question, most Voyces pretended best interest; but the other had gotten a new Paradox, Quod suffragia essent ponder anda non numeranda: and yet to end strife, they part stakes, and divide the Presbytery; the one to sit at Cowper, the other at St. Andrews. I mention this for a Note, That of all men none could worse endure parity, and loved more to command,* 9.35 than these which introduced it into the Church.

We have had to do with Secretary Walsingham of England, and may not forget to take our leave of him also, that lived not out this year.

He was industrious, wise and religious, a searcher in the secrets and

mysteries of all States; he had an art in past imitation, to dive into mens dispositions, and something for polite service, screw simple Pro∣selytes beyond common danger; his Preferment no higher than Se∣cretary and Chancellour of the Duchy of Lancaster, and with Ho∣nour of the Garter; his profuse expence for Intelligence abroad and at home, kept him under compass during life, and dying so poor that they buried him by dark in St. Paul's Quier.

Another of the same,* 9.36 Sir Thomas Randolph so near in time, that Death might do it with one Dart, He was bred a Civilian, and taken from Pembroke College in Oxford to Court, from thence his Imployments were forein Embassies, thrice to the Peers in Scot∣land, and thrice to the Queen,* 9.37 seven times to King James, and thrice to Basilides Emperour of Russia, once to Charls the Ninth of France, and again to Henry the Third, he was advanced to the Office of Chamberlain in the Exchequer, and to be Master of the Ports, the first formerly of great profit, the later not so, till these last times of ours, which we make of immense gain, but he was rich of children, and therefore (in my Lord Bacons opinion) poor in Purse, he had leave to retire some time before his Death, to which his advice to Walsingham, to leave the Tricks of a Secretary as himself would, the deceis of an Ambassadour.

Sir Henry Wootton afterwards observed as much, who could example with the most, Hoc tandem didici (says he) animas sapien∣tiores ••ieri quiescendo.

To accompany these of the Gown,* 9.38 died that gallant man at Arms George Talbot created Earls by Henry the Sixth, and he the sixth Earl of Shrewsbury, who in Queen Maries Reign with three thousand Foot in the Scotish Wars, rescued the Earl of Northum∣berland at Lowick, he was of the appointed Guard of that Queen whilest here in Prison, and succeeded the Duke of Norfolk and Marshal of England, and in much honour for fifteen yeas toge∣ther, to his Death; at Burdeaux his Predecessour in the time of Henry the Sixth hath on his Tomb this large Title.

Iohn Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury,* 9.39 Washford, Waterford, and Va∣lence, Lord Talbot of Goodrich and Orchinfield, Lord Strange of Blackmore, Lord Verdon of Acton, Lord Cromwell of Wingfield, Lord Lovetoft of Warsop, Lord Franifall of Sheffield, Lord Fal∣conbridg, Knight of the Noble Order of the St. George St. Michael, and the Golden Fleece, great Marshal to King Henry the Sixth of France, and died in the Battail of Burdeaux, 1453. These he had, and deserved more by the French Chronicle.

Orock Roe of noble birth in Ireland,* 9.40 and by the Sir-name Mack-Mahon (being purchased by might or right) seem'd to privilege him in any tyranny over the People, for which he was hanged; his next Neighbour Brian Orock in Brenny for fear of the like, turned Traitor, and being pursued by Bingham President of Con∣naught,

flies into Scotland, but was delivered to Queen Elizabeths command, and executed for the ease of the King, esteeming her Enemies his; and caused Mack-Conel to give caution, not to nourish Sedition by correspondence of the Hebrides and Orca∣des.

The Spaniard nourished Rebellions in Ireland, the Queen pro∣tected the French against him,* 9.41 who by the Duke of Parma was got into Picardy, and his other Forces in Brittany; wherefore she sends over four thousand (covenanted at her cost, but for two moneths) under conduct of the Earl of Essex, and land at Diepe, expecting to joyn with the Kings Forces, who came not in any reasonable time, when they did, it was too late to do much ser∣vice, yet they besiege Roan, to no effect: the English wasted, the Queen displeased, she sends for Essex, but leaves the remain of his men to the command of Sir Roger Williams.

The Reformed Churches of Christendom increased number and repute, by pious Doctrine and Discipline, much to the pre∣judice of the Romish Catholicks, that mightily opposed the pub∣lick peace of the Church, and certainly had Satans help to boot, to undermine the mindes of some more fiery zealous Professours, that took the poor peoples affections with their seeming devout carriage; and this way the Devil in••inuates; to heighten their pride and self-conceited holiness with some pricks in the flesh, and buffetings of Satan, every day producing Examples of divers kindes in several places.

At this time more remarkable in the person of one Hacket in London,* 9.42 illiterate and insolent, (seldom separate) and poor, who becomes suddenly seemingly holy, and by degrees, into that cheating way, to be inspired with the evil spirit of Revelations.

He used (says an Author) a strange and monstrous form and man∣ner of praying, falling upon his face sometimes, as if in an exta∣••ie, otherwhile expostulating with God himself; another kinde of prayer he used, ordinary and familiar; for as other mens de∣votions and ejaculations aim at the obtaining the sweet comfort of Gods heavenly presence, he would in his hottest zeal intreat, and as it were force upon God to depart from him, and not assist such sinfull creatures, which manner of prayer most of his own Disciples construed the effect of his rare and excessive humility; and so, as a rare Example, might finde charitable censure; yet it was to be adjudged in him, (as in truth it falls out frequent with some in these our last times) the voice not of man, but Satan di∣ctated onely to him from that evil spirit that possest him, for so his end discovered it in him.

He confederates,* 9.43 (the Devil goes by Legions) with Wiginton a Genevan Minister, Copinger a Gentleman, and Arthington (like the Fool in the Comedy, a Lay admirer) to be called by God to

prophesie to the people,* 9.44 and alter the English to the Genevan Discipline, printing in Prose and Dog-rythm what was fit to se∣duce others; and Hacket, as the most proper person, must be Arch Prophet. But see how Satan brings it on, Copinger and Ar∣thington (Knave and Fool) tell Wiginton of Christ's appearing to them, (spiritually) by Dreams and by Visions, that Hacket was that Angel, with his Fan and Hook to separate Sheep from the Goats, overcome Satan and Antichrist, and then follows the Day of Iudgment.

These prostrate themselves before Hacket in earnest prayer, and he skips out of his Bed, joyns his devotion with acknow∣ledgment of his own divine nature, and so seems in a Trance, whilest Arthington bids Copinger in the name of Christ to annoint Hacket with the Holy Ghost and make him King, kissing the Ground with bended knee, and other reverence; but he with care∣less gesture refuses, being (as he said) already anointed by the Holy Ghost; Go forth, (says he) preach of me, that Iesus Christ is come with his Fan to judg the World, if they believe not, let them come and kill me.

At the instant,* 9.45 (the Devil driving) they all in fury fly abroad, and cry out, Christ is come, repent, repent; that Hacket had a body truly glorified, to constitute a new Discipline and Common-wealth, that they were his Prophets of mercy, and others of judgment, for perfecting his work. And this they declared by Vows, Protestati∣ons of salvation to be all true: that he was sole Monarch of Eu∣rope, and all Kings his Vassals, and the Queen to be deposed: and so, with a preass of people, they return home to Hacket, who were apprehended,* 9.46 and are insolent before the Privy Council.

Hackets Crimes were condemned as Treason, for the Devil prompt him to confess so much, with such horrid Blasphemies as I tremble to relate. He seems not as distracted, but with settled gravity and temper:* 9.47 and in the way to Execution he cries out fearfully, Iehova Messias, Iehova Messias, behold, the Heavens open, Thou Son of God come down and deliver me. And at the Gallows he roars out, Thou God I••hova, Iehova, Alpha and Ome∣ga, &c. Thou knowest that I am the true, &c. whom thou hast sent, &c. Shew some Miracle from the Clouds to deliver me from these accursed; if thou wilt not, then will I, &c. (horrid) Fire the Heavens, and with these hands pull, &c. from thy Throne: nay, worse than can be imagined; then turns to the Hang∣man, who hastned the Halter, Thou Bastard, (says he) wilt thou hang the King of Kings? and facing Heaven, cried out, Is this my reward for my Kingdom bestowed? &c. Behold I come and will revenge,* 9.48 &c. the rest. Throttled with the Rope, he was immedi∣ately cut down fresh alive and quartered. Copinger stervs himself to death in Prison: the others repent and are pardoned.

On the other side, the Iesuits were lurking in every corner, Emissaries from several Seminaries, Rome, France, and especially from Spain; against them therefore, Proclamations forbid any man to be entertained as a Lodger,* 9.49 unless his Hoast examine his condition, his abode before, and whether he will go to Church; and Delegates in every Shire, to receive the Accounts ac∣cordingly.

The Spaniard having very lately erected a Seminary at Valledo∣lid in Castile,* 9.50 purposely for English and Scotish Fugitives, to draw their obedience from hence, to him; and being finished, Pope Clement the Eighth must needs by his Bull confirm it, which is dated the first year of his Popeship,* 9.51 Quoniam, &c. multi Anglicani exules adolescentes fuerunt experti, qui ex miserabili Angli•• Regno in Hispaniam transfugerunt. And why? because, (quod alias tan∣toper•• floriut, erga fidem Catholicam devotisimam fuit, nunc etiam Haereseos gravissimo infortunio affligitur atque opprimitur) in Hispaniam transfugerunt, &c. But, not all Exules adolescentes; No, I warrant you, Ii tantum (says one) qui ad finem illorum con∣sequendum aptiores esse videntur: and then swear to take Or∣ders, and return home to England, to adventure for a Hal∣ter, that is, To convert as many of my Countrey-men and Kinsfolk as I can, whensoever I shall be called thereto by my Superi∣ors, whose command I will be ready to execute, as believing, that not He so much, as God himself doth put me on that Errand. And thus prepared they come in Disguises, with Equivocations, that by their bare habit none can understand them, counterfei∣ing all shapes and professions, and are justified (they say) by example of Eusebius, who in the time of Constantine the Arrian Emperour did so, under covert to visit the Assemblies of the Ca∣tholicks, and to instruct them. Rabadineira Append. Schismat▪ Angl. cap. 23.

But we must bethink what becomes of Bothwell,* 9.52 who being fled from his friends and almost forsaken, he was invited by some at Court, Instruments to serve the time, and Servants to the Duke of Lenox, men of mean fortunes, but fit enough to to add fuel to to any Enterprise, with their assistance; and therefore had train∣ed into the Conspiracy, Colonel William Stewart, Neswich the Kings Surgeon, and Iames Douglas of Spot, who in truth came in by another occasion, thus; a few days before, George Home of Spot (his father in Law) was killed by some of the Sir∣name of Home and Craw; Sir George Home Nephew to Spot charged Iames Dowglas as Author and Accessary to the Murther; (this jealousie arising from some interest of an Estate in difference between them) upon this (but suspition) three of his men are im∣prisoned, and threatned with torture, to confess; the King (some say) had a strong conceit of their guilt, and commanded that

course of Tryal; Spot laboring for their reprieve of this punish∣ment, and not prevailing, he joined in the Treason, being told of it in the heat of revenge.

The manner of the Conspiracy was thus,* 9.53 Bothwell in disquise out of England, should lurk neer the Court, with his followers, dispersed, till the time should let them in by night through a back way, into the Palace, and surprize the King and Chancel∣lour, and (with hope of Success) all the Court after. Each man had his quarter and particular charge, to take the sign given, and to fall on.

It took effect thus far, they were entered, and after mastered the Inner Court. Dowglas too forward for his ••••rvants impriso∣ned, and to free them for assistance, the number and noise brea∣king open the doors where the Prisoners were, startled the King at Supper, and hearing the cry Treason, Treason, gat up to the Tower for his better safety.

Bothwell earnest to order all, commands some to beset the Chancellors Lodgings,* 9.54 whilest himself hastens to the Queens quarter, which he finds baricado'd, and therefore endeavours to fire it. In which time Sir Iames Sandilands of his Majesties Bed-chamber, with some Forces of the Town Edenburgh, entring by the Church of Holy-rood-house, beat him and his company from the fire, and the alarm happily hastened, the Conspirators fled and escaped in the dark, by such several waies as brought them in. But Bothwell must have blood, and encountring by chance with Iohn Shaw, a Gentleman of note, who had the better at the Sword, till Bothwell snatcht a Pistol from his Page, and shot Shaw dead.

In the pursute nine of the Train were taken,* 9.55 and by Club-law were hastily hanged the next morning, before cold-blood could quiet the rage of the people.

Thus far this defeat had Success. But Bothwell got Northward, towards Earl Murray intending his Supply,* 9.56 which the King sus∣pecting sends the Lord Uchiltry to decoy Murray into the South, as to work reconcilement with Huntley, but a false rumour being raised this while, that Murray was seen with Bothwell in the late Enterprize, Huntley hasty enough to malice and revenge, got Commission to bring him to a Tryal.

Murray not minding any mischief herein, was on his way at his Mothers House, the La Downes neer Forth, and being too secure from sudden attempt, Huntley gets aid of the County, and summons a surrender. Murray making much of a needy case, returns bad words and Bullets too boot, which shot the Sheriff to the heart,* 9.57 and some others into a fear that altered; their fighting to firing the House, and forced them within, through smoke and flame, to come forth and yield.

The evening shadowed the enterprize from discovering their Prisoners for the present;* 9.58 but whilest they peeped for Murray, he not yet come out; And being put to the plunge, broke through them all with wondrous courage; escaping their seisure, yet weary and tired shrunk down within the cleft of the Rocks, and by his Head-piece discovered to be him, he was, without mercy of a common man,* 9.59 miserably slain. For Huntley (in this treache∣rous, if true) fearing he should be innocent of the Conspiracy, might in honour have afforded him quarter, which was desired, but to be sure of his death ran him often through, after he was a dead Corps, and having hastened the news to the King gallo∣ped away Nort••••••ard, leaving his cosen, Captain Gourdon, woun∣ded, who was brought to Edenburgh, and publickly executed to pacifie the people.

I have seen what some have said,* 9.60 who should be guilty of this good mans blood, but I dare not suspect, where I am not sure of authority to bear out the blame; nor can I find any cause in the King, the jealousie is raised by the sudden News that posted to Court, as of good service; but that was Huntleys villany, by the speed to lodge it on any from suspition of his own private re∣venge. Yet it fell foul on the Chancellor, a fate or fashion of King and Favourite. Princes have Pupils to bear their stripes, the Dog beaten for the Lion, and sometime Soveraign suffers for them. when Revenge grows high, they meddle with the Magistrate, but being gotten into power no Majesty escapes.

Who ere were in fault,* 9.61 Edenburgh was to hot, for the Court to hold out, Murray bemoaned of all, the King removes, or ra∣ther ran away with the Council to Glasgow; not ••afe there nei∣ther, till Huntley was ••ound out, to render his Person to Prison in Blackness, but was soon demitted upon caution to answer any summons.

His sudden discharge set mens tongues on work,* 9.62 and incou∣raged their faction to unbury the dead (saies one) and raise the coffined corps of Murray and the Sheriff, against Lieth Church door, their friends refusing them other funeral, until revenge were taken of their slaughter; and who more earnest in this re∣sentment than the Lord Uchiltry,* 9.63 who, ignorant of any ill mea∣ning, was put upon the errand to perswade Murray to come to reconcilement, which by this means was turned to murther, and in regret of his Dishonour, the rather sought out Bothwell, to bare stakes, at all hazards with him.

And in earnest they are. But the Church interrupt the story, who when the State was mostly in mischief,* 9.64 then were they bu∣siest for themselves the Ministery. Intermixing pious Articles in their petition to the Parliament, but evermore interfeering with Soveraignty.

The first of their demands being willingly confirmed against Papists, Idolatry and crimes of blood, with which the Land indeed was then much poluted.

But for abrogating the former acts of Anno 1584.* 9.65 against discipline of the Church, and their liberty, and in place thereof a Ratification now of the practice then.

The Kings wisdom foresaw the inconveniences which the Ministers assume from that term of liberty.

But Bothwells Business interrupting the Kings quiet (a time of advance to their demands) the Act was warily passed;* 9.66 and as for the Statute of Regal power, Supremacy in the King which they mostly aimed to abrogate. It was only declared,

It should be no waies derogatory to the spiritual Office-bearer in the Church, concerning heads of Religion, Heresie, Excommuni∣cation, Collation or deprivation of Ministers, or any such, having ground and warrant of Gods word.

The King removes to Faulkland,* 9.67 where Bothwell attempts a fresh Conspiracy, being assisted by the Earls of Angus and Ar∣roll, the Master of Gray, Collonel Stuart, and the Lairds of Iohnston and Balmery, they had their several Postures; the lat∣ter met him with four hundred horse; Angus kept watch with∣out, and Arrol was alwaies with the King; Stuart must be the Porter to let the others in▪ Somwhat they attempted, which gave suspition sufficient, so that Arrol was committed to Edenburgh Castle, and the Collonel to Blackness.

But why these at Court were so hasty, without the power of Bothwell, fell out upon a false Spie, that gave warning ere the Forces were nigh? For Bothwell, with no more than six score, (the Rascallity pickt up upon the Borders, English and Scotish) marching two daies and nights, with slender diet, and faint watchings arrived at Faulkland at midnight, where he found the Court at their Sentries, by which he feared the discovery. But the day soon opened (the midst of Iune) and he encamped on the Hill side. His Followers fall upon any booty, break open the Queens stables, and take out the Horses, and what other bag∣gage came to hand, more regarding present plunder, than the hazard of their Chief;* 9.68 who thus at loss, and the County co∣ming in, He was forced to flie, but how or whether in martial Order he knew not, and therefore by the next Midnight he stole away.

The King with his company followed by the Ferry (mista∣king the way) hastened his course by Sterlin-bridge,* 9.69 where Both∣wells men in disorder separate to all parts, and were soon seized, some in the Moors of Calder and Carnwath; the Horses unman'd their Riders falling from their Saddles for want of sleep. Others taken napping, not able to stand, were committed to several

Holds, and some knockt on the heads, by poor Plow-boys, and all of them so weak, that a few women mastered the most of them; and Bothwell got into England. And the King by experience, and his own clemency found it the best way to pro∣claim pardon to all that would forsake the grand Traytor and come in, knowing that some others might be interessed in that plot, and too many of note, for him to meddle with.

For whether in affection to Bothwell or malice to the Master of Glammis (the Treasurer) his Enemy.* 9.70 Alexander Lindsey Lord of Spinie in great favour; works secret attempts to reconcile him to the King, Collonel Stuart still Prisoner in Blackness in hope of nope of liberty discovers it to the King at Dunfres by Sir Iames Sandilands the keeper of that house, who justified before the Council, That Spinie had harboured Bothwel at Aberdowre. The other denies all and claims the combate, which Sandilands not making good.* 9.71 Spinie recovers into favour, and yet infected with treasonable intents, the next year he openly takes part with Both∣well, and is denounced Rebel.

Others also,* 9.72 Weymis of Logie, of the Kings Bed-chamber, was more than suspected, and committed to Guard, until his Mi∣stress (the Queens Dutch Maid) in the Kings name, after bed time, brought the Prisoner to be questioned by the King him∣self, the Keepers waiting without, he was let in to the Cham∣ber, and out at a Window by a Rope, and this being a Love∣trick for her to hazard the halter, the Ladies liking the conceipt, and upon mariage with her Paramour, procured the Queens fa∣vour, and pardon for them both. And with these aforesaid, and divers others, the faction of Bothwel increased with men of all rancks; Barons and Burgesses, intertaining him openly in several parts of the Country, and in Tweedale, the most part of those people; whether the King was fain to take journey as far as Iedbury to pacifie them and settle their fidelity.

No sooner returned but new factions at home against the Chancellor,* 9.73 and by the greatest, Lenox, Arguile, Morton, Glam∣mis, and Lord Hume, with whom Angus, Arrol, (and but lately released prison) adjoin; occasioned by the Chancellours refusing the Queens claim, to some Lands of his which set the wheel in going; and which forced him in wisdome, to withdraw from Court, into the Country for this year.

In the North also, the Clanhattons,* 9.74 conducted by Angus Wil∣liamson, in pretence of revenge of Earl Murrays death, make havock of all that belongs to Huntley; with fire and Sword, and fell foul upon an aged Man, Gordon of Barckley, for no crime, but his honesty and kindred to Huntley, who in revenge com∣mits cruelties upon his Enemies, encountring a great party sixty of them were slain, and some of his own side. And not satis∣fied

with this he summons all the High-landers and with their help, devastates all that Country, and kills many, until a Com∣mission to Angus Lord Lieutenant, with power of the Counties, forced a cessation on both sides, and returning in Triumph, was seized as a Traytor, and committed to the Castle of Edenburgh, upon some Letters intercepted and signed by him,* 9.75 Huntley, Ar∣rol, and others, to the King of Spain, and sent by George Ker, whose confession was,

That upon the receipt of Letters from Creighton,* 9.76 the Iesuit in Spain, unto Gordon and Abercrombie, for alteration of Religi∣on; those return answer of the Scots concurrence; and for more secrecy, these three Earls undertake for all, and blanks signed by them to be filled in Spain, and intrusted to the Bearers, in October last.

And he avowed also, That Angus and Arroll assured him, that the King of Spain would send thirty thousand men into Scotland; part of this Army to force Toleration of their Romistry here, and the other part to be convayed by them into England, for the same de∣sign, and this Army to land in Kirkud-bright in Galloway or in the mouth of Cluydo River.

These manifest plots of Papists,* 9.77 drew the consideration ne∣cessary for the whole Nation; and meetings of the Ministery, and all men, to propose their advice and aid, to pursue the Re∣bells already risen, and to raise a Guard of three hundred Horse, constant with the King, and the Conspirators to be called to Justice, and the first example fell upon Graham of Fintre, and executed in February. And in this hurry Angus escapes out of Prison, and flies to the North, unto Huntley and Arroll. But the King in great perplexity of Murthers, rapine and slaugh∣ters, publick and private, upon their submission are received to mercy, favour and preferment; all means used to bring peace to these miserable people.

The French King in great distress,* 9.78 and overwhelmed in his affairs, craves more aid out of England, and is assisted again with four thousand men more, and ordinance, But not to make peace with the Leaguers until the Spanish forces were driven out of France. So necessary it was for England by these means to stop their career, and to keep off revenge, from home. These Forces intrusted with General Norris, land in Bretaign, but find no French; and so being hurried up and down Normandy, La∣main and elsewhere, the Spaniard increase number in Bretaign; Norris returns home, and the French King in distress, upon some fear of his fewds,* 9.79 and hopes of advantage, turns Papist.

Whilest the Duke of Parma also, prepared fresh forces to

assault Picardy, but being in readiness, he fights a private combate with Death, and is overcome, after fourteen years Government in Flanders; a man of excellent honour and virtue, as Queen Elizabeth always acknowledged;* 9.80 who to amaze and busie the Spaniard, and to divert him from hence, sends several Expeditions by Sea into his Territories of America with singular succes∣sion.

And to prevent his practices in Scotland of as great concern∣ments to both Nations, she keeps watchfull correspondence with King Iames, who indeed wary of the Papists encroachments at home, began to exercise his Regal power over his Nobility and other seditious Subjects, having scattered the last Rebells into their Holds, and Bothwel into England.

These Insurrections thus far happily suppressed,* 9.81 contrary to the imagination of the English policies; Queen Elizabeth to colour suspition, sends the Lord Burrough to congratulate the discoveries and the succe••s, offering her aid, to bring the Ma∣lignants to Trial; and wished him, if he could not apprehend their persons, to confiscate their Estates; and seeing his case concerned all Princes of the Religion, she desired his resolution therein, for her to satisfie all others her Confederates against Spain.

The King gives her thanks,* 9.82 and that he was assured, Bowes her Ambassadour had certified her of all proceedings in particular, (as aforesaid) wherein he had begun, and was fully resolved to prose∣cute the guilty; but advised with her, how dangerous it might be for him, to have such potent Rebells, without her help, to hunt such fugitives; their Design being more dangerous to assist the Spaniards attempts upon England, than either upon France or Holland, to whom she had liberally already afforded supply, with men and moneys; and therefore, what he desired on his parti∣cular his own Ambassadour should declare.

The next Audience furnished the Ambassadour with Argu∣ments from his Mistris,* 9.83 to advise the King to wise and well-af∣fected Counsellours, help to disarm and suppress such Rebells, and withall, intimating the Queens punishment upon those that harboured Bothwel in England; and so by circumstances to draw out of the King what resolution he intended towards him, in so troublesom time, and if it were for his Majesties quiet to receive him upon submission.

The King seeming not to countenance Bothwel, nor believing the Queens resentment of his Receivers, said, That if his Mistris meant honourably to her self or him, she would rather deliver him to justice, according to their League, than to support him in her Dominion, whose Crimes were unpardonable; and her fur∣ther favours to him would induce a necessity for the King to joyn

with her Enemies,* 9.84 for his own safety. And so Burroughs return∣ed, and Bowes remained.

In an Assembly of the Church in April, the King resolving to give them Items,* 9.85 sends them Articles.

That h•• would not suffer diminution of the Privileges of his Crown, nor Assemblies without his order.

That an Act pass to inhidit Ministers to declame in the Pulpit against the King and his Council.

That some of every Presbytery should inform his Majesty of the Papists practices and Bothwels receivers.

That some of theirs should cause the Magistrates of Burghs, at Sea-ports, to examine Passengers and Plotters against the Re••ligion.

To the first, they would follow former Acts.

The scond, they prohibit without just and necessary causes, which the King esteeming no restraint, was as causless to answer theirs against Papists, his necessities enforcing civilities to the Papists, to ballance with the rigid Reformers.

But the Mundays Market stuck in their stomacks,* 9.86 against which their Act passed to alter for Tuesday, their Reason was religious, to prevent the Trades-men violating the Sabbaths Evening with too much care and travail, against the next Morning.

The Shoomakers whom it most concern'd, gathering tumult, menaced the Ministers, if they urged their consents, to drive them out of Edenburgh, which begat that saying, Rascals and Sowters obtain from the Ministers, what the King could not do in matters more reasonable.

The King sends Melvil to satisfie Queen Elizabeth of the af∣fairs of Scotland, and to desire aid of money, for levying six hun∣dred Souldiers for some Moneths, and to renew the former com∣plaint against Bothwels entertainment in England, whilest he steals into Scotland and surprizes the King.* 9.87

The Chancellour, as you have heard (retired from Court, upon displeasure of Queen Ann) requests the King by Letter, that see∣ing his service was useless, and his solitary life irksom, he craves leave to depart out of the Kingdom, untill his Majesties pleasure command his return.

The King being earnest with the Queen upon his resign of Muskleburgh, which she clamed, and his coming to Court re∣solved; Lenox, Athol and Ochiltry, plot to prevent him, and bring in Bothwel under disguise of attending the the Lady Athol, by the Postern-gate, with another, his Companion, armed into the very Bed-chamber.

The King at ••ight of them cried out, Treason, Treason, Strike Traitor, strike, (said he) make an end of thy Villany, I desire to die.

He answered with Oaths, that he came for mercy.

And the King replied, that Mercy extorted was Insolency, and not the form of Suppliants: and suddenly rushed in the Earl Mar with numbers of that Faction, having possession of the Court, and outward Gates, enforced the King to shew himself to the People (who were come to his rescue) as in freedom, and to com∣mand them to depart.* 9.88 And Bothwel thus emboldened, got Bowes the Ambassadour to side with them, and to urge these Articles from the King, Pardon of all former Attempts and Treason, by him or his Associates, with restoration of all, which they heretofore posses∣sed, and to abandon the Chancellour, the Lord Hume, the Master of Glammis, and others.

To all the King signed with witnesses of all manner of men, Lords and Ministers thereunto.

The next Day August 20.* 9.89 the King removes to Falkland, Le∣nox, Ochiltry and Crichton of Clany, waited on him with directi∣ons from Bothwel, to see that the King kept to his late Articles; in which time Bothwel attained an Assise to purge him of his pra∣cticing with Witches, the original of his mischief: but the King in disdain to be thus misused, goes to Sterling, and under colour of con••orming the Highlanders, pro••ures a Convention of other Lords, necessarily frequent and effectual, Hamilton, Mar, Morton, Glencarn, Montross, Lindsey, and Levingston, two Bishops and two Priors, and some Burgesses. The King enters them with some business of the Borders; but in earnest relates to them the Indignities he had endured by Bothwel, which they knew, and puts it upon their Honours, whether he were bound to the late Conditions so extorted from him in terrour and fear of his life; lets them see their own insecurity, when himself is over-powred and forced by Villanies as a captive King to submit unto Subjects unjust demands, in destruction of his loyal Councellours and emi∣nent Officers.

They concluded Bothwels Fact treasonable,* 9.90 and those Articles void, freedom in the King to call his Servants and Councellours about him; and resolved to publish by Act his Majesties power, as a free Prince, to chuse his Councellours and Servants about his Per∣son, and that the Conditions signed to Bothwel in August last, to be null.

And being now set upon it, two Commissions were sent to him, to signifie thus much, and of the Kings favour for him to suppli∣cate for pardon, before November next, and then to depart the Realm, till the Kings pleasure.

Bothwel seemed humble, but meets with Athol, Montross, and a number of men, at Sterling, to whom the King sends to dissolve

his Train and retire home, for the King was coming thither, with the Lord Home, and some Forces were sent before, to scoure the way, who encountring Montross, takes him Prisoner; and the Court coming to Edenburgh,* 9.91 Bothwel is cited and denounced Re∣bell again.

These Troubles were raised by the Lords of Religion, but see what the Papists do.

The Catholick Lords had been cited to the last Parliament in Iuly,* 9.92 but failed by some defect in the Libell, and so were remitted to the King and Councel, which was suspected in favour; the Sy∣node of Fife therefore excommunicate Angus, Huntley, Arrol, Home and Chisholm, and writ to Edenburgh for them to do so there.

The King displeased with such Proceedings, requires M. Bruce there great Pastor, to stay Sentence, the Persons neither cited nor subject to Fife Synode, and if this be your Order (says he) for one to excommunicate, with their direction for others to do so too, who can be sure to eschew trouble?

But Bruce boldly told the King, that the Ministers had their own Reasons, and were answerable onely to the General Assembly.

Well, (says the King) your Discipline hath distasted all men, and seeing your practices are without good President, I will bethink me of some Remedy.

The Popish Lords complain to the King at Falaw, and humbly crave a legal Trial, but were commanded to enter their persons at Perth, and abide there till the Trial; and lest any jealousie should censure the King, as conniving, the Abbot of Lunders was sent to the English Ambassadour, and to Edenburgh Ministery, to tell them the truth; and it was time so to do.

For now such News got wings,* 9.93 and Commissioners of all the several Churches from all parts convene, and finding the Church of God, King and Kingdom in eminent peril, they prepare Articles of advice.

That the Trial of the excommunicate Lords be not prevented, but their Day prorogued onely for the conveniency of the Pro∣fessors of the Religion to be their Accusers, for their Treasons committed; in the mean time to stand committed; their Iury to be nominated by their Accusers, the whole Professors of the Gospel; that they being excommunicate and so cut off from the Body of the Church of God, have no benefit of the Law, till they be reconciled to the Church: and that such onely as profess the Religion may be a Guard to the King, against the Enemies of God, the Countrey not brooking them and us toge∣ther.

The King startled at their Inscription,* 9.94 not owning (he said) such Convention, nor them Commissioners assembling without his consent;

••ut vouchsafed to receive them as humble Subjects, but not otherwise commissioned. And of his own gracious intention told them, That the said Lords met him at Falaw, and humbly craved a legal Trial, to which the Ministers had often solicited, and which in honor and justice he with his Councel had granted, and considering the time and place, Perth not so proper, he had resolved it at Linlithgow, at the meeting of the Estates, and with their advice; and that nei∣ther Iudges nor Iuries should be other than men indifferent; and for his own Guard, those whom he called thither should be welcom, others should not be so.

They accused the Lord Home of residing at Court.

The King told them, His Day assigned to satisfie the Mini∣sters was not as yet; and if you can accuse him in particular for the present, let him answer for himself. And so sent them a∣way.

The Assembly unsatisfied,* 9.95 advertise all parts to be in Arms at the Day of Trial (which the King timely prohibits) without his Warrant.

They answer, that in the cause of God, their Defence must not be deficient.

Which the King inhibits by Proclamation, Declaring his course taken for their Trial in July last, but hindred by Bothwels Rebel∣lions, he now convenes the Estates at Linlithgow, for that and other necessities of the Kingdom; the Lords themselves earnest Suitors to abide the Law, and satisfie the Church; and therefore commands the Subjects not to make Convocations; but if any meeting were already of that nature, then to dissolve and return home, under pain of pu∣nishment.

But meet they would,* 9.96 with such numbers as shortened the Proceedings; and in summe, Commissioners were chosen by the Estates to consider of the Popish Lords their Offers and Peti∣tions, to try their Accusations and Purgations; and what they determine should be valid and effectual, as in Parliament or Con∣vention. The Commissioners were, the Chancellour, Mar, Mon∣tross and Rothes, sundry Lords and Lairds, and divers of the Mi∣nistery named to be admitted to the Conference.

The 12th of November they meet and conclude,* 9.97 That the true Religion established the first of his Majesties Reign should be onely professed in all time to come, within the Realm; and that none should abet, or receive Jesuits, Priests, or other Adversaries of Religion, upon the pain in former Acts of Parliament.

That all should conform hereto before February next, or depart the Realm, whither his Majesty shall appoint, and not return, till they turn Professors; they and their Heirs, always enjoying their Lands and Estates, by Procurators in their behalfs.

The Earls of Angus, Huntley, and Arrol, and the Lairds Achin∣down

and Chisholm, to be unaccusable of the Crimes contained in the Summons, occasioned by their Letters and Blanks intercepted, (as before remembred) concerning their trafficking with forein Princes against Religion, &c. discharging all Proceedings against them: Provided, if they offend hereafter, the former Crimes to be added to their Charge.

That such of them as shall profess Religion are to be assigned their places of abode: not to dispute publick or private in favour of Po∣pery. Huntly and Arrol to remove out of their company James Gordon and Oglevy Iesuits, to finde Sureties in fourty thousand pounds to abide Subscriptions; and Achindown and Chisholm in ten thousand pounds.

Such as leave the Realm, to give caution not to practice with Je∣suits abroad, against this State; and to declare their submission to their choice of conditions before January next, or be liable to Trial by Law.

These were in effect concluded and signed unto by them; which the King and Council confirmed, and the three Earls sub∣scribed, but to small effect.

For the end of this Year, begins fresh feuds, the Iohnstons in the West-Marches made Incursions upon the Sanhares, and killed eighteen persons; and though great friendships had been con∣tracted with Maxwel, yet having in Commission as Warden to pur∣sue the Offenders, the Sanhares offered their assistance therein, to bring all Niddesdale to depend upon him, and Bonds signed unto for performance: a Servant of Maxwels betrays this Bond into the hands of Iohnston, who sends a Gentleman to discourse the truth out of Maxwel, who first denied it, but afterward said, He must obey the Kings directions.

Iohnston to cope with such Combination,* 9.98 associates with those of Tevedale, the Eliots and Grahams; and so meeting Maxwels Forces with the Commander Olephant, kil'd him & divers others.

Maxwel to repair his dishonour, levies one thousand men, and like a Kings Lieutenant, with displayed Banner, enters Annandale. Iohnston not so many, deals by policy, sends out his Prikers, (the Boders cunning) to provoke; whom Maxwel encounters, but by Ambuscade, Iohnston comes in with power, and puts them all to flight.

Maxwel was taken, desiring Quarter, (as he had often given Iohnstons father) and reaching out his hand for to confirm it, had it basely cut off, and afterwards butched to death; he was a man much lamented, of great spirit, humane, and more learned than Lords are, yet like most of them, ambitious.

And this to be done to the Kings Lieutenant,* 9.99 might amaze some men, to consider the Distempers of the Nation, and the wisdom of a young Sovereign, how to ballance these frequent

Feuds, and to bandy against Bothwels Treasons, Papists conspiracies, tumults, and insurrections, the Gangrene Evil of inso∣lent Assemblies, evermore eating into the Bowels of Government, to devour and devastate all; for this present he assigns the Lord Herris, Drumlanrig, Lagg, and other Barons, to abide at Dunfres, to quiet and repress Disorders.

The time limited to the Popish Lords,* 9.100 Ianuary 18. is past, and they omiting the benefit of Abolition, are charged to enter their persons into Ward, Angus into Blackness, Huntley in Dun∣britton, and Arrol to Edenburgh Castle, and Achindon in Tantallon; but neither of them obeyed.

The King removes to Sterling, where Queen Ann was deliver∣ed of her first-born the 19th of February, 1593.* 9.101 To which place arrives the Lord Zouch from Queen Elizabeth, to congratulate her Delivery, and to complain to the King, his remisness against the Popish Lords,* 9.102 for she was informed of the Articles of Novem∣ber; and being told besides, by some busie Presbyters at home, the Kings favour to his Popish Lords, (her age made her often apt to entertain such Tales, and her Jealousie summ'd up Reasons to her self, soon to believe them.) But, her Ambassadour taking time, to understand what had passed, could not be at leasure to suspend his judgment or confidence in the Kings prosecution to effectual punishment.

And therefore to hasten homewards, he tampers for Bothwel, (the immediate end of his Errand) deals with the Ministers,* 9.103 the most especial amongst them, to countenance his fresh Insurrecti∣on with numbers of loose persons; and (which troubled the King, they commend Andrew Hunter, one of their own, to be Bothwels Chaplain in Ordinary. And being thus emboldened, they go on to raise Moneys themselves, levy Souldiers, to assist his Treasons; Nay more, (see their piety to Rebellion, their sacrilegi∣ous assistance) even with those very Moneys, benevolent Contributions collected by their Pulpit Oratory, out of the poor peoples purses for supply of Geneva Brethren then in much misery; and in a mad fu∣ry distributed unto Robert Melvil and George Strang, two Rebell Captains, for the well-affected Cause of the Traitor Bothwell. His Design taking up a new motive and pretext, Justice against the Popish Lords; but in truth his Malice and Revenge, pretend∣ed also, for the slaughter of Murray. And with him joyned Ar∣gile and Arrol,* 9.104 to meet at Lieth; not without hourly intelligence with the English Ambassadour Zouch, who fearing that the Kings foresight had espied his juggling, stole away home, without bid∣ing Bothwel Farewell.

Whose Cause was cried up, advancing from the Borders with four hundred Horse coming to Lieth, very early the first of April, and this he durst do, the King being so near at Edenburgh, but

meanly guarded,* 9.105 and put to it to speak for himself after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sermon, for the Pulpit would not.

He passionately tels the People all the stories of Bothwels A••∣tempts, * 9.106 and his Treason now, reasoning with the Multitude, some suspition of his siding with Papists 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Lords; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them in ••••inde (almost forgotten) that he was their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King and Soveraign, and brought it home to their self-conside••••∣tion, if Bothwel should prevail against him, what they must expect of the Borderers upon them.

Much ••do they are moved to arm, and to accompany the••r Commander the Lord H••me, who lead the Horse, and the bold trained Bands march after the Cannon, taken out of the Castle, to besiege Lieth.

But Bothwel was removed tow••rds Dalkieth, dividing into three Troops, Humes Horse followed to obse••••e what course he held, whilest the King made a Hal•• ••t ••orrow••mo••r.

Bothwels Scouts finding them 〈◊〉〈◊〉, encourage him to turn upon Hume, which he did with some advantage, being above the others number, gave him ••••ace, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 retire, which moved some to advise the King to secure himself in the Town Resta••••••g No, says the King, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 never quit the Field to a Traitor. And though in eminent danger, stood it still, whil••st Bothwels eager pursuit, stumbled his Horse, and in the fall, bruises him into some per••••, that he took the readiest way to Dalkieth for that night,* 9.107 and the next morrow dissolves his Troop••. Arrol has tidings, and does so too; the Captains at ••ife take ship and fa••l away.

And this gave end to his three ••quadrons, and leasure to the King by his Ambassadour Lord Colvil to complain to Queen Elizabeth of her Ambassadour Zouch,* 9.108 and her harbouring of Bothwel.

He writes plainly, Though she had recommended his Person, wise, religious and honest, yet his ••arriage was more like an Herauld, than to be a Messenger in Commission of Pea••e, between two neighbour Prin∣ces, and therefore meeting with his pride and wilfulness, he chose his own Emissary to carry this Errand, whom he prays the Queen to cre∣dit. He marvelled the more, having received her many Princely pro∣mises and Letters not to countenance Bothwel, nor his Receivers, whilest some of her own Palaces had given him harbour, being assisted with English Moneys to levy Scots and English in this his another very late treacherous Attempt. To challenge her Princely Honour, he did not, nor could be confident of her privi••y therein, yet considering her prudence and policies, he was troubled to finde the insolency of her Subjects, to hazard a breach with her nearest Kinsman; and there∣fore leaving it to her self to resolve those doubts, he put her in mind of his delivery of Orork the Irish Rebell to her, and prays her not to

put him in ballance with such a trayterous counterpoise, least he be constrained to speak like the Poet, Flectere si nequeo superos, &c.

Thus much the letter said, the Ambassadour in private assured her Majesty the particular prosecution against the Popish Lords, to proscribe their persons and confiscate their Lands. And to go through with the work against them, and other Romists, he crav∣ed a supply of monies.

The Queen had no excuse but to ballance her favour to Bothwell, by the slow pursuit the King made against those Papists.* 9.109 Henceforth she would cease, and for effecting his purpose against them. He should not want what was in her power to afford.

The first she really per••••••rmed and speedily proclamed against Bothwell, and no assistance to him through her Borders, which the King hartily resented.

And by his Ambassadors invites the Queen to the Baptism of the Prince his Son, and others were sent of the same errand, To the King of Denmark, the Dukes of Brunswick and Megle∣burgh, and to the general Estates. (Men enough to one Wo∣man.

The King so far affected with the Queens Publication against Bothwell,* 9.110 that the next Parliament the Scotish Papists are banished by plurality of voices, Clergy and Commons (whom the No∣bles would have spared) And Arguile is sent with forces against such as would not submit.

The Assembly of the Church co••nvene at Edenburgh, and di∣rect Commissioners of their own to represent to his Majesty at Sterlin, the dangers of the State, and to propound the remedies in eleven Articles.

They lay the ground from the late design of the Spaniard in eigh∣ty eight against the whole Island,* 9.111 and his correspondence since with the Popish Lords, argues his intention, the same still, and their con∣tinuance in Treasonable attempts ever since, doth evidence their ob∣stinacy to prosecute the Conspiracy.

Then the Church layes open, how their counsel from time to time was neglected, and the enemy incouraged, and none greater favou∣rites in Court than Papists; naming principal families infected therewith.

And recko••s up the Popish Lords neglect, and scorn of the Act of Oblivion, their disobedience, not entring their persons to Ward. The arriving of the late Spanish Bark at Montross, shews that their Practises continue, and their open Conventions assure themselves safety; besides their preparations of Arms in the North parts. And conclude, that the cause not being removed, the dangerous effects are like to follow.

The Remedies they propound in eight conclusions.

That the Popish Lords be forfeited the next Sessions of Parlia∣ment.

And no Papists elected shall sit.

That they shall be pursued,* 9.112 their rents and lands annexed to the Crown without favour.

That seizure be made of several notorious persons named.

That none shall relieve them with any Supply or Intelligence.

That the people should put themselves into arms, as a posture of Defence.

Somwhat was said against the Lord Hume, but he appearing, was absolved.

These remedies were well accepted of the King, only misli∣king Subjects to arm without his Warrant. And well he might reminding the last years insurrections at the peoples pleasure.

The King granting theirs, offers some conditions for him∣self, hy his Messinger Melvil.

That the Assembly should inhibit their Ministers irreverent spee∣ches in Pulpit, against his Majesty and Council under pain of depri∣vation.

And to censure Iohn Ross for his insolency therein.

The like against Hunter another of theirs•• for his open con∣sortship with the late Traytors, he being a Minister of Religi∣on, against his King of the same faith, to the great scandal of the Church.

The third was to admon••sh their Congregations against Both∣well, his treasonable attempts, or any other such insurrections against his Majesties person.

This last was enacted, but Ross was only admonished to do so no more; and Hunter was pretended to be deposed from his function but they juggled him in again.

The Parliament adjudged the three Earls and Achindown guil∣ty of the Crimes of Treason, their estates forfeited, their Es∣cocheons torn by the Herauld (as their manner of degrading) and excellent Statutes passed for the good of Country and Com∣mons.

And now begins the Solemnity of Baptism for the Prince in August,* 9.113 from England the Earl of Sussex, the King of Denmark, and Duke of Brunswick and Megleburgh, with the free Estates of the Provinces, had their Ambassadours there present, from the French King came none. The manner of Ceremony was thus, handsom. The Infant was brought into the Queens cham∣ber of Presence, laid in a Bed of State. The Ambassadours came in, and were presented with the Prince; first from the Arms of the Countess of Mar, to the Duke of Lennox, who de∣livered him to the Earl of Sussex; having the principal place of Dignity, who bore him to the Chappel, being followed with

a Noble Train of Lords and Ladies. Before them all, the Lord Hume carried the Ducall Coronet, the Lord Levingston bore the Towell; the Lord Seaton the Fontall Bason, and the Lord Simple the Laver. Over the English Ambassadour •• Rich Majesterial Ca∣nopie, supported by four Lairds. The Childs Train bore up by the Lords Sinclare and Urquart, and a Gu••rd or Lane on each side of the young Noblemen and Gentry of the Nation.

Being entred the Chappel;* 9.114 the King already set, and ari••••ing from his Throne, receives and salutes the Ambassadours; and then the Infant was delivered again to Lenox, who reached him to the Nurse, and the Estates take their Seats. Upon the Kings Right hand a Chair was placed for the French Ambassadour who was not come. The next to him the Ambassador of Denmark▪ on the left Hand the English Extraordinary and Lieger sat together; and then the Ambassadours of Brunswick, Megleburgh, and the States, before each Seat, a small T••ble covered with Velvet, and officers only about the English to wait his pleasure.

The Service ending Sussex presented the Prince to David Cun∣ningham Bishop of Aberaeen, the action of Baptism administred by David Lindsey Minister of Lieth, and in French, because of Strangers, and naming him Henry Frederick. And so return∣ing in former Order. And the Prince being laid upon a Bed of Honour, Lion Herauld proclaims his Titles, Henry Frederick Knight, and Baron of Kenfrew, Lord of the Isles, Earl of Kar∣rick, Duke of Rothsay, Prince and Stewa••d of Scotland. Med∣dals of Gold and Silver cast to the people▪ sundry Knights made, with feastings and comedies, for a whole moneth.

The King amidst these Ceremonies of joy,* 9.115 minds his serious affairs.

For the Popish Lords in Rebellion, an Ambassadour is sent to Queen Elizabeth to remember her promise, to support his le∣vies; after many shifts and delayes some small sums were ad∣vanced as a loan, (which in truth were due otherwise upon ac∣count) and that very unwillingly too. for one Lock was now re∣sident at Court, the only agent for Bothwells business, and Mr. Calvil the Minister, his Copes-mate, there also.

And again Bothwell is got up,* 9.116 and keeping intelligence with the Popish Lords in the North, against whom the King intends an Expedition, resolves so to incumber his affairs in the South, as to prevent his journey, and having received some Gold from his Foreign friends, corrupts the Keeper of the Castle Blackness, to seize the King into hold, till the Conspirators should come and force conditions. To this they all are obliged by bond, assigned by Huntley, Arroll, Angus, Bothwell, and Achindown, and in custody of Sir Iames Scot. By which and others papers, discovered from Allan Orm, Bothwells Man, the whole plot came

to light, and was published to undeceive the Comm••nalty, up∣on what score of Religion Bothwells Treasons were confirmed. And the Jayler and Orm, were both executed, to assure the visi∣ble truth to the people.

And without more circumstance Commission was given to Arguile,* 9.117 Ath••l and others, who besiege the Castle of Ruthen; but was beaten back and meets with a Supply of more strength nowadvanced to a thousand horse and foot, Huntley hastens to fight ere Arguile get more men. And being less in number, but made desperate by necessity, Arroll leads the Van, with three hundred, a••d Huntley hath the Battel.

No sooner in sight,* 9.118 but Arguile (in some misdoubt) yet com∣mands Ma••k••an, who led his Van, to advance. Himself lodges in the fast grounds full of Moss and boggs, with the main of his men. Huntley had some Field pieces which plaid upon Macklans Highlanders; and they, as their manner was then (though since they have appeared stout fellowes and to stand to it) fell down on their bellies not willing to look up so long as the Guns did thun∣der, which incouraged Arroll to give the charge, but being for∣ced to wheel aside, the Fellowes got up on their feet, and by that time they incounter, showring such a storm of arrows upon Arroll, that the first flight (a quarter of an hower) darkned the day into night, and at the fall of their Arrows, came in with their darts, that killed Achindown, and dangerously wounded Arroll,* 9.119 many hurt, and the most fled.

Huntley sees this, and hastily spurs his Horse into the succour, and now encountring for the day, continued a cruel fight for two hours, which routed Arg••ile, not able to rally them again; yet Macklan stood it out, with courage and skil, till he retired in order and honour, with loss of many men of note, be••ides se∣ven hundred Soldiers, and but a dozen on Huntleys part, though divers desperately wounded. And its called the Battell of Clen∣livat a mile off. And so the Lords for the Kings side separate, and go home.

But ere the Conquerors,* 9.120 could relish their wellfare, the King was got into the North, and demolishes Strathbolgy, Slains and Newton, principal holds of Huntleys, and though themselves withdrew to his Aunt the Countess of Sutherland, they were so beset by the Duke of Lenox, Lieutenant of the North, that they capitulate with Sureties to depart the Realm, without prejudice abroad, to the State at Home, nor to return ••ill the Kings pleasure. Huntley into France, and the rest into several So••ls.

This condiscention to such notorious Rebells, lodged some∣time upon the Kings account; as in favour to the Romists; but if we examine the charge of the War, uncertainty of his No∣bles,

faction of other fewds; and a ticklish jealousie in the Mi∣nistery, not to suffer Bothwell to sinck, whose pretences till now, they alwaies incouraged, these exigents may excuse the King.

Indeed in this publick Rebellion, with Papists, Colwell his Chaplain, refused his devotion, forsook his company, and came home again; yet to make himself welcome, betrayed Both∣wells Brother, Hercules Stewart, to publick execution at Eden∣burgh.

This frighted the grand Traytor into fears;* 9.121 and forsaken or all but his guilty self, flies into France, and lands at New-haven, where in disquise he lodges; but tidings of him came to the King, who sends a Gentleman to France, to demand so repro∣bate a Rebell. The French King professed not to afford him coun∣tenance, but being come for refuge, he could not, in honour, debar him the free air of France.

And so wearied with the insupportable weigh of his sinful soul, and quarrelling with any man to kill him, against the E∣dict of France. He was thereupon banished from thence, wan∣ders into Spain,* 9.122 and so to Naples in Italy, where he lived, and died woundrous poor, and unpittied of all men, about the year 1624.

And thus the Hydra's Heads of this Conspiracy removed out of the way, the Members came in, discovering one another to procure pardon, and the very Bond was brought in, which did as∣sotiate these Confederates, by which the Ministers eyes were o∣pened, and by this new light they could see Bothwells guilt, which heretofore they could hardly believe. And so ended this Rebel∣lion with the last of the year.

The next Assembly of the Church occasioneth the King then at Montross,* 9.123 to send Commissioners to them to urge these Ar∣ticles.

That any subj••••t found guilty of Treason, should also be excom∣municate; that so the Swords of Iustice, Spiritual and Temporal, should make inseparable Union one with another.

That no Excommunication should be valid by private men, with∣out major votes in publick Assemblyes of the Members of other Chur∣ches.

That no Excommunication should fall upon any, for slight causes, and suspected crimes in Civil cases, lest the censure should come into contem••••, like the Popes Cursings, and when they do, to give lawful citation.

A man would judge of these Articles without difficult An∣swer.* 9.124

Yet they shake their heads at all.

At the f••rst with this clause, Legitima cognitione Ecclesiastica preaeunte.

To the third and fourth they demur.* 9.125

And discharging any summary Excomm••nication. with this Exception, Nisi salus Ecclesiae periclitetur.

Thus evermore they bare a starting hole, which the K. might easily see, would serve turn for their turbulent intention to colour their proceedings hereafter.

What the conceipt should be,* 9.126 that possessed Queen Ann she had an earnest design (envy to the Earl of Mar, his Guardian, her only Warrant) to get the Prince out of his care, into her custo∣dy, and delt so with some Counsellors in the Kings absence, that had not the King timely prevented, and suddenly surprized the Queen, by posting to her from Faulkland to Edenburgh) it had been too late to recall the danger, and carries her in his company away to Sterlin, leaving her alone to ponder out the plot; such a design, as for her honorable memory I dare not mention, ha∣ving no ground, but a Jesuits conceipt, but boldly put in print; an authority enough, for impudence only.

The King pondering with her the wily design, writes in se∣cret to the Earl.

My Lord of Mar,

Because in the security of my Son,* 10.1 mine is conserved, and my concredit of his charge to you, upon trust of your honour and hone∣sty. This I command (as singly and solely of my self, being in com∣pany with those I like not) that upon any charge or necessity that pos∣sibly can come from me, you shall not deliver him; And in case that God call me at any time; see you that neither for the Queen, nor for the Estates pleasure. you deliver him out of your hands, fill he be eighteen years of age, and that then he command you himself.

Sterlin Iuly 24. 1595.

Iames Rex.

In this case that the King was cooped, appears his great trust to the fidelity of this Lord.

Some fire carries smoak,* 10.2 which even choaked the good old Chancellour, whether regret of the wrong, jealousie of the King, or guilt of the Counselour? he contracts the melancho∣ly into a sickness? and being withdrawn to his Country-house Lawder, sends his Cosin the Secretary to the King then at Ha∣milton.

Excuses any evil design in him by his former continual fidelity to the Kings affairs. Commends his wife and children, and some friends to the Kings favour. Takes leave, like a man, not long of this Life.

The King ever compassionate, took it for no time, to dispute with discontent.

It was enough, his good services had been eminent and fre∣quent; this last accompt he commits to God, and like a Prince, wi••e and charitable, instead of correction, sends him comfort, under his own hand and Seal.

Chancellour,* 11.1

How sorry I am (saies he) for this ill News, be your self my judge, I could never dissemble my affection. God may spare you, for my sake, if you love me so well, as to resist the assaults of your sickness, that his goodness may reserve you (yet a little) to me, as Hezekiah was to his people (for the necessity between Prince and people, is reciproque) Nor can any sickness (of it self) seize the vital, if God cut not the thread of life. As to your suits; when God calls you, I shall need no Remembrancer, for since I made you a mark of my constant fa∣vour (as your self hath oft times said▪) I am much more bou••d in Princely care to conserve it to your Wife and children, that bear your Image, a lively representation for me of my thankful memory of you, examples are begun in others, what have I not done for the Duke of Lenox, and Lady Huntley, for their Fathers sake? Suffer your thoughts in this assurance of the like to yours; The Secretary is mine already. And if the distance of place, could dispence with my time, I should desire to see you, and to have said thus much my self. God keep you to me, and to your native Country,

Iames Rex.

He lanquished two Moneths,* 11.2 and died in October 1595. He was a man of rare parts, a deep wit, and learned also, of good courage against mighty Assailants. Mar was the man he most ha∣t••d, the other the like to him. Both good men (accounting them Courtiers) private emulation I fear, more of Policy than virtue; yet with great reservation of his Majesties affection to either, and in general to the publique service, till, I know not how he failed, in this last act.

The King in some passion for his death▪ having little more to do it seems then, bestowed his Poetry, into an Epitaph for him of a dozen verses, which because I find them much bettered, in comparison of his Ma••esties after••ver••••••ying, his holy Medita∣tions, in turning Davids Psalms into excellent Meeter, I shall silence these▪ and refer you to the other hereafter.

This year was held ominously evil in Scotland, dearth and scarcity of all victual, abundance of winds in harvest, the natu∣ral cause; blood-shed and slaughters in all parts, accounted un∣natural,

the curse of God haunting that Nation, where such Wars (we call them civil) cry down vengeance on the Inhabi∣tants. Iohnstons and Maxwells had another bout in the South Parts. Those from the Western, the Maxwells, had much the worse.

With the Isles and High-landers likewise, great dissentions. The In-countrey no less behind, Murthers, slaughters. The killing of one, though a private man as to himself, engages his Kinsman, Master, or Chief, to procure the revenge. David Forester (but a Citizen of Sterlin) murthered in his jour∣ney to Edenburgh so I censure them that lay in wait by the way) we know not by whom; but see, the Lairds of Arth, and Dun∣ny pearce, in malice to the man (because to his Master the Earl of Mar) endeavour to shadow the inquiry of the Inquest. The Earl, in this affront for his beloved Servant, convaies the corps with a Train of Mourners from Linlithgow, to Sterlin, carrying therewith the body bare-faced, and the sheet gory in blood with the dead wounds, and all to move compassion for revenge.

The body buried, Mar prosecutes some suspected; the Lords Levingston and Elphingston boulster out the men; No Law, nor Justice to be suffered for quiet and civil Tryal. No! these feuds will fight it out, and did, to future example of Gods Justice in the fall of these two families, much addicted to murthers and quarrels of blood.

This one, and some few such like, I mention for Presidents and Examples, not glutting the Reader with too many, which in every place fill up the Scots Chronicles, and which sundry of them boast of, for magnimity of Spirit, and honour to their Gentry.

We lately observed,* 11.3 the small effects the King found from the promises of England to aid him, which brought him to take care how to advance his own, other helps he had not. He commissi∣oneth eight persons to govern his Exchequer, all of them Sena∣tors of the College of Justice, only Peter Young his honest Al∣moner. The Commission was ample in words and power, to them, or any five, To call to accompt all manner of Officers Accomptants; To Order and Rate the Rents. To alter and change any of the Officers. To do and act such and so many par∣ticulars, in terms and words, with such exact particular powers over the rent Gatherers; profits and duties of Caves, Customs, Fishings (take them as they are in this order) Cole-houses, Parks, Steadings (Fole Coults) Orchards of Apples; other Fruits, Conies, Capons, Geese. Good God, what not? Then to en∣terlace these, you have the other particulars, Money, Plate, Jewels, Mines of Gold, Silver, Lead, Tin. Certainly the West-Indie Fleets comes short of such wealth. But so the Scots use to accompt of their own.

And to countenance their pains and care. He promiseth ver∣bo Principis, not to adjoyn any more, and if any did, the survi∣vours to give their consent, for admition. They had authority to revoke, disclaim, to direct letters of Horning. (or Outlary) Pounding or Caption (suertyes) and many such like, &c.

These Lords make faith, &c. to respect his Majesties weal and advance of Revenew without affection or fraud. Provided not to be liable to Action, for the King. seeing they did all with∣out fee. And proclamed at the Market Crosseat Edenburgh, Ian∣nuary 1595.

The Courtiers were blanck for such, must be their reward. But they complain as an injury to the Kings honour, having little to himself, and lesse for the meritt of any Man.

And to give them more Cause of Complaint. They begin to dispose of Places ere they fall ••o the ground. David Magill Ad∣vocate, he is too old and dotes; and must admit of one of them till of grief he dies. The Master of Glammis somewhat in Arears of his accompts, and his deputy Sir Robert Melvil, the same, must resign their Treasury to the Prior of Blantiere ere they obtain their quieti sunt. Richard Cockhorn secretary, exchanges it to Lindsey for Privy Seal. The collectary Linchclowden given to Elphinston. And their President they would Create Chancelor. Soft Sirs. The King would not. These and many more made them Clamo∣red by the Countrey. Somewhat they deserved amisse; But, the fate of favomites, and men of Trust, they bore the blame of all.

The Jesuite, much troubled to see the State, likely to settle into security, by the severe proceedings against Papists.* 11.4 Whole families Grahams, Fentres, and others; the Lords banished; the fewds dissipated; and the Ministry, in some measure of mildnesse: They counsell how to involve both Nations, into some design together. And to set up A strang medley of Pretenders, by protext of several Claims (besides the Kings right) to the Crown of England. For they found by the sad affects to them, the birth of the ••rince and likely hood of a numerous issue, if Queen E∣lizabeth failed and the King also, it were the same to their suc∣cessors.

They devised double wayes,* 11.5 Title, and Poyson the first was by Title (forsooth) of the Earl of Essex in England. Though no Catholick, yet his Ambitious and vain popularity (they concei∣ved,) might quallifie his temper towards Religion, being of himself doubtfull in opinion, and so, his Clemencie would incline to Tolleration,* 11.6 if not profession of Catholick.

They drew his descent, from Thomas of Woodstock sonne to Edwarw the 3, And so to be promoted to the people, they dedi∣cate a Book to him, stiled Dolmans (a preist) some say, written

by the Jesuite Persons Cardinall All•••• and Iuglefield; discourse of legallity and pollicie, inchanging hereditary succession 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England, by a new devised way of Election (only) of •• Ro•••••••• C••••tholick; Ravelling into the History of most English Kings, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be either not Legitimate or rightly uncapable.

The other Title,* 11.7 was of the in••ant of Spain; And therein they use their catholick doctrine, to make up with monstrous Lies and many;

• 1. From Constance, daughter to the Conquerour, married to ••••••gat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Britag••e (though all our Chronicles agree that she died without issue.
• 2. From Eli••or daughter to Henry the 2 married to Alphonsus of Castile.
• 3. And descends from Blanch his daughter.
• 4. From Beatrice, daughter of Henry 3 of England.
• 5. From the Portugall family of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lanca∣ster.

Thus much Persons did then. And after the Queens death, he excuseth it to the King, as taking no effect. These were devi∣sed in case the King should have no issue then in being. Whilst the Jesuite Spaniard, practiseth by poyson to hasten the Queens death, and no lesse than three in the plot.

Roderick Lopez of the Jewish sectary;* 11.8 Physition to her house∣hold and of honest repute, till infected by Andrada a Portugall and don de Moro a Counceler of Spain; with a rich Jewell, in hand, and fifty thousand Crowns more to impoyson her, and this was certified unto Fue••tes, and Ibarra secretaries to that King in Flanders by Stephen Ferreira who writ Lopez his letters to them; & they returned Emanuell Lowise unto Lopez, to hasten the plot. These circumstances they confessed and were hanged.

The reason so many Portugalls in a knot, shews the time of freedome here, for them, under some pretence of don Antonio their pretended Prince, banisht thence and protected here.

There followed them to the Gallows, Cullen and Irish fencer, and York and Williams hired also by Ibarra to kill the Queen.* 11.9

Of which she complains to Earnest Arch Duke of Austria Go∣vernour in Flanders under the Spaniard, that Ibarra ••is servant hatcht these treacheries, to the Kings dishonour, if not by him punished; and to have the English and chief complotters, O∣wen, Throgmorton, Holcot, a Iesuite, Gefferd, and Worthington divines; delivered up to her.

We had of his here in England a fugitive, his late secretary Don Antonio perez for some mischief he set on foot in Aragon,* 11.10 got away to save his head; And to the French King first, he revealed all his Masters secrets, who finding him of a pregnant wit••, and malitious, sends him to his Lieger in England to work,

into some faction or design, against Spain. And here he was, without pention or protection of the Queen; for she, nor Burg¦ly the Treasurer would not vouchsafe to see him; nor did any other, give him countenance; unlesse the Earl of Essex▪ he did, to his cost, and used him as an Oracle of Spanish politie; sildome from his sight, but when it was supplyed with interchange of letters in latine, which Essex understood▪ and delighted in his phraze, and yet was not glutted, with threescore of them, whilst he re∣sided here; They are extant, eztituled. Antonii Per••••ii Epis••o∣l•• ad Com. Essexiam Magnatem Angliae. They discipher him a buysie intermedler: fit fuell for the Earls spirit,

The French King turned papist (as we said) thereby winning the affections of his people, weakned the faction of the Leagues who also came in to the King, and so never left, till the Spaniard had took leave of them all. Onely those in Bretaign called thi∣ther by the Duke of Mercoeur, strenghten the Sea Coasts and resolve to stay, till by the valour of Norris by land, and Martin Forbisher by Sea, who though wounded with a shot there, returnd victor and died at Plimouth. And Norris called home, to look after Rebellion in Ireland.

There was publick Reports of the Spaniards mighty prepara∣tions by sea more then in 88 pretended against Britaign in France,* 11.11 which the King of Scotland feared might fall upon him, or Eng∣land, or both; And therefore musters all his people, and secures the Borders, from pryvate quarrells of each other, or to infringe the peace and Covenant of both Nations, so firmly united, by Alliance and Religion. Language, and manners, that of late they seemed one.

But to divert Spains purposes, Queen Elizabeth joyns with France, who denounces warr against him▪ and is hotly pursued, in Luxemburgh and Picardy. Where he hath the better, Castelet, Dorleans, and Cambray taken; and the French crave more ayd from England, or to be forst, to make peace with Spain, whic•• indeed she suspected; He being already received (conditionally) into the blessing of the Pope and conclave.

These successes hightned the Spaniards,* 11.12 to adventure over in∣to England from Bretaign in four Gallyes; under Command of Dudrack Brocher, and landed betimes in the morning, burnt•• poor fisher Towns in Cornwall; and without losse of any one Englishman, stole home again. These, being the first and last Spaniards that ever in Enmity durst set foot on English ground.

And this their poor attempt, incensed the English to seek him at home, that they might feel the different effects of English de∣signs.

Sir Walter Ralegh,* 11.13 Captain of the Queens Guard, made an Expedition upon his Territories in America commonly called,

the Guiana voyage,* 11.14 within 8 degrees south of the Aequater. He burns some Towns and Cottages, and so returns.

Sir Amias Preston, and Sir Georg Summers, also sack and burn the Towns of the Isle of Puerto sant•• neer Maedera and Coche neer Mar∣gereta; Coro, and the City Iago de Lion, but took money to spare Cumena.

Hawkins, Drake, Baskervile, with 6 of the Queens ships, and 20 other Men of warr, fire some Towns in the Isle Dominica in the West Indies and others upon the continent. But the event of that voyage, Hawkins and Drake died of sicknesse, and home came the Company poor enough for any Pillage; so we return to our Scots story.

This new year some time sets variance between both Realms.* 11.15 The Lord Scroop for the West Marches of England, and the Laird of Backlugh for the charge of Liddesdale, design a Day of Truce to treat of disorders; and the meeting even at the Brook that divides both nations. Mr. Salcallk was Deputy for Scroop, and Robert Scot for Backlugh, and having met friendly, and composed some differences, they parted.

At their meeting was Armstrong (nick-named Will of Kin∣mouth) a notorious Thief for the Scots; he, returning home, was set upon by some English, and after four miles chase▪ brought him Prisoner to Salcallk, and so to the Castle of Car∣lile.

The Truce was broken (being accounted evermore from the hour of Treaty till next day Sun-rise) and the Prisoner is de∣manded.* 11.16 But Scroop refused, unless by order from the Queen and Council; The man being a notorious Malefactor, and Backlugh was modest, not to make many words, ere he procu∣red Bowes the English Resident to write to Scroop for his inlarge∣ment, which not taking effect; the King writes to the Queen, nor that neither. Backlugh engaged in honour to the King, and his own right of Trust, Plots the Prisoners Release, this Way.

The Castle of Carlisle was surprizable,* 11.17 and in particular at the Postern-Gate, the measure of the height he had; and there he meant to scale, or break through the weakness of the Wall, by Engines, and so to force the Gates.

Thus resolved, he drew up two hundred horse to Mortons Tower, ten miles from Carlisle; neer Sun-set he forded the Ri∣ver Es••, and two hours before day he passed Eden, beneath Car∣lile••bridge, and so came to Sarcery▪ a plain under the Castle. And making halt under Cadage Bourn, he dismounted fourscore of his company, but his Ladders too short his men fell to mi∣ning, and himself retiring to the rest, to secure those which might enter against any eruption from the Town.

In fine the Breach opened entrance to single men, who brake through the Postern-Gate for the rest; The watch awaked, and made some resistance, but were soon seized into Guard, and af∣terwards the Prisoner freed.* 11.18 The sign being forthwith given by sound of a Trumpet, a signal to the Souldiers without that the enterprize was effected within.

My Lord Scroop and Salcalk, were in the Castle, to whom the Scots gave the good night, and so parted. This Surprize was handsomely mannaged, having order from Backlugh to break open no door but the Prisoners Ward; nor did they do a∣ny more prejudice, though the Governour and Castle became under their power. Being got out, their Prisoners were return∣ed; The Town took the allarm, and all in posture of war, but Ba••klugh; came back as he went to his own quarters two hours before Sun-set; the thirteenth of April 1596. a quick and re∣solute design, performed with civillity and honour, which trou∣bled the English, to be out-done nobly in any Attempts.

For a Prisoner to be forced out of a strong Castle of Defence, so far within England, and so handsomely, troubled the whole State of England.

And Bowes the Ambassadour,* 11.19 had post order to aggravate the fact, as a breach of peace, unless Backlugh were delivered to the Queens pleasure. Backlugh having done this gallant work, maintained his defence as discretly. That he marched not with design against any the Queens holds, or in wrong to any of her Subjects, but to relieve a Prisoner, unlawfully surprized, and illegally detained, being seized in the day of Truce; nor did he a••tempt his Relief until redress was refused. And the sober 〈◊〉〈◊〉 civil prosecution, he was confident would be justified according, to the antient Treaties of both Realms, when mutual injuries were referred to Commissioners, as both their Majesties should appoint; to whom most humbly he doth submit.

This not satisfactory, the Queens displeasure took some time to consider,* 11.20 until a moneth after, it was remitted to Commissi∣oners. The King stood upon Justice, and the rather against the Lord Scroop, for the injury committed by his Deputy.

And in truth and reason, it was less courtesie to take a Priso∣ner, than to relieve him, unlawfully taken. Yet all would not serve,* 11.21 the Borderers make inroades upon each other; the Eng∣lish worsted in all▪ till King Iames, out of complement to his Kinswoman, grown old and peev••sh, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 content to moderate her passion, by yielding unto the imprisonment of Backlugh to Saint Andrews, and then conveyed to England, more for form than guilt of punishment, and so sent home again.

The Isles were up,* 11.22 a petty Rebellion, naked, cold and hunger soon suppressed themselves, yet in fear of Spanish Invasion, or

a Receptacle ••or Revolters, a thousand men were levyed under Col. Stuart, for fourty daies (the custome to assist the King) up∣on which the chiefs submit and give caution, to compeer before the King.

And as there was too frequent cause by these insurrections for this hurried nation,* 11.23 often to assemble, so in truth, little effects followed, as at this time, for the Ministers, to colour their inten∣tions, would seem to enact against Self-Interest, and begin with themselves, and fast, pray and preach; daies of Humiliation, that was all that they would do, as to their reforming. But then there was sure to followcomplaint of the corruption of Courti∣ers, in the Kings Palace, and justice Seats, and fear of the ba∣nished Lords, and left not till the faults were found, such as are common, even to the best Estates.

Then would they ravel into Counsel of the Remedies; to which the King usually would afford consent; but by experi∣ence finding out their aim, and danger of them to be too se∣vere and earnest (which they called zeal) the King wisely chekt the bit.

Telling them, That unless there were any evident proofs, that the Popish Lords,* 11.24 since their departure beyond Seas, had conspired with Strangers, to the prejudice of the Realm, in Re∣ligion or State, their cautions cannot in honor or justice, be con∣vict, nor would he change the course of charity, and conditions to their wives and children.

And indeed in prudence, the King held himself unsafe, whilst such potent Lords were abroad; for much mischief they might do underhand, unheard, and unseen. And reasoning one day with Mr. Robert Bruce (a leading Minister) How much it concer∣ned him to have them recalled. That Queen Elizabeth grown old, if de••th should seize her, he might need assistance of his own, Interest of State and honour would ballance these Lords, even against Catholique or Spanish Titles, or other Designs, and by such interest may be sooner drawn to the reformed Religion, than by compulsory extremity.

Mr. Bruce yielded to the Reasons,* 11.25 to call home Angus and Ar∣roll, but not Huntley, being so much hated.

The Kings opinion seemed further to oversway. Because Huntley, saies he, hath maried my Cosin, one that I esteem; a man of Power to do good or evil, and so to be made accor∣dingly.

In the end, Bruce was so bold, as to tell the King in plain terms,

I see Sir, (said he) your affection to Huntley, whom I must oppose and you, either loose, him or me, for both you cannot keep.

This insolency lost him the King. This for one example of many, which their own Historians record of their Ministers good behaviours, and certainly this mans ambition and popula∣rity, out-vied the Kings, who espying his Trayn; that conduct∣ed him by the Court into Edenburgh, By my Sal, said the King, Bruce puts me down in his Attendants.* 11.26

The exiled Lords of themselves resolved to return, but with∣all possible submission, and to avoid the least suspition of jea∣lousie; they separate; Arroll through Holland, Huntley came before, and out of the North sends Supplication to the King, and Convention at Faulkland, in August, to reside where his Ma∣jesty would appoint upon caution of good behaviour.

The King concluded aright. Either to ruin them and their race,* 11.27 or to receive them all into favour, and hope of reforming into Religion. The first course, saith he, hath its own difficul∣ties and trouble for me, if I could effect it.

The other is more consonant to my humour and mine honor, I desire not destruction; errors of conscience are not of mat∣ters of the mind. I like not to receive conditions from Huntley, rather to advise of commands to them all, with clemency and favour; which was submitted unto. And the publick joy of the Queens second Birth of a Daughter,* 11.28 made up the common reception of these Lords, to community and fellowship with the Congregations.

She was born in August the 16. day 1596. and to be baptized in November.

But now the Ministry make work,* 11.29 their Commissioners as∣sembling at Edenburgh, send Post to all their Presbyteries, the State of affairs (for so is the Commission) That the forfeited Earls were come home without Warrant, are like to be received to mercy without submission for their offences of Treason, or re∣concilement to the Church, and conditions confirmed unto them.

The Preachers Pulpit these tidings to their flocks, publick and private to provoke into Tumult, and to be in readiness to resist the dangers of Church and State. The first Sunday of De∣cember held forth for Humiliation, and then the power in the Minister to tell all to the people, and to inlarge as the zeal of the Spirit shall promp them. They assume power to call to account all manner of men; Entertainers, Receivers, or communicate with them to be canvased with the censures of the Church, Una citatione quia periclitatur salus Ecclesiae, & Reipublica. And with such busteling with several Commissioners from all parts of the Nation to make Residence at Edenburgh, and daily to con∣vene, to receive intelligence from all parts, and return Edicts and Ordinances to prevent (if possible) the eminent ruin to Gods People.

And this daily Convention being a New Modell, so must it be stiled, The Council of the Church. And instantly they find o•• make work; the Lord Sea••on, President of the Session, was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to account by the Synod of Lothian;* 11.30 Not that he was guil∣ty, but that their power and pride might strike terror in the people, for as they had no proof at all, and so (as by President of the Popes inquisition) his Oath purges himself, assures him to their Conclave, and so gets home again.

This monstrous manner of muteny, makes the Men of State to foresee mischief,* 11.31 and not being powerful to remedie, nor was it politick to publish their errors to the people, or scorn upon the face of the Church. The President, Secretary, Advocate and Laird of Colluthrie were commanded by the King to confer with as many of theirs. To whom they move the question, whether if these Lords satisfie the Church (otherwise his Majesty desires not) that then they might be pardoned and restored to their E∣states. But receive a Court Answer, They came only to hear Pre∣positions, and to remit them to their Brethren. And so they did, with Apostolick Conclusion. Their acceptance of the Kings be∣haviour and respect to the Church, not to resolve of any favour to them Rebells, till the Church were satisfied. But their cen∣sure, by Gods Law condemned them to death, and being also senten∣ced to lose their estates, they cannot be legally pardoned, nor resto∣red, or if the King or his Council, should take upon them to do o∣therwise, they were to answer it to God and the Country, themselves make protestation to be free, before God and man.

I shall not comment upon this Text. The Popish Sanadrin does so. An Historian of theirs calls it Passionate zeal, under which all impudence may be maintained, should they be igno∣rant of the tender bosome of the Mother Church, parent to Babes, and to repentant sinners? Mark their distinction, The Church hath power to do as she pleaseth; but the King must not, he must do justice.

The King is wroth against them all, common resentment, private and publick.* 11.32 And wise men advise the Ministers in pru∣dence, to make address to his Majesty, and to understand his displeasure, and also to offer on their parts terms of satisfaction, and so modestly and mannerly to lay open the Grievances, and to offer means of redress.

Somewhat they did, not as they were advised, or ought to have done.

The King tells them, There could be no agreement, till bounds of Marches are designed, ••or reconcilement, till Iurisdictions are di∣stinguished. Their preachings, censured Councils of State, They convocate General Assemblies without him or his Warrant, and con∣clude as they please without his consent. They meddle with all mat∣ters

in their Synods, Presbyteries and Sessions, and under colour of scandals, usurp that Notion to offend in all. Besides he could sum up several sorts of their disorders, which would take up time, their own guilt should study means to amend, otherwise things may become remediless, neither to agree, nor to last long without.

But to come to their points, what could it be to kindle such fires and fears?* 11.33

The Kings favour to the Popish Lords at Falkland, and confirm∣ed at Dunferlin.

His countenance to the Countess of Huntley, what•• that? She is invited to the Princess baptism.

The Education of the Princess to the Lady Levingston, a Pa∣pist.

And to smooth all they condescended to say, They were sorry for his Majesties displeasure.

The last he took up first,* 11.34 That their abusive Sermons had given him in particular just cause.

To the Popish Lords, what he granted was by General Conventi∣on and consent of Estates; as needful for peace to the Realm.

The Lady Huntley was discreet, and deserved more, and that she is a Papist, they are too blame that never taught her the Truth.

The Princess is intrusted to the Wisdome and Government of the Lord Levingston, not to his Lady, he to command, she to con∣form.

Good God! their History of the Kirk, stories many, and ma∣ny such Medlings, which I forbear to mention. By these and the like may be measured out their malice, pride, vanity, and their cunning, to colour all with conscience, and zeal of Truth.

But it becomes dangerous,* 11.35 Mr. David Blake, Minister of St. An∣drews, rails in his Sermon against the King & Council, and Session of Estates, and called the Queen of England by name an Atheist, of no Religion. Bowes the Ambassadour complains, and Blake is cited before the Council. Melvil meets him, and makes it the common cause, as a preparative against all, to bring down the doctrine of Christ, under the censure of the King and Coun∣cel. And so far was it plotted with the Council of the Church, that they desert the day of his Diet (or appearing.) That it would be ill taken to question Ministers upon trifling delations. When, as the Enemies of Iesus Christ, were spared and protected.

Telling the King (who was descended, to shew them Huntleys condition,) That both he, and the rest should either satisfy the Church in every point, or be pursued with Extremity, and so no cause to complain of their oversight of Papists.

And though the Articles were framed, and Printed satisfactory to all. Yet they Publish, That Papists were favoured, the Ministers rebuked for siding against sin; And that the Scepter of Christ was sought to be overthrown. And if Master Blake should submit his doctrine to the triall of the Council, the liberties of Church and spirrituall Government of Gods House be quite subverted.

And by all means. a Declinator is designed▪ to protest against such proceedings.

And in this fire of zeal in opposition to better Councell, They answered, that the cause of God concern'd them to withstand all fu∣ture hazards.

It was trusted to Blake himself, to present (in presence of the King.) I know not, whether prudentiall in me to suppresse it, for fear of evil President. But that it is a record. Take it in the Breef.

That howbeit his innocent conscience,* 11.36 maintained him sufficient, against the Calumnies of whomsoever, and that he was able and rea∣dy to defend his doctrine uttered, in opening the words or application i•• matter. Yet seeing he was convened before the King and his Council, to be judged for his doctrine, and that his answering might be suspected a submission; and so imputed a prejudice to the Churches liberties; and to be taken as an acknowledgment of the Kings jurisdiction in matters spirituall; He was constrained to de∣cline that judicature.

First, because the Lord Jesus Christ of whom we had the grace of his calling, had given him his word, for a rule to his Preaching. And that he could not fall in reference of any Civill Law, but so farr as he should be tryed to pass his instructions. Which tryal belonged only to the Prophets and Pastors, the spirits of the Prophets being subject to them alone, &c.

Secondly, in regard the liberties of the Church and discipline were confirmed by sundry Acts of Parliament and the Preachers. (office bearers thereof) peaceably possessed therein, perticularly in the indica∣ture of the word, He ought to be remitted to the Ecclesiastick Senate, as the only compitent Iudges.

For which, and other weighty consideracons, inconveniences to Religion, the State and Nation, and to the King himself, by the appearance of destraction and Alienation of his mind, from the Ministery, and the cause of God in their hands. He for himself and in Name of the Commissioners of the generall Assembly, who had s••bscribed this Declinator, Besought, that the Church of God, might receive no diminution, but rather manifest care to maintain the same.

The diet came, and he required to make answer.* 11.37 Said, That albeit he might object against the Citation, it being directed Super Inqui∣rendis, contrary to form, yet he would take himself to the remedy of

Law, and to be remitted to his own Ordenary.

Being asked whom he meant.

He answered, the Presbytery, where the doctrine was taught,

The King told him, the matters charged were civill; and that the Summons had reference to the particular letter of the English Ambassadour.

He replyed, that speeches in the Pulpit must be judged by the Church, in prima instantia.

Being asked, whether the King might not judg of facts of Treason, as well as the Church did matters of Heresie?

That whether speeches in the Pulpit, though but pretended Treasonable, could not be judged by the King till the Church had remitted thereof?

But he answered, That he was not come thither to resolve questi∣ons, and so offered his Declinator.

The King not able to amend what was amiss, meant to work it otherwise by remitting of further proceedings to Nov. 30.

Mean while, the Commissioners send copies of all transactions, to the several Presbyteries;* 11.38 requiring them for Corroboration to con∣firm the same by their subscriptions; To commend their doing as the cause of God in publick fasts and Humilliation for the sins of the Nation by prayer and preaching. The meaning there∣by was, to tell the stories to the people, for maintenance of this their ill manners; And which the King interpreted, a direction to dangerous Mutenie, and future Rebellion. And therefore,

Proclaims all their particular proceedings, with remonstance of their Misdemeanors and to prevent disorder now,* 11.39 and confusion to follow, by advise of his Councill discharges the commissioners, and dissolves their convention, illegal in it self, and worse unlawfully executed by them; Whom he commands by Name to depart home in 24 hours to attend their flocks and duties in their Ministery. And no wayes to return to convene either within or without the Burroughs of Edenburgh, under the pain of Rebellion.

But we tire the reader and yet hereby, we may discover what they did in such like many more, for to the death they will pro∣ceed. Hereupon they consult,* 11.40 that seing they had been convened by the warrant of Christ, to take care of hazard to the Church, Et ne quid ecclesia detrimenti caperet. They should obey God ra∣ther than man. And notwithstanding any charge to the contrary, to continue together, and to send to the Octavians (those 8 Coun∣cellors of State formerly mentioned) that seing at the entrance to their places, the Church was in quiet and peace; and now to be imbroyled; the Enemies to truth overpowring, and all by their councels and connivance; The event of evil, must fall upon them, the Contrivers or Connivers.

The President hastily made answer, As they began so let

them end; the Councills advice, neither was desired, nor given on either part, and therefore would not meddle between the King and them, but leave it to his Majesty and Nobles.

This answer taught them fresh advice; to remonstrate to the King himself by Messengers of their own; and fearing the effects (the Kings anger) humbly interceed, for surcease of Processe a∣gainst Master Blake, Until his Majesty should be pleased to con∣voke an Assembly for deciding all controversies to the Kings con∣tent.

To which he consented, provided, they would passe by the De∣clinator, or at least to declare that it was not a Generall but a particu∣lar Declinator, used in Blakes case only, as being a cause of slander, and so, appertaining to the judgment of the Church.

This by the wiser, was held fit to be received, as an end of contention; No! Rather to stand to their tacklings, Gods cause, Against worldly powers. Ravelling into former examples, of pre∣vailing against Princes. Others argued to try Mastery with Majesty, may faile of effects; as yet the Court stand in some fear of the Church, and to keep up their concept, let us take the best conditions we can, least our weaknesse appear, if we have the worst, and so the terror of the Church despised, or neg∣lected; Much will portends little wit; and as it is often seen, who gripes at all, grasp nought but wind: and to levy all their wills, is to lose all their wits; of which, God send them more plenty than appears by their proceedings.

But not prevailing, the King proceeds to proclaim their de∣parture and Blakes appearance as afore ordered.

The next day, sunday, solemnized the christning of the Princesse. Bows Ambassadour gave Her name from his Queen, Elizabeth. and the Town of Edenburgh, by their Majestrates, assisted as other witnesses. Yet all that day in the Churches were bitter invectives.

The Commissioners of the Church presented a Petition to the King and Council.* 11.41

That seing the decision of intricate questions could work no good, and was subtilly urged to ingender discention, between his Majesty and the Church, he would be pleased to remit the discision to a lawfull Assembly, and not to incroch upon the limitts of Christs Kingdom, upon any pretence, but to bend his actions against the common Ene∣mie of the Church and state, the Papists.

Then they exhort the Noblemen to give his Majesty faithfull Counsel, and not to be subject to the guilt of sin, by the craft of such as seek the thraldom of the Gospel, who intend to ex∣ite their honours to be the Executors of their malitious devi∣ses.

With order to those that presented this Petition, that if the

same was refused, to enjoyn them to protest against the preceed∣ing of the Councel.

The King rejects it,* 11.42 as not worthy of Answer, commanding to call Blake to his summons

First, That he affirmed in Pulpit that the Popish Lords were re∣turned with his Majesties knowledg and further assurance, wherein he had detected the treachery of his heart.

Secondly,* 11.43 that he called all Kings the Divells barns, and that the Divel was in the court and in the Guiders thereof.

Thirdly, That in his prayers for Queen Ann, he had used these words, we must pray for her, in fashion, but we have no cause, she will never do us good.

That he called the Queen of England an Atheist.

That he had discussed a suspention granted by the Lords of Session in Pulpit, and called them Miscreants and Bribers.

That the Nobillity were degenerate, godlesse, dissemblers, and eni∣mies to the Church.

That the Council were Holliglasses, Cormorants and men of no Religion.

And that he had convocated divers Noblemen and others within Saint Andrews in June 1594. caused them to take arms in troops of Horse and Foot and thereby usurped the power of King and Coun∣cil.

After reading of the summons, Robert Pont their Minister protested, that the processe in hand should not prejudice the Church.

To which the King answered that he meant not to meddle with matters of doctrine, but to censure, the treasonable speeches of a Mi∣nister, which he and his Councel would judg, except, that by scrip∣ture it could be held forth that Ministers were not subject in these cases to judicatures.

Blake makes answer;* 11.44 that the accusations were false, calumnies; producing testimonies of two, which he alleged should be preferred to a••y report whatsoever.

Next he said.

That to the first six points the Council were not lawfull Iudges of speeches in Pulpit, but the Presbytery, where the sermon was utter∣ed.

And so presents a second Declinator.

But being put to voyces it was sentenced, That the crimes and accusations mentioned in the summons, were seditious and treasonable, and that the King and Council were competent Judges in all matters, criminall, or civill, as well to Ministers as other subjects.

The Council dissolved, the King willing to conserve peace and amity, to the Ministers offered terms of reconciliation and

to return Blake to his charge and Pastorage.

Bruce answered, That if it concern'd only Master Blake, the offer might be accepted, but the liberty of Christs Kingdom, being wounded by the Proclamation, and by usurping spiritual Iurisdicti∣on, of greater consequence then Master Blakes life and twenty more; and that if those things were not retreated they would oppose, during the last aspiration of breath.

The King the next morning treated with some of theirs.* 11.45 Shew∣ing how far he was from impairing spiritual Jurisdiction, that he would amplifie and inlarge the same; but (said he) to discourse of State in Pulpits is intollerable, I clame to judg in matters of se∣dition and civil and criminal causes; and of speeches that may import such crimes; and if the Pulpit should be a place of privi∣lege, under colour of doctrine to stir up sedition, no good man will grant. If Treason and sedition be crimes punishable, much more comitted in the Pulpit, where the word of truth only should be taught. I am not ignorant what France of late and England formerly, have suffered by the violence of such spirits. And I may not indure it.

Hereupon, the Church finding the King resolved, desire some Declaration to be made to the people in favour of Church Assemblies, which they feared was hereby, of late somewhat weakned; which the King assented unto, and it was according∣ly published, to give finall conclusion to these differences.

Blake was required only to acknowledg his offence to Queen Ann. And to be pardoned of all.

This he would not do, and was therefore sentenced. To have falsely s••andered and treasonably calumniated the Kings Majesty, his consort the Queen, his Neighbour Princesse the Queen of England, the Lords of the Council and Session, and that, till his Majesties further pleasure, he should be confined beyond the North water, enter ward within six dayes. and

Ten daies more were taken up,* 11.46 to decide these differences; and the King condiscends to lesser submissions than before. But the Commissioners refuse to agree to any censure of Master Blake, as not done by the proper Iudg. And so they ordain a fast, and pray, and preach complaints, of wrong done to the Kingdom of Christ.

The King on his part, made the grounds of his displeasure known to his people, by Decla••ation; setting forth particulars of the last Transactions. Ordaining all Ministers to subscribe their obedience to his Majesty; and to set their hands to the bonds presented to them to that effect, under pain of sequestring their rents and stipends till they submitted. Blake to go to ward, and the Commissioners to re∣move out of Town.

They increase Aspersions upon the King who willingly would

have recalled these sentences and Publications, and some Mini∣sters, were treated therein, till a scandalous Letter was de∣vised and sent by under hand advise, that Huntley had private reception by the King over night and caused the charge a∣gainst the Ministers. Balcanqual takes his text out of the Canti∣cles, and so to present the troubles of the Church, relates the late proceedings which he calls treacherous forms of the Council, naming particular officers,

The President, and Controuler, and Advocate, with reproach∣full raylings; and concludes to advise the Barons and Nobles to meet in the little Church for assisting the ministry. From them came a petition to the King in behalf of his Ministers, and pre∣sented to him in the uper house of session, with complaints, uttered by Bruce of all which had passed. The King declining the petition and remonstrance, asked who they were that durst convene against his proclomation.* 11.47 The Lord Lindsey passionatly replied, That they durst do more than so, and would not ind••re de∣struction of Religion.

Numbers of people thronging into the Room, the King re∣moved, the people seduced by Lindsey and others, some said arm; others called out, to bring forth Haman, others cry'd out, the sword of the Lord and Gideon. And with much adoe, to ap∣pease the peoples rage, at they knew not what.

The Lords and Ministers meet, propose Articles to the King, and whilst they design who shall present them,* 11.48 each one refu∣sing. The King and Councel remove out of Edenburgh into Linlithgow.

Ordering a Proclamation to signifie the reasons of this depar∣ture, * 11.49 the Town being unsafe for his person and Council, and unfit for the administration of justice by the late in sufferable Tumults, com∣manding all Lords of session, Commissioners, &c. and their Depu∣ties to remove out of the Town of Edenburgh, and be in redinesse to that place they should be after assigned. And the Noblemen and Ba∣rons to withdraw to their own Houses, and not to covene or Assemble, under pain of the Kings displeasure.

The City is amazed with these proceedings,* 11.50 not knowing what to do, or whom to trust unto. The Ministers night and day restlesse to get subscriptions, and to covenant, to call in certain Noblemen of note, Hamelton, Backlugh and others. Fast and pray, and preach what stuffe, best befits their projects, one amongst many others, Iohn Welch; takes his theam, the Epistle sent to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus, rayl'd a∣gainst the King, who he said was possessed of a Divel, and one Divel (the King) put out, seven worse are entred in. That the Subjects might lawfully rise and take the sword out of his hand, by example saies he, Of a father faln into frenzie, might be bound

hand and foot by his family from doing mischief.

Yet this execrable doctrine, was received by some; nay they preach, that the Earl Arrol had come to the Ferry with four hun∣dred horse the day of Tumult, but the rising of the people, (as a providence of God for good) scattered his forces, in fear of the Town so prepared. And being Masters of all, they undertake to send Messengers to the Earl Hamelton, with letters, that the people animated by motion of Gods spirit,* 11.51 had taken Arms, with the patronage of such Godly well affected Noblemen, and Brethren then at Edenburgh for the cause of God. Only they wanted a Head, an especial Nobleman to countenance their cause. And having made chioce of him, they invite him to Edenburgh, with all convenient speed, and thereby to signifie his affection, and to accept the honor which the Church of God had offered unto him.

It was writ and subscribed by Bruce, and Balcanquall and sent to Hamelton, who receives the Messenger with all shew of kind∣ness, and seems to prepare his journey for Edenburgh; but, by the way, better advised, he turns to Linlithgow and presents the King with the letter,* 11.52 who wondered at the modesty of the man, accounted more ambitious, than to neglect such a rise to tempt his humour, by whom had the letter taken effect, it might have caused strang Rebellions; when the Church had begun to act their part with so much power, a bloody issue al∣waies following the pretended zeal for Religion, as the most part of Christendom have felt the miserable effects, and great Britain most of all.

The insurrection,* 11.53 and letter made work for speedy Counsel to act for the King, and the Provost had order for imprisoning the Ministers, who got loose, and fled to New Castle in Eng∣land.

The Town send Commissioners to purge themselves, pro∣testing their Innocenc••e, and offer their obedience, for repair∣ing the indignity and dishonor done to the King, but served not for their purgation; for the next day, the Tumult was by the Counsel declared Treason, and the devisers, Actors, and Parta∣kers to be Traytors.

Edenburgh smarted for all, the inhabitants in fear of desolati∣on; * 11.54 the law-Courts removed to Lith; the Session to Perth; the Ministers fled; the Magistrates dispised; and all men without the walls, their enemies. And again most humbly supplicate the King with the best excuse for themselves. The King told them that he would proceed with them contrary to what they did to him, by form of law, not by violence: and that the estates should meet in the same place, where the dishonor was done to him, for their tryal and punishment.

The day before the convention. The keys of the Town sub∣mitted

to the Kings officer; a guard of the Kings forces ran∣ged the streets; and the Citizens disarmed, are commanded to keep within doors: the charge of the Town given to the Earl Marre,* 11.55 Lord Seaton, and Uchiltry. Thus prepared, the King enters with a train of Nobles, alights at the Talbooth, where the Estates did meet. The Provost Sir Alexander Hume, with the Baliffs and numbers of the City, fall down on their knees; and to pacifie the King, most humbly propose;

To purge themselves of the Tumult by oath before the Coun∣cil, * 11.56 having made diligent search for the Authors, a••d would pro∣ceed to inquire, or to a••sist any other officers therein. They promise never to admit of those Ministers pronounced Rebells, without his Majesties command; nor ever to receive any here∣after but at the Kings pleasure; and not to elect annual Maje∣strates without the Kings approbation, and to accept others whom the King would present. And in all, or any other manner, to sub∣mit, as his Majesty shall ordain; under protest that they take not upon them the crime of the Tumult.

See the effects of Rebellion, in general, if they succeed not, advance the Soveraign; so did this. The insurrection proceed∣ing from the Ministers their Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction, submits alwaies after to the Kings authority. In these stories of Bruce be∣fore, and Blake now, the grand Incendiaries of their Riot, it appears how patiently the King proceeded, if possibly to have confirmed them, and to have secured his Prerogative with their priviledges, which he could never procure from them, without this oversight of their own.

Besides; how submiss are the Lay subjects now; and how high grows the King, and his Counsellors! Advice is offered; to raze the Town and erect a Pillar of repentance; a Monu∣ment of their misery; caused by their insolencie; and this their punishment. Others were lesse mild, but all for condign marks of revenge, to teach others their duties, for the time to come.

Nay Bowes, the English Ambassadour was out, and in, and in, and out, with his policies; he liked well to imbroile the State, but not to allow advantage to the King, for by the faction of the Brethren, all the designs of England were managed; and reci∣procall assistance from them, to ballance their quarrels at home; and therefore Queen Elizabeth writes to the King her advice; fearing belike, too much pressing upon the Ministry according to their merrit.

My Dear Brother,

If a rare accident,* 12.1 and ill welcomed News, had not broken my long silence, I had not used Pen-speech, as being carefull of your quiet, and mindfull of your safety. To omit the expressing of both, by letting

you know how untimely I take this new begun phrenzie, that may urge you to take such a course, as may bring into opinion, the very∣fying of such a scandal as you avowed to me to be farr from your thoughts. In this sort I mean it, some members of the Church with their Companies, have over-audatiously imboldned themselves, to redress some injurious acts, that they feared might overthrow their profession; which I grant no King for the manner ought to bear with, yet at the instant when the new banisht Lords returned, and they seem to be wincked at without restraint, and the spring time going on, when promised succor is neer hand, together with many letters from Rome & elswhere, which tel the names of men, authorised by you (they say, though I hope falsely) to assure your conformity, as time may serve you, to esta∣blish the dangerous party and fail your own.

I wail in unfeigned sort, that any just cause should be given you to call in doubt so disguised acts, and hope that you will so try this cause, as that it harm you not, though it ruine them.

Of this you may be sure, that if you make your strength of so san∣day a foundation, as to call to your aid such as be not of your flock, when as the one side be foolish, rash, head-strong, and brain-sick, yet such as may defend you, having no sure anchorage for themselves, if you fail them; and the others, who have other props to sustain them, though they lack you, yea such as though your private love to their persons may invegle your eyes, not to pierce the depth of their trea∣son; yet it is well known that their many petitions for foraign a••d, might have tended to your perril, and Countries wrack; for seldome comes a stranger to a weaker soil, that thralleth not the possessor, or indangereth him at least; I trust you think no less; or else they must justifie themselves to condemn you▪ for without your displeasure not feared for such a fact, no answer can shield them from blame.

Now to aver my folly, in seeming buysie in anothers affairs, I sup∣pose you will not mislike, since the source of all is the care of your good, to desire that nought be done, that may imbolden the Enemie, de∣crease your love, and indanger your securety: This is in summe the line whereto I tend; and, God I beseech to direct your heart, in such sort as you please not your worst Subjects, but make all know in a measure what is fit for them, and make difference between error, and malice. So God bless you with a true thought of her that means you best.

Your most affectionate SISTER. Elizabeth Reg.

The Queen suspected,* 12.2 that the King would have given ex∣tream

punishment according to the fact, and so highten their ad∣verse enemy the Papists; whose cause she urgeth as more guilty, to ballance them both, with mercy, not malice. This moderate Council it appears by the Kings former proceedings, he intended rather a mind to paliate than to urge the occasion of greater di∣ferences. And accordingly no farther prosecution was made, on∣ly to pursue the Town criminally, and to appear at Perth. Febru∣ary next.

And the Octavians not agreeing amongst themselves,* 12.3 gave over their Commission of Exchequer into his Majesties hand, fearing belike in this time of examination, and purging defecti∣on, they might come to a troublesome accompt; though ge∣nerally, they gained repute of faithfull Stewards of the Kings treasure.

The King finding the Church affairs fall into his own hands, rectifies the abuses (crep in sates one) amongst their articles of disci∣pline, I cannot say so; they were so framed and formed from the first; every day proceeding absurdities, not disputed how reso∣nable, or religious, but as they made for their advantage so were they ordained, and obeyed.

And therefore a National Assembly is appointed at Perth, must regulate all; to treat and determine the bounds and excercise of the spiritual Jurisdiction. Articles being drawn up and printed for to enter upon consideration, with this Preface of the King.

He takes God the searcher of all hearts to record: That his intenti∣ons are not to trouble the Church with thorny questions, nor yet to claim to himself any tirany over the same, Only, to have these doubts, solved, to prevent debate to him, or his Successors, and to settle the policie of the Church, that so the corruption being removed, a pure Harmony might be fixed between him and the Ministers, to Gods glory, &c.

The Articles were at first drawn up to fifty five, and to be sup∣posed that those questions were never decided, but effectually they were in use, to the prejudice of the King, and people, which no man till now durst dispute, being left loose for the Ministers mental reservation.

Many of them were much troubled; to submit their discipline to dispute, which they had assured the people to be part of the Gospel, and therefore mightily endevoured to prevent exami∣ning; but the business so far forward; the King had his party to press it on. A note of observation, what packing there was of voices for eithers advantage the policie of some; the late Gene∣rall Counsels of Christendome having taught the way; and these are apt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to learn.

And therefore the Northern Conscientious Ministers,* 12.4 not as yet tainted with the Iesuitical tenents, were delt with, by a

Message from the King to be distinguished from the Mutineers of Edenburgh; not esteeming them guilty of reproach, with such evil subjects. How well the King intended to them in particular, and so hopes, that their behaviour would evidence their resent∣ment, of his Majesties favour and affection.

They are desired to subscribe to the bond in acknowledgment of the Kings royal power, and to accept the E. Huntleys offers, & to absolve him from excommunication; and reasons enow given for these. And lastly they receive the Copy of the fiftie five questi∣ons; and are desired to send Commissioners to the Assembly appointed at Perth.

They with reverence make answer,* 12.5 That as they were ignorant of the Tumult and the Ministers flight so they were silent in their judg∣ment and censure. This though in the general. The Authors of that insurrection were Traytors; and if Ministers, to be double punish∣ed.

They had sworn to his Majesties power and regallity, when they were admitted Ministers, and would never decline it.

The bond mentioning Master Blakes speeches in Pulpit, concerning application of doctrine, which his Majesty had pronounced as a questi∣on to be decided in the next Assembly, they humbly reserved them∣selves, til that time.

And for the Earl Huntley, his repentance should be most accep∣table, and they were content to conferr with him, and use all means for his resolution; fearing they should not find him earnest for ab∣solution.

And least the Ministers should have cause to hank upon jealou∣sies of the Kings favour and affection to the Popish Lords;* 12.6 espe∣cially to Huntley, for whom in truth he had earnestly endeavou∣red reconciliation. He therefore writes to him peremptorily, either to make faith, and satisfie the Church, or be banished for ever.

The day come;* 12.7 the Assembly meet. But not to trouble them with all those fifty five Queries formerly printed, the King re∣mits them to the future; contenting himself for the present with a dozen Articles to be determined possitive.

• 1. That it be lawfull to the Prince, or any pastor, to move doubts, and crave reformation of any points in external policie, and disci∣pline of the Church, not concerning salvation, nor defined in scripture; and to be done, decenter, animo aedeficanti, non tentan∣di.
• 2. That the civil and politick goverment of the Realm, belongs properly to the Kings office, and his Counsellors, and not pertinent to the spiritual Ministry of the word; nor to meddle in matters of state, nor his Majesties Laws, Statutes or Ordi∣nances in the Pulpit.
• ...

• 3. That Ministers shall not name particular men in Pulpit, except upon notorious crimes, as of fugitive, or excommunicati∣on.
• 4. That in application, the Minister have respect to his flock, without extravagant discourses impertinent.
• 5. That every Presbytery, take diligent accompt of the do∣ctrine of their ministry.
• 6. That Summary excommunication be utterly discharged; and the sentence, to follow three Citations, at eight days dis∣tance.
• 7. That no sentence, or censure proceed from any Assembled, but of those within their bounds.
• 8. That all summons containe speciall cause and crime, and not super inquirendis, quod est mere tiranicorum.
• 9. That no meeting be without the Kings consent, except the ordinary session, Presbyteries, and Synods.
• 10. That in principal Burghs; no Minister be placed without the consent of the King and the flock.
• 11. That seven or eight discreet Ministers, be authorized to reason upon the rest of his Majesties Questions; till time serve.
• 12. That the Northern Ministers absolve the Earl Huntley fromexcommunication; if he satisfie the Church.

Their answers to each were not received satisfactory, and there∣fore they attend the King and Counsel;* 12.8 where his Majesty rea∣sons with them the justness of his desires, and after serious conside∣ration they conclude to the Kings liking. A commission was gran∣ted to some of them to reconcile the Popish Lords to the Church, And Articles ordained for Huntley, Angus, And Arrol to subscribe. which they did.* 12.9 The Ministers taken into protection and grace; and all Papists in general (except the Lords) to depart the Realm before Iune. And all the former offenders, and Mutineers remitted to pardon, which hapily concluded the end of this year.

And to shut up all with the time, let us take leave of Iohn Les∣ly,* 12.10 Bishop of Ross, who took leave of this life at Bruxells in Flan∣ders, his constant abode since the execution of his Excellent Prin∣cess, Queen Mary of Scotland; a man, memorable with reverence, for his faith and constant service, to his Sovereign; and his extra∣ordinary care and trouble, travelling to most Princes in C••rist∣endom, to interpose their credit, with Queen Elizabeth for her relief, induring all hardships for her sake, examinations, dis∣putes, imprisonings, and at last, banishment out of England, as you have heard, leaving his Mistriss without hope of redempti∣on from her Captivity. And therefore administers his last and best service, spiritual consolations, which he purposely writ to her in a Treatise, printed and published, full of piety and learning.

those no doubt composed his own mind with patience and comfort, after her sad and miserable death, which he bore off for some time, till sorrow seized him into a languishing sickness. He composed the Gests of his Native Countrey into Latine from the beginning of that Nation, to his last time. He was servent in his faith, zea∣lous, and charitable, and died as he alwaies professed, a Judi∣tious learned Romish Catholick. And so let us see the affairs in England.

The Queen, to divert the growing greatness of the Spaniard,* 12.11 had assisted the Netherlands ten years in their rebellion (as some stile it) against him; and now considered, that whilst she establish∣ed their tottering territories, her self became poor, and they had plenty. And therefore by Bodly her Ambassadour,* 12.12 she demands to be eased of her charge in her Auxilliaries, and to be paid some part of their dept, to her lendings.

These promise to ease the Queen of her fourty thousand pound per annum, that shortly they would pay her, twenty thousand pounds, part of their dept, and not enter into league with any, without her consent, and after a peace with Spain, they would pay her a hundred thousand pounds yearly, for four years, the full dept, humbly imploring four thousand men, and to be raced out of her accounts for all by past. To which she consented; least by her neglect, they should be inforced, to disjoynt their Con∣federacie with her, and rejoice their common Enemy. Against whom, she was rigging a Navy, and would have thirty of their ships to adjoyn, and so they pieced again.

Her Rebells in Ireland increased to 1000 horse,* 12.13 6280 foot in ••lster, 2300 in Connaugh, all at Tirones beck; wherefore she sends over Narris to assist her Deputy in equal power.* 12.14 A mar∣vail to many, a too headed Government, being monstrous in policie, as well as in Nature; so that crafty Tyrone treats with Norris and gets Truce for a time, who suttly took leasure to hatch and plot greater mischief.

The spring time begets a Treaty, with the Queens Commis∣sioners, sent over to Ireland to receive the Rebells complaints, They desire free ••se of their romish Religion, and enjoyment of their lands Ecclesiastical, and others, upon reasonable annual payments; all which, the Commissioners counterpoyze with conditions more strickt for them to submit, which they refuse; bu•• between them both, they continue Truce tell April after. Which time the Queen took to consider; and Tyrone secretly to deal with the Spaniard, for a compleat Army, to their suc∣cour.

The Duke of Parmadead, Albert Arch-Duke of Austria, and Cardinal, succeeds him, Governour for the Spaniard in Flanders,* 12.15 and to credit his new-come Authority, (usually with Comman∣ders)

he prepares fresh forces on the sudden, beseiges Calis, and takes it from the French. The Queen startled at the report of the Cannon, which she heard into the Chappel at Green-wich▪ ere she knew from whence.

But then, afraid to perrish in her Neighbours fires, raises an Army,* 12.16 and a Navy of 140 ships, 18 of her own▪ 22 of the Dutch, the rest for necessary service; and 6360 souldiers; Vo∣lunteers 1000; Mariners 6722. The Lord Admiral Howard Commander in cheif at Sea. The Earl of Essex by land, their design was against the Enemies ships, or provision of amunition, rumored to be sent against England Scotland and Ireland; of greater power then in 88, and to land upon some of the Coasts, and Towns, She thought in piety to pray for success, and that God might not be mocked with several bablings, as the fancie should affect (and now newly in fashion to form it, ex tempore) she pre∣scribed them therefore, the manner, that the world also, should be witness of the true ground of her publick Actions.

Most omnipotent God,* 12.17 that searchest and fadomest, the secret conceits of the heart, and in them, the true Originalls, of our acti∣ons intended. Thou knowest, that no malice of revenge, nor quit∣tance of injuries, no desire of blood, nor lucre of gain, hath bred in us a resolution now to set out our Armie, but a h••edful care, and wary watch that no neglect of the Enemie, nor security of our selves, might breed danger in us, or glory to them; these being our grounds, we humbly beseech the to prosper the work, and with the best fair winds, guide our Navy, and if it be thy will speed us with victory, and the end to thy glory, thou the same, and we, peace to the people and on all sides, spare the blood of thine, for they are pretious. To these petitions, grant thy blessings, for the merrits of Christ, A∣men. In those daies they prayed so, and people understood it.

It was a wonder, whether they went, for themselves knew not,* 12.18 till at the hight of cape Saint Vincent they opened the Com∣mission, which commanded them for Cadiz, the sowth of Spain, and mouth of the Straits. They take the City, burn and sack the Iland, and ships.

The loss to the Enemy valued twenty millions of ducats of eight shillings sterlin money. And Essex having Knighted sixty Gallants, with honor, and every man inriched with spoile, they return, this success set up Essex, into a ranting vain, not to be moderated with any Counsel. His extravagant designes by the way homewards, not to return so soon till he had done somewhat more famous. An observation of pride and ambition then, set that mark on him, that lasted to his last breath.

To repair these losses, Spain riggs a great Navy at Lisbone, de∣signed for the West of England and Ireland, which by storm were seperated and many shipwrackt, the rest return.

And now it was time for England and France to fortyfie their former League, and for Queen Elizabeth to send thither 2000 foot, into Picardie.

These were times of Action and Honor, and because no place circumscribes valour. An English Noble man Thomas Arundel of Wardour, for his service in Hungary against the Turk, is crea∣ted by the Emperour, Earl of the holy Empire, and to his Successors, male or female, and have place and voice at the Emperial Diets,* 12.19 and free Denizens. From whence arises a question of their use, and precedency at home.

The defence may be from Presidents. Henry the third of Eng∣land allowed it to Mohume, created Earl of Somerset by the Pope.* 12.20 Henry the eight did so by Curson whom the Emperour made Earl of the holy Empire.

In Scotland Earl Dowglas had the title of Duke of Tours from the French King, and so had John Stuart the Earldom of D'Eve∣rux.

The Exceptions are more ancient. No man being a Citizen of Rome, could accept freedom elsewhere,* 12.21 Pompeyus Atticus refused therefore to be of Athens.

In Venice and Genoa. No man may receive dignity either Spi∣ritual or Temporal from any forraign Prince,* 12.22 for which he is sus∣pected, and suspended all office at home.

And indeed the Earls of the Empire, are too common to have precedencie, or value abroad.

And for the Scots,* 12.23 their Kings coat of Arms, engralles them with their fl••wr'd Lis, and so under tuition.

Valerian the Emperour said, let that only be Honor which we cre∣ate. Queen Elizabeths censure was this. That, as a wife should de∣depend on the man; so a subject to receive no love tokens, but ftom his Sovereign, she knowes not her own sheep, by anothers brand, nor willing they should obey a strangers whistle.

Indeed, Nobilitas is derived of Nosco to know. Vir Nobilis idem est quod nolus, & per Omnia. But our Law doth prohibit any Subject of this Nation to receive Titles of Honor, or dignity of the gift or donation of a forraign Prince, it being belonging to the State of this Nation, est ius Majestatis & inter insignia summae potestatis, vide Cook 7 part.

And if such a man bring an Action and the writ be so stiled; the defendant may plead Abatement of his writ.

Nor shall any Nobleman of any other Nation, hold plea in Eng∣land by his name of dignity, but only by his name of baptisme and Sùrname, Cook 7. part.

Nay, though he mary in England, and have issue here, the Fa∣ther dying, his Son shall not bear titles of his Fathers Honour, because the title had original by a forein Prince, and not by English Peerage.

Nay, a more strange case. A Postnatus of Scotland or Ireland, (who is a natural Subject of this Land) be he the Heir of a Noble∣man, yet he is none of the Nobility of England. But if the King summon him by writ to Parliament, and therein, stiled by that foraign Title, then from thenceforth, he is a Peer of England 39 Edw. 3 36.

But more, and worthy observance: A Knight of any foreign Nation, shall be so named in all our Courts of Pleas, (for the high∣est and lowest dignities are universal) 26 Edward 4 39 Edward 3.

And so shall any foraign King be sued here by his Title, otherwise the writ shall abate, for observe the person of a foraign King shall be here impleaded for debt, or trespass of life, so an Ambassadour. Pardon this digression and now we return to Scotland.

The King grants a Commissi••n to certain persons,* 12.24 to see con∣ditions performed by the Popish Lords in reference of their obe∣dience to the Church, and for them also, to subscribe to conditi∣ons for peace and quietness to the King and Country, under cau∣tion of 20000. And in particular for Huntley to be advised by some Lords assigned, to counsel him especially concerning the Kings service.

But to prevent the Kings publick intentions,* 12.25 comes over from foraign parts, one Iames Gourdon, with designes of Treason, and to deterr Huntley from subscribing, against him was publisht a Proclamation, and a thousand Crowns to apprehend him.

At which time, there was discovered a practi••e of surprizeing the Isle of Elsay in the West Seas for receiving forces resolved up∣on by the Spaniard to be sent thither.* 12.26 The contriv••r of this de∣sign was Barklay the Laird of Ladyland who had escaped out of Glascow prison last year, and now returned from Spain, and was secretly gotten to this Isle, being. a high rock four miles com∣pass, and thereon an invincible Tower somewhat ruinate of diffi∣cult access which he meant to victual. But was sodainly surprized by one Knox, who landing on the shore, Barklay was walking down the Hill to take view of the Company; not mistrusting to be known. And finding that he was thus betrayed, ran into the sea and drownded himself. The news whereof comming to the Po∣pish Lords, made them the sooner conform; which they did forthwith.

The King thus inabled to command, ordains several Com∣missioners to reduce such families in the North, that were in fewds, particularly these between Huntley and Murray as you have heard; Huntley and Forbes; Arrol and Ladwhern, Drum & Frendraught; men of considerable fortunes and fewds, so that the North was cleared and quiet.

And now the King reminds the late behaviour of the Mala∣part

Minister, Blake who was couvented before Commissioners at Saint Andrews his Church concerning his Treasonable speech∣es in his former Sermon, whereof he had been convicted before the Council,* 12.27 and was now further accused, as wondrous factious, and so condemned, and turn'd out of all.

And thus visitations being made through all Churches and Presbyteries a strange reformation followed, both there and in the University, and not only Inquisition of their Doctrines and behaviour therein,* 12.28 but also concerning the Managment, of Le∣ctures, Offices, Revenues, Rents, all out of order, untill this blessed way of altering all, for good. But more especially, in the Colledges, in place of divinity Readings; Politick que∣stions were raised; whether the Election or succession of Kings, were the better Government. How farr the regall power extended▪ whether Kings may not be censured for abusing the same and deposed by the people.

The King therefore prescribes the professors their Theam;

The first Master, to read the common places to the Students, with the Law and History of the Bible.

The second Master, to read the New Testament.

The third, the Prophets, Ec••lesiastes and Canticles.

The fourth, the Hebrew Grammer, with the Psalms, Proverbs, and the book of Iob.

A Council appointed for the Universitie, and that for their bet∣ter improvement and studies; the Doctors, Professors, and Re∣gents, not being pastors should be exempted from Church-mee∣tings, Sessions, Presbyteries, and Assemblies, these Orders and Articles, assented and sworn unto in presence of the King.

And being Northward, where pittifull ignorance possesses the common people. Amongst many, one Margeret Attkin,* 12.29 appre∣hended upon suspition of witchcraft, and threatned with Torture, confessed her trade, and discovering her associates, to purge the Country of all, if she might have but pardon, she gave her rea∣son to be assured of their guilt, all of that sort having a secret mark in their eyes, by which she could certainly discover them, to be witches, and had by deceipt (the Devil also assisting (got∣ten credit and belief, and so carried through the Country for discovery of others,* 12.30 and divers innocent women by her asseve∣ration at Glasgow (through the ignorant simplicitie of Master Iohn Cooper Minister,) were put to death. But some, wiser than the rest, altered the women, into other habits, whom she would then acquit, and so she was sent back to Fife her first aboad, and then hanged. But belying her self, in what she had confessed, she was by some supposed not guilty, and the King was moved to recall the Commission which authorized proceedings against such seducers.

And yet the fearfull abounding of these detestable slaves to the Divel, moved the King to dispatch hastily a Treatise to the press of Doemonologie in form of a Dialogue, and devided into three books.* 12.31

• 1. The discription of Magi in special.
• 2. The discription of sorceries and witch••raft in special.
• 3. The discription of all these kind of spirits, that trouble men or women, and the conclusion.

Against the damnable opinions of two,* 12.32 principally, in that age. One Scot, an English man, who denies in print, such a thing as witchcraft; and so maintains the old error of the Saduces, in, denying of spirits.

The other, of Wierus, a Germain Physitian in his publick Apo¦logie for all witchcraft; discovering thereby, himself to have been one of them.

The Kings indeavour is to prove two things. That there have been, and are such devilish Arts, and secondly what exact tryal and severe punishment they merit. And reasoning upon Genus, he leaves species & differentia to be comprehended therein, for exam∣ple; In the first book Chap. 6. (speaking of the power of Magi∣cians.) He saies, that they can suddenly by their spirits, cause to be brought, all kinds of delicacies, since as a thief he delights to steal, and as a spirit subtilly transports them, under which Genus, all particulars may be comprehended; as bringing wine out of a wall, &c. proved by reasons of the general.

In the second book•• Chap. 5 That witches can cure or cast on diseases; the same reason, that proves their power by the Divel of diseases in general, their power in special is also proved; as weakning the nature of some men towards women, In others, to abound above nature, and so of particular sicknesses. But in all, he observes the different ends of God, in the first cause, and the Divel as his instrument in the second cause, as Gods Hangman.

For where the divels intention, is to perish in the patient soul, or Body, or both; God, by the contrary, draws evermore out of that evil, glory to himself; either by destruction of the wicked, or tryal of the patient, and amendment of the faithfull, being awakened by that rod of correction.* 12.33

But, who likes to be too curious, of all their Practises, read but Bodinus Daemonomancie, collected with greater diligence than Judgment. And further, if you would be acquaiuted with the opinions of the Ancients concerning their power, It is well de∣scribed by Hyperius and Hemmingius, two Germain Authors. Be∣sides, many other Neoterick Theologues, largely setting down that subject.

And if, curious and inquisitive, of the rites of this unnecessa∣ry

Perilous black-art; the Divel may too soon, direct any, unto Cornelius Agrippa, and Wierus afore mentioned.

I know, how it hath been of late urged, that King Iames was not of the same mind alwaies; and very tender of his Judges ••roceedings, ignorantly condemning some innocent Melan∣cholly simple old women; whose miserable poverties, made them weary of life, and easily to confess themselves guilty, of they knew not what, though in sad condition, otherwise; lia∣ble to Satans suggestions and deceipt.

And so busied himself with curious perspicuity, into tryal examination and discovery of sundry counterfeits, pretenders to be possessed by evill spirits. But yet, to my knowledg, he was ever constant to his former opinion, of witches and witchcraft, in particulars I can evidence.

The King thus busied to quiet the North Countries, some Incursions were made on the Marches of each Nation, the out∣lodgers of Tindale & Riddesdale for the English made in rodes up∣on the Scots County of Liddesdale. The Laird Backlugh comman∣der of those parts, does the like into England, and apprehend∣ing the chief mischief-makers 36, puts them all to the sword, and returns with great spoil. Against him is Sir William Bowes sent from the Queen to complain, and with much adoe reconciled. And for the future peace of the Borders, the time was assigned for Hostages to be delivered on each side to either.

But Backlugh fayling to perform his part, was feign to satis∣fie the Queens displeasure by entering himself into England, as Hostage, where he continued some Mo••••ths.

Queen Elizabeth evermore upon actions of diversion (never upon conquest) to assist her neighbours,* 12.34 French and Netherlands, prepares another Navy against Spain of 120 sail under command of Essex, and Lord Thomas Howard, and Sir Walter Ralegh in three sqadrons. they set out of Plymouth, but are weather bea∣ten back, and put forth again; but become distressed, ere they get cleer of land; and so return. And after fresh supply of men and victual, they resolve for the Islands of Azores.

In the voyage by the way cross winds seperate Ralegh, who being missed when the others came there. Essex overhastily sent intelligence by a Bark into England; that Ralegh had on pur∣pose, seperated himself from the fleet. But he, hastily coming in,* 12.35 unto them; that rash act of complaint, was excused by Essex, which Ralegh resented ever after. And he landing on the Isle of Fiall before Essex came thither, takes the Town, which being misunderstood, as in dispite of Authority, they are peiced a∣gain.

They land upon Gratiosa, and Flores, take the spoil, and depa•••• unto other Ilands, to seek the Spanish India fleet, which was then

to come home. And no sooner departed, but within two houres after the whole fleet of 40 sail, full of treasure arrives there, and meets with some of the English ships. But ere Essex came in, they were shrowded under the safety and shot of their own Ca∣stles.

Yet Essex lands farther off and takes Villa Franka, burns a great Carocque ship. But not much done in answer to Essex his ranting intentions, they return, in some distress by the way, home.

And being come to Court,* 12.36 the Repetition of their several incounters moved contention between Essex and Ralegh, ca∣sting all misfortunes on each other. Besides Essex now blown up with ambition, was offended, that Sir Robert Cacil in his absence was made Secretary of State, and Chancellor of the Dutchie of Lancaster, emulous of his wisdom, and besides, he was then Raleghs great friend. But more malitious, That the Lord Howard Admiral of England, was created Earl of Nottingham; with some Testimonialls mentioned in his Patent, That he had secured England from the Spanish invasion of 88, and that (joyntly ••ith Essex) he had valiantly taken the Iland and City of Cadiz, and that he had there wholly destroyed the Spanish fleet, designed for their assault of the Kingdom of England, but Essex would have it fanci∣ed, he did all himself.

For he that usually ascribed, all the glory to himself, could indure no Rivalls; especially, that Nottingham, now Earl took place of him, and all others of the same degree, as being Ad∣miral, according to the Statute of Henry the 8.

That the high Chamberlain, high Constable, Marshal, Admi∣ral; high Steward; and Chamberlain should have prehemin••nce of all others of the same degree of Honor.

But to please Essex, He is therefore made Marshal of England, and so his pride took place of the Admiral. This I note in parti∣cular, to shew, by what steps and degrees of distast, He took occasion to turn Traytor not long after. See Anno 1600 and so we return to Scotland.

The winter quarter brought the Estates to Edenburgh,* 12.37 and the King timely holds a Parliament in some respects for restoring the Popish Lords (now called Proselytes) to their honors and lands. And the Commissioners for the Ministery are suiters for sundry Articles. Amongst them this was one. That the Ministers repre∣senting the Church and third estate of the Kingdom might be ad∣mitted voice in Parliament, according to several acts here to fo•••• in favour of the Church, and the libertie, and freedom.

The King was earnest therein to please them,* 12.38 and had it past. But then obtained the manner as for himself; thus.

That such Pastors and Ministers as his Majesty should please to pro∣vide

to the Place and Dignity of a Bishop, Abbot, or other Prelate at a∣ny time shall have voice in Parliament, as freely as any other Ecclesia∣stical Prelate had at any time by-past. And that all Bishopricks then in his Majesties hands and undisponed to any person, or which should happen to fall void hereafter, should be only disponed to actua! Preach∣ers and Ministers in the Church, or to such other persons as should be found apt and qualified to use and exercise the Office of a Preacher or Minister; and who in their provisions to the said Bishopricks should accept in, and upon them, to be actual Pastors and Ministers, and ac∣cording thereto should practise and exercise the same.

But the Office of them in the spiritual Policy and Govern∣ment of the Church was remitted to his Majesty and to the ge∣neral Assembly; and so hereby occasion was soon taken to as∣semble at Dundee. And first advises them to consider, Whether it was lawfull and expedient that the Ministers as representing the whole Church within the Realm should have Voice in Parliament or not? It was concluded for them, They might; as also in other meetings of the Estate, and very expedient to have some of them always present to give Voice in the name of the Church.

The number of them was agreed upon to be one and ••ifty per∣sons, (as of old in the Papistical Church. But then, who should elect those to have voice? They were pleased with much ado to grant. It did appertain, partly to his Majesty, and partly to the Church, and so it came to after consideration. De modo eligendi: whether ad vitam. What their Title? with caution to preserve them from corruption? What their Rents and Revenues? with a number more such circumstances are recommended to their Presbyteries to consider, and so to certifie his Majesty.

And because it was time for the Kings grace and favour to re∣mit to mercy the Edenburgh Ministers, such as of late were si∣lenced, to suffer them now to preach again, but with such articles and conditions as bound up their better manners to the Kings turn, not their own old tunes in the Pulpit. Nor were they safe as they thought they should be, till the King was pleased to de∣clare, That he did freely remit their former offences, in hope that they would hereafter deserve it. And so were all persons concerned in the late Tumult and all others in honour to the King and cha∣rity to their brethren concluded and contented. But Mr. Iohn Davidson a malitious man, he being behinde hand of prefer∣ment, protested against the Assembly, as not free, but over-awed by the King. And when he had put his Spoke into the Wheel slip•• aside, but left it in motion with more ado than was meet to make such a stir.

Mr. Robert Bruce a Preacher there for ten years,* 12.39 yet never re∣ceived Ordination to the Ministery, pretending the approbation of the general Assembly equivalent, if not more sufficient. He

was told, that the Approbation which he had, was only a Licence to preach, but now to receive the Office, it was necessary thereto, Imposition of Hands. No, though he was instructed, that the Ordination was not to question his former Calling, but to con∣firm it; nor would that serve, unless he had a Declaration to him thereof set down in writing.

A whole fourteenight was wasted to make the form, to please him, and others that sided for him, and his day of admission came. Mr. Robert Pont in the Pulpit signified their business, and being come down to assist the work. Bruce was got up in his place, railed against all the acts of the Commissioners, and with his Tongue raised such a Tumult of the Commons, that the poor Ministers appointed to administer Ordination were in fear to be stoned by the people, and so got away, and nothing done.

Upon this this the King commands the Commissioners to cite Bruce,* 12.40 and censure him. He did appear, but excused himself, and laid the fault on the peoples affection to him; and being afraid what would be the issue, pain of deprivation, gave obedience, and accepted his Admission, with Imposition of the Hands of two Ministers. Here was seen his perverse pride and wilfulness, which fools referred to his true zeal.

And this good conclusion of the general matters of the Church gave like success to the conference at Falkland, deter∣mining their Votes in Parliament, concluding the manner of his Election, who was to have Vote in Parliament, that the Church should name for each Prelacy six, whereout the King should chuse one.

That the nomination of them should be made by the general Assembly.

And his Rent provided out of the Prelacy, whereunto he is preferred.

With such cautions to preserve him, as was not to be feared he could transgress his bounds, or be deposed ipso facto; but his Title should be called Commissioner for such a place, &c.

Indeed, some of the Articles of Caution were ridiculous and absurd to be performed, but such was the Kings wisdom to con∣sent to all their conceits, knowing that in time the benefit and good use of this Government would appear, which he purposed (says one) to have established, or rather, to permit those inconve∣niences, until weight of their own sufferings should betake them∣selves to abler conclusions.

The King having greater Councils of more importance to him, next to the settlement of the Church, and not till then pro∣per for him to ascertain. Queen Elizaheth was grown old and weak in body, nor well in minde, and it concerned him to esta∣blish

to himself, such affectionate Princes in whose relations he might finde aid and assistance when time served.

To that end he considers of Ambassadours,* 12.41 David Bishop of Aberdeen, and Sir Peter Y••ung Almoner, men of great abilities and learning. They had in Commission to inform the free Prin∣ces of the Religion in Germany, his Majesties Right and Title to the Crown of England, and to assure to them his singular care and endeavour now and always to conserve amity with them all; Not that he minded injury to the Queen, whom he had just cause to honour as his Mother, and to wish and pray for many days to lengthen out her ample years; but yet to strengthen himself against foul pretend∣ers he craves their consideration, and to be pleased in common Am∣bassage to intreat the Queen as their best advice, to declare (in her own good time) the right Successor, for preventing plots and practices of her and his Enemies, &c.

They had command to turn out of the way, and to take Let∣ters commendatory of the King of Denmark his Brother-in-Law unto each of those Princes, which were Udalrick Duke of Me∣gleburgh, Maurice Lantgrave of Hesse, Frederick Duke of Saxony and Administrator of the Electorite, Henry Duke of Brunswick, Iohn Adolph Duke of Gleswick, and Ioakim Marques of Bran∣denburgh. To each of these single made their Journey tedious, difficult, and took up much time, a whole year. Then they return with their Answers, in substance alike.

That albeit his Majesties right was well known to them,* 12.42 they did esteem it an Act of great wisdom in him, to acquaint his Friends and Allies with the Exceptions which some may presume to take to his just Title, that so, when occasion required, nothing might be amiss for them to do for him within their power. But to move the Queen to name her Successor, they excused themselves therein, as more dan∣gerous to him than usefull to his intent, lest it might less promove the business, and offend her. Always (each of them) would advise, but counsel together with the Confederates and Allies of either, and in the close follow that course which was most likely for his benefit.

And at their return, December 24. Queen Ann was brought to bed of the second Daughter, and Christened Margaret. The Earl of Montross, made Chancellour, with the Lord Hamilton and Earl Huntley were God-fathers, and these two created Marquesses.

And to minde men of Gods providence in their Declinations as well as Creations, we may not forget to historize the Deaths, as we have done the Lives of worthy men; Iohn Lindsey Secre∣tary of State, of a Noble Family, exquisitely learned, held wor∣thy of his Judicature in the Senate, wise and virtuous, he pined away with the grief of the Stone.

David Carnegy of Colluthy, peaceable and sober, of good credit with the King, and his Counsellour, for his excellent knowledg in Civil affairs.

Thomas Buchanan, sometimes a Schoolmaster, I name him with distinction from that other his Kinsman (whose Life and Death we have heretofore mentioned) this man died Provost of Kirkheneh, learned and prudent, though a strong stickler for the Kirks rights, and died of good age.

David Fergusus of Dunferling, a good Preacher, a sanguine pleasant condition, and thereby the more regarded of the Court and Countrey.

But Robert Rollock, most of all beloved, and the more now la∣mented, because his conscience could not conceal from his bre∣thren, of what their conscience was so much guilty; and there∣fore as a dying man, besought them to carry themselves more duti∣full to the King, lamenting to be so ill used by most of their Members. His learned Works scattered into Pamphlets, the more pity so dispersed, and not in Volume, preserve him learned to all po∣sterity.

France was persecuted by the Spaniards in Picardy,* 12.43 who take the strong Town of Amiens, and therefore were sent over out of England four thousand Souldiers to his succour, and so retakes it again. But the fate of War interchangeable to either, with loss to both, inclines them to Peace, by intercession of the Pope, interessing also the Queen, who sends over Secretary Cecil, and Wilks Master of Requests; and the Netherlands send Nassaw and Barnevelt; for all were included: but the States (gaining by Trade, whilest their Neighbours fight) dehorted the Queen un∣der-hand, against any Peace. Much altercation there was by the French to introduce England into the accord; (for Spain now in∣volved with the French, being but quit there, intended revenge on England, and be able to do it:) and so their Delegates meet at Vervin, where the French dispute place with Spain.

The French state their Precedency from the Sentence of Pope Pius quartus;* 12.44 the Spanish deny that, and urge besides a point of civility, that now they were Guests invited into a Town of France, and so the French yielded, out of respect to that and to the Popes Legates: but after much travel therein, the Legate (extra∣ordinary for the Pope) sits at the upper end, the Nuncio (the Popes Lieger) is placed on the right hand; the choice was given to the French, either to have the right hand next the Nuncio, or the left next the Legate: the French accepted the left hand, and the Spa∣niard was content with the right, though the second man.

Indeed, the King of Spain had delegated his Authority over to the Arch-Duke, whose Ambassadour in truth was here, on pur∣pose to avoid the issue of contention, which rather than to sub∣mit, was worse to him than a War: and thus was the Charters of Delegation drawn up onely between them,* 12.45 so advantagious to France in the sequel, that he became stiled Henry 4. le grand.

And the Queen and Estates having offers of Treaty with Spain, she consults thereon, and it became work it self for Histo∣ry; the disputes pro & con: The wise States-men of the Gown were for Peace,* 12.46 Essex for War, Burleigh reacht him Davids Psalms, and had so stretched the opening of the Book, that ten to one he should light on this Verse, Bloud-thirsty men shall not live out half their days. Upon this, there happened contention between the Queen and Essex; and about sending one in chief for the affairs of Ireland; in the presence of some of the Council and Cecil she named William Knowls, the Earls Uncle; He in scorn bid her take Carew, (indeed expecting his own mighty me∣rits must needs be intreated) and in contempt turns his tail to her; she in disdain gave him a box on the ear,* 12.47 bid him be gone with a vengeance. He in passion, claps his hands on his Hilt, and vows not to put it up, and in chafe gets out of the Court: and being admonished of his duty by the Lord Keeper who was present, he answers very boldly by Letters, and more unadvised and un∣handsom, gives them to his Captains to d••vulge. They contain∣ed thus much.

That a weak Prince rageth like the Tempest. He knows his obser∣vance as a Subject,* 12.48 but withall, what to do as an Earl and Lord Mar∣shal, and can distinguish Service and Slavery; It is a Wound that smarts; and it were a sin to serve after such Disgrace. Cannot Prin∣ces err? injure Subjects? Is their Power infinite? For my own part, I am rent in pieces with Injuries, and have long enough endured the bitter••ess thereof.

This was enough to set out his inside, which the Queen obser∣ved, and lodged it for hereafter, having for the present some use of his followers, who indeed egged him forward to his future ruine.

But after this digression, we minde the occasion,* 12.49 and though no peace with Spain, the Queen makes sure with the Netherlands in a new League, and agreements of addition to the former, (See before Anno 1585.) viz. to pay her in all eight hundred thousand pounds sterling, (if the War lasted so long) thirty thousand pound yearly, till they had paid four hundred thousand pounds; but if the Peace should conclude by the Queen and Spaniard, then to pay twenty thousand pounds yearly,* 12.50 till they had paid eight hundred thousand pounds, with other covenants. But the death of Philip 2. King of Spain, gave breath to them both, for he left his Nether∣lands in Dowry with his Daughter Isabel, married at this time to Albert, Cardinal of Austria, who returns his Cap to the Pope, and receives his consecrated Sword, to conquer wherever he comes, and so hasts into Spain.

There was a fellow,* 12.51 one Squire, taken at sea, and carried Pri∣soner into Spain, and by extremity of the Inquisition, turns Pa∣pist,

and for trial of his new Profession, Walpool a Iesuite teaches him to compound a Poyson, with which, if but anointing the Queens Saddle-pummel, and she touch it, she should be infected; and for this villany he should be sure of salvation. He came now and put his Poyson in practice, which she touched, but took not effect; so did he to the Chairs of Essex, which proved alike. Walpool in Spain wondring at Squires neglect (as he thought) in very vengeance sends over one that accused Squire, who confes∣sed, and was hanged.

These and many other treacheries worrying the Iesuits with no success,* 12.52 scattered some tales that King Iames favoured Papists, and despised the Queen, who had sight of some Letters, (in truth) indited by the villany of his Secretary Elphingston, and the Kings hand counterfeit, and Seal to the same; and seeming to confirm it, they had hired a notorious Villain in England one Tomas, condemned for Theft, and to unburthen his conscience, pretends to reveal a secret, and accuse the King in some generals, but never revealed any, yet was the wretch reprieved; and though her wisdom knew well the malice and cunning contrivance of these Plots, to clear her belief, she sends Bows Ambassadour to the King, and by Queries she examples her affection to him, before any other, and expects no retribution, but by him, the glory of God, and not be wanting to himself.

The King knew no better means to suppress the credit of false rumours,* 12.53 than by his own pious practice in Religion, by outward frequency in the exercises of Prayer and Preaching; duly per∣forming and executing his Justice and Mercy, with such wisdom, and piety, as made his virtues thereby more transparent to the common view and sense of all men.

He wisely gave way to divers Books, publishing his right of Succession to the Crown of England, with Arguments and Rea∣sons of the benefit and advantage to the people of both Nations; that in pious policie, his intentions would be hereafter to force Ireland to Religion, and to continue War with Spain. He num∣bers his then princely issue as the defence of State, his power and strength to oppose Enemies, the good affections to him of Chri∣stian Princes, and proposes miserable Examples of Usurpers.

Whilest Bows was about his business at Court,* 12.54 he findes an Englishman (Ashfield) bold enough to bid himself welcom, be∣sides his merit, for his brave Present, some hunting Horses for the Kings Saddle; but in his journey (it seems) over-saucy with the English Warden, or rather suspected as a Spy, to carry Tales to the King: however Bows had direction to teach him the Am∣bassadours craft, and enticing him by his servants to Lieth, was in his drink coached away to Barwick.

The King takes this indignity, offered, to himself, secures the

Ambassadors lodgings; and se nds to Barwick for release of the Prisoner. The Governour excuses that demand, not to demit him without the Queens pleasure.

And so disputes grew high with the Ambassadour, as injurious to the honor of both Crownes; which he denied, and turn'd the fact upon his men, without his knowledge; but this was Mentiendi facultate, and the King not vouchsafing him any more Audience, he departed much discontent.

Sundry disputes were sawcily maintained,* 12.55 concerning the Kings Title to the Crown of England. Besides the discourses op∣pugning, Amongst many, Iohn Colvil Minister published his Recantation in print, and stiled, the Palionode of John Colvil, &c. wherein having confuted the contrary reasons, he professed, That Malitiously in time of exile (as you have heard) he had penned the Treatise, which now out of conscience he recants.

Some say, that he was not Author of that book which he ap∣pugned, only to get favour of the King he professed the work, that had come forth without a name, and was then accounted a Pi∣thy and perswasive cunning discourse, of that subject.

At this time was published the K. Basilicon Doron,* 12.56 directed to the Prince, upon this occasion, Sir Iames Semple, servant to the K. and Amanuensis therein, lent the copie to Andrew Melvil Minister; who misliking so much ruth, which touched the Ministers copie-hold in their discipline; tdispersed several transcriptions amongst the Brethren; and thereupon a Libell was framed, and cast in be∣fore the Synod of Saint Andrews; with such exceptions, as they pleased to set down. It was asked what censure should be inflicted upon him that had given such instructions to the Prince, and whether he could be well affected to Religion, that had deliver∣ed such precepts of Government?

The Kings Commissioners in the Synod (apprehending the Libell to concern his Majesty, whom they knew to be the Author of the book,) inquired for the Presenters. And all pretending ignorance, the Commissioners shut the doors, and purged each one by oath; yet was it prooved the next day to be Iohn Dikes, Minister; who, in fear of the Citation before the Council, fled, and was denounced Rebell. And Hereupon, rumors were hatch∣ed, how prejudicial these directions were to the Church. But to satisfie the truth, the Book came abroad, and was carried in∣to England, with admiration of all men, to read the Kings piety and wisdom, Heretofore somewhat doubted, by the de∣ceipt of certain discourses which now were sure to be replied un∣to, and evermore somewhat of Consequence, for the Kings just title to the Crown of England.

By which, and his continual disputes, and reasoning with learned men of all knowledg, He in truth soon became royally

famed through Christendom, and more effectual with her, whom he was to succeed. Her self grown very studious and re∣tired, and because she excelled in languages, she translates out of French, and Latine, Salust, and Horace, which she writ with her own hand, and extant.

And in this general Assembly of the Church,* 12.57 a politick Or∣dinance was published; To have the next year begin at the Calends of Ianuary, and from thenceforth for ever. For before that time, the year was reckoned, as in some other Churches, from the 25. of March.

And now, disposing votes, for the Ministry in Parliament, I shall close up the yeer with the pitifull discovery of the State of Bishopricks, and how farr this godly Kirk had incroched up∣on them; So that,* 12.58 there rested no more, but to Nominate per∣ons to the Bishopricks, that were voyd. Aberdeen and Arguile had their own Incumbents, at the time, both actuall Preach∣ers.

Saint Andrews and Glascow, were in the hands of the Duke of Lenox.

Murray was possessed by the Lord Spinie.

Orkney, by the Earl of Orkney.

Dunkeld, Birchen and Dumblane, had their own titulars, but were not ordinary Preachers.

Galloway and the Isles, so dilapidated as scarce to be remem∣bred that ever they had been.

Ross, and Cathnes, some provision were left.

And so we return to England. The Queen much perplexed,* 12.59 the Irish Rebellion mightily increasing, and that Nation in lamen∣table condition by Ter-oen (or Tyrone) and others, though but late∣ly broken out, and how to quench that fire, was her and her whole Councils continual care.

And therefore, they consider of present forces, to be sent over, extraordinary, under command of a Generalis s••mo, for that expedition. And after some debate, the Earl of Essex was markt out by the Queen, to that purpose, though Secretary Caecil hated him to the death. His wit made him equal, to mate the others greatness, and never left, untill he brought him to the Block, with the weight also of his own wicked desert.

Give me leave to let in the Reader with some reasons why and how Essex and Caecil, whom Authors make Antagonists, had several interests in one design of envy. Queen Elizabeth was ever shy of her Successor; and these two families were equal in power and affection in Court,* 12.60 enjoying Her present favour, but looking to the future, in the Queens declension. And in several held cor∣respondence with some of the principal in Scotland (if not with the King) which had she known, might have cost their heads.

Secretary Caecil had the safer conveyance in disposing all pub∣lick addre••••es of State, and was in hazard to have forfeited his honesty, if not his head, but his ready wit served the turn.

The Queen taking ayre upon Greenwich-heath,* 12.61 a post came thither to Caecil from Scotland; she hastily commanded the Pack∣et, which he, with much diligence to obey, s••ept neer her per∣son, telling her it smelt, and looked il-favouredly, coming out of a filthy Budget, and that it were fit to be ayred. She being averse from ill sents, bid him do so, and so he gained time to sever what he would not have her to see.

The Earls accident of the same Nature,* 12.62 had more cost and difficulty in the redress.

He entertained a domestick, Master Anthony Bacon, of a quick wit; by whom, the Scotish intelligence was managed; which dangerous secret, he acted for reward. And upon that score, had private invitation, to amend his fortune with Caecil. Of which he makes use, and, as a mercenary man, revealed it to his Master, who knew well enough, it behoved him to out-bid Caecil, and sodainly gave him Essex house; which was disinga∣ged for 2500l, besides another sum before, of 1500l, so in all we may guess it, costly counsel.

About this time, There was a treasonable Assassination,* 12.63 acted upon the King by Iohn Ruthen Earl of Gowry, and commonly called Gowries conspiracie.

The principal Actors, The Earl and his brother Alexander Ruthen, Andrew Henderson, and Iohn Cranstone.

The conspirators were Robert Logain Laird of Restalrigge, the Laird of Bour, and* 12.64 Georg Sprot, the last were discovered after∣wards, and Sprot executed eight years after.

And because Gowry had insinuated himself into the faction of the ministery, presuming on their wonted way of countenan∣cing all mutinous designes, These men in malice to their Sove∣reign, who kept them under with Bitt and Bridle, began to quarrel at the publick declarations herein, till the Conspiracie was examined and witnessed by their worships.

Their but infection hath impoysoned others,* 12.65 who wilfully and maliciously, have now, very lately spit their venome in print; as if the world had been (more than these half hundred years last past) abused, with a false and feigned story.

We therefore, In perpetuam rei memoriam, have endeavoured the truth, From such information and printed Narratives, as we may with confidence satisfie the most suspicious.

The name Ruthen in Scotland was not notorious, till Anno 1568; when the chief of that familie,* 12.66 amongst other confede∣rates in those divided times of trouble, laboured the impriso∣ning the Kings Mother,* 12.67 Queen Mary. In 1582 his son William,

was created Earl Gowry, in the Kiugs minority; and two years after fel into actual Rebellion at Dundee, for which he suffered at Sterlin, anno 1584.

His eldest son Iohn, not long after, was restored in blood, and had leave to travel beyond seas. I have a Manuscript which saies, that in Padoua amongst other impressa's, in a fencing school, he caused a hand and sword aiming at a Crown, for his de∣vice. And the Earl of Arguile (this mans father 1552) told the King, that in a house at Orleans in France (where Gowry had been lodged) he found a prophecie, That he should with too much love, fall into melancholy, have great power and rule, and die by the sword.

And thereafter his return home, he was extraordinary ambi∣tious, proud and haughty. His answer shew'd no less unto Col∣lonal Stuart, a man of high esteem, who humbly desiring, to be reconciled for acting as a minister of justice in apprehend∣ing his father; He scornfully answered, Aquila non capit Mus∣cas.

Himself,* 12.68 too big in his own thoughts, to be comprehended with Court observance, retired to his familie, accompanied with such of his Creatures, that could descend to observe him, only his brother Alexander was designed to play the Courti∣er, to take off the suspition, being of the Kings Bedchamber.

And although divers overtures were conceived between the Earl and Robert Logain of Restalrig which took not effect; But at last it was resolved in this manner.

The Earl sends his Brother Alexander from Saint Iohnstons his house,* 12.69 to the King at Faulkland, to intice him thither with as much privacie as could be. And overnight the 4. day of Au∣gust 1600. commands one of his servants,* 12.70 Andrew Henderson, to ride with his brother Alexander, and one Andrew Ruthen, to Faulkland to the Court the next morning by 7. a clock. The King putting his foot in the stirrop to hunt, Alexander tels him That he had apprehended one lately come from beyond seas, with much gold coyn, and sundry suspicious letters to Popish Lords; advising his Majesty to receive the mony and letters, and to examine the person, being in safety with his Brother at Saint Iohnstons (but 10. miles) and this to be done speedily and privately; which was concluded at Noon, whilst his train and attendants should be at dinner.

Alexander Immediately commands Henderson to speed to his Bro∣ther; finding him in his Chamber,* 12.71 where they had communication, and that the King would be there by Noon, and that the business took well with the King, for he clipt him about the neck; that he was accompanied with a slender Train, the Duke of Lenox, Sir Thomas Erskin, and about a dozen persons. Well saies the Earl, get

on your plate sleeves, for I must take an highland robber.

The King staying longer in his sport of hunting than was expected, the Earl at middle of dinner; Andrew Ruthen came in hast, and signified the King to be nerer at hand; presently after came Alex∣ander and William Bloire, and withdrew themselves to consult, sen∣ding Henderson for the Earls Gantlet and steel Bonnet; at the instant the King comes in, is received by the Earl, and retires to din∣ner.

Alexander bids Henderson to fetch the keys of the Chambers from one William Rynde; and presently after Cranston requires Henderson to come to the Earl; who commanded him to attend his brother Alexander, and to doe what ere he bid him; which was, to be locked up within the round Chamber, and to stay in silence, till his return.

Neer the end of dinner, the King at his fruit, and the Lords and wayters gone to eat, Alexander beggs of his Majesty, in this opportunity to withdraw, and to dispatch the business. And up he leads Him through four or five roomes, locking each dore behind them, til they came into the round Chamber where Henderson stood armed. No sooner entered, but Alexander pulls out Hendersons dagger, held it to the Kings brest, claps on his Bonnet, and with stern countenance faces the King and saies, Now Sir you must know I had a father,* 12.72 whose blood calls for revenge, & you shall die, minting to the K. heart with the dagger.

The King amazed, deals gently with his fury; excuses him∣self from the guilt of his death, by his then Infancie; advising him, not to lay violent hands on the sacred person of his Annoynted So∣veraign; especially in a cause of his innocencie; pleading the lawes of God and Man; and his merits, by restoring your brother in blood and honors; by breeding your Sister the neerest in the Queens affection, and by his reception of his Bedchamber, withall promising pardon of all that is past. And which wrought so much upon Alex∣ander for the present, that he leaves the King in custody of Hen∣derson, until he returns from his brother; having taken oath of the King not to stir, nor cry out, and so locks them in.

Alexander gone, Henderson trembles,* 12.73 with reverence of his Soveraign, and craves pardon; the King works upon his passi∣on, and asks him what he was? who answered, a servant of the Earls; and wilt thou kill me? he replyed with an oath, himself would sooner die.

Presently Alexander enters, with a Garter in his hand,* 12.74 and saies, Sir, there is no remedy, by God you must dye, and strives to bind him. Nay (saies the King) I was born free and will not be bound, and struggling together, Alexander got the Kings head under his arm, and his hand upon his mouth; which the King bit by the thumb, and dragging him to the window, bade

Henderson open it. The King cried out into a back Court, where the Duke, the Earl of Mar, and others were, in pursute of him who was rumoured to be gone out the back way into the Park.

At the cry of Treason,* 12.75 and known to be the King, they hasten∣ed to the Chamber where he dined, but no entrance was found. The while, Iohn Ramsey (formerly the Kings Page, and now Groom of the Bed-chamber) with Sir Thomas Erskin also,* 12.76 sought counter, to get up by the Turn-Pike back-stairs, directed thither by a Boy of the House, who saw Alexander ascend that way, and forcing one Door findes them panting. Ramsey casts off his Hawk from his fist, draws out his Fauchion, and wounds him deadly in the belly,* 12.77 (being bid to strike low, for the King found him armed with a Male.) And the instant, comes in Sir Thomas Erskin, Doctor Herres, and one Wilson, and by them was the bo∣dy dispatcht, whilest Henderson slipt away.

When they soon suspected by the noise of unlocking Doors, that Gowry himself might assail them, advising the King to with∣draw into the Lobby, they cast the Kings Coat upon the dead body.

The Earl enters by his double Keys with seven servants the fore-way,* 12.78 and his Case of Rapiers, his usual Weapon, ready drawn, to whom Erskin earnestly said, (to divert him from his purpose) What do you mean my Lord? The King is killed, and points to his brothers covered body, bleeding on the ground.

At which Gowry stops,* 12.79 sinking the points of his weapons; when suddenly Herres assails him with his rusty sword; Ramsey steps in and strikes him to the heart,* 12.80 not so soon, but that the Earl thrust him into the thigh, assisted by Cranston, who hurt Erskin and Herres in the hand,* 12.81 and they him through his body, who lived onely long enough to be hanged and quartered.

And forthwith came up all the Lords,* 12.82 the Court, and Townsmen, After thanks to God for this mercy, they surveyed Gowries body, which did not bleed, untill a Parchment was taken out of his bosom with Characters, and these Letters, which put together made TE∣TRAGRAMMATON; having been told, His Bloud should not spill, whilest he had that Spell. Being thus deceived by the De∣vil, he thought he should not die, untill he had power and rule, which he had of the King, and so suffered by the Sword.

There remained in Scotland one younger son (two other bro∣thers being fled) of that House,* 12.83 then a childe, and was from that time imprisoned by Act of Parliament, and so continued after∣wards in the Tower of London untill this Kings death; and the grace of the late King Charls restored him to liberty, with a small Pension,* 12.84 which kept him like a Gentleman to these times, but now failing, he walks the streets poor, but well experienced

in Chymical Physick, and in other parts of Learning, which he got, whilest he lost his liberty.

Not long after Herres well rewarded dies.

Ramsey hath the honour of Knighthood, with additional bear∣ing of his Coat of Arms,* 12.85 A Hand holding forth a Dagger, mount∣ed proper, peircing a bloudy Heart, the point crowned Emperial, with this Motto.

Haec dextra vindex Principis & Patriae.

Not without increase of Wealth and Honour, to his Death.

Sir Thomas Erskin afterwards created Earl of Kelly, and by de∣grees Knight of the Gart••r, Captain of the Kings Guard, and Groom of the Stool.

Henderson had a large Pension confirmed by Act of Parlia∣ment, and died not long since.

The Commemoration hereof was advisedly se••tled by Act of Parliament,* 12.86 the Anniversary Feast-day of the fifth of August, so∣lemnized to Gods glory, during this Kings life; and Narratives in print in Scotland and England of all these circumstances, which I have to produce; as also several Examinations taken at Fawk∣land this year, viz. Iames Weyms of Bogye, William Rynde, and Andrew Henderson, the very man assigned to murder the King, whose Examination onely I thought good to insert.

Fawkland, 20th August, 1600.

In presence of the Lord Chancellour, Lord Treasurer, Advo∣cate, * 12.87 Controuler, Sir George Hewme, and Sir Iames Methold, viz. That the Earl Gowry, at St. Iohnstons, appointed this Deponent Henderson over night to ride with his Brothers, Alexander and Andrew Ruthen to Falkland the next morn, who came all toge∣ther thither at seven of the clock; Alexander presently spake with the King in private, as he gat on hors-back, and instantly commanded this Deponent to ride with all possible speed to the Earl, whom he found at St. Iohnstons in his chamber at ten of the clock, and told him that the King would be there by noon. The Earl presently with-draws into his Cabinet, demands, How his Majesty took with his Brother? This Deponent said, Very well, for the King clipt him about the shoulder. The Earl asked if there were many with the King, and what special persons? He answered, The usual number, and the Duke of Lenox. And that within an hour after the Earl commanded this Deponent to put on his secret plate-sleeves, saying, He had an High-land man to take.

That about one a clock the Earl being at Dinner, Andrew Ru∣then came from Alexander, and whispered to the Earl, and pre∣sently after came Alexander, and William Bloir, and took the Earl

from his Dinner, and sent for his Gantlet and Steel-Bonnet, and then the King came in.

That Alexander bids this Deponent, fetch the Keys of the chambers from William Reynd, and so both went up the stairs; but afterwards Thomas Cranston required this Deponent to come to the Earl, who commanded him to go up to Alexander, and im∣mediately the Earl followed, bidding this Deponent do what ere Alexander bade him, who forthwith lockt him within the Round in the Chamber, telling him, he must stay there till he returned; who shortly after came with the King, and opening the Door, both of them entred, and instantly Alexander clapping on his Hat pulled out this Deponents Dagger, and held it to the Kings breast, saying, Re∣member ye of my Fathers murther; You shall now die for it. And mint∣ing to his Higness heart with the Dagger, this Deponent tript the same out of his hand, and believes, that if Alexander had re∣tained the Dagger, so long as one might go six steps, he had killed the King therewith. But wanting the Dagger, the King gave him gen∣tle language, excusing himself of Gowries death. Alexander says, Well, if you keep quiet, nothing shall a••l you, if you will do as my Bro∣ther will have of you. The King asked, What would you have? He answered, I will bring my Brother. And having taken Oath of the King not to cry out, nor ope the Window till his return, he lockt them both together.

The King asked the Deponent what he was? who answered, A Servant of my Lords. The King said, Will your Lord kill me? The Deponent said, (with an Oath) He shall die first.

Alexander enters, and says, Sir, there is no remedy, by God you must die. And having a loose Garter, strove to binde the Kings, hands, who said, Nay, sall you not, Ise die a free man. And this Deponent pulled the Garter from him. Then Alexander clapt his hand upon the Kings mouth, to stop his crying, and held his head under his arm. But this Deponent pulled his hand from the Kings mouth, and opened the Window, and the King cried out thereat. Whereupon the Kings Servant came running in at the Gate, and the Deponent ran and opened the Turn-Pike head, whereat Iohn Ramsey entred; and this Deponent saw him give Alexander the blow, and then this Deponent gat away.

It is remembred by the Archbishop of St. Andrews in his Hi∣story,* 12.88 pag. 460. that he three days after, meeting Mr. William Cooper (who had been Tutor to Alexander) told him, that not many days before that Action, visiting the Earl at his own house, he found him reading a Book, intituled de conjurationibus adversus Principes; shewing him, That it was a Collection of the Conspiracies made against Princes, which (he said) were foolishly con∣trived by all of them, and faulty, either in one point or other; for he that goeth about such a business (said he) should not put any man on his counsel.

But the Ministers refuse to give God thanks for the Kings de∣livery, excusing themselves, as not being acquainted with the particulars, nor how those things had fallen out. It was answer∣ed, That the Kings escape was evident.* 12.89 They replied, that nothing ought to be delivered in the Pulpit but that whereof the truth was known, and that all spoken there should be in faith. And so it was done onely by a narrative Relation of Bishop Ross, at the Market Cross, to the singular joy of the people.

And afterwards the King and Councel, with all the Nobili••y, solemnized the Deliverance with Thanksgiving and Prayer, with great satisfaction to the multitude, Who (as Domitian said) seldom give credit to the Conspiracy, unless the Prince be slain.

Those Ministers that refused, wer•• silenced from Preaching,* 12.90 under pain of Death▪ and well they deserved it; untill after∣wards, that they declared, They were resolved of the truth of Gow∣ries Conspiracy, and submit for their former fault. And so were ordered to publish the same in sundry Churches. One of them had his reservation, He would reverence the Report; but was not perswaded of the truth. And therefore was banished into France.

The Bodies of the two Brothers were sentenced by the Par∣liament, hanged on a Gibbet, dismembred, and their Heads set upon the Prison-house; and then ordained the fifth day of Au∣gust in all Ages to come should be solemnly kept for Publick Prayers.

The assasination of Princes, the more common, the more close, and as they were mightily performed on the persons of his Pred••cessors in Scotland, so not seldom practised on Queen Eli∣zabeth in England, whilest she was increasing in years, but being declined through age, near her end, the le••uit Catholick consi∣dered it to be lost labour upon her, then her death gave being to another Ph••nix, as the onely Defender of the Faith.

Upon him therefore they intend the like, which being known unto Ferdinando Grand Duke of Tus••any,* 12.91 out of the singular fame of the Kings princely virtues, he sent to him an Express, an English Gentleman Sir Henry Wotton, a Traveller in Italy, with a Dispatch ••nd Packet of Letters intercepted by the Duke, in them, a Design of certain men sent secretly to Scotland, to im∣poyson the King.

Wotton was well rewarded, and returned with many princely expressions of the Dukes, timely intimation, and the Kings infi∣nite obligation, and bad him say to the Duke, as from the King.

That to him, it was less considerable to die than to fear.

And whilest he was here 26. of February 1600. was born the

Kings third son (the second son Robert died young) and Christen∣ed Charls, at Dunferling, a sickly weak Infant, but recovered be∣yond expectation, and proved all his life exceeding healthy, and by his constitution might have lived a great age,* 12.92 had not untime∣ly accidents bereaved us of him.

To give end to this year,* 12.93 we recommend to memory the Life and Death of Mr. Iohn Cragg, he had been Minister to the King, (they will not stile themselves Chaplains) of good fame and scale of learning; without faction, (which I note, as a rarity in them) and therefore his reputation. His Parent kill'd at Flouden-field; his means no more than poverty affords; put him into extremi∣ties, to work out a livelihood.

To England first, an ordinary Pedagogue, to a private family; then he returns, and necessity enforcing, he becomes a Domini∣can, and i••••prisoned for four Tenents of Heresie, got out, and went back to England.

Then to France, and thence to Rome, where Cardinal Pool pre∣fers him to instruct Novices of the Cloister in Bononia; and im∣ployed their Envoy in affairs through Italy, and in Commission to the Isle Chios in the Ionick sea, to redress disorders there.

Afterwards returning, he became Rector, and so access to the Library of the Inquisition, where he happened on Calvins Insti∣tutions, and by them, and the Instructions (his own Tale) of an old man in the Monastery, he was confirm'd a Proselyte to his Discipline, and not able to keep counsel, was carried to Rome, and by the Inquisition condemned to be burnt an Heretick.

That night Pope Paul the fourth dies, the people hating his person, in huge tumult, tumbled down his Statue of Marble, dragging it about the streets for three days, and then drowned it in Tiber, and increasing villany, and power, discharged the Pri∣sons, and amongst the rest, Cragg gat loose, first into the Suburbs, and there falling into mean company, was known by a Banditto, whom he had relieved at Bononia, who gratefully assisted him with money for the journey thither, where finding friends to fail, he took his course to Millan.

Ere he got there, an accident befell him; (his own relation, and a Bishops record) for declining the common Road in fear of discovery, he fell into a Forrest, weary, out of the way, and want of food, brought him to rest under a Birch, and near a Brook; when in much amuze what to do, a Dog comes fawning with a Purse of money in his mouth, which he lays down in his lap, and whining, (as to invite him to rise and follow him) brought him not far off, to a poor Village, and into company, that conducted him to Vienna in Austria.

There he preaches before Maximilian the second; the fame of the man, and his good manners to boot, brought him a Prefer∣ment,

when by Letters from Pope Pius the third he was demand∣ed to Rome, as a condemned Heretick, but was dimitted to shift for himself, under conduct, from the P••pes reach.

Through Germany he journeys homewards to England, where he was informed of the Scots Reformation, and so comes home an effectual Convert; and instantly was made a Minister. Disuse of his native speech (four and twenty years) made him trip with his tongue; but being understood by the learned, in his Latine, and not long after speaking Scotch, he steps into the Ministery at Ho∣lyrood-house, and so in several years to seven sundry places; he came at last to serve the King his Houshold Chaplain; full of age, even eighty eight; he ended his days the last of December, (for so of late they end their year.)

We left the Earl of Essex designed against the Rebells of Ire∣land,* 12.94 where soon he learned to practice Treason at home. His sto∣ry is thus.

This Earl was eldest son to Walter Devere••x (of a N••rman fa∣mily) Viscount Hereford and Bouchier,* 12.95 Lord Ferrers of Chartley, and by Queen Elizabeth created Earl of Essex and Ewe, Anno 1572. and Knight of the Garter; and was sent into Ireland, Lord Marshall, against the Rebells; and as if but sent of an Er∣rand, he presently falls sick and dies at Dublin, 1576. His body brought over and entombed at Carmarthen in Wales.

This Robert succeeded his fathers honour,* 12.96 and was looked up∣on in Court by all with pity, through the sacrifice of his father, but by the Queen with more affection, whom she advanced (his fortunes low) with many gifts of grace and bounty. At his Ar∣raignment, accounted by the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, to be twenty thousand pounds in pure gift, besides the fees of his Offi∣ces, and the dispose of the Treasure of the Army.

His entrance into Court was let in by the Earl of Leicester his supporter,* 12.97 though he never neither lived nor died by his disci∣pline, who though he deserved it, was yet a better Master of Art, than to die by the Ax.

He called him to Court from his House near Carmarthen, settled there to his book, in contemplation belike of his fathers fate, who had spent all, and died when fortune turned him up Trump. Leicester did this upon design, not by affection, (the ho∣nest mans principle) for having let in Sir Walter Ralegh a little be∣fore, he soon neglected his Patron, and set up for himself. Essex came in to allay him.

And Anno 1585.* 12.98 receives Knighthood, in 1588. the Garter, in 89. command in chief in an Exp••dition into Portugal, which was his forwardest piece of service. In 95. sworn Counselour of State. The next year sent with a Navy to the Spanish Island Ca∣diz, his most fortunate; and therefore presently after made

Lord Marshall of England. In 97. he commanded in another Fleet to the Islands Tercera, which was his best; and this last into Ireland, his worst, being the Sepulcher of his Father (as we have said) and the Gulf of this Lords fortune.

So that in twelve years he had no rest from additions of Ho∣nours or profit, which he supposed his own Metall, but indeed it was the Queens Mint.

His Contemporaries who stood in competition with him,* 12.99 were Sir Charls Blunt, after Earl of Devonshire, who succeeded him in Ireland, and General, Norris, both his near Friends, and yet whom he envied, the last to his ruine.

But after the destruction of Norris, he takes upon him the Ex∣pedition into Ireland, the place of exercise for the best of the Militia; and who durst oppose him? Though Blunt stood in fa∣vour, whom she foretold, should discharge the cares of Ireland, as he did, though after her death, in this Kings time, where we shall remember him hereafter.

This Blunt was a gallant Gentleman, and learned, with whom Essex must needs challenge the Duel, for wearing of the Queens favour, for his success in a Tilting, and ran him also through the arm.

But Essex got the Imployment from all,* 12.100 and over he goes De∣puty of Ireland, and General of all the Forces there, with Com∣mission, strickt enough to imbound his popularity with the Soul∣diery, and his own family, which followed him in Troops; in∣deed the flickering of his friends (like so many Vice-kings) fore∣told his Funeral. (That Town is easily undermined, whose foundati∣on is hollow.) Besides, he left not a Friend behinde him, being fain to disperse his own Apology, for some airy objections, which it seems he durst not leave unsatisfied, having never a Friend to do it for him; either of them a weak way to manage a mans fame, and does but multiply the discourse, which a wise man should shun.

And being landed there 1599.* 12.101 not long after he received the Sword as Deputy and General; He declines his intended Nor∣thern journey, and engaged a fruitless Expedition into Munster, not so counseled there, nor commanded here, nor so much as ad∣vertised home, from him.

By which tedious Marches, his Army harazed and tired out, four Mone••hs of Summer spent, three parts of the Forces wasted, he plots a Peace with the Arch Rebell Tyrone.

He imploys one Lee,* 12.102 a man familiar with Tyrone, and one that (immediatly upon Essex his Rebellion after at London) attempted violence on the Queen, confessed his Design, for which he was hanged.

Blunt Marshall of the Army had order to licence Lee to treat with Tyrone at pleasure, as also Lee's Messenger, one Knowd, who

brings word from Tyrone, That if Essex would follow Tyrones plot, he would make the Earl the best man of England, desiring conference with Essex herein, and Tyrones eldest son offered for Pledge.

This Message was delivered by Knowd, to Lee, and by him to Essex. And though my Lord was charged herewith after∣wards, by my Lord Keeper in England, his Lordship flatly deni∣ed it, till all their confessions condemned him, and pretended their justification by general pardon from Essex in Ireland for all Treasons.

And accordingly, (to shadow the odious overture, and to agree with so arch a Rebell,) under colour of a Treaty, he de∣signes an Interview with Tyrone alone; no third person admit∣ted, and a guard of Horse kept all men off from hearing.

Considering the former Message by Knowd, what constructi∣on can this secrecie produce, but great surmize of the height of Treason? and yet (though Essex was not arraigned for his Irish actions, his latter in London sufficient,) let me relate what is testified in pursuance of this, in the designes of Es∣sex.

On Tyrones part it fell out,* 12.103 That the very day that Essex re∣turned to the Queen, Tyrone told Sir William Warren at Armagh, That within two or three Moneths he should see the greatest and strangest alteration that could be imagined, and that himself ho∣ped to have a large share in England. And unto Bremingham he said, That he had promised ere long, to shew his face in England, little to the publick good thereof.

Thomas Wood Confesses,* 12.104 That the Lord Fitz••orris in Mun∣ster, about the same time told him, That Tyrone had written to the Earl of Desmond (so called) that the contract was, That Es∣sex should be King of England, Tyrone Viceroy of Ireland, and should assist him in England with 8000 Souldiers.

With which agrees, the answer of Tyrone, to Mac Roories letter, That Essex had agreed to side with Tyrone, and so be ayd∣ed by them all towards the Conquest of England.

The general opinion and discourse of the Rebells, That Es∣sex was theirs, and they his, and that he would never relinquish the sword of Ireland, till he was Master of that in England.

Tyrone after the parley, grew proud and secure, into strange progresses, visitations, homages of his confederates, as of a new spirit and courage.

Essex, presently thereupon, having retired thoughts, be∣came melancholly, as of doubtfull ambition, and secretly im∣parts himself only to the Earl of Southampton and Sir Christopher Blunt.* 12.105

Resolving to go into England, with 2. or 3000. choice of

the Army to make good his landing at Milford Haven; so gather power, march to London, and make his own conditions.

They diswade him, from the hazard, and odiousness of the design, but rather, to draw out 200. of the most resolute, to make sure of the Court, and so to follow the effect.

And accordingly over he comes; his Company in a muze of his intents, he publisht his pretext to them, by the efficacie of his presence, to draw the Queen to confirm his Articles with Ty∣rone.

But in great choler as to dispute,* 12.106 or Revenge, and without leave from England, He leaves his command to a Lieutenant, and lands with 100. Gentlemen his best confidents, hastens to Court ere it was known to any, but to his dear Uncle Sir Willi∣am Knowles, Controuler of the Queens Houshold, to whom he writes.

Dear Uncle, Receiving your last at my entring on shipboard, I return you this accompt at my landing, being resolved with all speed (and our silence) to appear in the face of my Enemies, not trusting a farr off to my own Innocencie, or to the Queens favour, with whom they have got so much power.

At sight of him with amaze,* 12.107 the Queen swore, Gods death my Lord, what do you here, your presence hatefull, without Tyrones head? But he, falling more to a dispute, than any excuse, she, in disdain to be taught, but what she pleased to do, bid him he gone, his boots stunck.

So was he,* 12.108 commanded to his Chamber at Court, for some daies; thence to the Lord Keeper, til neer Easter after; then to his own house, under custody of Sir Richard Barckley, til the end of Trinity Term; so by degrees of restraint, to win him to repentance, the Queen said, that he was young enough to amend. and make amends for all.

Yet to repress seditious libels, dispersed in his Justification,* 12.109 and to observe a form of justice, ere she gave him libertie, There were associates unto her privy Council, some chosen persons of the Nobility, and judges of the Law, to examine his break∣ing of his instructions in Ireland, his treating with Tyrone, and leaving his Government, coming over without leave, nay expre∣sly, contrary to his command under her hand & signet.

With limitation, not to be charged with disloyalty, nor to be questioned publickly in Starr Chamber, which upon his most penitent letter he desired to be spared, and to be heard at the Lord Keepers house.

The sentence was then no more, than suspension from some of his Places; for he called God to witness, He made an utter di∣vorce with the world, and desired favour, only for a preparative for his Nunc Dimittis, the tears of his heart having quenched in

him, all humors of ambition.

Upon which, in few daies his Keeper Barckly was taken from him, with this admonition, That he was not altogether discharg∣ed, though left to the guard of his own discretion.

He had taken into his service as chief Secretary in Ireland and long before,* 12.110 one Henry Cuff; base by birth, a great Scholar, of a turbulent and mutinous spirit. This fellow, a Moneth af∣ter his Lords liberty, practised with Sir Henry Nevil lately Lie∣ger Ambassadour with the French King, and now newly come from Bullen, Insinuating as a secret, That the breach of the trea∣ty of Bullen, was like to light upon him.

By Cuff it was first concluded, that ancient principle of Conspiracie, To prepare many, and trust but to few; and after the manner of Mines to make ready the powder, place it firm, and then give fire in the instant.

The first of Nobility was Wriothsly Earl of Southampton,* 12.111 and some others of quality, and with Profane policie to serve their turns with both factions, Papist and Puritan; Essex, his out∣side to these professing Hypocriticall zeal and frequent Ser∣mons; To the other, as to Blunt and Davis, his inmost secre∣cies for Tolleration of Religion. And thus he spent Michael••as Term.

Towards Christmass there passed a watch-word amongst his associates, That he intended to stand upon his guard; a double sence, as of circumspection, or force. But in truth, not to be cooped up, with restraint.

The time of execution, was Hilary Term, when by invitati∣on, or business,* 12.112 the Town would fill with his friends. But in Can∣dlemass Term, they fell to consult at Drury House, where Sir Charls Davers lodged; a man obliged unto him, for his pardon a∣bout the Murther of one Long. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Governour of Plymouth, sent for by his letter, not to fail before the second of February. Sir Iohn Davis, Surveyor of the Ordinance, his former servant; And Iohn Littleton, a man of wit and valour.

Their consultation rest upon three parts

• The perusal of a List of confederates.* 12.113
• How to act.
• Distribution of each mans action.

The List was 106. Noblemen, Knights and Gentlemen, of Essex own hand writing.

The action, was in two Articles,

• Possessing the Tower,
• Surprizing the Q. & Court.

In which was deliberated, what course to hold with the City

towards effecting the surprize, or after.

The Tower would give reputation and security to the Acti∣on, by means of Davis;* 12.114 but most of the rest were jealous, that whilst they built upon two foundations, one must fail, and distract the other; therefore the more certain, To surprize the Queen, the rest would follow.

The manner thus;* 12.115 Certain select persons well known at Court, for access, should distribute themselves into the Pre∣sent, Guard-Chamber, Hall, and utter Court and Gate. And in each of these places, one principal person, to guide the as∣sistants.

Their distribution; Sir Iohn Davers, to the Presence and Guard-Chamber, to seize the Halberds of the Guard; Davis to the Hall; Blunt to the Gate. These in readiness; by a signall, Essex should remove from his house, and well attended, or to meet him, should with correspondence of the setters and some tumult and confusion, effect their design.

Thus the plot-form; the second act to their Tragedy, that Essex should prostrate him self at the Queens feet, desire remo∣vall of evil Counselors, who possessed her Majesty and State; Then, to summon a Parliament, alter Government, and con∣firm conditions to themselves.

In this consult,* 12.116 Essex inclined most for possessing London, as a surer ground to that of the Court also. Being wedded to his false overweening opinion, of the people and Citizens, and their number. Suspecting belike the instinct loyalty of many of his Train, when the fury should be over, and he perhaps left in the lurch, with the fewest of his friends. The true Na∣ture of usurping Rebells, to ••rust more to the main of Multi∣tude, than of qualitie; especially Essex, who had gotten (I know not how, nor by what merit) the specious Mark of a Pa∣triot; proper to infuse, and mint jealousies, into the heads of the more unworthy, and less prudent, and these he could easi∣ly stirr up by Emissaries, who lye at watch to bo utefeux it, and inflame mens minds, to disperse abroad unshrowded sparks of discord, and that way to convert a Kingdom into a flame.

But this Counsel was afterwards refined by Essex,* 12.117 Cuffe, and Blunt: To assemble a Troop to come sodainly from the Mews in scattered Numbers, and unite in a moment at the Court Gate.

And as good Common-wealths men, lest their new con∣trivements should want Ministers, they would supply in a readi∣ness of their own for Counselors, and Servants to the Queen, in place of such evil ones (the beaten path of Traytors) as they thought fit to remove; which should be their plausible pretext to their own practices, and a general ground, to the common people.

The day drawing nigh (but not assigned, being left to my Lord) the Curse of the Psalmist interposed, like the untimely fruit of the woman, brought forth before it came to perfection.

For many that knew of the plot, diligent, with too much resort at Essex house, brought forth mutterings of somewhat, which states soon discover. The afternoon 7.* 12.118 February before the next day of Rebellion, was sent to Essex house Secretary Herbert, to summon him before the Council, sitting at Salisbu∣ry Court, at the Lord Treasurer Buckhursts, which he excused not to do, under colour of being ill.

And suspecting the discovery of his Trains, and doubting delays, resolved upon his enterprize the next day, Sunday. But then, upon advertizement of doubling the Court Guards,* 12.119 and allarum there, he determined on his former conceipt, of be∣ing the peoples darling, and the Minion of London, upon confi∣dence of Sir Thomas Smith the City Sheriff. Giving out that Evening, that he was sent for to Counsel, to be betrayde by an Am∣buscado of Musketeers, upon the water, by the devise of the Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Ralegh, to murther him by the way.

This mean design, the best he had, took fire like a squib; the Messages and warning, to his chief confidents all that night, and next morning. And his servant Temple took up his Tale and told it to the City. And to colour it the more, watch and ward was up all night, to open his gates to all comers in, so that the morning hastens Mannors Earl of Rutland, Southampton, Lord Sands, Sir Henry Parker (called Lord Mounteagle,) with some Number of Knights and Gentlemen, and being Sunday, it gave occasion to others, to come to his Sermon, whom he carressed with his Cap in his hand,* 12.120 telling them his former tale.

But to his more confidents, That he was sure of the City, and that strength, which the Queen could not oppose, nor his Enemies withstand his revenge.

Alwaies, with this caution, to his Gate-Keepers, to suffer none to return out, to tel News.

Sunday at 10. a clock the Queen had intelligence, and yet was willing to cast water on this fire, ere it should flame to a Rebellion; her authority, before her force;* 12.121 she sent the Lord Keeper, Earl of Worcester, the Controuler of hir Houshold, the Lord chief Justice,* 12.122 who finding the Gates shut, after some stay, were let in by the wicket, but all their servants kept out, except the bearer of the Seal, the Court full of Company with Essex and his Lords, to whom the Lord Keeper said, That the Queen sent them to understand the reason of their Assembly, that if they had cause of griefs against any persons whatsoever, they should have hearing and justice.

Essex told them aloud, That his life was sought, to be murther∣ed in his bed, and had been perfidiously dealt withall.

The Chief Justice answered, If any such matter were attempt∣ed or intended,* 12.123 it were fit for him to declare it, and to be assured of their faithfull relation, and so He should not fail of her Majesties Princely Indifferency, and Iustice.

Southampton objected,* 12.124 the assault upon him by the Lord Gray, to which the Chief Justice said, that justice had been done, and the party in prison.

The Keeper required Essex to impart his griefs, if not openly, yet privately, and promised satisfaction.

Upon this,* 12.125 arose a high clamour of the multitude, Away my Lord, they abuse you, they destroy you, they undoe you, you lose time.

The Lord Keeper putting on his hat, commanded them all upon their Allegiance to lay down their weapons and depart, When Essex and all the rest clapt on their Caps, and going into the House, the Lords followed him, as to have private conference, and fearing the Multitude, who ••ryed out kill them, shop them up, keep them pledges, ••••st the great seal out at window.

And accordingly,* 12.126 he gave them in custody, principally to Sir Iohn Davis, and one Owen Salisbury, a seditious notorious robber; guarding them with Muskets, fired, and cockt; and left the charge of his house to Sir Gilly Merrick, bidding the Lord Keeper to have patience whilst he would take order with the Maior and Sheriffs for the City, and be with them again within an hour.

So goes forth with his Number 200. men, entered Ludgate, and with a fearfull, timorous, discomposed tale repeated, That he should have been murthered; and so passing through Cheap-side unto Sir Thomas Smiths house in Philpot-lane who was at Church; where he shifts into a dry shirt; the passion of fear firing him into a hot sweat. The people flocking and gazing as he went.* 12.127 To whom he said; they did him hurt and no good, without weapons.

The Queen and Court, somewhat frighted, commanded the City to be in readiness, but to keep within doors.

The Lord Burghley with Garter King of Heraulds proclamed him Traytor in the principal parts of London,* 12.128 which was done with expedition and resolution, though with loss of some of his Train, and hurt of many.

Clifford Earl of Cumberland,* 12.129 with Sir Thomas Gerrard Knight Marshal, rode up and down proclaming them Traytors. And so, divers withdrawing, he altered his former pretext, and said, That Kingdom should have been sold to the Infanta.

Then making stay in Grace-street,* 12.130 and dismaid at the tidings that

forces were aproaching under conduct of the Lord Admiral Lieutenant for the Queen, resolved to return by water, and make good his own person by the pledges of the Lords, which a good fellow over-hearing, and not well assured of his part there, being as deep in the design as death, hasted before by land, told Davis and Merick, that by any means they should release the Council, and so got his own pardon, and this was Sir Fer∣dinando Gorges.

But Essex ignorant as yet,* 12.131 goes on by land to Ludgate, there at the West end of Pauls, he was resisted by the forces of the Bishop of London, commanded by Sir Iohn Luson. At which Incounter Blunt was wounded, young Tracie slain, and others, on his part. Wyat slain, and some hurt on the Queens part.

But upon this small repulse, He slips from his Train, turns down to Queen-hith, and by a pair of oares, was received into his Water-gate at home, which he fortified and baricadoed.* 12.132 And as instantly was he besieged on land, by the Earls of Cumberland, and Lincoln, Lords Thomas Howard, Gray, Burghly, and Comp∣ton Sir Walter Ralegh, and Sir Thomas Gerrard.

And by water; by the Lord Admiral, the Lord Essingham, Lord Cobham, Sir Iohn Stanhop, Sir Robert Sidney, and Master Foulk Gervil, and this way, forcing the walls, wonne the Gar∣den; And being offered parly, and time to remove his Coun∣tess and Sister Rich, with other Gentlewomen, before they would storm the Hourse.

But Essex, with his Lords upon the Leads, would not capi∣tulate,* 12.133 but intreat.

That they might be used Civilly.

To have an honourable Tryal.

To have Ashton his Preacher with him in Prison.

And so by ten a clock at night, they submitted themselves Prisoners to the Tower.

This monstrous Treason, of this mighty man, thus weakly managed, was began and ended in twelve hours, and the next day as calm, as if no Motion or Billowes had been before.

For which he,* 12.134 and Southampton, eleven dayes after were ar∣raigned and condmned, this one had his reprieve, but Essex the reward of his merits,* 12.135 and executed the 25. February, upon the Inner Hill in the Tower.

Several dayes before Sir Charls Blunt suffered by the Axe, and Cuff by the halter.

Essex before his, and at several times (so not surprized) be∣trayed most of his confederates, and discovered Sir Henry Ne∣vil, late Ambassadour in France, as privie to all his conspira∣cies, of whom til then there had been no suspition, which was construed in him an Act more of temerity and hope of pardon,

than in Grace, and good Conscience of a Repentant Offen∣der.

And this being his Tragedy. It is no wonder though our Adversarie Authors, the one, The History of Great Britain, the other, The Court and Character of King James, should so slightly pass over his Treasons.

With them we shall have some dispute, as we meet them Contemporaries in our farther proceedings, in the second Part. Let me add the Opinion, that a writer had of Essex, and publish∣ed in these verses.

Quod Regina, scelus; scelus est; quod Virgo petatur; quod pia Virgo, scelus; quod tibi grata scelus; Cum Virgo, Regina, Pia, et tibi grata, petatur, Proh scelus! et superat quod scelus omne scelus.

It's Treason, that a Queen should ruin'd be; That a Maid, ill; That she was Good, yet worse; that good to Thee, More wicked still: But when a Queen, a Maid, Good, and thy Friend, Thou wouldst dispatch, The Treason, that thy black heart doth intend, Dares Hell to match.

England thus long sick of the disease of Irish affairs,* 12.136 the ex∣pence whereof had brought the State into a Consumption, which put the Queen to seek money of her Subjects; besides her way of sweetning them with good words. Tyrone grew so In∣solent, asto act Soveraignty, where ere he came, disposing Honours, Estates, Privileges, Freedomes. And therefore Charles Blunt Lord Montjoy, is sent over Deputy; and though others as fit as the former, the Queen (who seldome chose amiss) pickt out him to command, for his readiness to obey; a fault in Es∣sex, proud, and stubborn, uncounsellable, and unconstant.

The Rebells put him to it, salute him by Allarm, in the very Suburbs of Dublin, which the Deputy with his selected Veteranes meant to requite soon after, in a Massy-body, and fight him,* 12.137 which the Enemy sought for, and had been worsted, of which some underhand Counsellors at the Queen elbow war∣ned him to prevent, by turning a to-side. But with several light Brigadoes he was so hotly pursued, asput him to his holes again.

Sir Warham Saint-Leger, meets Mac-guire, (a graceless wretch) and with their Launces full Career run each other thorough, and dye.

Romes friendship to those Rebells,* 12.138 much encouraged by his

Indulgence, (the aboundance of the Churches Treasure) was pleased to spare them pardon of their sinnes,* 12.139 for the good service of shed∣ding so much blood of their S••veraigns Subjects; and for fighting in the faith of his beloved sonne Hugh Prince, O-neal, and Earl of Ter-Oen, Captain General of the Catholick forces in Ireland; Whom His Holiness accompanies with all his spirritual graces, and those that follow him, or favour him, (by pains, counsel, arms, pro∣vision, or any other means) a plenary pardon of all their sinnes; the very same pardon (sayes he) that was wont to be granted to those that warre against the Turk, or for the Holy land.

However the deputy sends Docwray into Ulster Garrisons; himself with 4000. foot, and 300. horse, put the Ene∣mie to his lurking, & with new supplies in Angust out of Eng∣land, he breaks through many difficulties, into Ulster: Erects Mont-Norris fort in memory of that gallant Iohn Lord Norris, under whom he first exercised arms. Docwray likewise, being assaulted by Ter-oen with treacherie, perjurie, and cunning de∣ceit, and wounded; yet gets out of all dangers, and takes Du∣nalong, a lesser Castle. On the other side the Deputy in winter, forces several Rebells to Obedience; passes victoriously (in com∣pass,) so farr as Ulster in his first years Regency.

George Carew no less fortunate in Munster; The Southern parts,* 12.140 burthened by the Tit••lar Earl Desmond (of Ter-Oens ma∣king) he surprizes; but was again rescued; Takes seven Castles; drives him out of that province; reduces many Rebells to obe∣dience, quiets the County, and comes home at Christmass; And this was done there.

In England they consult for peace with Spain; being invited by the Arch-Duke Albert,* 12.141 lately returned to Bruxell with his Bride the Infanta. And inclusive, he knew the better how to condition with the Dutch, to save charges of his warre there, convey home safe his Indies Fleets, & so at last grow infinite rich.

By which, the English would neglect their navylodg in peace; lazy and wealthy; discontinue warre, the easier hereafter to be soon invaded.

The Queen old,* 12.142 and weary of warre, very willing to make peace within her self, and outward, with all the world, leaves the motion to the Fr••nch Kings managing, for time and place of meeting; He appoints May, the time; and Boulen the place.

For the Queen, came Henry Nevil her Lieger there, her new Secretary Herbert; Beal, Secretary in the North; and Edmonds her French Secretary.

For Spain, came Don Balthasar domine de Zuniga Fonseca (the prolixity of whose Name, strecht out like a Cable (sayes little Nevil) is longer than I am) his Lieger in the low Countries; Ferdinando Corel a Counciller of Castile. And for Albert, came Ricardot, and Verskenie.

And must not these men quarrel for Precedencie, as before Anno 1598. at Vervin •• They did so now; and did nothing else, but quarrel the peace. By which means, they were the bet∣ter known,* 12.143 for the arrand of the English; which, was first, to stand upon punctilios of place; but not, altogether, before profit: or else, by ca••ting lotts. Then, not to be cousened into any kindness for the Low-Countries traffick, Nor in the trade to the Indies; but to be free, as in 1591. general freedom to all places of Charles the fifth. But then, if Spain hath the place, let him lose the advantage, and propound first; He inviting the Treaty.

Copies of their Delegation being given to each other, they now differ about Title; Most Illustrious, she gave to the Arch∣Duke, but he clames, to be Most Puissant, as descended from sacred Emperours, and he son in Law, and Brother to the King of Spain.

The English Answer; Kings, have no more difference from an Arch-Duke; And Arch-Duke Philip, father to Charles the fifth, had no more from Henry the eighth. But then (say they) those times afforded no more unto Henry himself.

The English found fault with them. The very Form of the Dele∣gat••on to be wanting; and ob••curely Intermixing other Com∣missar••es; an•• made up, only, with a Privy Signet; when theirs was, with the Broad Seal of England. Nor does their King rati∣fie what ere shall be concluded. They Answer to all. Par trattar y hazar trattar, in Spanish, comprehends all formall subdelega∣tion. That, in Spain, no such distinction of seals, Private and Broad. This, being yo, el Rey, the Kings own hand in presence of his Secretary; with the publick seal, And by, Estar y passar, y ••stare y passare, all warrants fil'd.

Then they meet,* 12.144 (as yet but by papers) the English demand priority, as if Le premier demandeur estoit le vancuer. A Chal∣lenge (say they) never presumed upon before, nor equality yield∣ed. Little Edmonds was angry, who had prepared Richardot with the Queens Priority; That the presence of an Ambassador Nevil, was to be preferred before a Delegate Title.

They reply, for England to be but equall, submits Spain as inferiour to France, England alwaies yielding to France. And such a doe it came unto, that Edmonds comes over, and ••ath Item not to stand upon Place so he should get the Profit in par∣ticular demands; hard enough to be allowed.

In the mean time the Spaniard complains; that succour and subsidy was sent to the States; and ships, ready for the Indies. They were answered, it was in ballance with their assistance to the Rebells in Ireland. And so far they were from Submission to Priority, or to admit equality, as to break off the Treaty.

And so at leasure let us discuss Priority for England.

Among the Temporal powers The first place was to France, the second to England, the last to Castile; and the Book of Cere∣monies at Rome saies so, as a Canon, at three general Councils, Pisa, Constance, and Basil,* 12.145 it was in Example. The title Castil••, which the Spaniard most boasts of, is but a late Monarchy to England; having neither Earls nor Kings before the year 1017. and those Kings not Anointed. That England is the third; Intituled Most illustrious, and Spain the fourth. Pope Iulius the second gave it to Henry the seventh before Ferdinand of Castile. The Queens ancient years and Reign (an argument they urged at Bazil against Henry the sixth) and all this original, exceeds mans memory.

Whilst these treat for peace, The Dutch soring high, imped with English feathers bethink how to fall upon the Spaniard.* 12.146 It was, when their Enemy Arch-Duke Albert was weak in for∣ces, and those in Mutiny. Hasty intelligence did this good ser∣vice to Prince Maurice, who finding them in this disorder, re∣solved to fall upon him in Flanders; And because the English had the brunt of the Battel, and Sir Francis Vere the honour of that day, we may take boldness to add it in memory, with matters of our own Historie. Our fate with those people, ever∣more to be left out of the fame, though we fought for their free∣dom; and is called the Battel of Newport.

The Princes Army lands at Philipine, upon the River Scheld, 12000. foot, and 3000. horse in 3. Tercias; Commanded by Count Ernest of Nassaw,* 12.147 Count Solms, and Sir Francis Vere, taking their daily turns by change, of Avant-guard, Battel, and Rere.

The Van of Horse consisted of ten Cornets and led by Count Lewis (Brother to Ernest) being Lieutenant-General. And to them were adjoyned Prince Maurices guard, and the Regiments of Sir Francis Vere and Sir Horace Vere, accounted 1600. English. As al∣so the Frizons being seventeen Companies. In all, of the A∣vant fourty foot Companies, which Sir Francis Vere comman∣ded.

The Battel was Numbred seven Cornets of Horse; To whom were joyned nine foot Companies of Walloons, and four Swisse for the first division. With two other divisions of French; the first of three Companies, the second of twelve. In the midst was Prince Maurice himself, with his Brother Prince Hen∣ry, and divers Noblemen, strangers, and voluntiers; so that the Battel had seven Troops, and 25. Comapnies.

The Rere consisted of three Cornets and thirteen colours, in the first division. And in the second eight Companies. And in the third three Troops and twenty six Comapnies.

The Arch-Dukes army had 25. hundred horse, and 15000. foot,* 12.148 divided also as the other, into three Brigades.

Before the Armies should meet the Dutch conclude the siege of Newport; (the States taking leave and go to Ostend,)* 12.149 and got to the Downs by the Sea-side & so to Newport; where in three daies they had taken Fort Albert; encamped and quartered, raising a stone bridge over the Haven, for the Carriages to pass.

The Arch-Duke hastens his Marches, & came neer the Fort Al∣bert with some horse and foot, which the Prince supposes but a Bravado, and meant to retire.

Sir Francis Vere was of opinion that it was the gross body; and therefore advised to meet them, before their forts should fall into their hands; And whilst these disputes; The Spaniards Cannon was come, and the Fort yielded to him; and as in a trice, had seized the Bridges & was entered on the Downs. But by the way, met with some forces sent by the Prince, to hinder his free passage, who were encountered, fought bravely, though against a puissant army, till they were too weak and fled, the fate falling upon the Scotish forces about 800. eleven Captains, besides other Officers. The hasty News gave heart to the Arch-Duke, to write to Burges that he had vanquished the Princes Van, and ingaged his whole Army, which made them Triumph, and the States at Ostend to tremble.

The Arch-Duke thus incouraged, Marches in hast to New∣port; The Prince, presuming that the late defeat must needs frighten his Army, forthwith sends away their shiping to O∣stend and fords over the Haven, and lodges between the Spa∣nish and the Sea, so to fight, or dye. The rest of the Army of foot, passed over the next day at Ebbe, being the turn of Sir Francis Vere to have the Van, where he found the Arch-Duke with all his Army in Battalia, who apprehending, that these forces were the whole Army, come over, otherwise it had been easy for him to have prevented the Princes fording the rest. And besides, the dust of the sand-hills drove upon the Spanish, that blinded their sight, who were forced to halt, until all were got over.

Vere with the Troops of the Van, leaving the foot, ranged into Order, behind the sand-hills, hastens not to ingage with the Enemy, as yet, but only to chose the place, to attend for them, being all the advantage was left. And so got to a hol∣low bottome between the Hills and Downs, which they might make use of, and stop the Spaniards way, by the Sea-shore, al∣so. And so draws out 1000. men, whereof 300. English, and 50. of the Princes guard were lodg'd on the top of an Hill, steepy and sandy, and so hollow, that they were covered from

the other Hills, and might shoot as from a Bulwark. And the like order upon two other Hills with 700. men more, the rest of the English; so that this avant-guard took up the third part of the downs.

The Prince comes to Vere, and consult, whether to advance upon the Enemy, or to stay his coming: Most voices (as in ho∣nour to advance) conceived it would rather daunt them, and pre∣vent their fortifying upon their Princes passages to Ostend, and so stop their victuals, and cut off any retreat thither.

Vere was of the contrary opinion. That the Arch-Duke ga∣thered his Army in hast, and brought thither, where they in∣tended not to make a seat of warr, unprovided and without any Magazine of victuals, and so no fear to starve the Prince who had the sea open. And according to his Counsel here they stayed.

The Prince returns, places his horse next the sea, six pieces of Cannon advanced and planted in the head of the Avant∣guard with advantage of wind and sun, some ships of warr waved so neer as to gall the Spanish Battalions upon the sand.

The Arch-Duke had been hurried out, and tired, his men with a nights March and all that day; and his adversaries mo∣ving he rested a holt, for some time, and staying till half flood, that the Dutch might have less land for their horse, He marches, and before him some light Horse-men to discover; One of them suffering himself to be taken, and tels Vere (what he knew) that some Dutch forces had been routed, brags of their Number, valour, and resolution speedily to give bat∣tel.

And so they did; their Horsemen come in the head of their Divisions, a competent distance, who marching neer∣er, Vere discharges his Cannon, scatters their Troops in disorder, and fly. The Spanish foot come on & discharge their Ordnance roundlyand did much hurt, which drew them on into the Downs, where Veres horse stood, & a fit place upon a Hill for two demy Cannons to be planted, and himself on the Top of another which commanded all; fromw hence he gave his Orders.

Thither comes the Spaniards with 500. pikes, without En∣sign or order, labour to enter upon Veres Hill, who was forced to succour himself with more shot, and gawled them.

Their horse likewise, Marching between the Hills, were sore put to it by the two Demy Cannons, gawling them upon the first profer of a charge; with the advantage also of the Princes horse encountring, put them to a disorderly retreat.

The Battail begins,* 12.150 the Ordnance on all sides, increasing the Fight, with diverse charges; Vere beats two Regiments of Spa∣niards to a ••etreat, which incenseth the rest to advance their

Battel and Rear, so does the Prince the like, and at the first Charge came to handy blows, the French against the Spaniards and Ital••ans; and not long after a second Charge also, and re∣tired.

The Prince sees this, and once more commands Solms with the French to fall on, assisted with the Walloons Regiments called the new Geux, and fought bravely against Burlette and Bucquoy, the Enemies Rere.

The Princes Rere come in with five Regiments, and a lasting fight of three hours was doubtfully performed: the Arch Dukes side declining, had their Horse driven almost to Newport; but then, their Foot did the like, against the Orange party on the Downs, to the hazard of their Ordnance.

This while, Vere, with the Van, and his shadowing Hills, had advantage thereby, to gall his Adversaries, who retire to their Gross, from whence disbands five hundred Spaniards more, and fall upon the Assailants, forcing them back to Vere, who not used to give ground, beats the Spaniard home again; whilest their Battel of Foot are come up to the Gross of their Van, un∣der good covert, and by fresh men force Vere's men from his Grounds of Advantage, which he sometime lost and won a∣gain, with loss of men, his Design being to beat upon his Ad∣versaries gross body, and to engage them till the Orange other Troops might advance, which did and retreat, and were pursu∣ed; by which occasion the Arch Dukes Horse were got out of the Foot-mens reach; an over-sight in fight; for in Battel the success of Foot depend most on the Horse.

But the fight increased on all sides, the English on Vere's side pell mell with the Spaniard, and seeing their Gross disband by degrees, sends to the Prince to second him, with some Horse; lest his Enemy grow too strong upon him, and so increased, that he was forced to descend and encourage them in the Downs; who were driven from their good Ground to Disad∣vantages. And at his very Approach had two Bullets through his Leg and Thigh, which he dissembled from his Surgeon, knowing, that his presence must encourage his Troops near foil∣ing; for in all this time, the Prince sends no Relief, being put hard to it in the Battell. Vere gave Ground, and retires to his Canon, when his own Horse being shot, fell dead upon him; and his hurts affording him no help of assistance being alone, there he lay, till by good hap Sir Robert Drewry and Sir Iohn Ogle drew him from under his Horse; and being set up behinde one, he escaped the Enemy at his heels, his hurts bleeding much at four holes, he was forced to fall off for that present.

His Brother Sir Horace, he found at the two Canons, having ga∣thered some three hundred retreat Foot, and there staid the Ene∣my,

who came up to the very handing the Ordnance,* 12.151 which fired on them, with a Train also of some Barrels hid in the sand, and made wondrous Execution.

And not till now comes Succour, two Cornets of English from the Prince, which encourages Sir Horace, and bold necessi∣ty to boot, beat the Spaniard back again; by the way, some others fell on also, and followed them to Execution.

The Arch Dukes Phalanges and Battalions startle, and rowse up, rather for defence, than revenge: and now Orange findes his Friends have fresh courage, by the tottering effects of fight, caused his whole Battell to advance; both meet, and joyn pell mell, Horse to Horse, Foot to Foot, till the fate of fight forced the Arch Duke to turn faces and fly, and were followed to Exe∣cution as far as the Morish Dam.

The English having the Chace, took Don Iasper Sampen, Don de Villars Maestro del Campo, and the Arch Duke escaped hardly, for his Horse-bit was held by a Souldier, and he spurred on and got off; losing in this Battell the most of his chief Officers: the Prisoners were Don Francisco de Mendoza Lieutenant General, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Count of Solms on his side, Don Lewis de Aville, Don Piedro de Mendoza, Doctor Anarea the Arch Dukes Physician, Don Iaspar Marogan, and five and thirty Horse and Foot Captains, three hundred and ten more men of note, eight Pieces of Cannon, most of the Ammunition, Baggage, and Furniture, the Arch Dukes own Tent, Cabinet, Plate, Seals of Arms, one hundred and six Colours, five thousand slain on the place, besides hun∣dreds of others out-lying, in fight; the loss fell most upon the Spaniards and Italians, who fought bravely, and bore all their brunt, taking too much heart upon their morning success.

On the Orange part were slain two thousand and five hundred, most English, who were put to it against the Spaniards and Itali∣ans, in several brave Charges, and so lost six English Ca∣ptains, Yorkley, Hu••••iwood, Tyrrill, Duxborow, Priton, Woodward, and most of the Officers slain or hurt. The Spaniards complained of their own Horse which j••ded and should have succoured their Foot that fought bravely, and commended the Dutch's order in marshalling their men into severall light Divisions, when as the Adversaries great P••alanges and Stand of Pikes were unwieldy heavy to charge.

The Danes dispute the English Fishing upon their Coasts Nor∣way and Island,* 12.152 and seize the English and Goods there, who in∣deed, made no claim of Right, but onely, Leave and Custom from Norways Kings, before their conjunction with Denmak; and confess, that by the League with King Iohn heretofore, they were to ask it from seven to seven years, which had been neglected with King Christian; for in 1585. they had Liberty

without further Licence; and concluded (which I wonder at) Mare liberum.* 12.153 This occasion acquainted the English Delegates (that were sent thither to treat) with the mystery and benefit of Trading, and for the Londoners to be instituted into an Eaest-India Company with great Privileges.

King Iames nearly concerned to congratulate the happy pre∣vention of Essex his Rebellion,* 12.154 sends to England the Earl Mar Ambassadour, with the Abbot of Kinloss, to congratulate the Queens happy success, against such treasonable Attempts; which she takes well, (coming so seasonably, to satisfie ill Rumours, That Essex was made away for affection to the King of Scots Title, and that the Ambassadours Commission had been to plead for his part.) And withall to expostulate her remisness, for not due pu∣nishing Valentine Tomas a base Calumniator of their King: and that Ewer and Ashfield should be shadowed here, two Fugitives from Scotland; But Ashfield might be ••eleased; And in conclusion, (their chiefest Errand) for Assignment of some Lands in England, as a Rent-charge, for defraying the affairs in Scotland, then too burdensom for the King.

She thanked the King,* 12.155 and wished that all Rebellions against him, might the Eve of that Day finde the same End and like Success of all Traitors to Him, as Essex was to Her.

That Tomas was spared in prudence to their Masters honour, lest by rubbing old sores with often Trials and Executions, (too frequent Examples) might rather increase slanderous Tongues, whose impudence in accusing, even without any possibility of truth, or shew of proof, yet through too common rumour there∣of, may beget (and that, in time) belief.

Ewer indeed was an ill man for denying peremptory things of evident truths, which yet his protestations wrought upon easie spirits with credulity.

As for Ashfield, he had cousened the President of the English Borders of Scotland, with a Trick to go thither, and play'd the Knave to get home again.

She always found with long experience, that to countenance evil manners in her neighbour subjects, was, to teach her own, to do worse to her self, and made a distinction of that, with na∣tional protection, which in some cases must be maintained.

And that for Lands she would add to the former Advance two thousand pounds a year, for maintaining inviolable unity and agreement with her, with caution to him, not to intrust such, as seek their own private gain, with the publick loss.

Thus much in publick, besides their private contrivance with the principal Nobility and Councel, to work them the Kings Friends; who assured him peaceable reception into England after Queen Elizabeth.

The Pope Clement the Eighth had that fear, and therefore by his Breves prohibits all such Professors of the Roman faith not to admit any, how near soever in bloud,* 12.156 unless upon Oath he promote the Catholick Doctrine; and the like is brought over to Scotland by Hamilton and Hayes, two Iesuits, men of fiery spirits and working brains, chief Instruments of Sedition at the holy League in Paris; these men are proclamed Traitors, but lurk in the North for a long time.

A general Assembly is there resolved at Brunt-Island for repres∣sing Papists,* 12.157 and very conscientious, begin to rectifie them∣selves; careless Ministery, hasty admission of mean men, pleasing the people, and ruineth the Church; and therefore they ordain Days of Humiliation and Prayer.

But Mr. Iohn Davidson was of opinion,* 12.158 they did ill, not to blanch the King and Court, and therefore writes to them.

HOw long shall we fear or favour flesh, and follow the counsel and command thereof? Shall our Meetings be in the name of Man? (The King called them, &c.) Is it time for us now, our Brethren thrust out without just order; Papists, Jesuits, Atheists counte∣nanced and advanced to the best Room in the Realm, bringing Idola∣latry and Babylonish Captivity? Shall we be inveigled with pre∣tences, petty Preferment to Parliament Votes, and Titles of Prela∣cy? &c.

Then scoffing at the King, But Boniton (says he) that Thief is executed, What's that to Religion? Is there none offends but Boni∣ton? But the King is sound, if so, the danger the less, but there is nothing sound in Kirk or King.

Melius & obtabilius est bell••m pace impia, & a Deo distra∣hente.

Do what the King could, such Libells were licensed, for which he was committed.

Their Church thus settled,* 12.159 the King urges for a new Transla∣tion of the Bible, being miserably lamely done, disputing with them the Errors therein, as also their Prose, and Singing Psalms, wherein he shewed the faults of Meeter and Matter, with admi∣ration to all that heard him so ready to reason with them, their discrepance from the Text, by proofs of other Languages, which though he could not obtain from them therein, yet he had it ac∣complished, where he found obedience to his commands after∣wards in England, Anno 1603.

The King caresses all his Friends,* 12.160 and sends Lodowick Duke of Lenox Ambassadour into France, with some persons of Ho∣nour, and two Counsellours of State to caress the King; he ar∣rives at Diep, and enters Paris with a train of Scots, that met him from all parts, a custom they ever had, to set out themselves the

best side outwards, especially from home, where they are least known, but by their own declarations.

And not long after Audience, at St. Iermans, (the Queen in childe-bed) and then took leisure to visit his Mother Madam d' Aubigney, whilest the King poasted to Callis, upon false intelli∣gence that Queen Elizabeth was desperate ill, or that the affairs of Flanders, invited him, Ostend then besieged. No doubt, his mouth watered to have found such another faction, as might foist in another Bastard of Normandy; in gallantry he would say so. Upon his return the Duke takes leave, and lands in Eng∣land.

We may guess what he had done,* 12.161 assured the Kings affection to the French, and as of ancient amity, so craves continuance and support towards his new Inheritance, in case of necessity, when his time should come to the Crown of England.

And here he findes the Queen ill disposed, and the Parlia∣ment set, suspected of all, to have made his Masters clame to the Right of Succession, and many one ready to offer assistance, but he declared to them, the Kings dislike to breed jealousies by such unkindness; his Commission being no other, than to salute her, with the Kings filial affection to her Majesty; and because he found the Irish malady oppressed her most, he proffered his Ma∣sters aid,* 12.162 to serve her there, which she took well, and he took leave.

The Mighty States (ou•• of sunken Netherlands) will have no delay,* 12.163 but to subdue Flanders; and to amuze the Arch Duke, Maurice Prince of Orange is sent into Gelderland, to besiege Rein∣bergh, and had assistance fron England of four thousand men; but the Arch Duke was more forward, and fell upon Ostend; to whose Relief are sent twenty Companies, and Sir Francis Vere their General, both without and within.

Ostend from a poor Fisher-town, had repulsed the Duke of Parma, Maltee; and now this Arch Duke with all his seventeen Forts erected round about it.

For Sir Francis Vere in the fifth moneth of the Siege, treats about the Surrender, delaying the Delegates, till Auxiliaries were raised, and then sent them away, with a fig for them.

The Arch Duke was angry, batters Ostend with eighteen Can∣non, drives on two thousand Foot to set upon the old Town, the Horse put them on, and take two Fortresses and the English Trenches; nine Ordnance out of the West Gate with Chain-shot miserably rent the Assailants, with mighty loss in other places.

Sir Francis Vere quits his six moneths Government (as it was ordained) to Frederick Dork a Dutch-man, who with others suc∣ceeding him, defended it three years and four mouths, against Spains fury, and the raging sea, the more troublesom Enemy,

and in that time were intomb'd in honour, many brave English and others the most warlike Souldiers of all Nations in Christen∣dom, contending for a barren piece of sand.

The French King fearing such an evil Neighbour,* 12.164 provides for his own Coast, and comes to Callis, whom Queen Elizabeth congratulates by her Secretary Edmonds, and he returns the Vi∣sit to her by Marshal Byron, Monsieur Arvern, and Sir Aumons, and besides they had in charge, to wish her happiness in the timely suppression of the late Rising and sudden Execution of Essex and his Complices.

She said, His faults deserved that punishment, of which she gave him timely warning, foreseeing his ambition, edg'd on by others, to commit Treason; for which yet, had he begg'd it, she might have gi∣ven him pardon.

Byron not long after, felt the like destiny for his Plots against the French King, though his merits to his Master were far ex∣ceeding any pretences of Essex; yet all of them and his thirty wounds in the Kings service could not prevail,* 12.165 though he begg'd it, with too much desire of longer life. And indeed, they were both equally matches, in most things parallel, either in vice or virtue.

Money was scarce in England,* 12.166 being transported yearly into Ireland, one hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling, and under that colour the Merchants had a common way, to convey elsewhere much more; and once got to the Rebells, it was good barter for all commodities with any forein Nation, and (by stealth) with English; the Coin for Ireland was therefore abased, with some Brass, which would bring over the sterling money back again into England.

The Arguments against this could not prevail with Treasurer Burkhurst, besides the Law of that time, Necessity. 'Tis true, the Souldier lost in his pay, which they felt, but understood not, and the Queen was not so nice of her publick repute, but to veil to the benefit, which lasted not long; and the money-masters not then so well experienced to manage the advantage; the Spanish policy therein grown cunning might have taught us what they practice for gain.

With fresh pay, the Deputy goes on, removes Ter Oen from Black-water, Derry Castle, Donegal Monastery.

The tittular Earl of Desmond and Mac Carty are surprized, ar∣reigned and condemned of Treason, and sent into England, by whom and others is discovered the intention of landing For∣ces from Spain at Cork, which was therefore fortified, and fresh mann'd with help of two thousand new Souldiers out of Eng∣land.

The Spaniards lands in September at the mouth of Kingsale

Haven, and the Governour there, Percie, retires 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the other let in with thirty five Ensignes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 welcomed by the Inhabitants. The President Carew bestirrs him; drives the County about;* 12.167 lodges some forces in places of advantage, ready with his Army, to expect don Iohn D' Aquila with his title of Master General and Captain of the Catholick King, in de∣fending the war of God, and maintenance of Religion in Ireland, and to deliver them from the jaws of the Devil.

Carew forthwith drives them out of the Castle, by the Ha∣ven, when 150. more got in, and the Haven blockt up by Le∣vison, the English vice-Admiral; This news brings Ter-Oen with all the chief Rebells, to joyn with some Spanish got out of the Town, and all together make up an Army of 6000. foot, and 500. horse, assured of victory. And the English, wearied with winter sieges, spent with poverty and hunger, yet ply the siege,* 12.168 not suffering the Enemy without to recruit the Town, or Spaniards to re-enter, but they adventure, and are re∣pulsed, and retreat, but are hotly pursued by the Deputy, (whilst Carew keeps the Spaniards from breaking out of the Town) and forced to make a stand and fight,* 12.169 with great loss, and then to fly. Don Alphonso O'campo taken pr••soner, with three of his Captains, and fix Alpherez, (Ensignes) Nine Colours, whereof six Spaniards, and 1200. slain; with very little loss to the English; And within six daies after, Don Iohn designes a parly, And to yield up to the Deputy what they possest, and to de∣part with life and goods,* 12.170 but brave Don to be the last Man left be∣hind.

Their departure so sodain, troubled the Irish, who are wor∣sted every where, many of the chief Surprized and taken.

And now the old English Adage,* 12.171 When knaves fall out, truth comes to light. The Ecclesiastick Papists in England go by the Ears; The Jesuite against Secular Priests: No blowes but Bookes, and pens for Pot-guns, the general thus.

One Blackwel sometime fellow of Trinity in Oxon was made Arch-priest for the Seculars, and he too much a friend to Garnet their Jesuites general, they decline him with scorn.

Hereupon they are degraded,* 12.172 and appeal to Rome, and there∣fore are Booked for Schismaticks and Hereticks, but they got the censure of the University at Paris to approve the same, and meaning to prevail in the Queens favour,

They shew, that in her first eleven years reign not one suffered for his Conscience; Nor for ten years after that Pius Quintus Bull against the Queen, there were executed but twelve Priests; most of them convicted Traytors; And that then about the year 1580. crept in the Iesuite, whose mischievous practices against the State had disturbed all, and accasioned the severe Lawes against Catholicks.

And yet they say, in ten years following, but fifty Priests were exe∣cuted,* 12.173 the Queens mercy b••••ishing fifty five more, justly deserving death.

From that time (say they) Parsons in Spain an English Iesui••e entertains all Vagabond English into their seminaries there, and from thence came hither turbulent Priests. That he incites the Spa∣niard now to invade Ireland again, and consirms the Infanta's Title to this Crown, which all the seminary Students maintained by oath.

That Holt the Iesuite suborned Hesket to rebellion, Cullin, York, and Williams, to kill the Queen, Walpole and Squire to impoyson her.

They set out Parsons for a Bastard, a seditious Sicophant; and condemn the Iesuite libels to be full of falsities, and trayte∣rous to God and Her; And conclude, with advise to the English, not to hazard their Children into their seminaries, where, with the Elements of Learning, they infuse Tenents, poysonous Trea∣sons.

The Jesuites thus set out, they retort on the other;* 12.174 and it was best wisdom for the State, to banish them both, and but time; for, Winter and Tesmond a Jesuite, were sent for into Spain, to consult the destruction of the Queen, and by other plots, to exclude King Iames Inheritor.

The like Conspiracie in the Low-Countrey against the Arch-Duke, and in France against the King, (and so against most Princes; The Planets then in Conjunction, Malevolent to great men, and foretold by most Astrologers.) In which he e∣scaped hapily, Byrones Treason, who was beheaded and accu∣ses Bouillon, confederate, who fled into Germany, and was com∣plained of to Queen Elizabeth, whose Counsel he craves in these his difficulties, dangerous to his safety, and the hazard of the Monarchy, somewhat drooping, which in police she en∣deavoured to support, and did, with Counsel and Arms, in much affection also to him and reformed Religion, which faith she defended alwaies, in every place.

And now the Town and signiory of Geneve is assaulted by the Duke of Savoy,* 12.175 much pittyed by their Pupils here in Scotland and England, having their Nourishment from that seminary (then) of seditious reformers, who by their preaching to the people, procured great sums of money to be gathered by the be∣volence of most Churches in this Island. The Common-peo∣ple well minded were often cacht, in that time and oportunity of Devotion, liberally to contribute; especially, if it please the Preacher to set it forth, with Rhetorical San••tion; as the Presbyters use to do, for the dear Brethren of Geneve, Germany, and Scotland, &c. One for another, as they for us, when in truth these other were (the most of them) rank Revolters, and

it was then, a great suspition that much of monies, drapt short of their receiving; we return to Scotland.

The King minding to take leave of his Native-Countrey in peace,* 12.176 and so to settle the continuance after his remove to his se∣cond inheritance, now at length very near, He resolved to reduce the High-land Inhabitants of the Northern Isles into the Main; to civilize them, and to plant Low-land men in their habitati∣ons.

Some forward Gentlemen,* 12.177 were undertakers, Guided by the affection and Prayers of the Abbot of Lenders, who went with them. The Gallants were Colonel William Stuart, Captain William Murray, Lermouth of Balcolmy, Iames Spence of Worm∣ston, Sir Iames Amstrader, and Iames Forret of Fingasker. These well furnished, fell first upon the Isle Lewis, and within four daies voyage landed there.

It was Commanded (for Government these had none) by Mor∣doch Macklond, base son to old Macklond, tirannously lording o∣ver the poor people. Being surprized, he made bad resistance; his base usage of the Natives, made him more fearfull of their revenge than of an Enemies Conquest, and therefore hnmbling himself to Conditions; even in the Treaty, his heart distru∣sting quarter,* 12.178 who never gave any, he stole away, and fled to Sea, leaving the Inhabitants soon to Obedience.

The Laird of Balcolmy returning back with this good news to the King; and not many Leagues lanched from Land, but Macklond with a Number of Birlings (little vessels) boarded Balcolmy, killed all his men, and kept him alive, for advance of a Ransome, which was procured out of the Kings Cofers, and he conveyed into Orkney, where he died.

The other Conquerors interessed in this injurie, conjure Neill Macklond brother to Mordoch to betray him, for a piece of mo∣ney and hopes of preferment; He did so, by Ambuscado sur∣prizes him and twelve Men more.* 12.179 Murthers these in could blood; but to keep his word, delivers Mordoch to the under∣takers, who sent him to Saint Andrews, where he was execu∣ted.

The New Planters, began to settle, and share out Lands to themselves, and tenure it out to the poor Natives, drudges, and sworn Subjects; whilst in this seeming security, Norman Macklond, Natural son to old Macklond, with a Regiment of Rogues,* 12.180 raised from all the Neighbour Isles, fell upon them unawares, and forced them to these Conditions.

To procure Him and His remission of all offences and pardon.

To resign to him all their right, to the Isle Lewis.

That Sir James Spence and his son in Law, should be Pledges to him, til these were performed, by Patent from the King.

The case thus altered, Sir Iames Armstroder with his compa∣ny came home (many being killed) obtained them remission, and security of the Isle, and sent to Norman, by Iames Ler∣mouth; the Pledges released, and this Enterprise defeated; but was again attempted three years after, 1605. in this manner.

The first Undertakers weary of thier Design by excessive expence made over their Right to Lumsdale of Ardie and Hay,* 12.181 who with the treachery of Mackey Mackerzy, and Donold Go∣rum, forced the Indabitants out of the Isle; and having done this work, sends to the South-land for Artizans and Laborers, and beginning to build and plant, but wanting means to pay, the Work-men went away; the Natives abroad associate with a number of Islanders, invade the Planters with often Incursions, and so wearied them out of all, for a piece of money to boot to Mackerzy.

There being no remedy left for Robert Bruce,* 12.182 exiled into France, yet upon intercession of some friends, and submission to the King, he had leave to return; and so appearing before the King and Commissioners of the Church, acknowledged his Error, concerning Gowries guilt, (as you have heard) and further to recant it in his next Sermon; which Protestation he sub∣scribes, witnessed by eleven Commissioners, and so had leave to preach, but did not, pretending, That his ministery would be dis∣credited if he should preach by injunction; and was therefore dis∣charged his Ministery by the General Assembly, who enacted, That in memory of his Majesties Deliverance from Gowries At∣tempt, Sermons, Prayer and Thanksgiving should be solemnied in all the Burghs every Tuesday the fifth of August for ever, as the Par∣liament had prescribed in all Churches of the Kingdom.

The Iesuits (as in England so in Scotland) having no hopes of Toleration,* 12.183 but much urged in both Kingdoms, and that their pitifull Pamphlets, for the petence of the Infanta's title to Eng∣land, not prevailing with the people, nor their Treaty of Marri∣age of the Lady Arabella, with the Prince of Savoy, nor with her and the Earl of Hertfords Grand-childe; they went the old way to work, by Murder; and Francis Mowbray son to the Laird of Barru••ho••g all, by the Infanta'•• Court at Bruxels, undertook to kill the King; and in his journey home through England was discovered at London; and accused by one Daniel an Italian, which the other denied, and were both sent secure to Scotland; and there by more severe Examinations, Mowbray was commit∣ted to Edenburgh castle, where, forcing the Grate Irons of his Window, intended to let himself down by his Bed-sheets, which proving too short,* 12.184 he fell from the precipice, and dasht out his brains upon the Rocks; his body was ordered into quarters, as the manner of Traitors, though his kindred (well born) pre∣tended

that he was strangled in Prison,* 12.185 and his body flung out of the Window, to amuze the world with his own death and guilt.

Queen Elizabeths increasing towards her decreasing,* 12.186 she was now left of all without recovery, which occasioned the French King to send his Ambassadour into Scotland, and another into England, under pretence of impeaching the policies of Spain, but rather to observe the motions and disposition of either peo∣ple, in reference to the Queens death, accompanied with Letters to certain Lords of either Nation.

To Secretary Cecil with extreme affection,* 12.187 it being high time to caress such men of interest in State, when in a visit, the Ambassadour to sound him, fell into heart-burning for the misera∣ble calamity that would befall the poor Nation, in the death of the Queen, and in particular Cecil's exchange, of a gracious Mistress for a stranger, King of Scotland, if he should succeed; a Prince no doubt subtile (said he) enough, as yet, to seem fair, un∣till the future occasion give him power and means to revenge his Mothers death, as upon others, so in particulars on you, for your fa∣thers fault then, and your counsels since.

The Secretary suspecting his drist,* 12.188 answered, That it was the usual reward of unspotted duty, when Ministers of State chiefly re∣spect the service of their Sovereign, without regard to their own safety: himself ready to suffer with comfort for so just a cause, the credit thereof being the best security to an even conscience; esteem∣ing that Maries Martyrdom the highest honour; but he supposed, that matters past would not be challenged to memory; if it should be so, and his own case desperate, he might be minded to flee into another City, and take the benefit of his Majesties royal offer.

The Ambassadour made fair retreat, and said, That in case the King of Scots should carry himself with respect which was due to a King of France, his Master was not purposed to impeach his in∣terest.

Cecil replied, The King was wise, and shewed it in that resolu∣tion.

The Secretary sets down this passage to King Iames, taking occasion thereby to assure him his faithfull service, Though he does not as others had done, needlesly hazard his fortune, before fit time.

The King returns him this Answer.

As I do heartily thank you (says he) for your plain and honest offer, so may you assure your self, that it would do me no pleasure, for you to hazard Fortune or Reputation, since the loss of either would make you less valuable to me; No, I love not to feed on such fan∣tastical humours, though I cannot hinder busie-bodies, their own idle imaginations; but I hold it the Office of a King, as sitting on the

Throne of God,* 12.189 to imitate the Primum Mobile, and by his steady and ••ver constant course to govern all other changeable and uncer∣tain motions of the inferiour Planets. And I protest in Gods pre∣sence, that for your constant and honest carriage in your So∣vereigns service, I loved your virtues, long before I could be cer∣tain that you would deserve at my hands the love of your person. Wherefore go on and serve her truly that reigneth, as you have done; for he that is false to the present, will never be true to the future.

To give your judgment of the Kings wisdom and piety, see the difference in his answer to the Earl of Northumberland, who certified him of the Queens weakness, and advised him to make sure of his Title, by apprehending the necessity of hasty possession whilest time was offered.

To him he professeth,* 12.190 That man can neither be religious nor just, that deals not by his Neighbour as himself would be dealt with∣all, and in a Person of quality it can be no wisdom, to ••eap Hedg and Ditch, and adventure his neck, for gathering forbidden fruit before it be ripe, when as by waiting the seasonable time, he may be sure to finde the Gates of the Orchard open, and with freedom, to enter, take, and tast at liberty.

Sure it were a weakness and unworthiness in me to come in as an Usurper, with offence and scandal to the Laws, and present Estate of Government, when I may in the right time clame the Crown as nearest Heir to the Prince deceased, and possess it with equity. Should I, out of untimely ambition break the long continued and faithfully preserved Amity, that by the proof of many mutual kinde offices hath taken root amongst us, were an error inexcusable. And though I do acknowledg your kind•• affection in the offers you make of assistance; I must tell you freely, That no Prince can presume of any Subjects loyalty to himself, that hath been unfaithfull and unsound to his own Sovereign; nor could I ever look to be secure in a King∣dom so traiterously disposed.

And adviseth the Earl, To forbear such Letters, and when he did write, (which he wished but rarely, and not but in great occasion) to beware of any thing justly to offend the Queen; lest by inter∣ception or other misadventure, he might be disabled to serve him hereafter.

The Spaniards driven out of Ireland,* 12.191 Ter Oen retires to his Fastness in Ulster, the Deputy pursues him with a great Army, burn, kill, and take all that come in their way of enmity, divers of the chief Rebells submit, whom the Deputy receives to favour and preferment, somewhat (the common sense) before others, of that Nation, always loyal; It was his wisdom so to do, to quiet the Kingdom, and quench the issue of Bloud, by forget∣ing rather injuries past, than for the present to reward the merits

of others, much deserving. And it took effect also in the per∣son of Ter Oen, who tired with treachery, his best defence, and weared with a world of miseries, in this time of Rebellion, having leisure,* 12.192 whilest he lurked, to meditate and bring all to∣gether to the sadness of his soul; he humbly offers his submissi∣on to the Queen, and prays for pardon, which she in distemper of health authorized the Deputy to promise, and to receive his subjection, which was done at Dublin, in that State of Vicege∣rency, the Deputy sitting in his Throne, incircled with the most of his Militia.

Ter Oen, whose wicked life had brought him to misery, despi∣cable to himself, humbled him at the very threshold of the chamber, prostrates his knees, for pardon of his many offences of God and his Sovereign, to whose princely clemency he flies, as to An∣chor-hold, submits his life and fortune, having heretofore found her goodness, as he hath felt her power, now seeks for mercy as an Exam∣ple to everlasting memory of her present clemency; assuring, his years not so many, nor his body so weak in power, nor courage so cold, but that by valiant and loyal service, he may live to expiate his Re∣bellion.

Upon this score he was taken to favour and pleasure of the Queen:* 12.193 now eight years after his first Rebellion brought to an happy issue, under the Lord Mountjoy the Deputy; the long de∣straction whereof, added to the Queens age, often distempers of the minde, which settled into a sickness of her climaterick seventieth year; and with a fatal longing to remove from Lon∣don to Richmond,* 12.194 in a foul day, to talk of death, and divorce be∣tween Her and her Kingdoms, to whom she wedded her self, she said, (When first she put on a remarkable Ring on her finger) and never removed, till now, it was cut off.

And thus sadness increasing,* 12.195 no wonder at what cause, for she had many; most men, the multitude, will have one to be forsooth the want of Essex; such also were his admirers, and none other of honesty or discretion. Indeed the French King to curry favour, had sent her Letters of suspition, That the Nobi∣lity neglected her too much, affecting the King of Scots, that the dawning of her day should S••n-set, when too timely they endeavoured to adore the morning-rise.* 12.196 And this was true, her Ladies weary of waiting, wish for a change, and all together, long for a Successor, whom they advise to be sent for. The Queen not so sick but to see this, and complain'd, That being yoaked she could trust to none, and her Estate turned top-side turvey.

She was told also, the frequent poasting to Scotland, at which she did not repine, having settled her affection on the Kings succes∣sion, though not necessary for her heretofore to declare. In March she hastens with some symptoms of deaths approach;

very froward and pettish, evermore declining Physick, and now onely took Medicines for the souls health, communicated to her by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in Discourse and Prayer.

The Lord Admiral, Lord Keeper, and Secretary Cecil,* 12.197 came from the Council, to know her pleasure for her Successour.

She said, My Throne is for a King, none other shall succeed me.

Ce••il asked her, What King?

She said, What other King than my Kinsman, the King of Scots?

She was frequent in Prayer, till her tongue was weakned into silence, hands weary with heaving up, or eys able to look out, then after some time, not stirring, she leisurely turned her head, with ratling in the throat,* 12.198 and gave up the ghost to God Al∣mighty on that day of her Birth, from whom she had ••t, seventy years since, on a Thursday night this four and twentieth of March, the last day of the year 1602. and in the five and fortieth of her Reign, an Age and Reign not to be numbered by any one King of England before. Her Successour said as much in his Pre∣face to his son, The like had not been seen or heard of since the days of Augustus.* 12.199

And one speaking of her days,* 12.200 We have lived (says he) in a tim•• of miracles; Was it not a miraculous mercy, that Queen Eli∣zabeth that m••t••hl••ss Princess and Pearl of the World should in in these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 times be preserved in safety, as a sweet harmless Lamb, amidst so many merciless, Romish Wolves, who implacably thirsted for her pretious life? Was it not a wonder, that the sacred hand of that self-same crowned blessed Lady (next under Gods Almighty one) should in despite of all the P••••ers of Darkness and popish rage, raise our tr••e Religion, as it were, by mirac••e from the dead, a thing which the World hoped little to see, that ••ven they which beheld it done, scarcely believed their own senses, that after the silver line of her most hououred life, should be hid in the endless maze of Gods bot∣tomless mercies, from the fiery assaults of so many popish Bulls, such a prodigious variety of murderous complotments against her sacred person, and all these desperate Assassines of Rome, who all her life long, hunted full greedily after her virgin bloud? And was not our Deliverance in Eighty Eight a miracle, when the Sea fought for us? There was a Day, which (as many of us remember) the Papists cal∣led, The long look•• for Day, the Day should pay for all;* 12.201 they meant the Day when she should die; that it would be a bloudy Day, by the uncertainty of the next Heir; our Countrey is in the most dreadfull and desperate case, in the greatest misery, and most dangerous times that ever it was since or before the Con∣quest, and far worse than any Countrey in Christendom, by the certainty of the most bloudy, civil, and forein Wars; all our

wealth and felicity whatsoever, depending upon a few uncertain days of Queen Elizabeths life.

Clouds of bloud (says another) hang in the Air, which at the death of Queen Elizabeth will dissolve and rain down upon Eng∣land,* 12.202 which then is expected as a Prey to Neighbour Nations.

These false Prophets spake this sense; for the Sun set, and no night followed.

Mira cano, Sol occubuit, Nox nulla secuta.

The same mercifull hand, at the same time, crowned Queen Elizabeth with immortal glory, and set the Earthly Crown of this Kingdom upon King Iames his head, without shedding so much as one drop of bloud.

Sic transit gloria mundi.

Queen Elizabeth was a Princess excellent in all Tongues; she translated the Prayers of Queen Katharine into Latine, French, and Italian; she wrote a Century of Sentences, and dedicated them to her Father; and translated Salustius; she made several Orations in Latine in both the Universities; and entertained Am∣bassadours always in their own Languages: many of her excel∣lent Speeches in Parliament are in print.

Queen Mary of Scotland wrote a Book of Verses in French of the Institution of a Prince, all with her own hand, wrought the Cover with her Needle, which the King Kept as a Relick of her Memory, as I have seen.

The End of the first Part.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno 1542.
• * 1.2

  Q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 comes to the ••••own.
• * 1.3

  Romish and Reformed Religions.
• * 1.4

  Scots, how Christians.
• * 1.5

  From Palla∣dius.
• * 1.6

  Schism at Rome creats Excep••ions to P••pacy, By Wickliff, Iohn Hus, Ier. of Prag. and some Scots.
• * 1.7

  First Bishops in Scotland.
• * 1.8

  Arch-bi∣shops, and Cardi∣nals.
• * 1.9

  Popes pre∣sents.
• * 1.10

  Scotis•• Mar∣tyrs.
• * 1.11

  Of Nor∣thern Mar∣tyrs.
• * 1.12

  Anno 1543.
• * 1.13

  Scots Priso∣ners promise a Mariage;
• * 1.14

  the French interpose.
• * 1.15

  1544.
• * 1.16

  Incense the English to Arms.
• * 1.17

  And land with Fire & Sword,
• * 1.18

  and return;
• * 1.19

  and the like in France.
• * 1.20

  Take Bul∣loign.
• * 1.21

  The Scots enter Engl.
• * 1.22

  Scots im∣broiled in troubles a home.
• * 1.23

  Cardinal Beato•• mur∣thered.
• * 1.24

  Anno 1546.
• * 1.25

  Io. Knox the Reform∣ers Ringlea∣der.
• * 1.26

  First Mini∣ster.
• * 1.27

  Tumult.
• * 1.28

  1547.
• * 1.29

  H••n. 8. dies.
• * 1.30

  Antient League with France.
• * 1.31

  English Ar∣my to bal∣lance diffe∣rences,
• * 1.32

  Sent by K. Edward.
• * 1.33

  The Letter of Summons pres••nted to the Scotish Army.
• * 1.34

  Anno 1547.
• * 1.35

  Which they neglect.
• * 1.36

  The Armies meet.
• * 1.37

  The Scots are discom∣••ited, & slain 14000. l.
• * 1.38

  1548.
• * 1.39

  10000. French come to their aid.
• * 1.40

  The Queen at six years of age sent into France.
• * 1.41

  Hadington siege.
• * 1.42

  French Command.
• * 1.43

  English For∣ces recruit.
• * 1.44

  Anno 1548.
• * 1.45

  Io. Knox his travellings and course of Life;
• * 1.46

  at Franck∣ford accused of Treason,
• * 1.47

  and flies back to France, and so to Scotl. 1555.
• * 1.48

  and back a∣gain to Ge∣neva, and then again to France. 1557.
• * 1.49

  and by Let∣ters to his Faction in Scotland, they come into Cove∣nant, 1558. Presbytery first set up at Dundee.
• * 1.50

  Digression. Of Geneva, and their first Presby∣tery Church.
• * 1.51

  Francis••us Bonivard.
• * 1.52

  Simler•••• de Rep. Helv.
• * 1.53

  Anno 1558.
• * 1.54

  Farellus thei•• Foun∣der.
• * 1.55

  Bod. de Rep. p. 353.
• * 1.56

  Calv. to Sa▪dol. p. 172.
• * 1.57

  Bod. de Rep. p. 353.
• * 1.58

  Calv. comes to Geneva, and fabricks a Discipline.
• * 1.59

  Bez. in vita Calvin. Calv. de nec. ref. eco. p. 64.
• * 1.60

  They advise of a Church Discipline.
• * 1.61

  Bez. in vita Calvin.
• * 1.62

  Capit. to Fa∣rel. Ep. Cal. 6.
• * 1.63

  Cap. to Fareli Epist. Calv. 6.
• * 1.64

  Beza de vita Calv.
• * 1.65

  Cal. •••• Bullen∣ger.
• * 1.66

  Cal. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bullen∣ger Ep. 207.
• * 1.67

  Bod. de Rep. ••. 2. Calv. 6.
• * 1.68

  Cal. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vire•••••• Epist. 586.
• * 1.69

  The promu••∣gation thereof.
• * 1.70

  Beza to G••ir∣dal Ep. 8.
• * 1.71

  Anno 1559.
• * 1.72

  Treaty at Cambray.
• * 1.73

  Articles of Calice.
• * 1.74

  The French King aims at England.
• * 1.75

  Quarter the Arms of Eng∣land.
• * 1.76

  K. of France killed at a Tilting.
• * 1.77

  Q. Elizabeth of••ended.
• * 1.78

  Knox arrives in Scotland.
• * 1.79

  Marches in tumult to Sterling, called the Congregati∣on, and Rebel.
• * 1.80

  Ro•••• and de∣molish the Fry••ries.
• * 1.81

  Destroy Scone take Sterlin and Eden∣burgh.
• * 1.82

  and are pro∣clai••ed Tray∣••ors.
• * 1.83

  Covenant a∣new, and call in aid,
• * 1.84

  of England;
• * 1.85

  and the other bring in the French.
• * 1.86

  Lords of the Congregation Traytors,
• * 1.87

  who publish Decl••rations,
• * 1.88

  to depose the Qu. Regent••
• * 1.89

  French Forces Shipwrack••.
• * 1.90

  The Kirk ••∣led Pro••e∣stan••••:
• * 1.91

  Support from England.
• * 1.92

  Knox his pe∣stilent Pa••∣phlet.
• * 2.1

  Caecils Letter to Knox.
• * 2.2

  Caecils consi¦dera••••ion.
• * 2.3

  Scots dissem∣ble.
• * 2.4

  Gain assistance from Englan.
• * 2.5

  Contract ami∣ty with the Religion.
• * 2.6

  Anno 1560.
• * 2.7

  English Army 10000. under Lord Gray.
• * 2.8

  Presbyters 4. Covenant. Q Regent dys. Peace on all Parts.
• * 2.9

  Treaty at E∣denburgh.
• * 2.10

  24. to Govern.
• * 2.11

  Ministers make work.
• * 2.12

  Super-Inten∣dents.
• * 2.13

  Crave Liberty of Conscience
• * 2.14

  25. Articles of faith.
• * 2.15

  Frame a Dis∣cipline.
• * 2.16

  King Francis dies.
• * 2.17

  Orders in the Ministery.
• * 2.18

  Ambassadour from France to break the League with England.
• * 2.19

  Jealousi••▪ be∣tween Eng∣land and Scotland.
• * 2.20

  Queen Mary comes home.
• * 2.21

  Anno 1561.
• * 2.22

  Mass opposed.
• * 2.23

  Q. Eliz. sends to ratifie the peace at E∣denburgh.
• * 2.24

  Ministers as∣semble at pleasure,
• * 2.25

  and therefore questioned.
• * 2.26

  Their Disci∣pline Orders subscribed.
• * 2.27

  Maintenance allowed them.
• * 2.28

  very small. A Scotch Mark is 13. d. ob Sterling. 22. ••. in gold;
• * 2.29

  Modificators.
• * 2.30

  Lords comit Riot,
• * 2.31

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 take ••••ms.
• * 2.32

  Ar•••••• Plot.
• * 2.33

  Anno 1562.
• * 2.34

  Ministers as∣semble,
• * 2.35

  Vote them∣selves exempt from Justice.
• * 2.36

  The Queen opposed.
• * 2.37

  Rebels defea∣ted.
• * 2.38

  Mess••ns a Su∣per-intendent hath a Bastard
• * 2.39

  Anno 1563.
• * 2.40

  Chatteler ex∣ecuted.
• * 2.41

  The Ki••ks ju∣stice upon Papists.
• * 2.42

  Papists com∣mitted.
• * 2.43

  Knox inso∣lency to Mur∣ray.
• * 2.44

  Parliament not piyant to the Kirk.
• * 2.45

  Knox.
• * 2.46

  The Queen talks with Knox,
• * 2.47

  His answer.
• * 2.48

  Insolency at the Altar Mass.
• * 3.1

  Knox his Breves to his Brethren.
• * 3.2

  questioned by the Council.
• * 3.3

  General As∣sembly.
• * 3.4

  Goodman.
• * 3.5

  Anno 1564.
• * 3.6

  Knox his In∣solent answer.
• * 3.7

  Lenox and Darly from England.
• * 3.8

  The Q. affecti∣on to Da••ly.
• * 3.9

  His de••cent.
• * 3.10

  Q••. Eliz not displeased with the Match.
• * 3.11

  The Ki••k ene∣my to Mass.
• * 3.12

  Punish a Mass Priest.
• * 3.13

  Bothwell cal∣led to ac∣count, flies into France.
• * 3.14

  Anno 1565.
• * 3.15

  The Q••een propo••es her Mariage with Darly,
• * 3.16

  who is creat∣ed E. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.17

  Six Articles of the Church National.
• * 3.18

  Her answer.
• * 3.19

  The Mariage hastened.
• * 3.20

  Ross made D. of Rothsay.
• * 3.21

  The Mariage in July 1565.
• * 3.22

  The K. and Q. take Arms,
• * 3.23

  so do the Lords.
• * 3.24

  Knox sermon against the Government.
• * 3.25

  Both Armies match in sight.
• * 3.26

  The Lords proclamed Rebells.
• * 3.27

  Fly into Eng¦land,
• * 3.28

  and get aid,
• * 3.29

  but submit
• * 3.30

  General As∣sembly.
• * 3.31

  Rizio the French Secre∣tary.
• * 3.32

  The first Pub∣lique fast in Scotland.
• * 3.33

  Rambullet Ambassadour of France.
• * 3.34

  How the King should quarter his Coat arms
• * 3.35

  The K. turns Protestant.
• * 3.36

  Banish•• Lords sent for.
• * 3.37

  K. negl••cted, Bothwel ad∣vanced.
• * 3.38

  The Queen brought to bed of a Son.
• * 3.39

  Me••••ans pe∣nance.
• * 3.40

  Anno 1566.
• * 3.41

  The K. discon∣tented letters intercep••ed.
• * 3.42

  Knox pro∣cures Geneve Confession.
• * 3.43

  Bothwel visi∣ted by the Q.
• * 3.44

  Sheprogresses to the Borders at Berwick.
• * 3.45

  Borders, how bounded.
• * 3.46

  Prince bapti∣zed James.
• * 3.47

  The Kirk have all they desire
• * 3.48

  Manner of excommuni∣cating.
• * 3.49

  Ingrateful.
• * 3.50

  Prescribe good behavi∣our in Eng∣land.
• * 3.51

  The King murdered.
• * 3.52

  H's Character
• * 3.53

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣port of the Kings death.
• * 3.54

  Bothwel di∣vorced,
• * 3.55

  and maried to the Queen.
• * 3.56

  Anno 1567.
• * 3.57

  Summary of the la••e Mur∣ders, and their Acc••ssaries.
• * 3.58

  Buchanan Books.
• * 3.59

  Udall.
• * 3.60

  Sir Roger A∣••••o••s repo••t of the Kings Murder.
• * 3.61

  A brief Nar∣ration of the late Murders▪ and the Queens hasty Mariages, and the cause▪.
• * 3.62

  The Q••••aries Bothwel.
• * 3.63

  The Lords take Arms.
• * 3.64

  Bothwel is denied the Combate,
• * 3.65

  flie••, and the Q taken.
• * 3.66

  Treat a peace
• * 3.67

  Q. Eliz ex∣postulates these procee∣dings by Am∣ba••••y.
• * 3.68

  See Mar••ins History.
• * 3.69

  Buchanans Books.
• * 3.70

  Q Mary com∣pelled to re∣sign to her Son.
• * 3.71

  Digres••ion. of Combates & single Duel••.
• * 3.72

  The Q. scapes out of prison.
• * 3.73

  All parties arm.
• * 3.74

  Murray 4000. the Qu. 6000.
• * 3.75

  both encoun∣ter.
• * 3.76

  The Queen disco••••ited.
• * 3.77

  T•••• Q••. flies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••nger.
• * 3.78

  She lands in England, and writes to Qu. Elizabeth.
• * 3.79

  Commissio∣ners treat a∣bout the Sco∣tish Q••een.
• * 3.80

  Anno 1568.
• * 3.81

  Regent po••ts to Q••. E••iz.
• * 3.82

  Reg••••nt 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.83

  The Duke of Norfolk com∣mitted, and his story which Murray plotted.
• * 3.84

  Anno 1569.
• * 3.85

  The Earls of Northumb. & Westmerland fly to Scod.
• * 3.86

  Murray the Regent slain.
• * 3.87

  Lenox chosen Regent, be∣••t••••s himself.
• * 3.88

  Anno 1570.
• * 3.89

  Bishop Ross Ambassadour examined.
• * 3.90

  Pawlet Lord Treasurer, his childrens children 103.
• * 3.91

  Parliament surprized.
• * 3.92

  Lenox 〈◊〉〈◊〉 R••∣gent slain. S••pt. 6 1571.
• * 3.93

  Ma•• elected Reg••n, Sep••
• * 3.94

  Anno 1572.
• * 3.95

  Duke of N••r∣folk arraig••••d
• * 3.96

  Commissio∣ners expostu∣l••te criminal∣ly with the Q. of Scot••.
• * 3.97

  Morton base¦ly ••ells the E. of Northum.
• * 3.98

  unto executi∣on
• * 3.99

  Scotland in faction of the King and Qu.
• * 3.100

  Edenburgh besi••ged.
• * 3.101

  Anno 1573.
• * 3.102

  Regent relie∣ved out of England,
• * 3.103

  and wins the Castl••.
• * 3.104

  His Coyn.
• * 3.105

  Cofins the Kirk.
• * 3.106

  Melvin a Ge∣neve Discipl••∣narian,
• * 3.107

  his Rantings.
• * 3.108

  Bishop Ross released out of the Tower▪
• * 3.109

  and banished.
• * 3.110

  The Borderers con••er,
• * 3.111

  and quarrel.
• * 3.112

  Mor••ons wi••e submission.
• * 3.113

  Anno 1574.
• * 3.114

  The Ministers stiled Praecisi∣ans.
• * 3.115

  Duke Castle-herauld dies.
• * 3.116

  His Character
• * 3.117

  and Issue.
• * 3.118

  O••mston exe∣cuted for the Kings murder.
• * 3.119

  Heriots death & Character••.
• * 3.120

  Anno 1575.
• * 3.121

  Inovation in Church▪ by Melvil▪
• * 3.122

  agai••st Epis∣copal ••uncti∣on.
• * 3.123

  The Regent misgoverns.
• * 3.124

  Q. of Sco••s de¦signed to dy.
• * 3.125

  An••o••. d'Pe∣res in Englan.
• * 3.126

  Anno 1576.
• * 3.127

  Don John•• design bl••sted in th•• bud.
• * 3.128

  Ma••gari••e old Countess Le∣nox dies.
• * 3.129

  Her Royal de∣scent,
• * 3.130

  and Issue.
• * 3.131

  Anno 1577.
• * 3.132

  Con••p••rators against the Regent
• * 3.133

  Arguile and Athol at vari∣ance.
• * 3.134

  Forerunner of the Regents fall.
• * 3.135

  Complaint•• a∣g••inst Morton,
• * 3.136

  which the Mi∣ni••••ry increase
• * 3.137

  Regent offers to resign.
• * 3.138

  Is deposed.
• * 3.139

  The King 12. years old is Crowned.
• * 3.140

  A sactio•• Ge∣neve Synod.
• * 3.141

  Melvin.
• * 3.142

  Morton plots re••enge by the E••rl of Mar.
• * 3.143

  Anno 1578.
• * 3.144

  Randolph Ambassadour.
• * 3.145

  Parliament Royal,
• * 3.146

  disagree,
• * 3.147

  and are made Friends.
• * 3.148

  Coyn overva∣lued.
• * 3.149

  The Chancel∣lor impoison∣ed by Morton
• * 3.150

  Parliament, the Kings roy∣al appearance.
• * 3.151

  His Speech.
• * 3.152

  Act•• ••or Reli∣gion.
• * 3.153

  Aubigny Stu∣art in great favour.
• * 3.154

  But disliked there and in England.
• * 3.155

  Qu. Eliz. Mes∣senge•• negle∣cted.
• * 3.156

  Anno 1580.
• * 3.157

  Burleighs speech to the Scots Ambas∣sadour.
• * 3.158

  Morton dis∣conten tre∣tires.
• * 3.159

  Charged with the late Kings Murther.
• * 3.160

  Randolph rides post from Q Eliz.
• * 3.161

  abuses his pri∣vilege of an Ambassadour.
• * 3.162

  Anno 1581.
• * 3.163

  Mor••on be∣headed with his own Ax.
• * 3.164

  His character.
• * 3.165

  Ruthen crea∣ted ••arl of Gowry.
• * 4.1

  Q. Mary writes to Q. Eliz.
• * 4.2

  Anno 1582.
• * 4.3

  Which trou∣bles her con∣science.
• * 4.4

  Surprize of the King at Ruthen.
• * 4.5

  Removed to Edenburgh, and are confir∣med by the Clergy.
• * 4.6

  Ambassadours ill used.
• * 4.7

  The King Or∣ders to feast them, but the Kirk com∣mand a fast.
• * 4.8

  Buchanans dea••h and Character.
• * 4.9

  The King fre∣eth himself.
• * 4.10

  Anno 1583.
• * 4.11

  Ambassadour from England plea••s for the Rebels.
• * 4.12

  The late D of Lenox chil∣dren prefe••'d.
• * 4.13

  factious Lords submit.
• * 4.14

  The Ministers meddle.
• * 4.15

  Melvils ill manners.
• * 4.16

  Gowry impri∣soned,
• * 4.17

  His confession.
• * 4.18

  Anno 1584.
• * 4.19

  Petition.
• * 4.20

  Arraignment.
• * 4.21

  His excep••••∣ons.
• * 4.22

  Cond••m••ed and executed.
• * 4.23

  His Character
• * 4.24

  Some Mini∣sters for med∣ling fled to England.
• * 4.25

  Declarations.
• * 4.26

  and Acts of State.
• * 4.27

  They reply with Letters to Edenburgh
• * 4.28

  A••d are sharp¦ly 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.29

  Design•• in England for Queen Mary.
• * 4.30

  Wade an En∣voy to Spain.
• * 4.31

  Anno 1585.
• * 4.32

  Mary propo∣se•• condition•• The Kirk dis∣quiet.
• * 4.33

  A Parliament.
• * 4.34

  The Kings s••∣premacy and other Lawes confirmed.
• * 4.35

  Ministers fly into England.
• * 4.36

  Presbyters e∣quivocation.
• * 4.37

  Divers execu∣ted for Con∣spiracies.
• * 4.38

  Angu•• and o∣ther Fugi∣••ives in Engl.
• * 4.39

  Insol••nt.
• * 4.40

  Arran made Chancellour his great▪ p••∣••r▪ in State.
• * 4.41

  Maxwel mis∣used,
• * 4.42

  takes arms a∣gainst the L. Johnston.
• * 4.43

  Arran declines in Q••een El••∣zabeths favo••.
• * 4.44

  Holy League.
• * 4.45

  Wootton sent Ambass••dour to Scotland.
• * 4.46

  Propositions of a Mariage with Den∣mark.
• * 4.47

  The Lords conspire,
• * 4.48

  and declare.
• * 4.49

  Wotton plo••s with them and posts home.
• * 4.50

  The Lords seize the King at S••erlin, & treat.
• * 4.51

  1567. Parl. cap. 2
• * 4.52

  1572. Acts 46.
• * 4.53

  48.
• * 4.54

  54.
• * 4.55

  1573. Acts 55.
• * 4.56

  1578. Acts 63.
• * 4.57

  1579. Acts 69.
• * 4.58

  Acts 71.
• * 4.59

  1584. Acts 130.
• * 4.60

  132.
• * 4.61

  133.
• * 4.62

  1587. Acts 23.
• * 4.63

  Anno 1586.
• * 4.64

  1597. Acts 231.
• * 4.65

  1606. Act. 2.
• * 4.66

  6.
• * 4.67

  1617. Act. 1.
• * 4.68

  Buchanan. See his de ju∣••egni Pag. 50 usque 57.
• * 4.69

  Davison.
• * 4.70

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tru∣l•• stated.
• * 4.71

  Genevians, Whittingham Goodman, Gilby, Whitehead, Coverdale,
• * 4.72

  Orthodox men.
• * 4.73

  Scory, Barlow Cox, Beacon, Bale, Park∣ho••st, Grindal, Sands, Nowel, Wisdom, Jew∣el.
• * 4.74

  Udal, Penry.
• * 4.75

  Martin, Gilby, and others,
• * 4.76

  See after an∣no 1591.
• * 4.77

  Learned Hooker.
• * 4.78

  Cartwrights, and others,
• * 4.79

  League offen∣sive and defen∣sive England and Scotland.
• * 4.80

  Against the holy League of Papists.
• * 4.81

  Return to Qu∣••••••aries story.
• * 4.82

  Remo•••••••• in••o custody ••o Pawlet.
• * 4.83

  ••rdundel 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.84

  Northumber∣land pistols himself.
• * 4.85

  Babingtons Treason.
• * 4.86

  Pooley.
• * 4.87

  Be••••ayed by Gifford a Priest.
• * 4.88

  Gifford a false Priest.
• * 4.89

  Traytors all execu••ed.
• * 4.90

  Gifford sent ••nto France,
• * 4.91

  and there im∣poisoned.
• * 4.92

  Q••. of S••ots c••mes to her Tryal.
• * 4.93

  The manner.
• * 4.94

  L. Chancel∣lo••rs Speech.
• * 4.95

  Her Answer.
• * 4.96

  Chancellou••s Reply.
• * 4.97

  Gawdy.
• * 4.98

  Queen.
• * 4.99

  Queen.
• * 4.100

  Que••n.
• * 4.101

  Treasurer.
• * 4.102

  Queen.
• * 4.103

  Queen.
• * 4.104

  Queen.
• * 4.105

  Sentence a∣gainst the Qu. of Scots▪
• * 4.106

  Opinions of her Sentence.
• * 4.107

  A d••legate Parliam••nt require Exe∣cution.
• * 4.108

  Q. Elizabeth•• cunning re∣ply.
• * 4.109

  Sentence pro∣clamed.
• * 4.110

  King Jame•• perplexed ••ends Keith to Q••. Eliz▪
• * 4.111

  With several directions.
• * 4.112

  The Queens Answer.
• * 4.113

  O••her L••tters more c••lm,
• * 4.114

  and Ambass••∣do••••s.
• * 4.115

  Ambassado••rs reason with the Queen.
• * 4.116

  The King write•• to Gray.
• * 4.117

  ••nd Leicester to the King.
• * 4.118

  So does Wal∣singham to the Lord Thirlstan.
• * 4.119

  False Tale••.
• * 4.120

  Scotland in disorder.
• * 4.121

  The Ministers refuse to pray for their Qu.
• * 4.122

  Cooper a saucy Mini¦ster.
• * 4.123

  Is committed
• * 4.124

  More letters from the K.
• * 4.125

  A Mandate for execution.
• * 4.126

  Davison.
• * 4.127

  Be••le.
• * 4.128

  The manner of her Execu∣tion.
• * 4.129

  Her featur••••.
• * 4.130

  Her apparel∣led.
• * 4.131

  Comes forth of her cham∣ber.
• * 4.132

  Commission∣ers receive her, who
• * 4.133

  speaks with Melvin her▪ ma••.
• * 4.134

  And to the Commission∣ers.
• * 4.135

  Who denie he•• some re∣quests.
• * 4.136

  At which she weep••,
• * 4.137

  And they yield.
• * 4.138

  and she come•• to the Scaffold
• * 4.139

  Sits down.
• * 4.140

  Beale•• speech.
• * 4.141

  Dr. Fle••cher Dean of Peter∣boroughs ex∣hortation.
• * 4.142

  She interrupts him.
• * 4.143

  He prayed for her.
• * 4.144

  Her demeanor in Prayers.
• * 4.145

  Executioners and servants disrobe her.
• * 4.146

  Her servants sorrowful.
• * 4.147

  She kneels at the Block.
• * 4.148

  And is execu∣ted.
• * 4.149

  46. yeers old 18. yeers pri∣soner.
• * 4.150

  Observable, her Dogs d••∣meaner.
• * 4.151

  Her Corps buried in the Cathedral of Peterborough. Magnificent∣ly removed by K. James to Westmin∣ster, 1612.
• * 4.152

  Her Epitaphs.
• * 5.1

  Q. Elizabeths Letter to the K. of Scots.
• * 5.2

  Davison sen∣tenced in Star-chamber.
• * 5.3

  His apology unto Walsing.
• * 5.4

  Foul play on all hands.
• * 5.5

  Walsinghams Letter to pa∣cifie the K.
• * 6.1

  Walsinghams Letter to the L. Thirlstan.
• * 6.2

  The King•• de∣portment up∣on his Mo∣thers death.
• * 6.3

  Whom Queen Elizabeth caressed.
• * 6.4

  Anno 1587.
• * 6.5

  Designs upon the King to revenge.
• * 6.6

  Designs in Scotlaand.
• * 6.7

  Earl A••gus dies bewitcht.
• * 6.8

  His Character.
• * 6.9

  Civil broyl•• in Scotland to kill the Lord Thirslton by Gray,
• * 6.10

  accused,
• * 6.11

  of Treason al∣so.
• * 6.12

  He was bani∣shed.
• * 6.13

  A Parliament, the King re∣conciles the Lords.
• * 6.14

  And endea∣vours to do so by ••he Kirk∣men, who re∣fuse mediati∣on.
• * 6.15

  Borderers in ••••wd.
• * 6.16

  Hunsdon Am∣bassador to Scotla••••▪
• * 6.17

  Ambassadours about the ma∣riage with Denmark.
• * 6.18

  Jesuit•• arrive in Scotland.
• * 6.19

  Kirk-men in∣solent.
• * 6.20

  Anno 1588.
• * 6.21

  and in mutiny for Gibson.
• * 6.22

  Gibsons ab••se of the King.
• * 6.23

  He flies into England to the Schisma∣ticks.
• * 6.24

  Puritans of England.
• * 6.25

  Martin, f. 780.
• * 6.26

  Maxwell in Rebellion is pursued by the King.
• * 6.27

  Maxwell fli••••.
• * 6.28

  Ca••tles ren∣dered.
• * 6.29

  Taken Pri∣soner.
• * 6.30

  Rumou•• of the Spanish Navy.
• * 6.31

  The Kings Speech.
• * 6.32

  The Chancel∣lors opinion.
• * 6.33

  Bothwell per∣swades to in∣vade Eng∣land.
• * 6.34

  Col. Semples false designs.
• * 6.35

  is rescued by Huntley.
• * 6.36

  who is dis∣missed the Court.
• * 6.37

  Q. Elizabeths message.
• * 6.38

  The narration of the Spanish Navy.
• * 6.39

  The number of particu∣lars.
• * 6.40

  Officers.
• * 6.41

  Their Design with Parma.
• * 6.42

  The first ap∣proach.
• * 6.43

  Anno 1589.
• * 6.44

  Defeated by a S••ratagem, of fire ships.
• * 6.45

  Several Ship∣wracks,
• * 6.46

  Great Losses.
• * 6.47

  prophecies.
• * 6.48

  Scots Catho∣liques dis••ay∣ed
• * 6.49

  Huntly writes to Parma.
• * 7.1

  So doth Ar∣rol.
• * 8.1

  And so do Huntley, Crawford and Maxwell,
• * 8.2

  Catholique Lords Rebell.
• * 8.3

  Design how to meet.
• * 8.4

  Queen Eliza∣beth writes to the King.
• * 8.5

  Proclamations against Jesuits who join with the Rebels.
• * 8.6

  The King in∣courages his forces.
• * 8.7

  Commission▪ ers sent to ••etch the K. Bride from Denmark.
• * 8.8

  Rebells sub∣mit, and are committed.
• * 8.9

  Ministers make work.
• * 8.10

  The King•• de∣sign to meet his Queen in Norway.
• * 8.11

  The cause and maner therof.
• * 9.1

  with further direction••.
• * 9.2

  What Lords shall govern and how.
• * 9.3

  He maries the Queen.
• * 9.4

  And goes for∣ward to Den∣mark.
• * 9.5

  Anno 1590.
• * 9.6

  And returns to Scotland.
• * 9.7

  The Queens Coronation by a Minister.
• * 9.8

  E. of Arundel arraigned in England.
• * 9.9

  Popes Bull.
• * 9.10

  Condemned,
• * 9.11

  & pardoned.
• * 9.12

  English expe∣dition to Por∣tugal,
• * 9.13

  land at the Groyne.
• * 9.14

  Col••mella, & Pl••ni••.
• * 9.15

  Navars title to France.
• * 9.16

  Holy Leagu••rs
• * 9.17

  Gui••es ••••r∣••hred.
• * 9.18

  Henry 3. mur∣••hered.
• * 9.19

  Justified by the Pope.
• * 9.20

  Q. Elizabeth aids Nava••.
• * 9.21

  Spain interes∣sed.
• * 9.22

  As••i••ts France with more money.

  • 101560,
  • 071165,
  • 020000,
  • 033333.
  • 226058.

  Crowns.
• * 9.23

  And the Dutch.

  • 125000.
  • 260000.
  • 385000.

  Florins.
• * 9.24

  See after,
• * 9.25

  She raises her Custom-Farm.
• * 9.26

  She ballan∣c••••h her neighbour interests.
• * 9.27

  The Assem∣bly petition the King.
• * 9.28

  His Answer and advice to suppress ••e••d••
• * 9.29

  Huntley and Murray quar∣rel.
• * 9.30

  Another of the Kers.
• * 9.31

  Witches ac∣cuse Both∣wel.
• * 9.32

  who is com∣mitted to Prison and escapes.
• * 9.33

  Archbish. of St. Andrews die••,
• * 9.34

  and abused by the Ministery.
• * 9.35

  Secretary Walsingham dies, his Cha∣racter.
• * 9.36

  And so does Randolph,
• * 9.37

  18. times Em∣bassadour a∣broad.
• * 9.38

  And the ••. of Shrewsbury••dies.
• * 9.39

  An Epitaph.
• * 9.40

  Irish Rebells.
• * 9.41

  Essex expedi∣tion into France with 4000.
• * 9.42

  Hackets hor∣rible Tenents and Treasons.
• * 9.43

  Mad-headed Hypocrites.
• * 9.44

  Anno 1591.
• * 9.45

  His disciples,
• * 9.46

  apprehended,
• * 9.47

  his blaspemy,
• * 9.48

  and execution.
• * 9.49

  puny Jesuits.
• * 9.50

  Their Semi∣naries.
• * 9.51

  Confirmed by the Pope.
• * 9.52

  Bot••wels Treason to seize the King and Court.
• * 9.53

  The manner the••eof.
• * 9.54

  Fire the Q••. lodging••▪
• * 9.55

  and 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 9.56

  Huntley and Murray fall in∣to the mis∣chief.
• * 9.57

  The Sheriff killed.
• * 9.58

  Anno 1592.
• * 9.59

  Murray mise∣rably slain.
• * 9.60

  The cause of Murrays death put upon o∣thers.
• * 9.61

  Murry lamen∣ted.
• * 9.62

  Huntley is at Liberty.
• * 9.63

  Uchiltry abu∣sed.
• * 9.64

  The Chu••ch interfeers the State Affairs.
• * 9.65

  And Articles,
• * 9.66

  agreed.
• * 9.67

  Bothwells o∣ther attempts at Faulkland,
• * 9.68

  is defeated,
• * 9.69

  and flies to England.
• * 9.70

  Lindsey Lord Spinie is sus∣spected,
• * 9.71

  and becomes a companion of Bothwells.
• * 9.72

  A love trick of a Woman.
• * 9.73

  Faction a∣gainst the Chancellour.
• * 9.74

  Clanhattons a∣gainst Huntly.
• * 9.75

  Angus com∣mitted.
• * 9.76

  Ker his Com••mission to Spain.
• * 9.77

  Plots of Pa∣pists.
• * 9.78

  The French King relieved by Q. Eliz.
• * 9.79

  Turns Papist.
• * 9.80

  Duke of Par∣ma dies.
• * 9.81

  The Queens message by L. Burroughs.
• * 9.82

  The Kings Answer.
• * 9.83

  the Ambassa∣dours reply.
• * 9.84

  Anno 1593.
• * 9.85

  Church As∣sembly.
• * 9.86

  Munday Mar∣ket to be alte∣red.
• * 9.87

  Bothwel seises the King at Holy rood-house.
• * 9.88

  And enforces Articles.
• * 9.89

  The King complains of Bothwels in∣solencies.
• * 9.90

  The Lords r••∣sent it, and send to him.
• * 9.91

  Denounced Rebell.
• * 9.92

  Proceedings against Popish Lords.
• * 9.93

  by the Mini∣sters.
• * 9.94

  The King displeased with the Assembly.
• * 9.95

  Their farther proceedings in Tumult.
• * 9.96

  Commissio∣ners to try the Popish Lords,
• * 9.97

  and conclude these Articles.
• * 9.98

  Maxwells and Johnstons fewds.
• * 9.99

  The Kinds sad condition.
• * 9.100

  Popish Lords come not in.
• * 9.101

  Pr. Henry born in Feb.
• * 9.102

  Lord Zowch Ambassadour from England
• * 9.103

  and Ministers assist Bothwels attempt.
• * 9.104

  and so do Ar∣guile and Ar∣rol.
• * 9.105

  Anno 1594.
• * 9.106

  The King pleads to the people after Sermon for as∣sistance.
• * 9.107

  Bothwel dissi∣pated.
• * 9.108

  Colvil Am∣bassadour to England com∣plains of Zowch.
• * 9.109

  The Queens ••nswer.
• * 9.110

  Papists bani∣shed.
• * 9.111

  Remonstrance of the Assem∣bly against Papists.
• * 9.112

  And the Re∣medies.
• * 9.113

  The Solem∣nities of the Princes Bap∣tism named Henry Fre∣d••rick.
• * 9.114

  At the Cha∣ple,
• * 9.115

  The King sends to Eng∣land for mo∣ney.
• * 9.116

  Bothwel and the Popish Lords join in Rebellion.
• * 9.117

  Arguile and Athol,
• * 9.118

  against Hunt∣ley and Arrol.
• * 9.119

  Arguile dis∣comfited.
• * 9.120

  The K. comes to the Good-speed, & they are banished.
• * 9.121

  Bothwel flies into France,
• * 9.122

  and dies at Naples some years after.
• * 9.123

  Assemblie of the Church in Scotland.
• * 9.124

  Answer the K. Articles.
• * 9.125

  Anno 1595.
• * 9.126

  Q. Anns De∣sign to seize the Prince.
• * 10.1

  The Kings letter to Mar.
• * 10.2

  The Chance∣lor sick, and why.
• * 11.1

  The Kings letter to him, full of grace.
• * 11.2

  Chancellour dies, his cha∣racter.
• * 11.3

  The King assigns Com∣missioners of his Treasury
• * 11.4

  Papists pri∣vate plots.
• * 11.5

  Devising sun∣dry other Ti∣tles to both Crowns.
• * 11.6

  of E. of Essex.
• * 11.7

  Of Spains.
• * 11.8

  P••actice to im∣poyson Q. Eliz. by Lo∣per.
• * 11.9

  Cullen, York, and Willians, and other fugitive tray••ors.
• * 11.10

  Ant▪ Perez infected Essex.
• * 11.11

  Spanish de∣••ignes invasi∣on of Scot∣land or Eng∣land.
• * 11.12

  Spaniards poo•• successe▪ upon Eng∣land.
• * 11.13

  Sr. W. Ra∣leghs Guiana voyage and o∣ther attempts in the we•••• Indies.
• * 11.14

  Anno 1596.
• * 11.15

  Armstrong ta∣ken prisoner in a treaty of the Borderers.
• * 11.16

  Backlugh com¦plains to the Lo. Scroop.
• * 11.17

  Backlughs de∣signe to take the Castle of Carlile.
• * 11.18

  And frees Arm¦strong.
• * 11.19

  Bows the Am∣bassador com∣plains hereof.
• * 11.20

  the Q••een of∣fended.
• * 11.21

  Backlugh commi••••ed.
• * 11.22

  ••••bellion in the Orcades.
• * 11.23

  Assemblies make things worse.
• * 11.24

  Policie to call home the Po∣pish Lords.
• * 11.25

  Mr. Bruce an enemy to Huntley.
• * 11.26

  The Popish Lords return home▪
• * 11.27

  upon Condi∣tions.
• * 11.28

  Princess Eli∣zabeth born August 16. 1596.
• * 11.29

  Ministers make work
• * 11.30

  The Coun••il of the Church
• * 11.31

  and the Kings Councel con∣fer.
• * 11.32

  The King is offended with them.
• * 11.33

  Their com∣plaints.
• * 11.34

  Which the K. answers.
• * 11.35

  The Minister Blake his mu∣teny and sto∣ry.
• * 11.36

  Blakes r••mon∣stance.
• * 11.37

  Blake brought to his An∣swer.
• * 11.38

  The Minist∣sters factious courses
• * 11.39

  The King by proclamation dissolves their Assembly.
• * 11.40

  The Minist∣ers Counter∣appose the King.
• * 11.41

  The Com∣missioners of the Church petition the K.
• * 11.42

  Is rejected.
• * 11.43

  Articles a∣gainst Blake.
• * 11.44

  His answer.
• * 11.45

  The King treats wit•• them.
• * 11.46

  Both part••e•• bandie.
• * 11.47

  A Dangerous tumult.
• * 11.48

  The King and Council retire from danger.
• * 11.49

  Proclaim.
• * 11.50

  Mad preaching
• * 11.51

  Their letter to Lord Hamel∣ton to be Their head.
• * 11.52

  Hamelton comes to the King.
• * 11.53

  proceedings a∣gainst those disorders.
• * 11.54

  Citizens brought to submit.
• * 11.55

  Is rejected.
• * 11.56

  And humbly propose.
• * 12.1

  Queen Eliza∣beths letter to the King.
• * 12.2

  The King•• merc••.
• * 12.3

  The Octavi∣ans yield up their office.
• * 12.4

  The Northern Ministers are Courted.
• * 12.5

  Their answer
• * 12.6

  The King writes to Huntley
• * 12.7

  Twelve Arti∣cles from the King to the Assembly.
• * 12.8

  Submitted unto in effect
• * 12.9

  And all ends in content.
• * 12.10

  Bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 death and ••ha∣racter.
• * 12.11

  The Nether∣lands called to account.
• * 12.12

  400001 per an∣num, in ten years, 4000001 dept.
• * 12.13

  Iris•••• rebells increasing.
• * 12.14

  Norris goes over assistant
• * 12.15

  Callis taken by the Spani¦ard.
• * 12.16

  the English Navy.
• * 12.17

  Publick form of prayer for success of the Navy.
• * 12.18

  Take Cadiz Called Cales voyage.
• * 12.19

  Digression how farr fo∣reign titles preceed at home.
• * 12.20

  In England.
• * 12.21

  At Rome.
• * 12.22

  Genoa. Venice and
• * 12.23

  Scots.
• * 12.24

  The Popish Lords submit to the Church
• * 12.25

  Proclamation against Gaur∣don a Jesuite.
• * 12.26

  Barcklayes de sign discovered he drownes himself.
• * 12.27

  Blake the Mi∣nister 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of all.
• * 12.28

  Excellent re∣formation in the Vniversity
• * 12.29

  Witches dis∣covered,
• * 12.30

  Margaret At∣kin 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 12.31

  Digresses con∣cerning witches and witchcraft.
• * 12.32

  Maintainers.
• * 12.33

  Several Au∣thors in this subject.
• * 12.34

  Expedition of Earl of Essex to the Isles of Azores.
• * 12.35

  Essex and Ra∣lagh differ.
• * 12.36

  Come home and quarel at Court.
• * 12.37

  A Parliament at Edenburgh.
• * 12.38

  Ministers voice in Par∣liament.
• * 12.39

  Bruce refuseth imposition of hands.
• * 12.40

  but at last is so admitted.
• * 12.41

  The King sends Ambas∣sadors to the German Princes.
• * 12.42

  Their An∣swer.
• * 12.43

  France craves aid of Eng∣land against Spain, and comes to a Treaty.
• * 12.44

  France and Spain dispute precedency,
• * 12.45

  and make peace.
• * 12.46

  Disputes of peace or war with England.
• * 12.47

  Queen Eliza∣beth strikes Essex.
• * 12.48

  His angry let∣ters.
• * 12.49

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 12.50

  King of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dies.
• * 12.51

  One Squire impoysons the Queens sad∣dle.
• * 12.52

  Tomas fals••accusation of K. James to Q. Elizabeth.
• * 12.53

  K. James his prudence to suppress false rumours.
• * 12.54

  Ashfield sur∣prized Priso∣ner to Bar∣wick.
• * 12.55

  Colvil Re∣cants his trea∣tise against the Kings ti∣tle.
• * 12.56

  The Kings Basilicon do∣ron, the occasi∣on of it in publick.
• * 12.57

  The new year altered from 25. of March to 18. Ianu∣ary.
• * 12.58

  The state of Bishopricks at that time.
• * 12.59

  Irish Rebelli∣on with Ti∣rone.
• * 12.60

  Essex and Caecils Intel∣ligence with King Iames.
• * 12.61

  Caecil.
• * 12.62

  Essex.
• * 12.63

  Gowries con∣spiracie.
• * 12.64

  See anno 1608.
• * 12.65

  Court and ch•• of King James pa•• 8 Hist: Gr: Br: Pa: 12.
• * 12.66

  Vide ante 1568.
• * 12.67

  et 1582.
• * 12.68

  Earl Gowry retires home.
• * 12.69

  The manner of the con∣spiracie.
• * 12.70

  4. of August.
• * 12.71

  Hendersons Examination and confessi∣on.
• * 12.72

  Alexander treats with the King.
• * 12.73

  The King takes to Hen∣derson.
• * 12.74

  Alexander 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the King.
• * 12.75

  The King cries Treason. John Ramsey comes up;
• * 12.76

  and Sir Tho∣mas Erskin follows.
• * 12.77

  Ramsey wounds Alexander. Henderson slips away.
• * 12.78

  Earl Gowry comes up to the fray.
• * 12.79

  Gowry asto∣nished,
• * 12.80

  is killed by Ramsey.
• * 12.81

  Others hurt.
• * 12.82

  The Lords and company come in. Gowries Spels of Enchant∣ment.
• * 12.83

  Two other brothers Wil∣liam and Pa∣trick beyond seas.
• * 12.84

  1652.
• * 12.85

  The Kings grace and pre∣ferment to all those Rescu∣ers.
• * 12.86

  The Tha••ks∣giving day settled by Par∣liament.
• * 12.87

  Hendersons confession of the whole matter.
• * 12.88

  Testimouy of the Arch-bi∣of St. An∣drews.
• * 12.89

  The Minist••rs refuse to give God thanks for the Kings delivery
• * 12.90

  They are si∣lenced.
• * 12.91

  The King forewarned out of Italy of Poyson.
• * 12.92

  Prince Charls born.
• * 12.93

  The Life and Death of John Cragg Minister.
• * 12.94

  Es••ex his Treason,
• * 12.95

  His descent.
• * 12.96

  He••r to his Father.
• * 12.97

  His entrance into Court by the Earl of Leicester.
• * 12.98

  His great ••••∣ferments.
• * 12.99

  His contem∣poraries Sir Ch. Blunt and Gener••l Norris.
• * 12.100

  Essex goes in∣to Ireland,
• * 12.101

  and lands at Dublin.
• * 12.102

  His M••ssen∣gers & Tr••a∣son•• with Tyrone.
• * 12.103

  Warrens con∣fession.
• * 12.104

  Woods con∣fession
• * 12.105

  Resolves how to return into England.
• * 12.106

  And lands with a 100. Gentlemen. September.
• * 12.107

  The Queen offended.
• * 12.108

  He is com∣mitted,
• * 12.109

  And censu∣red.
• * 12.110

  Consults of Treason with Cuff his Se∣cretary.
• * 12.111

  Blunt and Davis confes∣sion.
• * 12.112

  Blunts con∣fession.
• * 12.113

  Their plot
• * 12.114

  For the Tow∣er
• * 12.115

  For the Court
• * 12.116

  And for the City
• * 12.117

  Nevils con∣fessions
• * 12.118

  The day of Preparation February ••.
• * 12.119

  He is sent for to the Coun∣cil.
• * 12.120

  Earl Rut∣lands confesi∣on.
• * 12.121

  The day of rebellion.
• * 12.122

  Council sent to Essex house.
• * 12.123

  Essex preten∣ces.
• * 12.124

  And South∣hamptons.
• * 12.125

  The multi∣tude clamour.
• * 12.126

  Secures the Counsel, and goes into the City.
• * 12.127

  Earl Rutlands confe ssion
• * 12.128

  Proclamed Traytor
• * 12.129

  Earl Rutlands Confession.
• * 12.130

  Forces oppose ••ssex.
• * 12.131

  Encounter at the west end of Pauls, some slain.
• * 12.132

  He returns home by wa∣ter and is be∣sieged by land and by water.
• * 12.133

  Submits the same day.
• * 12.134

  Essex execu∣ted.
• * 12.135

  Southampton reprieved
• * 12.136

  Blunt sent Deputy of Ireland
• * 12.137

  Tyrone had friends in the English Court
• * 12.138

  The Pop••s pardon to the R••bells.
• * 12.139

  Anno 1601.
• * 12.140

  George Ca∣rews service
• * 12.141

  Spanish de∣signes.
• * 12.142

  Treat with English com∣missioners at Bulloine.
• * 12.143

  Dispute pre∣cedencie and titles.
• * 12.144

  Priority dis∣puted.
• * 12.145

  And defend∣ed for Eng∣land
• * 12.146

  Battel of Newport in Flanders.
• * 12.147

  Prince Ma••∣rice his for∣ces.
• * 12.148

  Anno 1601.
• * 12.149

  The Arch-Dukes forces.
• * 12.150

  Battel.
• * 12.151

  Anno 1600.
• * 12.152

  1601. The Danes deny the English to fi••h.
• * 12.153

  Anno 1601.
• * 12.154

  The King congratulates the defeat of Essex's Trea∣son.
• * 12.155

  The Queens Answer.
• * 12.156

  Pope Clement his Bulls a∣gainst Scot∣land.
• * 12.157

  An Assembly.
• * 12.158

  Davidson's Letter to them.
• * 12.159

  He desires a new Transla∣tion of the Bible.
• * 12.160

  1601. The Duke of Lenox Ambassadour into France.
• * 12.161

  From thence comes into England,
• * 12.162

  and returns home.
• * 12.163

  The siege of Ostend.
• * 12.164

  Marshal By∣ron sent to the Queen,
• * 12.165

  executed after.
• * 12.166

  Iris•• money abased, 160000. per annum.
• * 12.167

  Spanish land in Ireland,
• * 12.168

  are defeated,
• * 12.169

  24. Decem∣ber,
• * 12.170

  and depart home.
• * 12.171

  Ecclesiastick Papists at dif∣ference,
• * 12.172

  Seculars set out the Jesu∣ites in their Colours.
• * 12.173

  Anno. 1602
• * 12.174

  Both are ba∣nished Eng∣land.
• * 12.175

  Geneve be∣sieged, the peo∣ples contribu∣tion of ••ony.
• * 12.176

  The Isle Lew∣is reduced to the Kings Commands.
• * 12.177

  The underta∣kers.
• * 12.178

  Macklond flyes to Sea and takes Balcolmy.
• * 12.179

  Mordock Ex∣ecuted.
• * 12.180

  The new Planters bea∣ten out of all.
• * 12.181

  and again at∣tempted, but to no purpose.
• * 12.182

  Bruce the Mi∣nister his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.183

  Mowbrays intent to kill the King,
• * 12.184

  He breaks his own neck.
• * 12.185

  Anno 1601.
• * 12.186

  The French Ambasladours in England.
• * 12.187

  Delivers Let∣ters to Cecil and discourses with him.
• * 12.188

  Cecils an∣swer.
• * 12.189

  Anno 1602.
• * 12.190

  The Kings answer to the Earl of Nor∣thumberland.
• * 12.191

  Spaniards drove out of Ireland.
• * 12.192

  Ter Oen sub∣mits to mer∣cy.
• * 12.193

  Charges of the Irish War in the four last years and a half. 1198717. l. 9. s. 1. d.
• * 12.194

  The Queens ominous re∣move to Rich∣mond in January,
• * 12.195

  past hope of recovery.
• * 12.196

  The Court custome.
• * 12.197

  Counsellours come to her.
• * 12.198

  Q. Elizabeth dies on a Thursday, so did her Fa∣ther and all his children.
• * 12.199

  Basilicon Doron.
• * 12.200

  See Boltons Lectures, p. 13, 14, x 5.
• * 12.201

  Answer to the Libell of England, p. 176, 185.
• * 12.202

  W••stonus in peroratione ad Academicos.