A vindication of King Charles: or, A loyal subjects duty Manifested in vindicating his soveraigne from those aspersions cast upon him by certaine persons, in a scandalous libel, entituled, The Kings cabinet opened: and published (as they say) by authority of Parliament. Whereunto is added, a true parallel betwixt the sufferings of our Saviour and our soveraign, in divers particulars, &c. By Edw: Symmons, a minister, not of the late confused new, but of the ancient, orderly, and true Church of England.

A VINDICATION OF KING CHARLES: OR A Loyall Subjects duty, &c.

SECT. I.

1 Of the supposed Authors of the Libell. 2. Of the Au∣thorizers thereof, and their speciall Order: How fit the same should be recalled: A president propounded to that purpose. 3. A serious expostulation with them about the same, and of their maintaining a base fellow to deride and scoffe at their Soveraigne in his affliction.

THe first thing observable in that disloyall pam∣phlet,* 1.1 is, the plurall manner of speaking used therein: Us, and Wee: Whence I gather, that it was not opus unius, the worke of one alone: nor indeed had it been possible, so much venome and blasphemy, should be vomited up against Gods Anointed, without the concurrence of a whole Legion.

'Tis observable in the next place, that the Authors thereof.

conceale their names; but their modesty herein is not to be ad∣mired; for Satan himself would have done as much in the same case: He acting the Calumniators part against his Soveraigne, appeared to our first Parents in a strange shape, and concealed himself after these mens fashion; and surely had this Book come immediately from him, as it doth from them, he would have blushed to own it.

S. Paul, S. Peter, James, and Jude, sending abroad into the world Epistles Generall to reclaim the seduced, prefixed their names at full length, (for nothing fell from their pens, either for form, or matter, but what became the Gospel of Jesus, and workmen that needed not to be ashamed.) But this Hidden Crew putting forth a certain thing to a like purpose, (as they pretend) have not set down so much as the first letters of their names, S. M. E. C. or the like, that the seduced might, at least, have guessed, to whow they are beholding.

Sed ex ungue Leonem, the devill is discerned by his Paw, and the Pulpit (alas) helps us too far in our search after these men: thence we learn, who beares the Bell in these daies, for lying, slandering, and evill speaking. 'Tis commonly observed that few can act Satan now so well, as some of those, who formerly did best preach Christ: Corruptio optimi est pessima; Time was, when none might, or durst compare with them of Rome, for defaming Dignities, or Soveraigne Princes; witnesse those books of Parsons and Sanders, in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth: but were those two now alive, they might go to Schoole to our men, in each of whom Parsons spirit is both doubled and trebled. And is there not a reason? They say, These are times of more light and know∣ledge: indeed they are, in the art, and science of evill speaking.

In those former dayes (of darknesse, as they are now accoun∣ted) when peace, mercy, gentlenesse, and obedience, faith in Christ, and conformity to his example, was the sole subject of these mens discourses to the people; themselves were then but poore fellows, of an underly condition, called and known by the contemptible name of Christs Ministers: but since this new light (so much talked on) hath appeared, and discovered a more gainful and advantagious way, they have altered their scene, turned tra∣gick, and venting slanders and reproaches, have provoked to rebel∣lion,

warre and bloud; whereby they have purchased a new name unto themselves, (more sutable indeed to their present, then to their former way) and are called, The ministers of the Parliament.

And these men, or some of them, (from the method, stile and matter of that book) are conceived by many to be the Authors of it: which, if they be, I require them by that name of Christian (which as yet they own) that they shew out of Christs Gospell, some one precept, or allowed example (at least) warranting any to deal thus, with their naturall Liege-Lord, or with any ordina∣ry man, that's but a brother, as they do with their Soveraigne.

Suppose the faults here charged upon him, were reall and inhe∣rent, and not by perversion onely, and imputation: yet where is there any Scripture authorizing this their publication? themselves (while they were Christs ministers) were not to alledge that saying of Esay, against the intruders of groundles inovations. To the Law,* 1.2 to the Testimony, if they speak not according to this word, 'tis because there is no light in them: they must give us leave to conclude so too, and to say, there is no light in their very selves now, if they al∣ledge neither Law nor Testimony for this their undertaking.

But if these Ministers were not themselves the Authors of it, yet I wonder there should not be one sparke of ancient love still alive in some of their breasts, towards Jesus Christ their old Ma∣ster, moving them in his behalf, to vindicate the Doctrine of his Gospell, and publikely to declare, how far the same is, from al∣lowing any to speak evilly, or defamingly of the Ruler of a people. When they were on Christs side, I have heard some of them tax Luther very sharply for unrevernd speeches, (in a certain Pam∣phlet) against our Hen. 8. because he was a king, though not his own; for (said they) such Language did not become the Gospell. Is not the Gospell still the same? yes surely; and had these men but been the same still too, they could not have seen such a Libell prin∣ted, and often re-printed at London, in the midst of them, with∣out expressing much of their zeal against it.

Beside, did not these Parliament Ministers (for that now is their beloved title) take the Protestation to defend the Kings Ho∣nour? Nay, were not they the men that tendred it unto others? did not they preach diverse Sermons at the beginning of this Par∣liament, to perswade to the taking of it? (I knew one of

them that preached a whole week together to that very purpose) and did they then only urge to vow, & not to pay? Did they then intend (by their example) onely to draw people into Perjurie? if not, it lies upon them, as they will answer unto God, (before whom they did protest,) for those mens souls whom they did perswade, to cry down this accursed Pamphlet, so contrary to the tenour of that Protestation: and never to leave begging of them whose servants they now be, till 'tis burnt by the hand of the common hangman.

But 'tis observable in the third place, that this book is said to* 1.3 be published, by the Authority of those, who first set out the Pro∣testation, yea, and by their speciall Order too, Published by spe∣ciall Order of the Parliament: therefore some may think, there is no likelyhood, that they who are too big to deny themselves, should be perswaded by their Beadsmen, to do any thing against their own Order.

To which I answer, Were they well informed (by those whom they think well of) that it would be as much for their credit (among Christians) to deny themselves, as to contradict them∣selves, to recall their speciall Order, as to suffer it to continue in affront to their generall Ordinance, perhaps they might be wrought upon; and then withall, if a President were alleadged, for (as they say) they worke by Presidents, (though not by Rule,) peradventure they might be prevailed with.

And for the things sake, I will remember them of one, and it shall be of one that is extraordinary, (for I conceive an ordinary President will not serve the men that bear sway in this Parlia∣ment;) it shall be a President of their own making, (which speaks it excellent) such a President as the like was never heard of be∣fore, and so the more fit for their further observance.

Let themselves call to minde, whether there was not an Act, (which is more then a bare Order) both made and nulled, in the same Session, since the Beginning of this Parliament, though per∣haps not dashed by that full Authority which did establish it; yet was it not set aside as needlesse and vain, or (at least) as not suf∣ficiently advised upon beforehand? The Act which I mean, was that which concerned the Fleet, or Navy against the Turkish Pirats, to redeem our Christian Country-men from Bondage.

For their better remembrance of which, I shall beg leave of the Readers, to make a little digression, in the relation of some few circumstances: and (if I rightly apprehend it) the matter in brief was thus:

Our good King in his piety and pity to those poor Captives, had formerly, (with that Ship-money so grudgingly paid) built and sent out diverse Ships to the same purpose; and (God assist∣ing a work so Religious, and becoming a Christian Prince) he pro∣vailed therewith against the Pyrats of Sally, and freed many of his Subjects, from barbarous slavery in that place: whereupon he made preparation also against those of Argyer, intending the like mercy for the Christians there, but was prevented in his designe by the Scottish insurrection, which forced him Northward: And before his intentions could return to motion, for that Southern Expedition, this unhappy Parliament (by his authority) met at Westminster, where (that it might be conceived some others had Bowels as well as He) a Bill was preferred, and disputed upon, concerning a Fleet to the fore-mentioned end; for the mainte∣nance of which, though it might easily have been concluded, by settling of Ship-money in a Parliamentary way, with an Order for the manner of levying the same, to the Subjects liking, (which had been a more safe and sensible kinde of payment, then many dis∣bursments extorted since, and might have been a mean to con∣tinue Gods nationall blessing upon the whole Kingdome, by in∣teressing (in that sort) all mens hearts and hands, in so charitable and Christian a work:) yet because it was a path wherein the King had trod, and they had no purpose to deal either with or for him, in any such friendly or Loyall way, as might shadow his apprehended haltings from his peoples eyes, by making that cleer∣ly Legall, which had formerly appeared somewhat warping. Be∣sides, there wanted matter or stuff, to fill up the belly of that mon∣strum horrendrum, or ungospel-like Remonstrance, which was pur∣posed to be made against his Government, by which the people were to be taught to beleeve, that the King did never doe any thing well; therefore by all meanes Ship-money must be damned, and cryed down for ever, in perpetuam Regis ignominiam, if mouth can doe it: And for the intended Navy, another course was con∣cluded upon, to advance monies to maintaine that, viz. from

the importation, and transportation of commodities.

But (by the way) while these things were in agitation amongst the wise; the King (having had more sincere, and serious thoughts about that businesse then other men, desiring and hoping to fur∣ther and speed the designe, with his advice and Councell) sent them his judgement concerning some particulars about the mat∣ter, only to consider upon, and to follow if they so pleased; or otherwise to proceed according to their own discretions: which advise of his, had they taken in good part from their Prince and Master, they had shewn no more respect unto him, then Job was wont to shew to his meanest servant: but they (lest they might seem to need his help by a civill acceptance of his Councel) were so far from relishing of it, that they presently voted the same to be an obstruction cast in on purpose to stop the businesse, nay a plain refusall of the King, to confirme the Bill: Whereupon his Sacred Majesty (being armed with meeknesse against affronts) leaving them wholy to their own devises, did presently signe their Bill, and in that fashion as they would have him: so discovering to all his people, (if they would see) that a Vote of Parliament may be fallible. And now behold (to return to the matter) when this Act was thus finished, according to their desires, and all Re∣ligious hearts raised to an high expectation, of seeing their poor brethren quickly redeemed from Turkish thraldome, whether from their dislike of the Kings readinesse unto so Christian a work, or because they had some other imployment intended for the Merchants money here at home, I cannot tell: but that Act was never (as I heard) put in execution to this day, but even quite set aside; and as we may say (so much as in them lay) quite nullified, cancelled, and repealed: and free leave given to the Turks thereby, not onely to take our Country-men at sea, but also to come into the very havens of our Kingdome, and to carry away our Children, to the ruine of Christian souls for ever: inso∣much, that whereas there was but the number of some 2000. English in slavery, when this so adored Parliament did begin, there is now, November, 1645. above 5000. in most lamentable bondage, our King being robbed and despoyled by his lo∣ving Subjects, (Who consult, (as they say) to advance Christs Kingdome) of his Shippes, and Navy: wherewith he

was wont to defend his Realme from such Pyracies.

This is that Act which I spake of, and the reason of my re∣membring it at this time, is, to helpe the Authorizers of this vene∣mous Pamphlet with a president for the recalling their speciall Order, whereby 'tis published. And now before I return to my work in hand, let me assume the boldnesse to expostulate a little with these men: I am one of Gods Ambassadours; Jesus Christ, who shall be their Judge, is my Master; and in his Name, let me reason with them about this matter: for I hope I may presume to speak unto them, (at a distance) as they are like my self, but Dust and Ashes.

Let me ask you a question in the first place, (O you superlative* 1.4 men,) Suppose some of your Novices and under-hand workers, (as alas you have too many such, I feare even about the King,) should by this Pamphlet, which you (whom they think infallible) have by speciall Order authorized, or by any other of like nature, published under your Protection, be moved to act Jaques Cle∣ments part, or Raviliacks part upon the Sacred person of their Soveraigne, can you imagine that the same will not be set on your score, as well as that of those Regicides was laid to the charge of the Jesuites, whose custome it was, (as your selves well know,) while the doctrine of King-killing was appropriate to their or∣der, to inspire men to the perpretation of that supream villany, by sending forth such conditioned books (as this is which you have authorized;) wherein with most reproachfull language they would paint out the Prince designed for slaughter, as if he were the greatest Tyrant, promise-breaker, and oppressor of his peo∣ple in the world, and a person in no sort fit to live: that so it might be apprehended a most Heavenly work to rid the earth of him, and a service most acceptable unto the Lord? when Ravi∣liack was demanded by his examiners, to declare the reason mo∣ving him to his attempt, he answered, That the reasons why it was requisite to kill the King, they might understand by the Sermons, and Pamphlets of the Preachers.

Wel (Sirs) we all know the meaning both of you and of your Prophets, and therefore as Elias from the Lord, did charge Ahab with the death of Naboth, because the letters provoking to it were signed with his seal: so do I from the same Lord, charge

you with all those evil opinions and hard conceits, which are al∣ready kindled in the mindes of any against the King, by the meanes of this Pamphlet; because 'tis published by your Authority: Yea, if any further mischief shall befall his Sacred Majesty upon the same; at your hands will the Judge of Heaven and Earth re∣quire it: and know you further, that the guilt of all the blasphe∣mies, reproaches, scornes, slanders, which are spit out against the King, either in this book, or any other published by your leave and Order, (without your deep repentance and humiliation,) shal be heaped upon your Souls at the day of Reckoning, even as if your own selves had been the Authors of them: for nil interest sce∣leri, an faveas aut facias: to favour and to doe (in this case) is all one: nay the Apostle speaks, as if those who appove of other* 1.5 folks ill doings, were in a degree worse then the Actors them∣selves, and given up in a further measure to a Reprobate sense: Qui non vetat peccare cum potest, jubet: (saies the wise Heathen) not to prevent a mischief when one may, is directly to command it to be done.

Gentlemen, (for as your souls friend, I would fain have you re∣cover again that Title) I charge you before the living God, and Jesus Christ, who shall one day sit in judgement upon you, to ask your Consciences in secret, whether it be not a sin, and a wicked∣nesse to speake evil of the Ruler of the people? to act Shimei's part against Gods Anointed? whether to write, or publish such Pam∣phlets as this, be the way to Honour the King in the eyes of his peo∣ple? Whether you have thus learned Christ from the Church of England? Whether you ever met in Gods word, with any say∣ing or example to warrant you in this way of proceeding? And I require you also, as you will answer it before the Lord, to ask your own hearts, whether to Authorize such a work as this (to the Kings defamation,) be a Christian work, Honourable and be∣coming the dignity of a Parliament, whose actions ought al to be glorious and presidentiall? Nay is it an Act prudentiall in you, thus publikely to own and countenance this prolem populi, this abominable thing, which the very Parents, and Authors of, are ashamed to father? What will you say, 'tis one of the Priviledges of Parliament you fight for, to Authorize things against the King, against your own Allegeance end Protestation? surely ab initio

non fuit sic: former Parliaments disdained to own such a Privi∣ledge, to tread in such pathes: Or will you say, you are more Omnipotent, then those your Predecessours were, who never had those brave advantages that you have? true, nor never did desire them. But can your new Omnipotency make that which is evil in it self, turn good by your Authorization? I pray where had you this large Commission? Who gave you this Authority? Christ, in whose hand is all power, never did: let your Chaplains prove it, if they can, or your Consciences affirm it, if they dare. Nor will that Writ which called you together, and fixt you in your Spheare at Westminster, tell you, that the King (the fountain of power un∣der God) did place you there in this sort to exercise your Acti∣vity against him: your Patent therefore, by which you have Au∣thorized this work of darknesse, must needs come ab Inferno: And can you expect that the Judge of quick and dead, will at the great day pronounce well done good and faithfull Servant unto you, for doing Satans work, for executing his Commission? O how much better will you finde then it had been, if you had wrapt up your Talents in a Napkin? and in the meane time, how much more had it been to the dignity of that High Court of Parlia∣ment, (which you pretend so much to stand for) if you had but left out the name Parliament, and said, Published by speciall Order of the Rebellious faction in the two Houses at Westminster?

But now I have begun to take upon me to speak unto you, (O you lofty men,) let me ask you a question more to a like purpose: What reward or commendation can you expect at Gods hand, for maintaining your Beadsman Britanicus, to libell against his Soveraigne, to teach and excite by his weekly books, the igno∣rant and seduced vulgar, throughout the Kingdome, to joyn with him in reviling and laughing to scorn their publike Father, (now your selves have most unjustly thrust him into affliction:) Dare you say, his expressions are not vile? O let me beg pardon of my Soveraigne, and of all modest men, if (to the shame of these mens faces, and to the increase of indignation in all godly spirits against their courses) I doe with detestation repeate over here one of his passages, published to the world on Monday the 4. of August. 1645.

Where is King Charles? What is become of him? Some say, when he saw the storme comming after him, as far as Bridgewater, he came away to his dearly beloved in Ireland: Yes, they say, he ran away out of the Kingdome very Majestically: Others will have him erecting a new Monarchy in the Isle of Anglesey: A third sort say, that he hath hid himselfe, it were best send Hue and Cry after him.

If any man can bring any tale or tidings of a wilfull King, which hath gone astray these four yeares from his Parliament, with a guilty Conscience, bloudy hands, and a heart full of broken vowes and protestations; if these marks be not sufficient, there is ano∣ther in his mouth, for bid him speak, and you will soon know him; then give notice to Britanicus, and you will be payd for your paines: GOD SAVE THE PARLIAMENT.

O you Men of Westminster, is this your Beadsman that prayes for you, that works for you? that is maintained and cherished by you? then these are the scornes of your hearts, the flouts of your Spirits, that are vomited up by his mouth and pen; if not, why have you not hang'd the villain, or rather torn him in pieces with wild horses? Are not you they, that call your selves, the Kings most Humble, most dutifull, and most Loyall Subjects? Are not you they that would be accounted the Holy, just, most Chri∣stian, and unerring Parliament? have you not talked much of reforming our Church and Government? and will you countenance and favour such persons? Is this the Reformation you promised us? the new Religion you will set up amongst us? Is this the way to Heaven, which you will trace out to your Country-men that adore you? Doth your Discipline, purchased with the effusion of so much Christian bloud, allow of such expressions, and persons, without correction? Indeed this is the way to work an Alte∣ration from what was before: the Devil had formerly but his Chappell, where God had his Church, but from henceforth if you prevail, he is likely to have his Church, where God shal scarce have a Chapell: Wel, as an Holy Martyr said to others, so say I to you; I thank God I am none of you: and my prayer is,

Never let my soul (O Lord) partake in their Counsells, nor my feet tread in their paths: but give me (I beseech thee) thy grace to pray daily against their wickednesse; And let it not, O let it not

(good Lord) be told in Gath, or believed in Askelon, that these bitter fruits do spring from the tree of Protestant Religion: Let it rather be acknowledged and apprehended that these things are favoured and done by the men of this Nation, as they are at this present, (by Satans working) in a deadly enmity and opposition against their Soveraigne, and not as they are either his sworn Subjects, or Children of the English Church. And thus, (O my God) as thy messenger, Liberavi animam meam, I have dicharged my Conscience towards them.

SECT. II.

1. Of the pretended end of publishing the Libell; the true end thereof hinted. 2. Their blasphemy against God noted. 3. How these Letters of the King might have been made use of as Evidences of Truth and Loyaltie. 4. Of what stock and linage the Authours of the Li∣bell discover themselves to be. 5. Of their subtilty, and of that spirit of meeknesse which they boast of. 6. How aptly for themselves they alleadge the Example mentioned by S. Jude.

I Now come to the Book it selfe, whose publication they have* 1.6 Authorized: and I observe that the persons for whose sake 'tis pretended to be put forth, are some, whom the Authors call their Seduced Brethren, to reclaime them: I conceive they are so accounted, because they will not concur, in breaking their Pro∣testation, and opposing their Soveraigne: I apprehend my selfe to be reckoned in the number: and therefore in the behalfe of my self and the rest, I desire these men, who are so careful to Reclaim us, that they would deal plainly with us; and tell us in downe right English, whether it be any thing else, but our Loyalty, our love, and obedience to our Soveraigne, which they would Re∣claim us from: let them in the first place declare unto us our transgression, and prove out of Gods Word, that we are such

as they call us, and account of us: let them shew who hath Se∣duced us: we are of the Prophet Jeremies minde; If we be de∣ceived,* 1.7 it is the Lord that hath deceived us: 'tis his Word that hath taught us to Honour the King, and to adhere unto our Sove∣raigne; that is the foundation we stand upon, and so strong and stable it is, that we beleeve and hope these new Teachers, shall never be able either to shake it, or us from it.

Nay we have an apprehension that these men are in a Seduced condition themselves, because they are gone out from us: whereas* 1.8 they were once of us, they took the Oath of Allegeance, and afterward the Protestation as well as we, to defend the Kings Per∣son, Honour and Estate, against all opposers: And now being them∣selves out of the right way, we fear they would draw us into the same danger: they tell us we are Seduced, onely that we might yeeld so to be. We remember that Satan Seduced our first Pa∣rents from their duty towards God, by proceeding in the direct way and mothod of these men: he pretended pity and respect unto them as to his Seduced Brethren: and to the same purpose as these do, He standred, defamed, and reproached his Soveraigne: wherefore these men must pardon us, if but for this reason, we are somewhat suspicious of them. Beside, the Scripture tells us of some men, who call Light, Darknesse, and Darknesse Light; Good, Evill, and Evill, Good: and what know we to the contrary, but these men may be of that number? Our Saviour informes us, that in the last dayes, many wolves should come in sheeps cloathing, who* 1.9 (by fair pretences) should deceive many: and should carry their designes so cunningly, that (if possible) they should deceive the ve∣ry Elect themselves: Now as these are the last dayes, so these men have fair pretences, are crafty in their carriages, do deceive many; and therefore may peradventure be those very wolves, forespoken of. Saint John adviseth us, not to beleeve every one, but bids us try their spirits, whether they be of God or no: where∣fore* 1.10 having this warning, if we trust these men before we have tryed them, we shall shew our selves as they entitle us, Seduced indeed: they must give us leave therefore to examine of what spirit they are, who thus take upon them to reclaim us: whether their doctrine be of God or no; we will go by Christs own rule, let them except against it if they can or dare, By their fruits (saith* 1.11

he) you shall know them; and this their Book is their fruit: we will consider whether their speech and language therein, doth not bewray them. They begin thus:

It were a great sinne, against the mercies of God, to conceale* 1.12 those Evidences of truth, which He so graciously (and almost mira∣culously) by surprisall of these papers hath put into our hands.

I confesse they promise faire, like those Galathians whom Saint Paul writes unto, they begin in the Spirit, with the mention of Sin and Mercy: they have (like those Locusts Rev. 9.) the faces of men, but observe them well, we shall finde they have the teeth of Lyons, and the tayles of Scorpions: my endeavours shall be on purpose to discover them, that men may avoid them, and not be hurt by them; which that I may do,

I beg of thee (O most migh∣ty Jesus) who art the Light of lights, and doest enlighten every man that commeth into the world, to lighten the under∣standing of thy poore Minister, that he may be able by thy light, to enlighten thy people, so as they may cleerely discerne this work of darknesse, which is cast forth by an Hidden Crew, to blemish and disgrace the Doctrine of thy Gospel, professed in this Church; to obscure those beames of Majesty, wherewith thou hast decked thine owne Anointed; and to seduce those Soules, for which thou sheddest thy precious bould, into wayes of perdition and destruction: that by these my endeavours thy true Religion may be illustrated, thy Servant the King Vindi∣cated, and thy people preserved, to the Glory of thy great Name, and to the inward comfort of me thy weak instru∣ment, and that for thine owne Merit and Mercies sake, Amen, Amen.

It is evident, that the ends why these papers were divulged, af∣ter* 1.13 their surprisal, together with that bitter Preface, and per∣verse Notes upon them; was to weaken the Kings reputation a∣mong his people, to take from him the affections of those that still remaine constant and Loyal, and to stir up some already poy∣soned to act Raviliacks part upon him; and yet these men would have us beleeve, that it would have been a sin in them (forsooth) yea, a great sin, a sin against the mercies of God, if they had concea∣led them: Nay further, they would have us think, that God him∣self did graciously, and even miraculously put them into their hands

on purpose, yea on set purpose, that they might doe with them, as they have done.

We doe confess, if God should so far have forgot himself, his holy Nature, his Word, and all his former doings, as to put these Papers into their hands, to that very end for which they publish them; he should have done very miraculously indeed, and what he never did since the beginning of the world before: But we the Seduced Brethren (as we are called) should prove our selves Se∣duced indeed, if in this we should beleeve them; for we could ne∣ver finde throughout the whole History of the Bible, that God did ever yet allow any man to defame his Brother, his equall, his inferiour; much lesse his Father, the Father of his Coun∣trey, and Supreamest Magistrate in the Kingdome; we finde there a strict precept to the contrary, Thou shalt not speak evill of the* 1.14 Ruler of thy People: But that God should be partaker also with the Calumniator, (as these men would have him;) that he should be chief in the sinne, and help the ill disposed with occasions on purpose, to render that Person infamous, whom himself hath commanded in speciall to be honoured, and to whom Allegeance hath been sworn, and obedience protested: truly the Authours of this Libell must not be angry with us (whom they call Seduced) if for this their assertion, we think them guilty of most high Blas∣phemy; for we suppose that Doeg might as lawfully have pre∣tended* 1.15 that Gods mercy gave him advantage by being at Nob, to exasperate Saul against the Priests of the Lord: and Shimei* 1.16 might as well have said, that Gods grace did adminster unto him the occasion of Davids passing by his house, on purpose that he might curse him, and raile upon him.

The Papists have often taxed us, that we made God the Au∣thour of evill; and now these men (as we conceive) would faine draw us into that Heresie with themselves, to confirme that slan∣der of the Adversary: but we would have all the world to un∣derstand, that the true Protestant Professours in the English Church, were never yet guilty of this Blasphemy, they are rather Scabbs, then true Members of the same, from whence doth issue this Corruption.

We remember when Rabshakeh, being flesh'd with his masters successe, railed upon Hezekiah, he uttered himself after the fa∣shion* 1.17

of these men, as if God had sent him on purpose, to vilifie and defame the King: Am I come up (saith he) without the Lord? and God observed it, and soon after punished him for it. So we hope the Lord hath both seen and heard the Blasphemous words of these men, whom their masters, (the Authorizers of their Li∣bel) have set on work to defame the Lords Anointed, and to re∣proach the living God: and wil in his due time reprove the words which they have spoken: we have a ground for our hopes in Psal. 50. where God taxeth some that were great pretenders to* 1.18 Religion, though haters of his word in their practice; for they were malicious Accusers and Slanderers of others, and (like these men to the ful) they intituled God to all their villanyes, say∣ing, he was such a one as themselves: But the Lord resolves in the following verses, that there should come a time, that he would reprove them, and cal them to a reckoning for all these things: yea, (saith he) I will teare you in pieces, and none shall deliver you: and so doubtlesse he wil deal with these men, like forgetters of God as they be, unlesse by a timely repentance they consider of these their presumptions and most ungodly doings; The Lord in mercy vouchsafe that grace unto them: We their Seduced Brethren (as we are accounted,) do in the mean time conceive from this their beginning, what we shal have in their following discourse: and we shal wonder the lesse, when we meet with their unseemly Language of, and against their Soveraigne, now we have seen such their high boldnesse against the Almighty himselfe.

But one thing is to be noted further, in those first lines, they call those Papers which they Publish Evidences of truth; their meaning is, of what themselves have reported against the King, which they (onely) call truth, and would have all men beleeve for truth: We know they have often wrested Gods Scriptures, to make them appeare as Evidences of such their truths, and therefore 'tis no marvail if (together with their own perverse notes upon them) they use the Kings letters to the same pur∣pose.

Indeed I beleeve that these Papers might have been Evidences of truth and of Loyalty too: had the Surprizers of them, been guilty of these vertues, and so pleased; if after their surprizall, finding that by sinister construction, they might prove blemishes

to the Kings reputation, (should weak mindes but chance to see them,) they had presently locked them up in the Cabinet again, & sent them secretly to the King: then indeed they might more pro∣perly have said, in a private letter to their Soveraigne, God hath graciously, and in mercy to us, put into our hands an occasion to Evi∣dence our truth, our honest hearts, and Loyall Affections to your Majesty.

I would have these men ask their own Consciences, whether they doe not think, that David would have done thus, had he met with such an advantage in the dayes of Saul: surely they can∣not conjecture, he would have done after their fashion: for when he had as large an opportunity of doing his King a displeasure as this was, and some did advise him to make use of it, to such a purpose, telling him (in effect,) that it would be a great sinne in* 1.19 him against the mercies of God, who so graciously and miraculously* 1.20 had put the opportunity into his hand, if he should balk the same: But David being a man after Gods own heart, knew Gods minde better then these men do; and being as full of truth and Loyalty, as ever he had been in his professions of the same, rebuked those who thus advised him, telling them plainly, that never any could go in that way which they councelled him unto, but would prove guilty of High Treason, and become liable to Gods curse; But (sayes he by his actions) I'le make another use of this advantage, even to Evidence my truth and Loyalty, to discover mine honest intentions unto the King, who hath conceived an ill opinion of me: I'le take away his speare, and the pot of water that stands at his head, where he lies asleepe, then I'le returne them to him a∣gain, that he may perceive that I had an advantage to have done him hurt, but not an heart or Conscience disposed thereunto; and I'le rebuke Abner the General of his Hoste, and the rest of his Captaines, for guarding the Sacred person of their Soveraigne, and the things that concerned him so neere no better. And in∣deed even thus did David doe, and we know what an happie successe he had of his so doing: The Kings heart hereupon mel∣ted towards him, and He yeelds him to be a righteous man, a wronged person, and pronounceth a blessing upon him: Blessed art thou my Son David, thou shalt doe great things, and also shalt* 1.21 still prevaile.

We do conceive, that if the surprizers, and publishers of these Papers, had gone in this way of David, it would have been more to their credits, more becomming that Gospel which they pretend to professe, and the duty of Christian subjects, then that course is which they have taken; and we also beleeve, that if they had been as Honest men as David was, indued with as innocent and Loyall hearts towards their King, as He, they would have done after his manner; and we desire that they would aske their own Consciences, whether in this particular, themselves be not di∣rectly of our opinion.

But seeing 'tis so apparent that these men are of a contrary spirit unto David, (notwithstanding their great pretences to Re∣ligion,) and seeing that God hath suffered them thus fully, and foulely, to discover their false hearts, by their publication of these Papers: We for our parts may conclude more truely; it would be a great sin in us, against the Mercies of God to conceale (and not to take, yea, and to give publike notice to the world of) this Evidence of the truth of their inward malice and wickednesse (a∣gainst their Soveraigne,) which he so gratiously hereby hath permit∣ted to us, that we might not be Seduced, or misled by them. But they go on, and say,

Nor dare we smother that light under a Bushell, but freely hold it* 1.22 out to our Seduced Brethren (for so in the spirit of meeknesse, labour∣ing to reclaime them we still speake,) that they may see their Errour; and return into the right way.

The Apprehension and hope of these men, is to discover unto* 1.23 us (by this their light which they so freely hold out unto us) some nakednesse in their Father: It seemes they are of the Genera∣tion of Cham; for he in like sort, did freely hold out unto his* 1.24 Brethren what he ought to have hidden and concealed.

But because they tell us they dare not doe otherwise; we their Brethren, before we yeeld up our selves to be led by them, desire to know, who it is that keepes them in such great awe, that they dared not rather to have acted the parts of Shem, and Japhet;* 1.25 which we conceive had been more to their own credit and bene∣fit, and more to the comfort of their posterity: We do not re∣member any punishment denounced in Scripture against those that conceale the imperfections of their Father: we are plain

men, and love to deal plainly, specially with those that offer themselves thus freely to guide us, and therefore we must tell them, that we suspect them from this word we dare not, to be under Satans bondage, for he it is that rules by feare; He it is that compelleth those that be in Captivity under him, to doe wickedly according to his lust and will; to transgresse Gods Ho∣ly word, and to run themselves upon his heavy curse; yea, He it is that forceth his servants so, that they dare do no otherwise: sure∣ly we beleeve these men cannot shew a better reason for their calling us Seduced, then this is for us to hold them suspected: and therefore by this Title from henceforth we shall be bold to call them our Suspected Brethren.

And the Light by which they would shew us our Errour, (as they call it) gives us further to apprehend, how justly they de∣serve this Title; for who but men whom the God of the world hath blinded, would think that the Kings Errours, (for such onely in their imaginations is the light which they here so liberally, and freely hold out unto us,) should be a glasse sufficiently able to dis∣cover to us our faults: Gods word and law, was wont to be the sole glasse and rule for such a purpose: By the Law comes the* 1.26 knowledge of Sin, (saith the Apostle) therefore they must shew us, either that the Law is out of date in these times; grown faulty and unsufficient: or else that the same doth allow us, to with∣draw our Duty and Obedience frow our Soveraigne, upon the sight of his supposed or real Errours: that God therein com∣mands us to adhere to him with this limitation, unlesse he be guil∣ty of such and such failings: except they can shew us this, we are resolved not to forsake our old light, to be guided by a new, thus devised and held out unto us by our Suspected Brethren.

But, (by the way) why do they call us their Seduced Brethren?* 1.27 we conceive because they judge us simple, in compare with them∣selves, and in that regard very capable of seduction, they make themselves as sure of us, as if they had already seduced us; and therefore they call us their Seduced Brethren: we confesse our in∣feriority unto them in this respect, for as the Serpent was more* 1.28 subtile then all the beasts of the field, so they in their generation are wiser then we, and do deserve the Title of Subtile and crafty Bre∣thren, as well as of Suspected: But we must tell them ex magnis

ingeniis magni errores, great errours have not come but from great wit: they were Gyants, and Lucifer that highly rebelled against God; and S. Augustine adviseth, magis tibi metue cum in intellectu habitat Diabolus, quàm cum in affectionibus; for an erroneous De∣vil in the understanding, will quickly prove a furious Devil in the affections, as experience teacheth: therefore we will be content to be esteemed simple still; yea, to be numbred (if they please) among those whom Plutarch saies, were rudiores quam qui pote∣rant decipi: for so we hope the Devil will have more to doe, to intrap us the Simple, then he hath had to captivate, and inthrall them the Subtile: for (as Esay saies) their wisdome and under∣standing* 1.29 hath perverted them, and caused them to rebell; and from their wisdome (doubtlesse) their hopes doe arise to reclaim, (as they call it) or rather to pervert us by their Labours; for so they tell us, they labour to reclaime us: viz. from the Errours of Loyal∣ty and Christian Obedience.

But they tell us they labour in the spirit of meeknesse; that they Labour we beleeve, their Predecessours have done so before them, who have travailed Sea and Land to make others the Chil∣dren* 1.30 of Hell as well as themselves: but that they have any acquain∣tance at all with the spirit of meeknesse, we can scarce discerne by their writings; wherein we see nothing wanting save modesty, truth, and sincerity; but these being the naturall fruits of the Spirit of meeknesse, we should have judged the Authors of this Book quite Empty of that Spirit, had not themselves informed us o∣therwise: And yet too by Christs own warrant we may be su∣spicious of those that beare testimony of themselves: A shadow of* 1.31 meeknesse I grant they may have, but the Spirit is another thing.

When Satan loboured with our first Parents to the same end, as these doe with us, he had a shadow of meeknesse and love in his expressions; but not the Spirit: so those Wolves that were pro∣phesied* 1.32 to come in these last dayes, are foretold to have sheepes cloathing, that is, shadows and pretences of meeknesse, they should* 1.33 bleate so lamb-like, that the very Elect themselves, should scarce be able to discerne them; but yet they should be quite void of the spirit of meeknesse: and verily we suspect these our subtile Bre∣thren to be of that number: nay they tell us, that in the spirit of meeknesse they Still speak.

This word Still makes us bethink our selves, how they have spoke already, and to look back to their former language and dealings with us; and we find that we have been reviled, railed upon, reproached both in Print and Pulpit, sub tecto, & sub dio, by the names and titles of Malignants, Papists, Devils and Dogs; we have been imprisoned, plundred, and violently divested of all we had, for our Conscience and Allegeance fake; we have had our deare Wives, our tender Infants, our gray-haired Parents, turn'd out of doores, and exposed to beggery for our sakes; our selves being formerly banished and separated from them for Gods sake; because we will not be reclaimed from the Gospel of Jesus Christ; that Doctrine of Obedience which all our dayes hath been taught us in the Church of England: we have been hunted up and down the Kingdome, like wilde beasts by these meek men; and such as they have set upon us, to spill our bloud: we have had, (some of us) the trials of cruel mockings and scorn∣ings, yea of scourgings; some of us have been roasted at the fire, have had our Hands and Feet burnt off, in a far more cruel man∣ner then Bishop Bonner served Tomkins, or Edmond Tirrell, Rose Allen, (according as it is mentioned in the book of Martyrs:) we have been tempted to take their cursed Oathes and Covenants, and we have (thousands of us) been slain with the Sword; we have been forced to wander up and down, through woods and mountains, shall I say in sheep-skins and goat-skins? Nay, some of us without any cloathes at all, being stripped stark naked by these our modest Country-men, as those of our Nation, and Reli∣gion were in Ireland, by the Barbarous, and mercilesse Rebells there, and constrained thus to shift for our lives, being destitute, afflicted, tormented: Thus hath that spirit of meeknesse, which rules in these our subtile and suspected Brethren, discovered it self unto us; and say they In the Spirit of meeknesse we still speak, but from this their spirit of meeknesse Good Lord deliver us. They proceed and say,

For those that wilfully deviate, and make it their Profession to op∣pose* 1.34 the truth, we think it below us to revile them with opprobrious Language, remembring the Apostle Jude, and that example which he gives us in his Epistle.

The Apostle Jude in his Epistle speaks of certain persons, whom* 1.35 * 1.36

he calls filthy dreamers, because (doubtlesse) they forsaking the rule of Gods Word, talked and dreamed of new lights and Reve∣lations (which also they followed) these dreamers (he sayes) de∣spised Dominions, and spake evill of Dignities, viz. of such per∣sons to whom (in regard of their Authority and Eminency) they owed their highest duty and Reverence; and the Example which the Apostle gives (to whom he resembles these men) is of the Devill himselfe, who disputing with Michael the Arch-Angell (a supreame Servant of God, maintaining the truth against him) did assault him with railing accusations; now these our subtile and suspected Brethren tell us, that they remember the A∣postle Jude, and the Example he gives them: indeed we perceive they do remember it very well; they are full as good as their word in this particular; nor could any men remember it better then they do, or shew a more absolute conformity unto it; for they dreame of new Lights, they despise Dominions, they speak evill of Dignities: their chief contestation is with the supreamest of Gods Servants in this Kingdome, whom for his defending the truth they do assault, and revile with most opprobrious language: and we do verily beleeve too, their spirits are so high, that (ac∣cording to their own saying) they think it below themselves, to speak altogether so evilly of any, as of Dignities; to offer so much despight to any, as to their betters, under whose Domini∣on they ought to subject themselves: for they remember what the Apostle Jude sayes, and the example which he gives them in his Epistle.

Besides, if they should rail with opprobrious language upon those who wilfully deviate, and make it their profession to oppose the truth, they should revile themselves, and give ill language one to ano∣ther, for (if practice may speak profession, and what men be) they are the most wilfull deviatours from the known truth, and the greatest opposers of it, that ever sprung from the bottomless pit, in this last Age: and so they should shew themselves not on∣ly forgetfull of the Apostle Jude, and the example which he gives them: but also of themselves, and of that Oath and Covenant, which they have taken to hold one with another, and to assist each other in this their wilfull deviation against the truth, and against their Soveraigne: for though they have broken their

Oath of Allegeance (so often taken) to defend his life and Ho∣nour, who is the defender of the truth, yet they are resolved, not to break that other, which they have taken since, not to lay down Armes (of which their tongues and pens are a speciall part,) till they have had their will of the King, and satisfied their lusts upon him; perhaps indeed afterwards, they may be at leisure to break their Oath of Association too, and may come to be so humbled by one another, that they may not think it so below themselves, (as it seemes yet they do,) to revile with opprobrious language, those that wilfully Deviate, and have made it their profession to oppose the truth.

But truely we, (their simple Brethren) are of opinion, that if these high-thoughted men, did not at this present think it below them, to shame themselves; to upbraid their own hearts with their own wayes; to charge their own doings upon their own Consciences, but would suffer that sepulcher in their own bosoms to open: that the steame thereof might ascend into their own nostrils, to the loathing of themselves; they should do more be∣commingly, and what in the end would be found more Comfor∣table.

But concerning the Scripture which these Dreamers have al∣leadged out of S. Jude; it being the sole, and onely one produced for their own Justification, in these their Commentaries upon the Kings letters; we must give them their due praise, and yeeld it was very sutable for the purpose: They goe on, and tell us of something to be seen also, saying,

They may see here in these his private letters what Affection the* 1.37 King beares to his people, what Language and Titles he bestowes up∣on his great Councell.

SECT. III.

1. The Kings great and true affection to his people Evi∣denced. 2. How far divers of them that call them∣selves, His Great Councell, are from proving themselves his good Councellors. The ten Rules or Precepts where∣by they have proceeded. 3. Of the Language and Ti∣tles which they complain of, and how truly the name Re∣bell belongs unto them. 4. The true cause of that great grief and sorrow so often mentioned: An impudent Charge against the King propounded by the Libellers.

THe unlearned (saith S. Peter) do pervert many things in S.* 1.38 Pauls Epistles, to their own destruction, through the ignorance* 1.39 that is in them: and if so, then much rather may the malicious make perverse constructions upon the Kings Letters to the hurt of others, through the bitterness that is in them. Truly we do ima∣gine that our subtile and suspected Brethren have even so done: and malum being sui diffusivum, they would fain season us with the same liquor which infecteth them: to which end, they would have us look with such Eyes as they doe, and to judge with such hearts; for thereby in time we may perhaps be brought to speak with such tongues, and to act with such hands too; And (perad∣venture) if we cannot read with their Spectacles, or relish their interpretations, they wil conclude us to be stark blinde, and strong∣ly Seduced: But if they do, we are of S. Pauls minde, and passe* 1.40 not much to be judged by them, our Judge is Christ, whose Gospell hath taught us to interpret better.

These Letters (we acknowledge) have been read, and as pro∣ceeding from their hands too, together with their corrupt glosse upon them: and we wish from our soules, we had seen no more disloyalty in the one, then we doe disaffection in the other; no worse language in their notes against the best of Kings, then we doe in his letters against the worst of Subjects: we see his tender care to preserve in being, his Protestant people in the Kingdome of Ireland; (he being made unable at the present to restore them

to their former wel-being) Pap. 16, and 17. we see also how de∣sirous he is to settle a peace among his unkinde and unnaturall people of this Kingdome, (though with the diminution of his own undoubted rights, and the lending away, to his own great losse and prejudice, his most just Prerogative) Pap. 25. we see moreover, how his spirit is grieved in him, at the Stubbornnesse and perversnesse of the English Rebells, that they hindred his hopes of an Accomodation by way of Treaty, Pap. 6. which (in the judgement of all that love their Country) would be the best for the people of this land, as the case now standeth: we see in his Letters, what resolution he hath to adhere to his Clergy, the Messengers and Servants of the great God, (who were wont to be reckoned among the better sort of his people, though now with these new and vile Reformers, they are the most contemp∣tible) Pap. 1. Indeed his private directions for his Commissio∣ners at Uxbridge, do alone speake sufficiently his fatherly and Pi∣ous Affection to his people: His words (as his very Enemies re∣cord them) are these, Paper 25.

I cannot yeeld to the change of the Government by Bi∣shops: not onely as I fully concur, with the most Generall opinion of Christians in all Ages (as being the best) But likewise I hold my self particularly bound by the Oath I took at my Coronation, not to alter the Government of this Church, from what I found it: And as for the Churches Patirmony; I cannot suffer any diminution, or alienation of it, being (without peradventure) Sacriledge, and likewise contrary to my Coronation Oath: But whatever shall be offered for rectifying of abuses (if any have crept in,) or for the ease of tender Consciences, (so as it endamage not the foundation) I am content to heare, and will be con∣tent to give a gratious answer thereunto.

Had any of the Kings Predecessours, but offered thus much, half thus much, to the strictest non-Conformists in former times, they would have cryed it up, for a token of the greatest affection that ever King did shew unto his people: But the men of our times, unlesse their Soveraigne will commit perjury, and break

his Oath to God (as they have done theirs both to God and him,) to please their Humours, unless he will commit Sacriledge (as they do;) destroy his own Conscience, and damne his own soul, to satisfie their lusts, they are resolved to raile upon him for one that beares no Affections to his people.

But in these his Instructions to the same Commissioners, we may and do observe more of his Affection yet, (to his own dam∣mage and wrong) unto his people; his words are these, (by the testimony also of his own deadly enemies.)

The Militia is certainly the fittest subject for a Kings quarrell, for without it, the Kingly power is but a shadow, (who can deny this?) and therefore upon no meanes to be acquitted, but maintained, according to the Ancient known lawes of the Land, (no otherwise doth the King desire to have it defended and upheld:) Yet because to attain to this so much wished peace by all good men, it is in a manner necessary, (Scil. in regard of the guilty Consciences of the Rebells,) that a sufficient, and reall security be given (even to them to take away (if possible) their suspition,) for the performance of what shall be agreed upon: I permit you either by leaving strong Towns, or other Military for∣ces in the Rebells possession, (untill Articles be perfor∣med,) to give such assurance for performance of conditi∣ons, as you shall judge necessary to conclude a firm Peace. Provided alwayes, that you take as great a care by sufficient security, that Conditions be performed to me, (good rea∣son,) and to make sure that the peace once settled, all things shall return to their ancient Channell.

Now behold and wonder, (O all ye Nations of the word,) and judge (I beseech you) betwixt this King and his Accusers: Could any Christian deny himself more? Did ever Prince deny himselfe so much? Can the desires of any man be more equal and just then these are? Doe you perceive in these his secret instru∣ctions, that he covets any more power, or Prerogative then is al∣lowed or approved by the Ancient and known Lawes of the

Land? Can any innocent disposition upon the earth, possibly give more satisfaction to a perverse, froward and guilty Enemy, then is here offered to these men, by a most Gracious, and Honest King; onely to procure life and tranquility to his poore people, who are most mercilesly butchered, and abused by their fellow-subjects? I am confident you will all yeeld, that these expressions of the King, in these his private letters, do discover sufficient affections to his people: and doubtlesse you will judge too, that those who are not of the same opinion, are onely they who desire to denude him of that Kingly right, and dignity, which God alone hath in∣vested him withall; Yea, and of his life it self i•••• possibly they can, Sed providebit Deus: God we trust will still protect him.

And then further yet, in his directions to his said Commissio∣ners concerning Ireland: the King infers, that he is willing to consent to any thing, that shall be desired or devised, may but a cleare way be shewed him, how his poore Protestant Subjects there, may probably (at least) defend themselves, and that himselfe shall have no more need to defend his Conscience, and Crown, from the injuries of this English Rebellion. I do not doubt but all men of Religion and Reason, will acknowledge in the Kings behalf, that these be ample Testimonies of his true Affections; and yet these men speak, as if the King wanted affections to his people.

I confesse there be a Company got above-board in these times, who call themselves His people, and Gods people, yea his onely good Subjects, and Gods onely good Children; but in very deed their works speak them neither to belong to God, nor Him: Loammi may their name & title properly be. The King may happily shew his dislike of them, and their wayes, but this speaks no disaffection in him to his own people, any more then our Saviours dislike of the Pharises, & their conditions did speak disaffection to his disciples; those onely are the Kings people, that yeeld him their obedience.

But they tell us also, that in his Letters, we shall see what Lan∣guage* 1.41 and Titles the King bestowes upon his great Councell: they meane the prevailing faction at Westminster, whom they cal Great, because they are so strong at this present, and so powerfull, for Rabsakeh upon this ground called his master the Great King, and* 1.42 Nimrod also was called Great, from a like reason, he had by cruel∣ty* 1.43 and oppression (as these have done) got the upper hand of

all his neighbours: 'tis the nature of some to affect greatnesse, and to manifest the same, whereas Gods delights are to shew his goodnesse rather: Had that Great Councell, (which they speak of) been of Gods minde, and endeavoured in Gods way, to have proved themselves the Kings good Councell, there would have been no exceptions about Language or Titles.

Great we yeeld them, and wish with our soules, they were as good: But we conceive not, how that Great Councell, can be the Kings great Councell, (as these call it) unlesse onely in that sence, as those Husbandmen in the Gospel were their Lords servants,* 1.44 when having already killed, and beaten many of their fellows, they had entred into a Consultation to murder the Heire himself; and to seize on his inheritance for themselves: when their Lord did first commit his vineyard to their care to dresse, and keep, while they laboured for his benefit and advantage, he might ac∣knowledge them for his servants: but when once they failed in their trust, sought their own ends only, and his damage, there was no reason, he should esteem of them any longer.

Lucifer and his Companions were at their first Creation, Sons of the Morning, all bright Angels, glorious Creatures, beloved of God; but when they entertained aspiring thoughts, disdained their equalls, separated from them, and thought much that He who made them, should be above them; they fall from their Ho∣nour, and no longer abode in their Primitive Condition; so when mutable men, alter from what they were, they leave their former Names and Titles.

We (for our parts) cannot conceive, how the meere place, or bare walls in a Councell Chamber, can make or continue men to be of the Kings Councell; nor can we be perswaded, that the outward taking of an Oath or Protestation, to defend the Kings life, Honour, and Estate, without a faithfull discharge thereof, and fulfilling the trust imposed, doth speak men to be the Kings good Councellours. Good Councellours (as we apprehend) are such as study sincerely, and are most specially carefull to maintain their Prince his Crown and Dignity, to prefer his Honour fair and splendent, (as being the very life of His Majesty:) when there is any miscarriage in Government, they will rather take the fault upon themselves then suffer it in the least degree to have

reflection upon their Soveraigne; they will (though to their own losse) endeavour to acquit him of all blame, and to uphold his reputation in the hearts of his people: did ever any Honest Po∣litician propound such rules to be observed by a Kings Great Councell, or ever any States-men or Councellours, who were Chri∣stian and Religious, order their practice according to such Pre∣cepts as these that follow?

1. Promise at your first meeting to make your King, the most Glorious prince in Christendome, and take a Protestation to defend his life, Honour, and Estate, that so he may give the more credence to you, and the Common people may have the better opinion of your Love and Loyaltie; and so be more apt to do any thing that you will have them.

2. When you have done this, labour by all meanes to make a strong faction amongst your selves against the King: and if any of your fellows be so scrupulous in Conscience, that they will not joyn with you, be sure that by all-meanes, you force them from the Councel-house: and if you cannot otherwise effect it, set the Common people to threaten and assault them, as Enemies to the State and Kingdome.

3. Pretend Jealousies, and Feares; and hereupon with all speed possesse your selves both of the Militia and Navy of the King∣dome, and see to it, that (in no hand) you suffer the King to have any thing to do with either.

4. Seize upon all the Kings Rents, and Revenews, and starve Him if you can; suffer Him not to have the common comforts of an ordinary man, to enjoy the Society of the wife of His bosome, or any house of His own to Lodge in: if he be a Christian, put Him into his Lords Condition; that he may say, the foxes have holes, and the birds of the Aire have nests, but I have not where to hide my Head.

5. Lay all the Miscarriages that your selves, or any other in∣feriour Officers have committed, since the beginning of His Reigne, to His Charge, in a large Remonstrance; & do what ever else you can possibly devise to make Him odious unto his people.

6. Study to Vex and Grieve his Spirit upon all occasions, by all meanes; pervert and misconstrue on purpose, all His sayings, letters, and doings, and yeeld not to His desires in any thing, be it

never so just, and reasonable; but tempt and urge Him, to perjure Himself, and to commit Sacriledge if possible.

7. Authorize all base Libells, all scandalous and lying Pam∣phlets that any one hath a minde to publish against Him; though they be such as not onely the Authours themselves, but the very Devill himself would blush to own.

8. Kill, Slay, and Destroy all that love Him, and think well of Him; suppresse, reproach, ruinate, banish, imprison, or murder, all those Ministers of God, that shall dare to alleadge Gods Word, in their Kings behalf, and fail not to shew speciall favour and countenance, to all such Preachers, as have mouth and forehead to belie Him, and to defame Him from the Pulpits, and that will speake of Him, as if He were an Infidell, an Idolater, an Apostate.

9. When you have brought Him to a most low and desolate condition, be sure you Flout lustily at Him; and hire fellows that are skilfull in scorning, to write weekly Pamphlets on purpose to expose Him to be Ludibrium Hominum, & oppro••rium Populi: for this was the condition of Christ His Saviour; to which He, as well as others who are Godly, must be conformable.

10. Let all your Consultations be only to throw Him down from that Excellency wherein God hath set Him: although to bring the same to passe, you hazard the destruction of all His Kingdomes; But be sure, you hold your own still, call your selves His Great Councell, and when ever you write unto Him, let it be in this sub∣missive form and stile: We your Majesties most Humble, and most Loyall Subjects, considering with great grief and sorrow of Heart; &c.

Can any men, that have but the least spark of grace, or mo∣desty in them, affirm, that the Councellours who walk towards their King according to these or such like rules, do deserve the name of the Kings Councell? Truly we (who are accounted Se∣duced) having been brought up in the plain, honest, Protestant Christian Religion, dare not either think or say they do: we know there will come a day, when all men shall be judged according to their works, and therefore in the mean time our subtile Brethren must pardon us, if we so judge of men for the present, as their works speak them; nor indeed dare we so much disparage the

most High, and most Honourable Court, (of Parliament) in Eng∣land, (to which alone the Title of the Kings Great Councell be∣longeth;) as to fasten the same upon such a Disloyall, Hypocriti∣call, unchristian, and bloudy Faction as this now above-board is, and which walketh according to the fore-mentioned Rules.

But what are those Titles or Language, which in these his Let∣ters* 1.45 we may see the King bestowes upon his Great Councell, (as they call it?) we find him therein Lamenting their pertinacy, com∣plaining of their Stubborunesse, and bewailing the perversenesse of their spirits: as Christ could not look upon such conditioned persons without Grief and Anger; so the King cannot speake of* 1.46 them without sorrow and indignation: for they were once his people, though now they have plucked their necks from under his yoak: perhaps sometimes he calls them by the name of Rebells, and is there not a cause? did not Christ call some that walked in such wayes as they goe in, Vipers and Children of the Devill? When the Jewish Nation, whom God had formerly owned for his peo∣ple, did act the part of an Impetious whorish woman; he called her* 1.47 Harlot: 'tis fit every thing should be called by its owne name; and that the name Rebell is proper to them whom the King entitles with it, we are able to shew by such strong Arguments, as these their Champions (for all their Subtilty) can never answer; for what ever wickednesse is or has been in any Rebels of former A∣ges, is superlatively apparent in these men: Let themselves but say what things do make and denominate a Rebell, and it shall be Evidenced clearly that themselves have the same Conditions.

Are they Rebells that lift up a violent hand against the Supream Magistrate? or that open a foul mouth against Him? or that pub∣lish and Authorize base Scandalous Pamphlets, to His defamation and dishonour? that violently break all Laws, both Humane and Divine? If any one of these, or all these together, be the properties of Rebells, then these men are compleatly qualified for the Title. Or again, is it the custome of Rebells to slight the Kings Authority? to deny Him to be Gods Anointed? to rob Him of His rents and revenues? to cheat Him of His Arms, His Ships, His Castles, and Hearts of His people? to hunt Him up and down his Kingdome, like a Partridge upon the mountaines? If these be the Actions, and works of Rebells, then these men above all men have

fully merited to be so called. In a word, if Absalom, and Achi∣tophel; if Sheba the son of Bichri; if Korah, Dathan, and Abiram were Rebells in their Generations, then so are these in this; for these have done over all the same things, which every of them did do, though with greater impudence and violence: Nay if Sa∣tan himself in his seduction of our first Parents, did act the Rebell against the Almighty, then also have these against their Soveraign; for they have directly proceeded in his method and way; as might be shewed in all the particulars: But these Examples are all so Evident in Scripture to peoples eyes, that I shall leave the matter wholly to their own observance, and listen to what these men say further; having told us of Language and Titles which the King bestowes upon his Great Councell, they adde,

Which we return not again, but consider with Sorrow that it comes* 1.48 from a Prince Seduced out of his proper spheare.

What the King bestowes we have heard already; what they re∣turn* 1.49 we shall see anon: only in the first place we cannot but ob∣serve their Sorrowfull Consideration, because 'tis a phrase in great fashion, even with them also whom they call his Great Councell; who have many a time and oft, told the King in their letters to him, of their own great griefs and sorrowes: But let their Con∣sciences speak, what is the true ground of their sorrow, is it not this? Because they that are able to doe so much to the Kings da∣mage, to raise so many Armies against him of his own people, to corrupt so many of his Officers and Commanders, for to betray the places committed to their trust, should not yet by all their injurious and contumelious dealings, (which have been more then was ever offered to a Christian Prince by Protestant people.) be able to break his heart, and sink him to his grave; still they see he is strengthened by the help of God to beare his burden: and they have heard (haply) of that his pious expression, viz. Though God hath pleased to lay on me a greater Burden of Affliction, then up∣on other Princes my Predecessours: yet withall he hath in his good∣nesse, inlarged unto me an answerable measure of patience. Let their own Consciences speak whether (in very deed) their grief doth not spring from this Consideration: For if they should not Ef∣fect to vex him to death, or some way or other to bring him to his grave, all their labour would be in vain, and to little purpose;

and how can they consider of this, without great grief, and sorrow of heart? But these good men (our subtile Brethren) doe here pretend that their sorrow is, because their Prince is Seduced out of his proper spheare: yet verily we on the other side do consider of this with more true Sorrow (I dare say) then they do: for we confess never was Prince so far seduced out of his proper sphear, as he was; when He took them who now call themselves his great Counsell, to be Honest men: when He gave so much credit to their promises and protestations, as to be perswaded by them, to signe the Bill for the Continuation of that unhappy Parlia∣ment: then, O then be was seduced indeed, from his proper spheare, wherein his Father set and left him with this caution, Alwaies to be suspicious of the Puritanicall faction, and never to* 1.50 trust them above all people in the world, as being for ingratitude, lyes, and perjuries, surpassing the High-land theeves and Borderers. His Seduction from this Paternal advise, was the root and cause of all our Miseries, and therefore with sorrow of heart, we his Loyall Subjects cannot but thinke upon it.

But to do these men right: they mention their sorrow here, for the Kings Seduction, to another purpose, namely as a Pre∣face to that which follows. M. Dike in his book of the deceit∣fulness of mans heart, sets down, not for imitation, (as these take it) but for discovery, the method of a cunning Hypocrite in his venting a slander: First (saies he) to gain Credit with the hearers, he pretends great affection to the party against whom he is minded to speak, professing that with great grief and sorrow of heart, he doth think of him, (hoping yet that he is onely missed and seduced,) and so makes a long Preamble to this purpose, as if the fault he intends to mention, were as grievous to him, as a blow with a Cudgell; and then at last, out comes the slander, which his viperous tongue layes on with as much spight as malice is able, these (I remember) are M. Dikes words.

Now after this very manner, and in the same Method, do these our subtile Brethren speake to us concerning their Soveraigne, whom they are about to slander and defame: First they tell us in some obscure and generall terms, of strange Titles, which the King bestowes upon his great Councell, which (say they) we return not again; but consider with sorrow that it comes from a Prince, (not

so Naturally inclined, as we hope, for we would fain think better of him, but) Seduced from his proper spheare, misled by ill Councell: And so much for the Preface. Now to the main businesse, and let all Christian people observe it well, how these good Sorrowfull men, that promised even now, to give no opprobrious Language, will describe their Soveraigne. He is, say they,

One that hath left that seat in which he ought, and hath bound him∣self* 1.51 to fit, to sit (as the Psalmist saies) in the Chaire of the scorn∣full, and to the ruine almost of three Kingdomes, hath walked in the Councells of the ungodly.

Now 'tis out: and it conteines in our apprehensions these 6 Articles against the King.

1. That the King hath not only neglected to perform his Of∣fice, but voluntarily, and upon no occasion moving, hath left and forsaken his proper place and duty.

2. That in the roome thereof, he hath made choice of the Scorners Chaire, which is the highest seat or throne of wicked∣ness.

3. That he hath even bound himself Prentice, as it were by oath and Covenant, to that trade of scorning.

4. That he hath resolved to follow that profession so long as he lives; for he hath bound himself to sit, yea, to sit, scil. for ever, in the Chaire of the scornfull.

5. That his aymes and endeavours only are, and have been to ruine three whole Kingdomes, which even almost he had effected.

6. That to this very end, and for no other reason (as must be supposed) he hath abandoned the Society of most Holy and good men, and linked himself by a indissolvable tye, to the So∣ciety of the wicked, whose ungodly counsell he alwaies walketh in.

These are the particulars in this their first charge against the King: but my purpose being to uncase these Hypocritical and blasphemous men, I shall first lay open to the world, the full meaning of their hearts, in a true Paraphrase upon their words; and then I shall shew how false and scandalous they be in every respect against his Majesty, unto whom they naturally owe, and solemnely have sworne obedience. But first let me beg pardon of my Lord and Soveraigne, and crave of all Loyall hearts that it be not imputed for an indecorum or want of Reverence in me

to Kingly Honour, if some of my words concerning His Sacred person, do sound unseemly, and unbecomming; Let it be consi∣dered, that I speak not my self, but other men, whose Hellish in∣tentions toward their Prince, are so black, that 'tis impossible to expresse them in a language meetly Reverend: He that openeth rotten sepulchers may (though unwillingly) be offensive.

Secondly, I desire of all men, that I may not be thought by my manner of speaking, to intend the working of any contempt in peoples hearts against the High Court of Parliament, which be∣ing called in the Kings name, by his Writ, and acting under the obedience of just and regall power, are with all Honour and Re∣verence to be thought upon, and spoken of: Yea, and God knowes my heart abhors to be an instrument of working dis∣esteem against any persons of this present Assembly, who have pious and loyall affections in them, (as I beleeve there be divers, even in this very Body, that do truly detest the present pro∣ceedings of some of their fellow-members.) I do here profess to all the world, though I use the name of Parliament, and Great Councell, in answer to these Libellers, yet I meane one∣ly the present swaying and prevailing faction in the two Houses, who are and have been the Countenancers of all these abuses against their Soveraigne, and the causers of all our sor∣rowes: and who they in particular are, I doubt not but in due time, God the Supreame Judge, will Evidence to this whole Kingdome. This with all Humility premised and implored, I pro∣ceed as followeth.

SECT. IV.

1. The Nature of their Charge opened. 2. Their vilanous and bloudy Scope therein, clearely Evidenced, and pro∣ved. 3. How perfectly in their Tenents they hold with the Jesuites in the points of King-killing and King-de∣posing, fully declared.

THe Charge or Bill of Attainder against the King, together* 1.52 with the Reason, why 'tis thus published to us, and to the

people, by these His most dutifull and loving Subjects, (who take upon them to be His Accusers) according to their own full and clear meaning may be rendred more at large, thus:

That the King, (or rather he who was once in that office) hath voluntarily, and freely, without being urged by any occa∣sion in the world, forsaken his place, wherein he ought to have remained, and which to His great content, He might still have enjoyed, (had he so pleased) being not only obliged thereunto by His Duty; but also importuned by the most Humble suppli∣cations and prostrate intreaties of His Great Councel: But He meerly out of his own ill disposition, is departed thence, and hath taken up, not onely a standing, but a Seat, yea, hath bound Himselfe by obligation, entred into a covenant with Hell, to sit, to sit (we say) as the Psalmist speake, (for we would have all the Common people know, that we have Scripture for what we say) in the Seat of the Scornfull: that is, (as our Prophets interpret) to remain for ever in the Highest Throne and degree of wickednesse, that man or Devill can reach unto: whereby it appeares that (Ahab-like) he hath sold himselfe to work all evill, even with greedinesse; and is past all hope of recovery: More∣over, he hath intentionally and on set purpose, been already the ruine almost of three whole Kingdomes, and had been so alto∣gether ere this, had not His Great Councell, (a company of most Holy, Chast, Innocent, Wise and infallible good men) sitting now at Westminster, in their great pitty, and commiseration of spirit, and out of their abounding piety, and meere natural goodnesse interposed themselves, whereby (thanks only to them) the three Kingdomes are yet kept in being; which (be∣fore they put to their helping hands) were at the very brim of destruction. And yet notwithstanding, this wilful King hath left their most Sacred, sweet, and peaceable society, out of a pure hatred to them, and to their v••rtues: and hath not onely stepped unawares, but hath even eat and drunk with Publicans and Sinners: yea, and walked deliberately in the Councels of the wicked, and ungodly: Insomuch that it is to be thought, the total ruine of the three Kingdomes, will shortly be accom∣plished, do what the Great Councel can to the contray, unless some Noble Brutus, some Valiant Cassius, out of love to their

Countries Liberty, will take the paines to stab this Cesar: some devout Raviliack in his zeal unto Religion, wil do God the ser∣vice, (or the kindnesse rather) to free the world, and Church of this destructive Tyrant, for 'tis better (as Scripture saies) that one man should die, then that all the People perish; then that three whole Kingdomes should be destroyed.

We refer the matter to their own Consciences, whether this be not the true sense of their spirits, and whether they would not have the people thus to understand their words, against the King: And to prevent scruples, which may arise in the hearts of any about the Businesse, which they would have done, they adde to the former the words following, saying,

And though in our Tenents we annex no infallibility to the seat of* 1.53 a King in Parliament, (as the Romanists do to the Papall Chaire, since all men are subject to Errour,) yet we dare boldly say, that no English King did ever from that place, speak destruction to His peo∣ple, but safety and Honour, nor any that abhorred that seat and Coun∣cell, but did the contrary.

These words (I say) are added to their foregoing description of the King, not only to further the Businesse aymed at; but also in way of prevention: for some might make a scruple of Con∣science, (as David did) to kill the King, notwithstanding these suggestions, because He is the Lords Anointed: Wherefore these circumspect m••n, being ad omnia parati, do signifie further in these words, that no man need be precise in that respect, for say they, in effect thus,

We in our Tenents (which are all the truth, and the very truth, and the truth indeed, and so to be apprehended by all men living) doe make no more of a King, then we do of ano∣ther man, the seat of a King in Parliament it self, is no more then the seat of Cesar in the Senate-house, it may as well be empty as not, were there but no King at all, (for 'tis not so much his Presence there, which we desire and quarrell about, as his Nullity, that He might be no where:) we hold there is no more virtue in the Seat of a King in Parliament, then in the seat of an ordinary Burgesle, (no nor half so much neither:) we neither do nor wil in our Tenents annex infallibility to the Kings Seat; for should we make a Pope of the King? No, no: He is

but a man, subject to Errours, as others be, and therefore liable to be punished for his faults, as well as others: specially since the Soveraignty is transmitted into the hands of the Parlia∣ment, which was done (as the Parliaments own self judgeth) when the Bil of perpetu••ty was signed. It is granted indeed be∣fore that time, the Supream power was in Him, and we were all his Subjects: and then perhaps some might Scruple to out his throat, for there were lawes then in force against Regicides, but now since his Resignation, (for so in our Tenents we hold this Act to be,) there is no scruple to be made, those lawes against King-killers are suspended, and he is now become as Samson was without his strength, even like another man, any of the wel affected Philistines may fall upon him, mock him, kil him, or use him as they please; if their new Lords (that is to say) the worthy members of the Parliament do but give leave▪ for he is now but their subject, their slave; they are able (by the infallibility of their Votes) to make him a malefactor, and then to order him, (if they can catch him) as such a one; for infallibly we grant is an Attendant on the Supreame power; we do not indeed annex it to the Kings seat, because the su∣preame power is now removed from thence; while this was in the King, the Parliament it self (as appeares in some of their Expresses,) did use to speak as the Law did, modestly of the King, and to say he could not erre; but now, the case is altered with him, the Supreame power being transferred unto other persons, infallibility stil attends the same, and not the Kings per∣son: And hence it was, that after the aforesaid Act, there was a large Remonstrance made, which the Authours of, durst never make before, whilst the power was in the Kings hand▪ (it may be called the Parliaments Act of Gratitude, for the Kings Act fore-named) in which they declare sufficiently, their judgement to be, that the King may now be imputed fallible, and unfit to manage the Supreame power from thenceforth any longer: And hence also it is, that a new Oath of Allegeance and Obedience to the Parliament is tendred to the People of this Land, which plainly shewes, that the Supreame power is con∣cluded to dwel in them; and that the old Oath is quite void and out of date together with the King. And for the Protestation

generall, (which was took at the beginning of the Parliament to defend the Kings life and Honour) that is to be understood only so long as the Kingly and Supreame power remained in him, but that being once removed, the Pretestation bindes us no longer to regard His Person and Honour; but the Persons and Honours of them only, in whom the said Supremacy is now seated: And therefore all the world knows, that the Parlia∣ment, or great Councell, never raised War against the King, ne∣ver suffered any to take away His Name & Honour, or to seize upon His revenews, so long as the Supream power was in Him; for that had been rank Rebellion in them indeed; but now since themselves were invested in the same; they set to their businesse, (as lawfully they may) to establish the Kingdom upon them∣selves and their successours: First by putting forth their Re∣monstrance against the King, to loosen all the bands of ancient Loyalty, and then by seizing upon the Militia of the King∣dome, the Forts, Castles, Ships and Townes, as their proper Rights, and all the Kings Goods and Houses, as being now (in regard of their Supremacy) solely at their disposing; and then too, after all this, they thought fit in wisdome, to Vote the King to be one that intends the ruine of three Kingdomes, that abhors His Great Councell, which speakes nothing but Safety and Honour to Him. Yea, (and in very deed) He doth Envy those worthies, that Honour, strength, rule and dignity, which now by Gods Providence, is so happily cast upon them; even as Richard the Third did grutch at those two innocent Princes, whose by right the Kingdome was, and thereupon did murder them, to get the Scepter into His own Hands, and the Crown upon His own Head: So this man aymes at the destruction of the most blessed Parliament, whose the Kingdome now by right is, and in whose Hand all Power and Authority is lodged and fastned, and there like to remain, so long as a drop of bloud is left in the veines of English-men, who shall fight for them to maintain it: therefore let all men remember Richard the Third what peace the Land had after long Wars, when he was once killed, and let them expect the same now, if this Man (who is worse then He) could be taken away. And no man need scruple to do it, for the Supreame Authority now above-board doth

allow it; and that is able to make sin no sin, when it listeth; that hath declared him to speake destruction to the Kingdomes, to ab∣horre the Parliament, and never any English King did so, but he spake Destruction to himself thereby; therefore let him have it; we dare boldly say and assure, that safety and Honour is not his portion, but destruction from the Lord is appointed to him, the Parliament so judgeth, and blessed shall he be, that shal divide it out unto him. And thus all scruples of Consciences are re∣moved.

I have been the larger in opening the meanings of these men, that I might withall express the ground of their uncouth opi∣nions, and let no good people, who have a Charitable conceit of them, think that I stretch their words beyond their intentions, I would not force any mans faith beyond his judgement, much lesse against the same: wherefore let these few following particu∣lars be considered upon, and I beleeve it will be evident, to every reasonable man, that I have spoken nothing, but the reall desires of their hearts and spirits.

1. Consider the Nature of the Crimes which most maliciously and falsly they lay to the Kings Charge; that He hath neglected His office, Forsaken His place, that He Abhorreth the Parliament, Walks onely in the Councell of the ungodly, that he seeks the De∣struction of three Kingdomes, and is ascended to the highest pitch and throne of wickedness, The seat of the scornfull, and there hath Bound himselfe to sit and continue; what is all this in effect, but Away with him from the Earth, 'tis not fitting he should live?

2. Consider of some of their Tenents, which to this purpose they have been a buzzing a long while, and whispering into the mindes of people, viz. That the King is but onely for the peoples good, He is but their Bayliff, their Servant, and that the Parliament without him is above him, may wage war against him, may depose him, and turn him out of his Office, if he be not for their turn; that they can give Commission to any to apprehend, yea, to kill him, if He doth oppose them; that evill may be done to further the Publik good, and in respect of the end aymed at it is not to be accounted evill; and many such like Tenents they have, which let any man consider of, together with their accusations of him, as also what they have done against him, and then say, whether all this doth

not signifie, that they would gladly be rid of him, if any would take upon them but to kill him.

3. Consider what high Holinesse, Wisdome, Justice, care of the Kingdome is affirmed abroad, and taught to be in them, who take upon them the name of the great Councell, or Parliament at Westminster: How infallible they are preached to be in their judgements, how unerring in their Votes and Censures, when in Consultation together; though perhaps, (as particular men) they may chance to Erre sometimes, for 'tis confessed, all men are subject to Errour; yet when they are in Cathedris, in their seats as Parliament men, they are all as infallible as the Pope; and have a power as well as he, to do what they please, to make Evil, Good; and Good Evil: to make Rebellion and Treason, to be Duty and Loyalty; and Duty and Loyalty, to be Rebellion and Treason; to Vote Sacriledge, Murder, and Theft to be no sins; Killing, Slaying, and Destroying to be acts of zeale and Christian Duty; Yea, what ever they shall authorize with approbation, (as they have done this Libel) must be received without scruple and haesitation, as pious and godly, though as full of Blasphemy as this same is: Nay, what man living will not conceive, but they who have Authorized this book against the King, will also war∣rant any man to kill him: to prevent his Capacity of punishing them hereafter for it? and whosoever beleeves it was no sin in them, to Authorize the one, will not think it a sin in them to war∣rant the other.

4. Consider how since that Act of Continuation of the Par∣liament they have plainly denyed the Supreame power to be in the King, and affirme the same to be in themselves; how they have suppressed the ancient Oath of Allegeance and Supremacy, and disclaimed them both, and have in the place of them framed a new Oath and Covenant, which they have put upon the Subjects of this Kingdome; to sweare adherence and allegiance to them∣selves: how they have made a New great Seal, (as if the old one with the King were of no longer use:) How they have seized upon all the Royalties of the Crown, and upon all the Kings Perso∣nall Estate, to be disposed of as their own; How they have exe∣cuted all Regall Prerogatives; How they call all those that do adhere to the King, Rebells and Traitours, and pursue them as

such, with fire and sword? How they Hunt the King up and down the Kingdome, (as if he were become an out-law,) seek∣ing to murder and destroy him? How they (now of late) do all in the name of the Parliament Onely, though at first til the people were fully seduced by them, and ingaged with them, they did use the Kings Name together with it; doth not at all this speak plain∣ly, that they thirst to drink the Kings bloud, and desire to have it shed or spilt?

5. Consider how in their Notes, (in this their accursed Libel pag. 44.) they tax the King as faulty, for his Soliciting the King of Denmark, and other Protestant Princes, (as they speak) to assist for the supporting of Monarchy; doth not this plainly in∣fer that they have concluded against the Government here in England, and so by Consequence against the Monarch himself? Doth it not evidently declare, that they account him King no longer? and that all the Supremacy is now in themselves? Which being supposed, and withal, that he (according to their Votes,) seekes the ruine of his people, whose safety above all things must be regarded: It follows of necessity, that they desire the Kings De∣struction, and would have it apprehended, that they do but their duty to the Kingdome in desiring it.

6. Consider how they do, (as in their Pamphlets and Ser∣mons) compare the King to Saul, Ahab, Nero, and the like; so in their malicious Notes upon his Letters here (pag. 48.) they compare him to Richard the third, (the most bloudy and unjust man that ever swayed the English Scepter,) which plainly speaks, that they would have people take him to be such a one, and to have no more true right to the Crown, then that Richard had; and that themselves would be as glad of his death, as Hen. the 7. was of the death of that Tyrant.

If these particulars (amongst many others that might be pro∣pounded) be considered on; I doubt not but all reasonable men wil yeeld, that I have done the Authours of this Libell right, in my interpretation of their intentions expressed in those their words against the King.

But that I might not leave the least scruple in the hearts of any wel-meaning people, that yet remain drunk with a good opinion of their Honesties; and do in Charity think it impossible, that

men pretending so fair, and having so great a name in the world for Religion, should be so Diabolical, and have such Hellish de∣signes: I wil further yet indeavour their satisfaction, (for I doe publikely profess, mine aymes are, to do the work of Christ, in laying open mens Hypocrisie,) that mine abused Country-men, for whom Christ died, might not longer be deceived: which work, (by Gods grace) I shal faithfully pursue, though I meet in the end, with Christs reward, at their bloudy hands, for my la∣bour. Wherefore,

I wil shew, First, that there is no impossibility at all in the mat∣ter, notwithstanding their specious pretences which they make: and then it wil further Evidence the verity of what I have said, from their own Tenents.

My Argument for the first is this: Whatever hath been already, may possibly be again: (for, (sayes Solomon) The thing which* 1.54 hath been, is that which shall be, and that which is done, is that which shall be done:) But such men there have been, who had a name to* 1.55 be alive, when they were dead, in trespasses and sins; who said they were Jewes, (called themselves Gods people,) and were so ac∣counted by others; when (in very deed) they were of the Syna∣gogue* 1.56 of Satan: therefore 'tis not impossible, but such men may be also in these dayes, which are the last dayes, and therefore the worst, the very dregs of time.

For proof of the Assumption, let us remember the Scribes and Pharisees in the Gospel, they had as great a name in the world then, as these persecutors of the King have now, and were as wel thought on by the vulgar, in whose opinions, they were farre enough from those villanies, which notwithstanding Christ did sufficiently discover to be in them; Nay, the people (though themselves were imployed as under-instruments in the very busi∣ness) were so bewitched with a good conceit of their Phari∣saical rulers, (whom they counted the Worthies of their Nation,) that they would not at first beleeve, that they had any purpose to kill Christ; for when he said, why goe ye about to kill me? the peo∣ple replied, Thou hast a Devill, Who goeth about to kill thee? they* 1.57 (good folkes) conceived that their Holy and wise Rulers, did onely provide for the safety of Church and Common-wealth, and endeavoured Christs Reformation, whom they apprehended to be

an irregular man, one that would not submit His Judgement to the Great Councell at Jerusalem; nor be ruled by their Votes and Orders. Nay the very Pharisees themselves, (like these our men) would not owne their own malice against Christ; for when Pilate would have delivered him into their hands, to have done with him as they pleased.

O no, cry they, 'tis not lawfull for us to put any man to death: (they had rather some body else should doe it for them;) we are too holy to defile our selves with His bloud; out of pure love to piety, and to the peace of the King∣dome, we have proceeded thus far against Him, and have been at great Charges with the Souldiers to apprehend Him: and though you can finde no fault in Him, yet you may be sure on it, if he had not been a Malefactor, we would not have brought him before you: No, no, if we could otherwise have reformed Him, we would not have troubled your Lordship with Him. But will you please to heare His Conditions: Why? He would be a King, and Rule over us, and if He be let alone, He wil ruine the whole Kingdome, and bring destruction upon the Temple too, and to spoyl our Religion: He bestowes strange Language and Titles upon us the Great Councell, the Worthies of the Nation, (who are a company of Holy and unblameable men, witnesse all the people) He calls us Hypocrites, Vipers, and Painted Se∣pulchers, and the like, which we return not again, but consider with sorrow, that these expressions come from a Jew Seduced out of his proper spheare: One that hath left the Society He ought to be withall, and keeps Company onely with publicans and Sin∣ners, ungodly persons, whose counsells he followes, and hath set himself in the seat of the scornfull: For we take all his Ser∣mons against our Ordinances, and doings to be but onely inve∣ctives and scornes against us, whereby He exposeth us to be con∣temned of the people, as if (according to His saying) we made the Law of God of none Effect by our Traditions. When indeed none can be more zealous for it, then we are; and thus you see what a Person He is, and what His Merits are. Beleeve it (Sir) unlesse some speedy course be taken with Him, Caesar (in whom the Supreame power is now seated, and whose servants the people now are) will be wronged; and the whole Church; and Kingdome wasted and destroyed, and this we will boldly

say: who ever doth not joyn with us against bim, is neither a friend to Caesar, nor to the Common-wealth, we are all for the Publick good, and to preserve that, we desire that this our King▪ or rather this man that says he is our King, may be crucified.

To this purpose was the Pharisees accusation against our Sa∣viour: of this disposition were their Spirits against the Son of God: (as Scripture teacheth) notwithstanding their Religious pretences, and that opinion of holinesse which the world had of them: it need not therefore be thought an impossible thing, that there should be men of a like spirit, and of a like esteem in these days; and that they should endeavour a like mischief against their Soveraigne. Nothing but the Heart bloud of Christ, would satisfie those his Enemies; and can it be any thing but the very heart bloud of the King which these men thirst after? indeed they do not lay any worse things to the Kings charge, (for I will do them no wrong) then those others did to the charge of Christ: And this for the first: There is no impossibility in the matter.

2. The truth of my interpretation of their meaning, is Evident from the Tenents which they mention as proper to themselves, at least as differing from ours: Wee (say they) in our Tenents do annex no Infallibility to the seat of a King in Parliament, as the Romanists doe to the Papall Chaire, since all men are subject to errours.

These men desire, (as we learned by their Pulpit Doctrines of* 1.58 us,) that people should beleeve, that those who are for the King, do think of him as the Romanists do of the Pope, that he cannot Erre, which opinion by these their words they would have the world know, that they disclaim, and truly so do we as much as they; for we never did, nor yet ever dare we, give the King so un∣due an Attribute; nor would His Majesty suffer the same, were any of us so sinfully disposed: For we boldly affirm, that never King was more Christian then He, in yeelding himselfe culpable, (even in some matters wherein others could see no errour,) that so if possible he might give his Enemies satisfaction, and purchase peace unto his people. But whether it be so or no, they con∣ceive, and report that to be our Tenent: and we on the other side apprehended theirs to be, that infallibility is rather in the Par∣liament

without a King, then in the Seat of a King in Parliament. And our Reason is, there hath been more Infallibility professed in Parliament, since the Kings absence from Westminster; then ever was before, when either himself, or any of His Predecessours have been there. And though the Parliament hath been erro∣neous and faulty herefore, by reason of the Kings faction mixt therein, (for by that name are modest and Loyal Gentlemen now called) yet that being now purged away, and driven from thence, Errour also is vanished with it, and Infallibility hath taken up its dwelling there, ita praedicant, ita clamitant. And yet by the way, we must tell the world, we beleeve the King hath some friends still within the wals at Westminster, even as Christ had at the Jews Councell Table, although (like Nicodemus, and Joseph of Arima∣thea) they are over-powred▪ and reviled, when they speak truth and Conscience.

But to the matter: We must tell these men, that Scripture af∣fords us better Testimony for the Kings not Erring, then it doth them for theirs; Solomon saies, The Kings Heart is in Gods Hand,* 1.59 and a Divine sentence is in His Lips; His mouth transgresseth not in* 1.60 judgment. We finde not the like expressions in behalf of an head∣lesse Parliament: but because Solomon was a King himselfe, He spake (they say) in his own case, and therefore not much to be regar∣ded: but we will not contest with them at this time about his Au∣thority, we rather yeeld (because all men are subject to Errour) that a King may Erre: and we adde further that a Parliament, consisting of men, may erre too; and this Combination of Conspi∣rators, (which to the high disgrace of the Supreamest Court, some call the Parliament) doth Erre most abominably, both from Gods Law, and the Law of the Land: and this in very deed is our Tenent.

And let them deal ingenuously with us, & say, whether they do not so hold of the Parliament, (though not of the King) as the Romanists doe of the Pope? whether by their Tenents, the Parlia∣ment hath not the same power over Kings, and Kingdomes, as the Pope hath by the Tenent of the Jesuits? The Jesuites hold that the Pope may dispose of Princes and Crownes for the service of God, the good of the Church, and salvation of Souls: And do not these hold that the Parliament, may both order the King, and di∣spose

of His Kingdome, as they shall think meet, for the ad∣vancement of their Cause (which they call Gods) & pro salute populi?

Romanas Episcopus Zacharias, Regem▪ Franciscorum non tam pro* 1.61 suis iniquitatibus, quam pro eo quod tantae potestati erat inutilis à regno deposuit, &c. By vertue of which Canon (say the Jesuits) the Pope hath power to depose Kings, be they Hereticall or Ca∣tholick, of vicious, or vertuous lives, if in his judgment he findes them unfit, and some others more capable of Government. And do not these men beleeve the Authority of Parliament, to be as irresistable, as that of the Pope, and their Votes to be as ful of ver∣tue as his Canons, and altogether as Authentick, even to the de∣posing of Kings, and disposing of their Kingdomes? Eudaemon Johannes in his Apologie for Henry Garnet, teacheth, that Subjects may be loosed from their Oath of Allegeance, and then they cannot, (as Emanuel Sa affirmeth) be held guilty of Treason, though they conspire the Kings death, because He against whom they conspire, is not their Master or Lord, they being formerly absolved from his obe∣dience. And hath not the same Doctrine been both taught and practised by these our opposers? Have not they loosened people from their Oath of Allegeance to the King, and then put them in Armes, perswading them that 'tis no Rebellion to fight against Him?

The Jesuits in their Chamber of Meditation taught, (as John Chastell who gave Hen. the 4. of France, a stab in the mouth, confessed upon examination) that it was lawfull to kill that King, and that He was now member of the Church, nor ought to be obeyed, or held for King, untill he had received approbation from the Pope. And one of them in his Apology for the said Chastell hath these words: vulnerando Henricum Burbonium, non voluerit laedere ant occidere Regem, etiamsi se talem dicebat, & in quo praeter imaginem nihil Regis quam quod genere Regio ortus erat. In striking Henry of Burbon his intention was not to kill the King, howbeit he called him∣selfe King, sithence he had nothing left, but the appearance of a King being of the bloud Royall.

Our Anabaptisticall Crew have their Chambers of Meditation too, or their Conventicles, where they meet with their disciples, to whom they suggest (as also they do in their Pamphlets and

Sermons) that the King is no true member of the Church, (because he dissents from them) but a persecutor of it, and is no longer to be obeyed or held for King, then the Parliament or represen∣tive Body of the Kingdome, in whom the Supreame power is in∣herent shall allow him so to be: and therefore being now decia∣red by them, to be an enemy to the Kingdome, and one that seeks the peoples ruine; he is to be accounted but as another man, and hath but the bare Name or Title of a King, as being borne of that family and stocke, which formerly swayed the Scepter.

Now my Argument from all this stands thus; who ever main∣tains, that the Pope or Parliament, may at pleasure alter King∣domes, exempt people from their Oath of Allegeance, and arm them against their Prince, do maintain, that people in such a case may kill their King: But this (as appeares by their doctrine and practice▪) is the Tenent of these men, as well as of the Je∣suites, Ergo, these men also by their Tenents, hold it lawfull to kill the King.

The minor is proved already, and the major is evident to sense and reason: for no man wil doubt, but a King (from whom offer is made to take away his Kingdome,) will take Armes to maintaine his right, and will labour to reduce them to Loyalty that stand armed against him; and in so doing, 'tis impossible but he must run the hazard of his life, since in defending himself, he is resolute (as in Conscience he is bound to be,) not to lose his Kingdome, (which God hath committed to his care,) without the loss of his life it self.

But perhaps some wil say, that in some of their books and Ser∣mons,* 1.62 they disclaim killing the King, yea though he were an He∣retick or a Tyrant.

I answer, the Romish Jesuites (their Brethren) in some of* 1.63 their books also, have condemned not onely the murdering of Princes, but also Rebellion against them, though Hereticks, and Tyrants; but they meane sine permissu superiorum, it is not lawful for a private man to do it (say they) of his own head, untill he be permitted by his superiours; but having leave and countenance from them, if sentence and judgement be once passed, that the King is a Tyrant or an Heretick, or not capable to govern; then obedience

to the said judgement is to be given, as to the voice of Christ: So these, when they speak against King-killing, and Rebellion, are to be understood, until the King be declared by Parliament, to be an Enemy to the Kingdome, and to seek the ruine of it; but when this is done, then men may not onely arm themselves against him, but kill him, if possibly they can, and by so doing, they do but the Command of God, and helpe the Lord against the mighty. These be the nicetyes of Romish Jesuites, and English Pharisees, by which they inchant men; they protest Solemnly, that they allow not the murdering of Kings; No, not they: but herein lies the craft, they acknowledge none for Kings, but whom themselves please to allow; and maintain that to kill a King whose Govern∣ment they cannot brook, is not to kill a King, but a man (as they say) masked under a Regall Title.

But indeed some of their faction, have been more plain in their expressions, and disclaiming this jugling distinction, have decla∣red their Tenents in down right English, even as Parry of old affirmed, that because Elizabeth stood excommunicated by the Pope▪ he might lawfully kill her: And as Catesby stood to it openly, that because the Pope had not allowed the Catholiks to receive James for King, the Powder-Treason was a work of Piety. And as Raviliak affirmed, that He had reason to kill Henry of Burbon, because he would make warre against the Pope, and so by consequent (saies he) against God, for the Pope was God: even so in this plain down∣right fashion, we have had some of our Parliamentarians, express their judgements, and intentions, that because the Parliament hath declared against the King, 'tis no sin to kill him; yea, they have pro∣fessed that themselves would do it, if they could reach him, so long as he is in this condition, not received or allowed on by the Parlia∣ment: yea (Raviliack-like) they have affirmed that He wars against the Parliament, and so by Consequent against God, and there∣fore it would be a work, not onely lawfull, but also pious for to kill him; such expressions have often fallen from the lips of many se∣verall persons among them, who might be named, if we did Bel∣ligerare Hominibus magis quam vitiis.

And thus the people do now see, how those who pretend to keep them from Popery, do lead them into the deepest ditch, and most Hellish puddle thereof: themselves call the Jesuites the

worst of Papists; and yet hold with them in their worst of Tenents, onely the difference is this: the Jesuites place power, and infal∣libility in the Pope, and these place it in the Parliament, for though these (our Subtile Brethren) will not like Romanists, make a Pope of the King, yet they will make one of the Parlia∣ment, whose members are as perfect in their Seats, as Pontifex is in Cathedra: But I remember a distinction which the Secretary of Charles the 5. used to some English Ambassadours, who (up∣on his complaint of Pope Julius the 3. his foul play with the Emperour,) demanded of him, how he being a Papist could ex∣cuse this unkindnesse of the Pope towards his Master? He an∣swered, that the Pope was an honest man, but Julius the 3. was an Arrant Knave: so saving the Honours of the Right worshipfull, as they are Members, peradventure as they are men, they may be subject to errours, and be esteemed of according to their merits.

SECT. V.

1. The falsity and injustice of the said Charge against the King manifested in all the particulars. 2. Who they are that sit in the Scorners Chair. 3. The Enemies rea∣sons and ends of Charging the King with their own Con∣ditions.

BUt we having now seen the Nature of their Charge, we will consider also the Verity of it, or the falsity rather, for we* 1.64 apprehend it as false, as foul; as injurious, as High: were it all true, yet according to Christian Religion, and the doctrine of the Bible, it were a great sin in them thus to object it: For is it fit to* 1.65 say to a King, thou art wicked, or to Princes, ye are ungodly? When* 1.66 Saint Paul understood Ananias to be the Ruler, he confessed he had done ill, in calling him whited wall, (though indeed he was no better.) But seeing there is no more truth at all in the matter, then can be infused thereinto by vertue of a Vote: We are most confident that at the Generall Audit, (when all things and men shall be judged, as they are and have been,) it will be found a most malicious and transcendent wickednesse, in these men thus

to have slandred and belyed the Lords Anointed, their own dread Soveraigne. Themselves know well, that the King did not leave his place or seat at Westminster, but was most violently forced and driven away from thence, full sore against his will, (for the safe∣guard of his life,) by the rude multitudes, who were set on work (to be so irreverend towards him,) by them that took the Pro∣testation to defend him. And they know too, that if the King could by his requests and messages, have obtained to have had a restraint of those so high affronts offered to him, he had not withdrawn himself from thence: But because we have not (to this very day,) heard of any person punished, or so much as checked, (for that contemptuous, and rebellious behaviour) by them, whom they call the Parliament, and the Kings Great Coun∣cell; we do beleeve that (when all Secrets shall be opened) it wil be found, that even they, who have now authorized this Libell, and in it this impious Charge against the King, did then counte∣nance those very contempts against him, on purpose to force him from them: Wherefore though the King must not be suffered to enjoy the Priviledge of a King, or of a Man; yet they might per∣mit him, without blame or grudging, to have the Liberty of the meanest Creature, in endeavouring to preserve his own life and being.

And (say they) He hath not onely left his place, but also (as they would have it beleeved,) hath rejected it for ever, hath bound himselfe to come no more there: Yea, And do all his proffers of pardon, all his endeavours for Treaties, all his desires of Ac∣commodation, speak onely so much, and no more? Do his pri∣vate instructions to his Commissioners at Uxbridge (before men∣tioned) evidence this, and nothing else? Do his intentions to make his Queene the Happy instrument of renewing the meeting, (if he could have had but any demonstration, that the Rebells would yeeld to Reason, Paper 2.) discover nothing but this? Truely we doe apprehend rather all these particulars to be Arguments of the contrary: when God the wronged Party, doth beseech the wicked world to be reconciled to himselfe, we apprehend he is willing to* 1.67 pardon all offences, and to be friends with his enemies, if they would beleeve him: So when an abused Christian King, doth imitate God in this particular, we conceive it rather a signe,

that He would be again at unity with His Rebellious Subjects, then that His purpose is, still to keep himself at a distance.

We do finde that such an Accusation or Slander as this is, was once laid to the Charge of God himself by a most disloyall and Hypocriticall people, who having forced the Lord from them by their wickednesse, and driven Him away by their ill usage, and thereby made themselves most miserable, did notwithstanding (as these do) very mannerly, lay all the fault upon Him, as if themselves had been the most innocent, and wel-deserving people in the world: and his departure had been altogether causless and on set purpose to bring upon the Heads of his people, all those sorrows, which their own ungodly doings alone had effected and procured. Sion said, the Lord hath forsaken me, my God hath for∣gotten* 1.68 me. Nay, (it seemes) they had charged him (as these doe their King) that he had even quite divorced himself from them, bound himself to come no more at them, nor to own them for his people; for God argues the case with them, upon such their Charge, and that first in a mild way (as our King hath often done with His enemies) and tels them he had not forgotten them, what ever they said of him; no, A mother could sooner forget the child of* 1.69 her wombe, then he could forget them: though they deserved not to be so well remembred by him. And then (in the beginning of the next Chapter) he comes more home unto them, and challengeth, and urgeth them, to bring their proof, to shew the Bill of Divorce∣ment, whereby (they said) he had cast them off: So may our* 1.70 King call upon these his Accusers, to produce the Bonds they talk of, the Obligations whereby he hath tyed himselfe to fit elsewhere: surely they that read this their Libell, may easily beleeve, that if either the Authors, or Authorizers of it, had any thing to this pur∣pose, tending to the Kings further disgrace or defamation, they would not fail to publish the same in Print, that all the world might see it.

But as those Accusers of God, failing in their Evidence, had the blame retorted upon themselves, Behold, for your iniquities have you sold your selves: So may these Accusers of the King, thus Charging their own faults upon Him, (without any injury) have the same returned upon their own Heads, the miseries which are upon the Kingdome by reason of the Kings absence, they may

thank their own selves for: And as the Lord in that place doth further convince them of the wrong they did him, by declaring his continuall readinesse to help them out of those miseries, whereinto they had brought themselves, if they would but heare him, beleeve in him, and trust unto him; which he proves, by minding them of what he had done formerly, what Acts of grace he had passed already for their good, inferring thereby, that he was both able and willing to do as much again, if they would but give him leave by taking his word. So may the King, and so hath the King, by the very same wayes and meanes evidenced his inno∣cency and freedome from those their unjust accusations: what readinesse hath he alwayes shewed in denying himselfe to satisfie them? What Acts of grace hath He already passed? never any King hath done the like. Let the bitterest of His Enemies deny it if they can; what could be desired by reasonable men, which he hath not offered and promised unto them, if they would but beleeve him, and trust unto him? But this they wil not be brought unto, for it is one of the most difficult things in the world, for a Person that hath been so highly wronged, as He hath been, and in∣tends well, to gain credit from them, that have abused him: their owne guiltiness makes them incredulous, and without Faith 'tis impossible that either God or the King, should be able to do any people good; as it was said by our Saviour, that himself could doe* 1.71 no mighty works in a certain place, because of the peoples unbelief.* 1.72 So may it be said of the King, he cannot do that good he would, unto his people, because of their unbelief. As God is better then man can conceive him to be, so the King is better then these men will beleeve him to be; yea (in regard of their abuses of him) I may say, then they can beleeve him to be. It was the saying of a good Subject, since these wars begun, O that the people of England did but know their King, they would love him, they would beleeve him, they would not abuse him. But we must not wonder to see a good King in Gods condition.

We proceed therefore to their next particular, where they* 1.73 Charge the King, to have settled himself in the seat of the Scornful, and we will see their truth in that.

The Psalmist informes us, that those (onely) that are at ease▪* 1.74 have leasure to take up a sitting in that place, and not those that

are in an afflicted condition: Did the King live the life of the men of Westminster, and had all the wealth and pleasures of this King∣dome at his command; and were he withall of their disposition, indued with their spirits, to act their parts, there might be some probability of truth in this particular; but it being cleane con∣trary with them, there is no likelyhood at all in it.

1. Had He been a Subject, and (by good fortune) chosen Bur∣gesse of some Corporation, or Knight of some Shire, and sate in the House of Commons amongst them at this present, and had con∣curred, first, in pretending to settle Religion, to make a glorious Church, to advance Christ: and then afterward in consulting, how to take away the Churches maintenance, to slight the places of Gods Worship, that they might be of no more esteem then com∣mon Houses, Alehouses, Barns and Stables: in persecuting, banish∣ing, and imprisoning the Fathers of the Church, and Ministers of Jesus; those in special who have been the greatest opposers of An∣tichristianity and Popery; and in giving liberty to all Sects and Religions, (save only to the true one, which commands Humility, Loyalty, and Obedience) had he (I say) been such a man, and thus imployed; then he might justly indeed have been said to sit in the Chaire of the scornfull, and to have exercised his scoffes and scorns against God himselfe.

Or 2. had he been one of those, that under pretence of advan∣cing the Liberty and Happinesse of the Subject, should vote away the Subjects right to his own goods, sometimes a twentieth part, sometime a fifth part, sometime all; under a pretence of taking away Monopolies and Illegall payments, should bring in such new toles and taxations as the Nation was never acquainted with; excize upon bread, beere, butter, cheese, flesh, and all Commodi∣ties that are used for the life of man: under pretence of being one of the good Patriots and preservers of their country, should raise Wars, cause desolations, burne houses, hire strange Nations with their Countries money, to come to kill their Country-men: un∣der pretence of keeping tender Consciences from unnecessary mat∣ters, should force upon them unlawfull Oathes, ungodly Cove∣nants, even to the taking up of Armes against their Soveraigne (to whom they have sworne Allegeance) to the damnation of their souls for ever, without deep Humiliation and Repen∣tance:

Had the King I say, beene one of these men, and done thus, He might deservedly have been said to have sate in the Scor∣ners Chaire, and to have laughed to scorne a whole Nation.

Or 3. had He been one of that number, who talke of making the King a glorious Monarchie; and yet take from Him all His Power & Authority, not suffer Him to have so much as the choice of His own Servants, the Rule of His own Family, the disposall of His own Children, the society of His own Wife: That promise to make Him the richest Prince in Christendome, & yet rob Him of all His Goods and Revenews, and not allow Him so much (if they can help it) as shall buy Him bread to eat, or cloathes to wear; that call themselves His most Humble and obedient Subjects: yet obey Him in nothing, but study to vex, and crosse Him in every thing; hire fellowes to hunt Him, to shoot at Him, and (if they can) to kill Him: that avouch great love and affection to Him, & desires to advance His Honour, and yet Authorize Libells and base Bookes, to defame, slander, and reproach Him: If the King were one of this Generation, and should concurre in such Acti∣ons, He might be said to sit in the seat of the Scornfull indeed, and to bestow His Scornes before all the world upon His Soveraigne.

Or lastly, were He one of them, that partly by fraud, partly by violence, having stripp'd their Soveraigne of all His Weapons, Castles, Ships and Townes, and of the Hearts of many of His Peo∣ple, and scarce left Him a place to hide His Head in, in three Kingdomes; should maintaine a cursed villaine to proclaime up and down the world, that He is runne away very Majestically to set up a new Monarchy in the Ile of Anglesey: this indeed were to sit in, and to fill up the Seat of the Scornfull: for this is right Hail King of the Jewes, which was plaine scorning in the Hall at Jerusalem, (according to Scripture) and so doubtlesse, (if Scripture might be Judge) it is in the Hall at Westminster. We doe confesse and beleeve, that were the King in this sort qualified, conditioned, and exercised, then that imputation of theirs might be laid upon him: But it being with him as it is, we see no reason above-board, why they should entitle him to the scorners Chaire, unlesse his Magnanimity, and Christian Courage bearing his burden of affliction, be taken to be a contemning and scorning at their malice.

But yet they have a reason doubtlesse, and ends too, for this their charging the King, though they think it fit for to conceale them. I am one appointed of God, to detect the devices of Sa∣tan, and to unkennell the thoughts of the wicked; and I dare be bolder with them, then they for their own Credit sake, dare be with themselves, and therefore I shall discover them.

First their Reason (I apprehead) is this; they know themselves worthy to be both abhorred and scorned of all men; and doe beleeve they are so in the Hearts of all the wise, for their most abomi∣nable and grosse hypocrisie; yea, they know in their Consciences, that God scornes at them, (they being exercised as those are whom Scripture affirmeth God holdeth in derision:) and therefore* 1.75 they speake of the Kings scorne at them, from the guilt of their* 1.76 own merits and deservings.* 1.77

Then their Ends (I conceive) are these, first, to make His Ma∣jesty appeare abhominable unto the world, (which is the main scope of all their endeavours) for tis said, the Scorner is an abhomina∣tion* 1.78 unto men. And secondly, that the blinde and seduced vulgar, might not think them to be guilty of that sinne, which, with so much boldnesse, and bitternesse they doe first of all charge upon the King. It is the knowne policy of a wicked harlot, to call her honest neighbour whore first, and of a pick-purse pursued, to cry stop the Theef, that himself might not be suspected to be the man: You take too much upon you Moses and Aaron, cryed* 1.79 those Grand Rebells, when themselves onely did so: And one who had sold himselfe to work wickednesse, layed it to the charge of good Elias, that he troubled Israel, because his guilty* 1.80 Conscience told him, that the Prophet, and all other honest men beside, had cause to accuse him for so doing; and this is the very case of these men, who (as we see) have done nothing in this particular, without President and example; though we confesse in respect of the Circumstances, these men are more bitter∣ly scornfull, then ever any were, that we read of in Scripture or elsewhere.

It was bitterly done of the Philistimes, when they had weak∣ned Sampson, and brought him into an afflicted condition, to* 1.81 mock and scorne at him in his misery, yet they did not, in those their mocks charge him with scorning them; And the Persecutors

of our Saviour did deal bitterly with him, when in derision they Crown'd him with Thornes, put a Reed into his hand, in stead of a Scepter, called him King, bowed the knee to Him; and then advanced him upon a Crosse instead of a Throne; yet they did not at that time in their scoffing and flouting expressions say, that His Crosse was the Chair of the Scornfull: and that he being fastened to that, did sit in the Scorners seat, and scorne at them: But these men are pleased even thus to deale with their King and Soveraigne, as all the world may see by their Language; so that the King hath cause to complain in the words of the Psalme, Our soule is exceedingly filled with the scornings of them that be at* 1.82 ease, and with the contempt of the proud. And we his Subjects* 1.83 will pray in his behalfe, as the Psalmist in another place, Let the lying lips be put to silence (O Lord) which thus cruelly, thus dis∣dainfully, and thus despightfully speake against the Righteous. And we are confident (as the Wiseman sayes) that the High and Holy God scorneth at these scorners, and hath prepared heavy judge∣ments* 1.84 for them.

SECT. VI.

First, of the Kings Errour in following evill Councellours, and who they were: His Majesty scorn'd at by the Li∣bellers for his tendernesse of Conscience, and hopes in Gods Justice. 2. The folly and falshood of the Libellers Charge against Strafford and Canterbury. 3. The Enemies acquit the King of having a voluntary hand in Straffords death. 4. They hint the right Reason of his withdrawing from Westminster.

THe next particular which these (honest and good men, as they would be accounted) doe charge their King withall, is, that He hath walked in the Councells of the ungodly to the ruine al∣most of three Kingdomes.

Indeed it cannot be denyed, the King hath been exceeding un∣happy* 1.85 in his Councellours, and himselfe doth intimate that his

walking after their advise, hath been a main cause of Gods judg∣ment upon this Kingdome. His words to this purpose are these (Paper. 22.)

Nothing can be more Evident, then that Straffords Innocent bloud, hath been one of the great causes of Gods Judgement upon this Nation, by a furious Civill Warre, both sides being hitherto almost equally punished, as being in a manner equally guilty ▪ but now this last crying bloud, being totally theirs, I beleeve it is no presumption hereafter to hope, that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them, and lighter upon us, looking now upon our Cause, having passed by our faults.

This Christian and pious ackowledgement of the King, these men scoff at, in their Notes upon it, and deride at that remorse of Conscience, which his Majesty discovers, for his permitting the shedding of Straffords bloud. He left him (say they) to the Block against Conscience, as is now alleadged; and again, Remorse* 1.86 of Conscience suggesteth to the King, &c. Yea, and they doe seem to glory in what themselves did do, to the spilling of it; and to rejoyce, that none but themselves had a hand in the death of Canterbury: Yea, and further how slightfully, (if not scoffing∣ly) doe they speak of the Kings mentioning Gods Hand of Ju∣stice in the businesse? Their words are these, Pag. 49.

The King in his Letter of Jan. 14. takes it as evident, that Straf∣fords* 1.87 innocent bloud, has brought the Judgement of this Civill warre equally upon both sides, both being equally guilty thereof: His mean∣ing is, that he and his side, was as guilty in permitting, as the Parlia∣ment was in prosecuting: But now for Canterburies bloud, that be∣ing totally put upon the Parliaments score, he doubts not but the Hand of Justice, will from henceforth totally lay the weight of this guilt up∣on the Parliaments side.

(Yet the Kings words are, I beleeve it is no presumption here∣after, to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them.)

Considering the time when this their scornfull Comment, up∣on the Kings expressions came forth, viz. immediately after

their Victory at Nazeby field, by their Victorious * 1.88 Sir Thomas Fairfax (for so they call him,) we understand their sence to be this:

The King talks of Gods Hand of Justice, and doubts not, but the same will from the time of Canterburies death, lay the weight of the guilt of bloud totally upon our side: Victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax hath answered him sufficiently in that par∣ticular, and declared to the world, what his hopes in Gods Ju∣stice are come to; well, let him please himselfe still in those fan∣cies, so long as we have the ••••nd of Victorius Sir Thomas Fair∣fax on our side, we will give him leave, to flatter himself in that Hand of Justice he speaks of, &c.

And yet let these scoffers of these last times, that say, Where is the promise of his comming? for since the father fell a sleepe, all things continue as succesfull as they did before; let them (I say) know, that Gods Justice may awaken soon enough, to their Confusion. Quod defertur non aufertur, the longer the blow is in comming, the heavier will its fall be: Fortuna belli semper ancipiti in loco est, the day of the Lord will come suddenly upon them, as a thief in the night. Quos dies vidit veniens superbos, hos dies vidit fugiens jacentes.

But they go on in that place, and inform us, who those ungod∣ly ones were, whose Councell in this other place they say the King has followed, to the ruine almost of three Kingdomes, Their words are these.

The truth is, Strafford and Canterbury were the chief fire∣brands* 1.89 of this war, the two ill Councellours, that chiefly incensed the King against the Scots, and endeavoured to subject all the three Kingdomes to a new Arbitrary Government, and are now justly executed for attempting the subversion of that Law, which the King has perfected since.

Because dead folkes cannot speak for themselves, and because* 1.90 it is so Voted, therefore Strafford and Canterbury were the chief fire-brands of this war, and so for truth it must be taken; though one of them was quite extinct, a year before this war begun, and the other kept, by his Accusers in so close obscurity, that his sparkes, (if he had any in him to this purpose) could not possi∣bly flie abroad. But let me ask a question, did not the wisemen of the Kingdome, quench these fire-brands to prevent the flame?

how came it then to break forth after they were extinguished? had they lived, been both at liberty, and afforded their full con∣currence, could possibly the flame have been more great and de∣trimentall? Againe, why was not the imputation proved, (at least) against Canterbury, who lived almost three years after the war was begun, when they wanted matter to put him to death? Surely the Law hath so well provided, in a case of this Nature, that if there had been any such matter, His Enemies should not have needed to solicite, for the peoples Votes and Hands to get him dispatched: But it was Canterburyes Honour, to drink of his Masters cup, The voices of the people, and of the Priests prevailed.* 1.91 And indeed these quenched fire-brands, were so farre from kin∣dling this fire, that we apprehend rather, they were quenched to this end, lest they should have hindred it, from being kindled: When Charles was King, and Strafford Deputy of Ireland, and Canterbury Metropolitan of this Church, we had no warres in England: Straffords bloud we grant was a fire-brand, which we, (with the King) beleeve still burnes upon us, his Prayers at his death, (to the contrary) could not stop the cry of it, from pul∣ling downe of vengeance: And Canterburyes bloud (we feare) will cry louder yet, against the people of this Land; who by giving their Votes, (where the Law gives none) to take away his life, have cryed out against themselves, His bloud be upon us, and upon our Children.

But say these men, (who never slandred any but their betters)* 1.92 Strafford and Canterbury were two evill Councellours, (and yet Strafford and Canterbury dyed like two Christian Martyrs; and might the latter end of their Accusers, be but like theirs, it would be their happinesse in one kinde, and ours in another.) They chiefly incensed the King against the Scots: (but they did not stir up the Scots against the King, in provoking them to an insurre∣ction; nor did they hinder the Kings Act of mercy and pardon towards them afterwards, much lesse did they after that Act of Pacification, with that Nation send for those Scots into England, and hire them with English money, to cut the throats of English men: Had they been Councellours in such matters, they had been ill Councellours indeed.)

But say they, Strafford and Canterbury endeavoured to submit

all these three Kingdomes to a new Arbritrary Government, and were duely executed, for attempting that subversion of Law, which the King hath perfected since.

It was wel, they did but endeavour a new Arbritrary Government, not erect it; they did but attempt a subversion of Law, not effect it; but some others since their times, have gone further, and tur∣ned all Law into Vote, and all Justice and Reason into Violence and Will: For if there be this day, in Europe, a more Arbritrary, cruel, and butcherly Government, then hath been exercised in England by some since Strafford and Canterbury were set aside, from ha∣ving to doe in the world, my reading failes me; if to take away lands, estates, goods, good name, and lives from men, without any allegation of Law, or reason, but only the Parliament judge∣eth so; or, the People will have it so: if this be not Arbritrary Go∣vernment, I know not what is: therefore if Strafford and Canter∣bury were justly executed, (as these say) for attempting; let all men judge, how deservedly ought these others to be executed for accomplishing such designes?

But these men tell us further, that the King hath since perfected that subversion of Law, which those his ill Councellours had for∣merly attempted. 'Tis too well known, that the customary way of these mens Honouring the King, is by casting on him, the scan∣dall of their owne doings: The Law we confesse is subverted, and overthrown, but the King can no more be said, to have done the same, then David could be said to have killedd Abner, and Amasa, because he was the Soveraigne to those sons of Zeruiah, who did the deed, and were so subtile, and strong, that he could neither restrain them from it, nor bring them to condigne punish∣ment for it.

And let all modest and ingenuous men observe, how despe∣rate, and bold these men are, in their aspersions against the King: they affirme, He hath subverted Law, and walked in the Councell of the ungodly, to the ruine almost of 3. whole Kingdomes. They could have said no more, if when the Militia and Power were in his sole hands; things, had been, as now they are: But we, and them∣selves too, can all witnesse, that when the Parliament met, no drop of bloud was yet spilt in Ireland; no Commotions were stirring in Scotland, for the King by his Grace and Goodnesse, had

allayed all; nor was there any complaining of Souldiers, nor plundering in the streets of England: all the three Kingdomes were in peace; and to continue them therein, the King calls a Parliament, and gives power to the Members thereof, and en∣couragement withall, to settle all things both in Church and Common-wealth, for the Subjects benefit, even as firmly as themselves (who were intrusted and chosen by their fellow Sub∣jects for that purpose) could possibly devise. He denyes them nothing in pursuance thereof, suffers them to call all suspected officers and persons to account, not excepting Strafford or Can∣terbury; and further to assure His people of His strong desires to continue their happinesse, He settles a Trienniall Parliament, as the most speciall mean to prevent ill Councellours in after-times: yet these Accusers tax the King of perverting the Law; and speak as if the three Kingdomes had been at the very brim of destru∣ction, and quite ruined ere this, if the power had not been taken out of His Hands, by those, who (by their meeknesse, wisdome, and frugality) have put all the said Kingdomes into a more hopefull condition of preservation, (as it must be belee∣ved, though against all sense and experience) then they were in before.

Indeed had those undertakers done that work for which they were summoned, and called together, the Kings good Subjects, in all His Kingdomes, might have had cause of mentioning their names with perpetuall Honour: but they (as it seemeth) envying that happiness which their fellow Subjects were likely to enjoy, by those new enacted Lawes, and especially by the Trienniall Parliament; fairly pretending other matters, did get the same Act presently made uselesse, by another, for the continuation of this: which hath created themselves, (as they suppose and in∣tend) perpetuall dictators, and all their fellow Subjects perpetuall slaves. For let these perpetuall great Councellours, approve them∣selves never so evill, and detrimentall to-Church and State, yet the poore Subject must be forced by the Militia (which they have got into their hands) to beleeve them unerring; for He shall have no benefit by the Trienniall Parliament, to examine their doings.

And hence also it is, that they have balked the triall of men

by established Law, and (conceiving themselves above it) have shunned to punish for those faults which the Law condemneth: and to shew the Omnipotency of their power, have passed sen∣tence of death, where the Law condemneth not, though Scrip∣ture teacheth, that where is no Law, there is no Transgression: the giving way to which very thing, was, and is a trouble to the Kings Conscience, and the cause of His first dislike of their Courses, witnesse their owne words which are to this pur∣pose.

The King adjudged Strafford worthy of death, yet not for Treason* 1.93 as it was Charged upon him, but not being able to save his life, with∣out using force, and finding force very dangerous, He left him to the block against Conscience as is now alleadged.

That the King adjudged Strafford worthy of death, for any thing,* 1.94 is more then we heard before, nor have we any reason to beleeve the same now, upon the bare report of these men; yet to doe them a courtesie, we may suppose it to be as they say, for the present; and then it followes, (as all may see) that they doe not Charge the King for desiring to save Straffords life absolutely, (for they say the King himself judged him worthy of death:) but for being against his suffering for Treason: So that (in brief) the Kings sinne only was, according to the Testimony of His most deadly Enemies) He would that Strafford should have suffered death, only for his faults, and not for that, whereof he was not guilty. As became a righteous Judge, the King would have had His Great Councell, to have done Justa, Juste, Righteous things in a Righteous manner; as conceiving that way of pro∣ceeding to be most acceptable unto God, and most likely to continuate his blessings upon the Kingdome: but being not able by faire meanes to perswade them to that; and considering that to use force might be a remedy worse then the disease, the bloud of many innocent persons, might be spilt to save one; and yet perhaps (the power and the malice of the Adversary being so High, that one not saved neither) He was constrained against His Conscience to leave him to the block; and for His being so tender Conscienced in this case, He is thought worthy of Scorne by these men, (His most Religious, Obedient, and loving Subjects.) He left him to the Block against Conscience (say they) as is now alleadged.

But indeed, they have sufficiently by these their words acquit∣ted the King to the whole world, of having a voluntary hand in the spilling of Straffords innocent Bloud, (for so it may be called, because he was innocent of that for which he suffered, though in some other respects, (if it were true as they say,) he might be adjudged guilty:) and like them that cried, his bloud be upon us, and upon our Children, they take the matter wholly upon them∣selves; for which we thank them, and for which we beleeve that God in his due time will remember them.

By those their words they have also well hinted to our under∣standings, how farre, and in what sort the King hath walked in the Councells of the ungodly, to the ruine (as they say) almost of three Kingdomes: To which purpose they proceed further, (in the same place) and say.

Canterbury remaines in the same case, and now remorse of Con∣science,* 1.95 (or rather the old Project of altering Law) Suggests to the King, that if no restraint be used, Straffords President will cast Canterbury, and Canterburies all the rest of the Conspiratours, and so the people will make good their Ancient freedome still.

Had these men remembred where all the old Projectors and Monopolizers now sit, and on which side they doe Militare, or had they bethought themselves, how unable they are to instance, in any one good Law, which the King did ever alter; they would certainely have omitted their malicious Parenthesis: But by their putting it in, they give us to see, that they will not forget their old Project of casting their owne faults upon the Inno∣cent.

But what doth the Old project of altering Law suggest to the King? Why (say they) that Straffords President would cast Can∣terbury: But had not they provided a remedy against that sug∣gestion, by ordering that Straffords President should be no Pre∣sident to cast others by, in after times? If there be any vertue in their owne Order, or rather Honesty in them that made it; we cannot see how Straffords President could be any prejudice to Canterbury: For who shall urge it against him, but onely them∣selves, that made it uncapable of being urged? We cannot possi∣bly suppose, that were the King such an alterer of Law, (as they would have it beleeved) that he should desire an alteration of

that Ordinance to the dammage of Canterbury: nor is there any other Law capable of alteration, (as we conceive,) whereby Straffords President might hurt him: But when that Ordinance was made, the Authors of it had respect only unto themselves, for intending then to go in those wayes, for which they had con∣demned Strafford, they did wisely provide that his President should not be in force in after-times against themselves: Nor (indeed) did they then know, they should need to make any use of Straffords President against Canterb▪ or against any other of the Conspirators, which they talk of: the mens heads were full of businesse, they could not fore-see, or fore-think of all things at once: nor did they remember things past, when this particular passage was written, and authorized to be published; but it makes for my purpose, and helps me well, to evidence to the world, what good Hearts they beare unto their Soveraigne: And what strong Arguments they have to prove him to be an Alterer of Law.

But the main thing we learn from those their words, is this,* 1.96 (though Hatred will not let them speak it in modest termes:) when the King perceived by their proceedings with Strafford, what the Course was which they would take with Cauterbury, and the rest, (whom malice and faction would make Delin∣quents,) and observed their designe, to have him to concurre with themselves, in condemning the Righteous, which he found his Conscience would never digest: for it (being of a more Di∣vine and tender temper then theirs,) was smitten with sad re∣morse, for what was already done, (though sore against his will,) and fearing, if he walked any longer, (though by enforcement,) in those their Councells, Gods wrath might fall down more hea∣vily yet upon him, and his three Kingdomes: He therefore remo∣ved himself, from their Assembly: this is the thing which they in∣timate unto us. And here let us with Reverence and admiration observe the hand of the Almighty God, over-ruling the tongues and pens of these men; they had formerly taxed the King for leaving and abborring (as they were pleased to speake) his seat in Parliament, which they suggested, he did on purpose, to speake de∣struction to his people: but here, unawares (it seemes) unto them∣selves, God makes them declare the true reason of his departure

thence, to be, that he might not speake destruction to his people, but safety and Honour still if possible, that he might not imbrew his hands in the bloud of innocent and Loyall Subjects, against Law and Conscience: yea surely, lest the rest of that guilt of bloud which he saw was likely to be spilt, should be charged upon the Head of him, and his posterity: He withdrew himselfe from their society, and did for the present, even abhorre to be amongst them: When God pleaseth (we see) he can make men speak truth, whether they will or no.

And truly let any man who hath Conscience judge in the mat∣ter, whether the King did not do prudently, and conscientiously in his forsaking them, when he perceived their purpose and reso∣lution was, to have him sit there amongst them, onely with a Reed or Pen in his Hand, to signe and own, as his Act and Deed, whatever they alone should vouchsafe to do; that so they might cast the blame and Odium of all their Injustice, afterwards upon him; which is most apparent they would have done, if he had stayed; for being by his departure, frustrate of such their inten∣tions, they seem to cast it all upon the people, by those words, if no resistance be used, Straffords President, will cast Canterbury, and Canterburies all the rest of the Conspiratours, and so the people will make good their ancient freedome still: As if the people of their own accords, without being requested thereunto, or sollicited by others; for the upholding and making good some Ancient Priviledge, which they formerly had enjoyed, and now (if the King were able to make resistance) were in danger to be deprived of: Had desired that those men, (Strafford and Can∣terbury) should be put to death, onely by their Votes and not by Law.

Indeed I read that in Heathen Rome, the People had such a Custome, to voice men to death; (and such men they should com∣monly be, as had done the Common-wealth best service,) and from the Custome perhaps it was, that Pilat a Romane Magi∣strate, did permit the people of the Jewes, (against all Law and right) to voice Christ to be crucified: But I never heard that the people of England were wont to do so in any age, till this new Arbritrary Government was set up: And we beleeve it will be easi∣er for these Libellers, to make the people, (as the world now

goes with many of them) Pagans and Jewes in such desires, then to prove that any such Custome did ever yet hitherto belong unto them; nor will it availe much to the peoples comforts at the great day, or to their own securities in the mean while, if now they should purchase any such Priviledge.

But I leave the People to consider of this matter themselves, and returne to these King-accusers; who have themselves well answered their own accusation against their Soveraigne, and de∣clared the true Reason of his leaving his Seat at Westminster; to which they might have added another, viz. Gods calling him from thence, both by his Word and Providence.

1. By his Word, which a King, as well as another man, is bound* 1.97 to observe, and give heed unto: My Sonne, if sinners entice thee, consent thou not: if they say, let us lay wait for bloud, let us lurke privi∣ly for the innocent without cause, &c. My sonne, walke not thou in the way with them, refraine thy foot from their path, for their feet run to evill, and make haste to shed bloud.

2. By his Providence, in his permitting the tumultuous people to rise against him, and to force him from thence, Consule provi∣dentiam Dei, cum verbo Dei, (sayes one) and when with the Word, Providence concurs, there is doubtless a speciall call from heaven.

But the King having these grounds of withdrawing himselfe, some may wonder why in that former place, they so heavily charge him, to have walked to the ruine of his three Kingdomes, by abhorring his Seat and Councell: as if his leaving that were the sole cause of all our woe.

I answer, in a word, Their reason, I conceive, is, because the King being of a soft and tender conscience, is unwilling to beare the guilt, therefore he shall (whether he will or no, if they can help him to it) beare all the blame; being unchargeable of reall evils, he shall be burdened with imaginary; the Devill and his Members desire no greater advantage against those they hate, then to see them meekly scrupulous; nor doe they please them∣selves better in any thing, then in loading with slanders, and tor∣menting the righteous, when they see them to be in an afflicted condition. Shimei cursed his Soveraigne, and falsly called him A bloudy man, and the destroyer of Sauls house, because ••e saw him in a low condition: So these men fancie they may say any evill

against their King, because he is in an afflicted condition; they may speak to his farther griefe, because he is already grieved. But as Da∣vid in that place sayes, so say we, It may be the Lord will look upon the affliction of his Anointed, and will requite good the sooner to him, even for these their accursed and false scandals of him. And O our God, our eyes are towards thee, we will waite for thy sal∣vation.

And thus I hope, I have now made it apparent, that there is as little of Verity, as there is of Piety, in that reproachfull Charge, which these ill disposed Libellers, these Martin Mar-kings have cast upon their Soveraigne; now we shall observe how they pro∣ceed. They address their speech to the Reader in generall, whom they suppose to be either a Friend or an Enemy to their cause, and say,

If thou art well affected to the Cause of Liberty and Religion, which* 1.98 the two Parliaments of England and Scotland now maintain, against a Combination of all the Papists in Europe almost, especially the bloudy Tigres of Ireland, and some of the Prelaticall Court Faction in Eng∣land, thou wilt be abundantly satisfied with these Letters here Prin∣ted, and take notice how the Court hath been Cajold by the Papists, and we the more beleeving Protestants by the Court.

SECT. VII.

1. What that Liberty is, which the pretended Parlia∣ment doe maintaine. 2. And what that Religion may be, which they are about to set up: Reasons to shew it may haply be the Popish, or peradventure the Turkish. 3. Six Arguments to prove, it cannot be the Christian Protestant.

THe Reader may be well affected to that Reformed Religion,* 1.99 which Gods holy and pure Word teacheth, which the Church of England this fourscore yeares last past hath pulikly professed; and to that Liberty which Christianity alloweth, which the Subjects of this Land above any other in the World,

most happily have enjoyed under their Soveraigne Princes; and which the Parliaments of this Kingdome (before this) have con∣curred in the establishing of; and yet no way affected to that cause of Liberty and Religion, which these men speake of: Nay, if the Reader may judge of Liberty and Religion, by its fruits, (according to Christs Rule) He being a Christian, must needs loath their Liberty, and being a Protestant, must needs hate their Religion.

For (first) what is that Liberty which they maintaine? If the uncontrouled practice of those that be obsequious to them; or if their own Acts and Ordinances may speak; it is such a Liberty as Turks exercise over Christians; or as Canniballs in the We∣stern World exercise over their fellow-Heathens; or as Beasts of prey doe practice upon inferiour Creatures. A Liberty which only the strong can enjoy, but the weak and feeble are the worse for. A Liberty which Lyons, Wolves, and Kites may thrive up∣on, but Lambes, Kids, and Doves will be undone by. A Liberty for them that have Might and Power, to take away their neigh∣bours goods by Sea and Land. A Liberty to Kill, Slay, and de∣stroy (Cain-like) their owne Brethren, whom they hate; or that be not of their opinion. A Liberty to doe as * 1.100 Enoch ap Evan did without danger of Hanging. A Liberty to Steal; a Liberty to Lye; a Liberty to Slander and Raile upon their Betters. A Liberty which the Devill liketh above all things. A Liberty to break the Oath of Allegeance, and all Gods Commandements, (so they observe the Ordinances of Parliament.) A Liberty to be of any Religion, save only of the True. A Liberty for the Child to Rebell against the Parent, the Servant against his Lord, and for the Base to rise against the Honourable. A Liberty to shake off the Yoke of Subjection and Obedience to their Sove∣raigne. A Liberty to take from Him, what God hath given Him, Authority, Power, Wealth, and Honour. A Liberty to mock Him, to scorne at Him in His Affliction, to write Libells against Him, to hunt Him up and down His Kingdomes, like a Partridge upon the Mountaines; to murder Him if they can. A Liberty to Vote away mens Estates, and to voice away the lives of their fel∣low-Subjects, when there is no Law to condemne them. In a word, a Liberty for every man, to doe what is right in his owne

eyes, or as himselfe lusteth, provided that He will take part with the Parliament, (as they call it) against those whom they please to judge their Enemies; we doe not say, that all particulars that be on that side, doe act all and every of these things, but they may, if they have power, and a will thereto, for they have Liberty as well as the rest of their faction, (who are already the Servants of Corruption) this is that cause of Liberty which they maintaine.

Now (in the second place) for their Religion, what is that?* 1.101 Truly we cannot tell, unlesse we say of it, as was wont to be spo∣ken of that of the Papists in the Prayer, on the fift of November, Their Religion is Rebellion, their Faith Faction, and their Practice Murdering of Soules and Bodies. For since they have pulled downe, and discountenanced the Religion of Jesus Christ esta∣blished amongst us, (which was a Religion of Peace, Patience, Obe∣dience, Love) they have not given us a plat-forme of any, that we might know what Faith they fight for; what Religion in par∣ticular it is which they maintaine; we confesse we are yet to seek what tis they aime at: sometime we see occasion to think tis the Popish Religion which they are setting up; sometime, that tis the Turkish; we cannot imagine that it can be the Christi∣an Protestant Religion, for that is it which they only labour to destroy.

When we observe how they deny the Kings Supremacy, not only in Spiritualls, but also in Temporalls; How they take upon them to absolve from the Oath of Allegeance; to loosen Subjects from their Loyalty, to raise Rebellions; How they allow of King-slandring, King-hunting, King-killing; How they make Gods Commandements of none effect by their traditions and Ordi∣nances, preferring these before the precepts of Christ, in their inflicting greater penalties for the not observing them: How they challenge infallibility unto themselves, requiring Faith and Obedience to their dictates and judgements; the people must beleeve as the Parliament Judgeth, they must hold the opinion of not Erring, and of the necessary assistance of Gods Spirit in the Parliament Committees, as the Romanists conceive to be in their Papall Consistories: They must fancy in them a like unlimited Authority, to dispense with Gods Lawes against theft, murder,

oppression, and the like, as some Papists doe, to be in the Pope; and as what is done by his Command, so what is done by theirs, must be beleeved to be done by Gods. As he will be accounted Gods Lieutenant, so will they, by a Commission of their owne making; as what is done, for the advantage of his See, so what is for the furthering of their designes, must be apprehended to be done for the upholding of Christ; and as tis taught by some of the Popish Clergy, that whoever is out of Papall Obedience must undoubtedly perish; so hath it been Preached by some of the Parliament Ministers, that whoever is not under the Obedience of Parliament, is a Malignant, and in state of Damnation.

When I consider of these and such like particulars, & withall how bold they are with the Scriptures of God, in corrupting with their false glosses and interpretations à la mode de Rome, the pure text and Word of God, forcing it to speake against it selfe, in furtherance of their cause. How Saint Paul himselfe is in danger of an Index Expurgatorius from them also: how he hath been censured already, for his speaking so broadly against the sinne of Rebellion; to speak in those points or places, rather as a Politician, in respect of the times wherein he lived, then as a Divine: Considering also, how they shun disputes with us, whom they account their adversaries, (as the Papists were wont to doe:) How they inhibit the reading of our Bookes: How they com∣mand the simple people, (who are their Disciples) not to joyne with us in our Prayers to God, or in our praises of God, yea, taking an Oath of some of them to that purpose: no, the Wife must not pray with her Husband, nor the Childe with his Parent; if the Husband or Parent doe professe themselves for the King, and for the ancient established Church of England, (as we are able to prove by particular Examples.) In a word, considering how they pursue us with lies and slanders; how they imprison us, and force upon our Consciences, ungodly Covenants; How they persecute with fire and sword, all that be not of their opi∣nion, (as the Papists of old were wont to doe.) How like to the proceedings of the Popish Inquisition, these of their holy House are, in diverse particulars, which might be instanced in; when we doe consider of these, and many such like matters, wherein they imitate those of Rome, we thinke it to be the Romane Reli∣gion

which they mean to maintaine, and set up amongst us. Not that we thinke they will admit of the Popes Authority, for they intend to be Popes themselves: as Henry the 8. disclai∣med the Popes Supreamacy, but retained many Points of his Religion, so perhaps will they doe: these be our thoughts some∣times.

But then againe, we fear it may be the Turkish Religion which they mean to advance, when we consider what correspondency they have with the Turkes in diverse things, viz. How they have sold and made money of Christian men, which none in Europe save onely Turkes are wont to doe: How it hath been propounded among some of them, to send to Argier, and to sell for slaves the Messengers of JESUS CHRIST, toge∣ther with others of their Country-men (of better Condition then themselves) whom for their Religion and Conscience sake they have imprisoned. How themselves are turned to be robbers and Pirats like those of Argier, making all their own, which by rapine and violence they can get from Christians: How they have suffered those theeves (their Brethren) to steale away Chri∣stian Children, from these our Coasts, while themselves (posses∣sing our means of defence) have stood still looking on, or else were busie in the interim, in taking away our goods: when we consider of these things; and also how they have chosen for the Propa∣gation and maintenance of their new Religion, to walke rather in the way of Mahomet then of Christ, we conceive that they in∣tend rather to be his Servants. For Mahomet did set up his Re∣ligion by fraud and force of Armes, by the sword and shedding of Bloud, and so doe these endeavour to set up theirs. Mahomet layed to perpetuate and continue his Religion, by introducing of ignorance, by deposition of Schooles and Universities, by ba∣nishing of Learning; which is the very method of these men: whereas the way of Jesus Christ, (whom the Christians worship and obey) was clean contrary: And the Turkes have judged of their cause and Religion by their military success, they thinke and plead it to be the best, because the most prosperous: so these men conclude by the same rule, that their cause is the better, because at the present, tis the most successefull. These be our thoughts, and the grounds of our fears at other times, concer∣ning

the Religion which these new Religion makers doe intend to set up and maintain.

But what ever Religion it be, which they shall chance upon,* 1.102 we conceive tis resolved amongst them, it shall not be the Christi∣an Protestant Religion, what ever their outward pretences be, for this is that, which they labour only to destroy, as appeares by ma∣ny particulars.

1. By their persecuting and abusing the King, who is the chiefest Prince in the World, that publikely professeth himselfe the Defender of the Protestant Faith: and who hath maintained it in the greatest tranquility and glory that ever it enjoyed since Christs time; to whose Bosome all Christian Protestants in Eu∣rope have had recourse for relief & comfort, in dayes of darkness and Affliction: This Prince, this Man of Gods right Hand, this Sun and Shield of distressed Christians; have these men laboured to obscure and darken, by lyes, slanders, and reproaches; to wea∣ken, and disable, by taking away his Authority, Wealth, and Po∣wer; to depose and murder, by hunting of him, shooting at him, and Rebelling against him; to the end he might never more be a nurcing Father to the persecuted Flock of Jesus: That the Sheep of the Lord, when worryed by Wolves in other Nations, might flye no more unto him for refuge; that the Lambes of Christ, which this Church under his Command hath brought forth may no longer enjoy pasture under so safe and so indulgent a Keeper.

2. By their discountenancing, Banishing, Imprisoning, and Mur∣dering the Fathers and Doctors of the Protestant Christian Church, those in speciall, who have been the chiefest pillers and uphol∣ders of its glory; and strongest Champions against Antichristia∣nity in their Generations; whose Workes and labours are Fa∣mous through the Christian world; and whose Names after-Ages will not mention without Admiration: of which number are the these most Reverend, Grave and Learned Prelates and Doctors; Doctor Laud, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Primate of England. Doctor Usher, Arch-Bishop of Armagh, and Pri∣mate of Ireland. Doctor Davenaunt, Bishop of Salisbury. Doctor Morton, Bishop of Durham. Doctor Westfeeld, Bishop of Bri∣stoll. Doctor Hall, Bishop of Norwich. Doctor Ward, Professour

of Divinity at Cambridge, Dr. Featly, Dr. Holdsworth, and many more of high worth and learning,) some of whom are already murdered, and forced out of Gods vineyard into their Graves, by the Cruelties, Oppressions, and unkindnesses of these men: Others of them are now in persecution and banishment, and o∣thers in Bondage and Prison for the Gospell of Jesus; all of them in such a low, and disgracefull Condition, that (unlesse by their patience and example in sufferings,) they can do the Saviour of the world no more service.

3. By their exposing to contempt and beggery all that were in the Office of the Ministry, (those onely excepted who to satisfie their lusts, were willing to make shipwrack of a good Conscience, and to Apostatize from the Faith received; to renounce the meek and peaceable Doctrine of the Gospell, which they had formerly taught; and to preach in the stead thereof, Sedition, Rebellion, War and Bloud; stirring up the members of Christ, to Kill, Slay, and Destroy each other, according to the tenour of certain bloudy and Antichristian Ordinances:) but all that held fast to the Te∣stimony of Jesus, they have disgraced, defamed, silenced, banished, and beggered; Yea, one of the first things they set about, at the beginning of their meeting, was to make Gods Prophets, the scorn of the World, vile and contemptible in peoples eyes, that what e∣ver they should preach, might not be beleeved; which they indea∣voured, and in part effected, by giving publike liberty, to all that would, to bring in what accusations they pleased against them; which were received and beleeved, without proof, though the in∣former were the most stinking drunkard, and vilest blasphemer, in the Countrey; and the Ministers, some of the most painfull and consciencious, yea, were it never so evident, that malice alone, set the Accuser on work, to revenge himself, upon the Minister, for his indeavouring to reclaime him from some sin; yet should the said Accuser be openly countenanced and encouraged, by some of the shamelesse members; and the Messenger of God scorned, set at nought, his living sequestred, his person imprisoned, his wife and children turned out of doores, and all that he had taken from him; and the Honester the man, the worse used alwayes, for by his known honesty, he would doe Christ the more service (if let alone,) and their cause the more dammage: and

this sufficiently speakes their malice against Christian Religion. But

4. It appeares further by the endeavours of some of them, to take away all certaine and settled maintenance from the Ministers of Christ for time to come, that they might not have hereafter, any outward encouragement to set up his Religion againe: Judge Cooke in the Bishop of Winchesters case out of Ecclesiasticall story observeth well, (and these men it seemes have also noted the same) that this was the course which Julian the Apostate took in his dayes: He having a purpose (as these have) to ruine the profession of Christianity: Used not the sword as Dioclesian did, (though these indeed, to make the work more speedy, doe act Dioclesian too) but he took away the means of the Clergies subsistance, knowing full well, that if maintenance once failed, the number of Preachers would not long continue: The said Julian also, would tell the Bishops and Pastors, when he stripped them of all they had, that in so doing, He had a speciall care of their soules health, be∣cause the Gospell commended Poverty unto them. Such like flowts at the Doctrine of Christ, doth often fall from lips of the Apostates of these days.

5. By their pulling downe all Christian order and formes of pub∣licke Worship and Service, tending to decency and edification; by casting down, defiling, and defaming the Houses of God, turning many of them into Stables, Slaughter-houses, Prisons and Jakes; they have made close-stooles of Fonts and Pulpits, and done as bad to Communion Tables; they have rent the holy Bible in pieces, scorned at the Sacraments, Baptized Horses, robbed Churches of Sacramentall Utensils, as Plate, Linnen; calling it Idolatrous and Superstitious, because it had been only used in Christs service: nay, the poore innocent Bells, because they have been the meanes of calling people together to Worship God, and to adore the Saviour of the World; must be pulled down and turned into Guns, that they may be another while Instru∣ments of destruction to the Members of Jesus; (this indeed (as I read) was the manner of the Turkes when they tooke Constanti∣nople, they melted the Bells into Ordnances:) In a word, what ever evill or impiety the Enemies were wont to slander our Church withall; these men have acted, or suffered to be done, by those

whom they maintaine: insomuch that now the Priests of Rome shall not speak only lyes as heretofore, when they tell the people,* 1.103 That in England, they abolish Church Sacraments, the meanes of Salvation, they either raze or rob Churches wheresoever they come, and make Stables of them; that they will neither have Temples nor forme of Religion, nor doe they serve God any way; yea, the English Nation is growne so barbarous, that they are very Canniballs, and devoure one another. God knowes, my Soul abhorres to thinke, much more to name those things that are acted & done amongst as, nor should my pen be fouled with the mention of them, were they not visible to so many eyes, and did not necessity of defen∣ding impugned Truth, and an abused Church restraine me. But I would have all the Papists understand, (for to that end, do I thus speak) that we, who are of the true Protestant Christian Religion, do abhor and loath these practices as much as any, and are perse∣cuted to death by them, that do them, for our dislike of them.

6. By their suppression and demolition of all Monuments of Chri∣stianity, that there might be seen no more tokens of it in the King∣dome; as if they intended, that no man should be able hereafter to say, this Land was once Christian: The very festivall times, when the Birth, Death, Resurrection & Ascension of our Saviour is com∣memorated, & which (next to the Preaching of Gods Word, and Administration of the Sacraments) have been the most speciall means to confirme mens faith in the History of Christ; these they have inhibited and forbidden, as if they hated his very re∣membrance; Gods wisdome appointed the Feast of Passeover, to be kept as an Ordinance for ever among the Jewes, to minde them of their deliverance from Aegypt, and to be a mean to as∣sure their Children in after-Ages, of the truth of that great mer∣cy: And the Church conceiving that our deliverance from sinne and Satan, by the Birth, Death, Resurrection, and Ascension of* 1.104 Christ, to be as a great a deliverance as that other, and to deserve as well to be remembred, did also apprehend that way or mean to be the best, to convey the notice of it to Posterity, which Gods owne Wisdome devised; and that was by celebrating Annuall Festivalls in memoriall thereof: but these men (it seemes) have resolved to the contrary, for they will not have the same kept any longer in remembrance.

Nay, that miraculous Thorne at Glassenbury, which was wont to celebrate the Festivall of Christs Nativity, by putting forth its leaves and flowers, was cut in pieces by these Militia men, that it might no longer Preach unto men, the Birth day of their Sa∣viour.

But what doe I speake of dayes, and times, and teaching Trees? the very Doctrine it selfe, which Christ himselfe taught and practi∣sed, viz. the Doctrine of Peace, Patience, and passive obedience unto Princes, is reckoned obsolete and uselesse by these men: it was publickly maintained by a certaine worthlesse Member at a great Committee in the Checquer Chamber, that such Doctrines were out of date in these dayes, and had been onely proper to former times, when the Church was in a low Condition, and under the Perse∣cution of Heathen Emperours.

Nay, these men would not, that any true Christian Protestant should have leave to live, to relate unto posterity the Doctrine of his Saviour, as seemeth by their doings; their thirst for Protestant Bloud, appeareth to be such, as if they desired that all of that Profession in the world, had but one Head, that so they might cut it off at one blow, for they have shed already more of it, within these foure yeares, then ever was shed in Great Brittaine since the world began; and that for no other cause, that we yet know (for they never durst come to dispute it with us) then for holding to the Doctrine of Christs Gospell: because we will not contrary to that, lift up our hands with them against our Sove∣raigne. By these particulars, and many others which I might alleadge, it is evident (what ever they pretend to the contrary) that their endeavours are to destroy the Christian Protestant Religi∣on. Our Saviour doth warrant us to judge of men by their fruits; wherefore tis no marvaile if the Reader (being a true Protestant Christian) be not well affected to that cause of Liberty and Reli∣gion, which the two Parliaments of England and Scotland do seeme to maintaine.

SECT. VIII.

1. Of the feigned Combination against the Parliament. 2. Our judgement of the Papists, and of their assisting the King. 3. Our abhorment of the Cruelties of the Irish, and how they are out-gone by the English Rebells. 4. Our Opinion of the Court Faction, of what flock we are. 5. How the Libellers call themselves the more beleeving sort of people.

BUt the Reason insinuated (by our Subtile Brethren) why* 1.105 men should be affected to that their cause, is taken from the Consideration of the Persons against whom (as they say) tis main∣tained, viz. against a combination of all the Papists of Europe (al∣most) especially the bloudy Tigres of Ireland, and some of the Prelati∣call and Court Faction in England.

That there is any such Combination, (opposed by the two Par∣liaments, of England and Scotland) as these men mention, is more (perhaps) then the Readers have heard of before, or then they do yet beleeve upon the bare affirmation of these Relaters, who are but men, (& all men are Subject to Error.) Indeed we have heard of a most ungodly and unlawfull Association, betwixt those whom they call the two Parliaments, and certaine other people in Eng∣land and Scotland: The tenour of which is, (if I rightly appre∣hend) never to lay downe Armes, nor to admit of Peace, till they have accomplished their owne ends upon the King and his Friends, and satisfied their Lusts upon them. And to defend and assist with their lives and fortunes, all those (whoever they be without excepti∣on) that shall joyne with them against the King & his Party. So that, be they Papists, Turkes, Jewes, Heathens, Atheists, Arrians, Irish Ti∣gres, Devills of Hell, if they do but joyne with them against their King, and those that Honour him as Gods Annointed; for this very cause and reason, they have bound themselves by Oath, they have vowed and protested to defend and maintaine them, with their lives and fortunes, even till death, and never to forsake them.

If there be a more generall illegall, and irreligious Combination then that is, (which any others have entred into) these relaters should have done well, to have given the Reader a Copy of the same; who otherwise must apprehend them in these their words, to be only at their old vomit againe: Because they cannot possi∣bly devise more evill, and mischiefe to Charge upon others, then themselves do practice against others, therefore they still impute unto others, their own iniquities, or else their guilty Consciences makes them fancy, that they see their own pictures in other mens faces.

But we will not omit to observe the ingenuity of these men, (though it be but a little) intimated in those their two words Al∣most and Some; they do not say all the Papists in Europe absolutely, & all the prelaticall Court faction without any limitation, have en∣tred into this fancyed Combination; But all the Papists in Europe almost, and some of the Prelaticall and Court faction; the word almost, doth exclude all the Papists that either are, or may be under the Parliament Pay and Service; and the word Some, may excuse those of the Prelaticall or Court Faction that hold intelli∣gence with those at Westminster; and are men of like complexion with them, dissemblers, disobedient, unthankfull, treacherous, heady, and high-minded, however they carry themselves to out∣ward appearance: And truly we beleeve that if these tale-tellers, would but speak out, when the fit of ingenuity is upon them, they would confesse and acknowledge, that if any Papists in the world, any of the Bloudy Tigers of Ireland, will but joyne with those, whom they call the two Parliaments against the King; and that little flock, which for Conscience sake remain Loyall to him; they shall be accepted and absolved presently, from what is past, they shall be reckoned Papists no more, Bloudy Tigers of Ireland no more, but all good men, and true in a moment; and have free leave, yea, and money too, to act over againe their bloudy Tragedies here in England. Or if any of the Court Faction, of what Religion or conversation soever, will but vouchsafe to be more vile and wicked then ever they have been, and be hired (as Judas was) to betray their Master, or to render up to his Enemies, those places of Defence committed to their Trust, and so come off from the King to their Parliament side; they shall be wel∣come

and Voted good, all upon the suddaine: Truly we never heard of any yet, that had the Conscience to act the part of a Traitour, or of a villaine against God, his Prince, and Country, but hath been accepted by them: and (as was said) we beleeve if our subtile and suspected Brethren would but speake out, when the moode of ingenuity is upon them, they would confesse as much.

But the Reason (as we conceive) why they yoke Papists, Irish Tigers, and the Court Faction thus together, and affirme them to be entred into a Combination, is this: Because they would, that the common people should have an equall odious esteem, of each of these three sorts; whom they would also should be apprehended, to be the onely persons that maintaine and uphold the King, and whom the King doth only respect and adhere unto; & therefore they would that we (unto whom they direct their speech) should decline him and his Cause, and joyne with themselves and their faction, against Him, that, and them.

In Answer to which I shall only declare in a word, what* 1.106 our judgements and opinions are, of each of these three sorts of people.

1. Concerning Papists, we (the Persecuted and Loyall Pro∣testants of this Kingdome) doe more abjure their Religion then these men do, that speak so bitterly against them; though we do not think it lawfull to enter into a Combination, to root them out of the Earth by shedding of their Bloud; (no though they should enter into such a one to destroy us) for we have no war∣rant in the Gospell so to doe. Tis the Word of God that is ordained to suppresse false Religions, and not the Sword of Man; Fire, Sword, and Pistolls are the Weapons of Antichrist, and not of Christ.

And (because of their Religion) we are heartily sorry, that there are any Papists in the Kings Armies, for that scandall which ignorant people take by them, (through the perverse suggestions of the crafty Adversary) who from hence, take occasion to keep their affections enstranged from their Soveraigne. Not that hereby any scandall is justly given by His Majesty, for we hold it not only Lawful for him to make use of those of that Religion, but also necessary, yea, it would be a sinne against God, if being assaul∣ted

by Theeves and Rebells, he should not use the meanes for his own Preservation, and imploy for his own defence, all those whom God hath submitted under his Government for that pur∣pose; there is no man, if he should be assaulted by Robbers and Murderers, but would make use of the aide of a Turke to save his life. Yea, these very men themselves (we see) can hire Pa∣pists from other Countryes, to help them to destroy their Sove∣raigne; and is it not meet and reasonable that the King should permit Papists, his owne Subjects, to help to preserve him from such their violence? Indeed we are ashamed and blush, that Pa∣pists should out-goe any that beare the name of Protestants in duty and obedience to their King; that any whom this Church hath bred, should so desert their Soveraign in his danger (who hath pro∣tected them in theirs) as that he should need the help of Papists: Sorry we are at the heart, that this occasion is given, to have any of another Religion to defend the Defender of our Faith, against the basenesse and violence of those persons, whom he hath defended in the profession thereof: but more of this here∣after.

2. Concerning the Bloudy Tigres of Ireland, we doe abhorre* 1.107 their Cruelties, and beleeve that their damnation sleepeth not, but shall in Gods due time over-take and over-whelme them: But we must adde farther, that the Tigres of England (even many of those whom they call the Parliament side) have been full as Bloudy; nay, more Bloudy and base then those of Ireland, who have persecuted with fire and sword, from among them, those only that were of a differing Religion and Nation, unto them∣selves; but these here, have handled them of their own Country and Religion, after the same manner; never any Tygres so thir∣sted after the Bloud of their nearest kindred and best friends as these in England have done; nor can any villany be named, that was acted by them in that Kingdome, which hath not been done and out-done by those in this; these also have raised a Rebellion against their Soveraigne, and in pursuance thereof, have killed, slaine, and destroyed, men, women, and children in some places where they have come; these also have stripped people of both Sexes naked, and then shut them up in Churches together, or other places, and afterward have come, and in a barbarous and

beastly maner, have whipped and scourged them; these also have rosted Christians at the fire, and burnt them by piece-meales, their toes from their feet, and their fingers from their hands, striking up halfe a dozen Drums in the meane time, that the shreeks and cryes of the tormented, might not be heard, to move pitty in any towards them; (which was the custome of them in old time that Sacrificed Children unto Moloske) was it ever heard, that the Tigres of Ireland, or the Spaniards in the Indies did ever act any such Cruelties, upon them of their owne Faith and Nation? Indeed modesty restraines from expressing all their doings: and did I delight to make men odious, as well as sinne; I could name the Persons, by whose Command and Authority, some of these things have been Acted, and the places where they have been done. And confident I am, if Master Fox were now alive, to search into all the places where these Parliament Tigres have come, and to write their doings; the volume would be three times as big as his former, and repleat with as Savage Actions, as ever yet were recorded by the Pen of Man: Onely this I must say further, I have not heard that the Tigres of Ireland, have shewn so much immediate spight against God and Christ, in de∣molishing all markes of Christianity, in destroying, polluting, and defiling the Temples of Gods Worship, as these of England have done: tis true, we hear that since they have got our Churches into their possessions, they have in their superstitious way, con∣secrated them anew: And truely, had our Tigres of England been there, and used the Churches of that Kingdome, as they have done them in this; there had been great need of a new Consecration. Wherefore (concluding this particular) I will on∣ly speak to these men, (who have thus mentioned the Tigres of Ireland) as our Saviour in the Gospell did to some of like Con∣ditions. You Hypocrites, can you see Tigrely doings in your Brethren of Ireland? And can you not discern these more Tigrely and blou∣dy Actions which are committed by your selves? Amend first for shame your own doings, and then you may speak with more cre∣dit against the Evills of others.

3. Concerning the third sort, viz. those some of the Prelaticall* 1.108 and Court Faction in England, which these men cry out also up∣on, to be of the Combination, we doe confesse, there hath been,

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and perhaps still are some about the Court, or that have too near a relation to it, whom we doe dislike as much, and more too, then these men doe, and we have reason for it, they are such as neither serve God nor the King, so faithfully as they ought to doe, but are either secret pensioners unto his enemies, pursuing their ends, (notwithstanding their pretendings and engagements to His Majesty) or else they are slaves to their owne proper lusts, making provisions only, for their owne Flesh and Belly; (not∣withstanding Gods wrath upon the Kingdome:) and from these is the speciall cause that the Kings affaires goe on so badly as they doe: these be the men, who by their Power and Autho∣rity have countenanced and advanced the vile, even to abuse, spoile, and dishearten the good: lest the Lustre of inferiours merits, should discover the worthlesnesse of those that are in place above them; and give too happy a progresse to His Majesties businesse. Of which sort are they, who when by their Treacheries, Indiscretions, Negligences, or ill Governed behaviours, Townes and Countrys are lost, good undertakings nulled or made frustrate, can very unreverendly, and undutifully lay the fault upon the Kings ill fortune; yea, and tax His Ma∣jesty of this or that; so making his Candour the Napkin (as it were) to wipe the filth from their own Noses. These men (we would that all the world should know) we do dis∣like, and perfectly abhorre, for such their workes sake, even as we doe the Irish Tigres, or the Men of Westminster them∣selves.

But we do beleeve, and know, that (besides these) the King hath a Company belonging to him, both of the Nobility, of the Gentry, and of the Clergy, (our subtile Brethren may call them a faction if they will, or even what else they please) that are both truly Religious, and truly Loyall, that have sacrificed their fortunes, and are every one ready to sacrifice their lives too, in defence of their holy Protestant Religion, and of their King and Country, that do truly mourn for the miseries of this Church and State; yea, many of them stand like Mary and John, (as being able perhaps to do little else) looking with watery eyes upon their innocent and righteous Soveraigne; whom they behold in their Saviours Condition, Crucified between

Theeves on both sides. And of this flock we do professe our selves to be, and to it we resolve (by Gods Grace) to adhere for ever, although we should see every of them, to be in the Kings very case and Condition, wronged every way, and abused by both their parties even as he; no, we will not leave to be on their side in this cause, though we beleeve them to be the men, whom (together with the King) the Heads of the Association made at London, have vowed to destroy: We know that the Lord whom we serve is able to deliver us from their cruell hands, but if not, let all the People know, that we will never fall down before that many-Headed Idoll which they have set up, or rather which hath advanced it selfe to be adored by the People: And this is our▪ Answer to these subtile men, who by a tale of strange Combination, did think (as it seemes) to perswade us to forsake the King, and to adhere to his Enemies. But they tell the Reader further.

Thou (say they) wilt be abundantly satisfied with these Letters* 1.109 here Printed, and take notice there-from, how the Court hath been Cajold (that's the Authentick word now among our Cabalisticall ad∣versaries) by the Papists, and we the more beleeving sort of Prote∣stants by the Court.

The Reader may be abundantly satisfied by these Letters of His Majesties longing desires to see Peace restored to His poor Subjects throughout His three Kingdomes: And he may also be abundantly satisfied by their printing of these Letters, of that abundance of bitternesse, spight, and malice which is in the hearts of the Publishers of them against their Soveraigne; but for satisfaction in any other matters, the Reader if he be rightly affected and lookes onely with his owne eye, he must seeke it some where else, for here it is not to be found.

What they intend by Cajold, and whom by Cabalisticall Ad∣versaries, I stand not to argue, for the words are shelly, Nec de verbis est disputandum; only I cannot but observe the Title which these Wisemen give themselves, and their owne Faction: We (say they) the more beleeving sort of Protestants. Faith it seemes they have, and in their owne opinion great Plenty, more then others; like them, John 9. they say they see, and like him, Luke 18.

they think themselves better then other men, they are not like us Publicans, who confess our selves to be weak and sinful, and to have need to cry daily unto the Lord for mercy and increase of Faith; they are past their Creed already, and can tel God, Lord we believe, whereas we are yet but at our Pater noster, help our unbelief. But in whom, or in what is it, that they do believe? Surely in themselves, and their own fictions, because they have renounced the Truth of God, which they have been taught, and are turned persecutors of it, God hath given them up, first to* 1.110 make, and then to believe lies, in which respect they are indeed the best believers, and in that sense they speak not amiss in calling themselves the most believing sort of Protestants, though in ano∣ther sense they are the most unbelieving, for they wil not believe the King in any thing, let him promise, profess, and protest never so oft and solemnly unto them; their Tongues, Pens, and actions proclaim publickly their unbelief; yea, they glory in their not believing, and do all they can, that others might be In∣fidels also in the same respect, as wel as they; their malicious notes, upon his Letters are to this very purpose, let them deny it if they can.

And as for God, they believe him as little as they do the King, for they dare not trust him for protection, they have more con∣fidence in the Militia a great deal, and stand more upon it. Be∣side, if they did believe God, they would also fear him, (Faith and Fear go together) they would regard his word more, and not so oppose it in all their ways; or endevour to make it of none effect, by their sinful Ordinances and traditions: Besides, faith in God discovers it self, by doing the works of God, and they are not Hatred, Strife, Sedition, Rebellion, Murder, Lying, Slandring, and speaking evil of dignities, which these men traffick solely in. S. James tels us of Nudifidians, who say they have Faith, and boast* 1.111 that they have more then others, sure these are the very men, for they call themselves the more believing sort of Protestants: the bare believing sort of Protestants perhaps they are, they account good works but marks of Popery: We confess our selves no such Pro∣testants, for we are of the Apostles mind, As the body without the* 1.112 Spirit is dead, so Faith without good works is dead also. But they tel the Reader further, and say,

If thou art an Enemy to Parliaments and Reformation, and made* 1.113 wilfull in thine enmity above the help of miracles, or such Revelations as these are, then tis to be expected, that thou wilt either deny these Pa∣pers to have been written by the Kings own Hand, or else that we make just constructions and inferences out of them: or lastly, thou wilt deny, that though they be the Kings owne, and beare such a sense, as we un∣derstand them in, yet that they are blameable, or unjustifiable against such Rebells as we are.

SECT. IX.

1. The slander laid upon us to be Enemies to Parliaments and Reformation Confuted. 2. Of pretended Mira∣cles, Revelations, and new Lights, the taking the Kings Cabinet in Battle no Miracle. 3. The Libellers weak Argument to prove an impossibility of forgery in their Parliament.

IT seems tis voted and decreed, that if a man be not well af∣fected* 1.114 to that cause, which the men above board do maintaine; He is then no lesse then an enemy to all Parliaments and Reformati∣on, yea, (past all hope of recovery) wilfull in enmity, beyond the help of miracles: For (it must be understood that) all men being divi∣ded into two ranks, Elect and Reprobate, and the Elect being all on the Parliament side, or well affected at least to their cause, the rest must needs be all damned creatures; enemies to Parlia∣ments, i. e. to the Common-wealth and all good Lawes; yea, and enemies to Reformation too; that is, to God and all true Re∣ligion, and therefore away with such fellowes from the earth, tis not fitting they should live: they that cannot erre have so con∣cluded.

Here (by the way) we may see a ground of all these bloody warres, (which many hitherto are ignorant of;) a reason of all these cruel declarations, and injunctions to kill, slay, and destroy the forces raised by, or adhering to the King; why they are all Repro∣bates, men hardned in Enmity against Parliaments and Reforma∣tion,

past all hope, of recovery, and therefore to be sent to Hell, in all haste, as to their proper place; that so the earth the sole inhe∣ritance of Gods Elect ones, may be wholly left to the free posses∣sion of its proper owners; and fully cleared from those Enemies of God and Parliaments.

Well, what we are, Heaven knows, for their Censures we passe not, any more then Saint Paul did to be censured by the Corin∣thians; we say with him, He that Judgeth us is the Lord, and whom* 1.115 the Lord condemneth shall be the onely condemned men at the great day; and our Saviour tells us, that then the first may be last,* 1.116 and the last first, the first in mens esteem, the last in Gods and so è contra.

But let us a little reason the particular, with them that thus fiercely charge upon us: Must we of necessity be enemies to Par∣liaments and Reformation, because we are not affected to their cause? Doth this Parliament contain in it, all other Parliaments, that ever have been, and (as they hope) ever shall be? May not a man possibly dislike the proceedings of this, and yet ap∣prove of the being of another? May not a man wish the dis∣soultion of this, and yet withall desire the convention of ano∣ther? May not the same man obhorre evill, and love good, hate vice, and imbrace vertue? May not a man affirme this no Parlia∣ment at all in the truest and best sence, because they do not do the workes of a Parliament? Those Jewes in the Gospell were not Abrahams Children, in Christs sense, (which was the truest and* 1.117 the best) because they did not doe Abrahams Workes; they cal∣led themselves indeed his Children, in respect of the flesh, or walls, (as I may say, that did inclose them) which they had from Abraham: But Christ calls them, A Generation of Vipers, and Children of the Devill, for all that: because they went* 1.118 about to kill and destroy Him▪ their King and Soveraigne; which thing, (sayes he) did not Abraham, may not we esteem of this Parliament as our Saviour did of those Jewes, since there is such a similitude betwixt them both in words and manners? we know that Christ did well enough approve of those Children of Abra∣ham, who did Abrahams Workes, notwithstanding his dislike of those in particular, whom he speaks against: so may we, not∣withstanding our dislike of this Parliament, highly esteem of

another, which shall do Parliamentary actions. Now the Works or actions of a Christian Parliament, are to Heal and not to make breaches in a Church or State; to settle Religion and peace, not to destroy either; to make and confirm good Laws, not to null them; to suppresse all sects and false opinions, not to give free liberty unto them; to consult for the Kings Ho∣nour and dignitie, not to countenance and Authorize base Libells to his defamation; to advise for the wealth and flourishing con∣dition of the Subjects, not to impoverish, or to ruine them: these, and such like have been, and properly still are, the works of Parliaments; and to such conditioned Parliaments we are no enemies: we account a true Parliament our Palladium, the strength of the Kingdome; we have the same opinion of it, as the Trojans had of their Palladium, they held their City invin∣cible, so long as they kept their Palladium inviolate; so might our Nation have been reckoned, (under Gods protection) invincible, if these unhappy men, had not perverted the power and priviledges of that most High and Honourable Court: But (alas!) never was Noble Nation so abused, and destroyed as this is, and hath been, per Catulos istos Catilinarios, (I may truly call them,) who have been the instruments of infection to this so much desired meeting; who if the God of Heaven do not oppose and subdue, we are never like to have any more Parliaments, which is one of our greatest feares; if these men prevail, they will assuredly never have any above them, that shall call them to a reckoning, be they never so lascivious in evill, never so mischievous or destructive of good: Now must every one that disrelisheth the courses of this Parliament, be judged an Enemy to all Par∣liaments? Truly 'tis too unreasonable, too harsh a censure, but 'tis our Burden and we must bear it.

And yet this is not all, for we are sentenced to be Enemies of Reformation too, an Enemy to Parliaments and Reformation: But do these two go always together? May not a man possibly be a friend to the one, and no wel-wisher to the other? We have heard of some that have been well affcted to Parliaments, and yet not to Reformation: But this we apprehend is only added, to exasperate the peoples rage against us, that with the more vio∣lence and speed they may dispatch us, as being Enemies to all

that good is. Indeed if Parliaments and Reformation were (as they ought to be,) unseparable Companions, then He or they, who were friends to the one, were also friends to both, of ne∣cessity: But these very men will confesse and say that in Queen Maries dayes, there was Parliament and Deformation: and so wofull experience tels us there is now, Yea and Depopulation too, of Houses, families and men; and Devastation of true Religion and Law; The Reformation (if they so call it,) by this Parlia∣ment, is such a one, as Nebuzaradan, Steward to Nebuchadnez∣zar made at Jerusalem, when he threw down the walls both of the City and Temple, we confess to all the world, we are ene∣mies to this kind of Reformation, and so hope shall ever be: But to that which is of sin, and evill, whether in Church or State, we are most affectionate friends, & do humbly beg of God, (to this end) that he would please to settle the King in his Throne, and give him such a Parliament, as may have grace truly, and intentionally, (not in pretence onely,) to go about it, sed de his satis, onely we doe observe from hence before hand, how our Bill of indict∣ment shall run, if these men lay hands on us: what those Crimes are, which the people shall be made beleeve, we are put to death for: Because we are enemies to Parliaments, and Reformation, to God, and all good men, yea, and wilfull on our Enmity too, we would not be reclaimed by any meanes, no not by the help of Miracles, or such Revelations as these are.

But what is this we hear, Miracles, and Revelations pleaded in* 1.119 these dayes, and by these men? Are not these of that number who were wont heretofore, to cry out against the Papists, because wanting the written word to justifie their way, they alleadged Miracles and Revelations? See the strength of Resolution in these stout Champions, rather then submit to Scripture, to their So∣veraigne, to the Truth, to Reason, they will joyn hands in this also, with the Papists, whom they have formerly so much condemned; and being brought to a like strait, will make use of like Argu∣ments to warrant their own proceedings. I confess Astonish∣ment did much possess my spirit, for a great while, at their cour∣ses, so directly contrary to Gods plain word; till at last I met with a certain Sermon preached by one William Bridge, and ordered to be Printed, by a Committee of the House of Commons, subscribed

by John White: wherein the Preacher (speaking of Reformation, now so much talked on) teacheth the people, that 'tis a sin in them, to look that it should be effected in Gods ordinary way, or to expect that Gods assistance should come, as in former times, to the furtherance of it: for (saies he) now God is working extra∣ordinarily, and to tie him to ordinary ways and means in such times as these, is to tempt and to limit God: this he repeats over three or four times, for peoples better observance, and then concludes posi∣tively, that 'tis the second great sin that hath made a stoppage in Eng∣lands mercies, this tempting of God by expecting reformation in an or∣dinary way (though it was wont to be accounted a tempting of God to expect his help in ways extraordinary.) His ful sense I suppose in those his expressions is, as if he had spoken more fully out thus:

My beloved Brethren, Gods word was indeed here∣tofore, the rule and square to order your course by, and because therein you find no warrant to rebel against your King, to kil, slay, and destroy your Brethren, to go in such ways as the Par∣liament hath voted you shal go in, therefore some of you I see, are scrupulously fearful to lift up your hand against the King, or to cut the throats of all your Brethren that be not of your Opinion, & to work a new-found Reformation by the Sword: but hereupon it is, that we have such a stoppage made in Eng∣lands mercies, the Elect of God are stil kept out of their posses∣sions, and the Land is yet ful of wicked men, and herein you shew your selves most weak and simple, that you do not consi∣der, that God is weary of his ordinary manner of working, he sees it is impossible that his Children should have their hearts desires in this life, by going in that old beaten path, himself is not able to satisfie their lusts that way, and therefore he hath now at length better bethought himself, and left his old wont, is resolved to go an extraordinary way to work, which he ne∣ver went in before, & hath stirred up many extraordinary men, worthy members to that purpose; yea, and now he wil have his people cast his Word behind their backs, as a thing out of date to walk by, and look only unto extraordinary Lights and Revelations, that we their Teachers shal tel them of, and go only by them: and believe it, now God hath altered his mind, and course of working, 'tis plainly to tempt him, if you expect

his blessing in his old way, or ••hal observe the guide of his word any longer; they that wil not now depend upon Miracles and Revelations, are obstructers of Englands mercies, yea, and worthy to be voted Enemies to Gods Reformation, such as are wilful in their enmity too, and past all hope of recovery.

This is the sense and Doctrine of William Bridge, one of the Parliament Mi∣nisters delivered in the year 1642. at Margarets on Fish-street hil London, and ordered to serve for the whole Miridian of Great Brittain, by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parlia∣ment, concerning Printing, witness John White.

But leaving William Bridge to his extraordinary illuminations and Revelations, we turn again to these good fellows, and desire to know of them, what these particular Miracles and Revelati∣ons be, which they here speak of, we conceive they mean these Letters which they say were taken in the Kings Cabinet at Naze∣by field by victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax: But truly we do not see, how things written by way of Letters, from one person to a∣nother, can properly be called Revelations, nor how it can merit the name of a Miracle, for Enemies in War or Battail, to seize upon a Cabinet of Papers: At the Battail of Edg••-hil, His Maje∣sties Soldiers took certain Letters, wherein by divine providence was discovered, how one Blake was hired by them, that call themselves the Kings most loving and obedient Subjects, to signifie by some token, the place where His Majesty was in the field, that they might more directly level their Shot thither, and speak forth their Loyalty by the mouth of their Ordnance: we ap∣prehended it indeed a special mercy of God to us, but we did not call it by the name of a Miracle, or a Revelation.

Yea, but these men it seems, do co••nt such an accident, when it falls out on their side, a Miracle and a Revelation, and a suffici∣ent one too, to convert all of us unto their opinion, if we be not before-hand wilful in our enmity against Parliaments and Refor∣mation: But if any be so obstinate, and wil not be wrought upon by these means, 'tis supposed that he wil either deny these Papers to be written by the Kings own hand, or else, that the constructions, ••••d inferences made out of them are just, and true, or that these Pa∣pers are blameable against such Rebels, as they are who have pub∣lished them: for it seems these are properties essential to one

wilful in enmity: yet whether it be out of our weakness of judg∣ment or no, we leave it to reasonable men to determine: we the simple Brethren do confess that we believe it is possible that a man may suspect whether all these Papers, as they are here pub∣lished by his deadly enemies; were written by the Kings own hand or no▪ yea, and he may also absolutely deny that the Constru∣ctions and inferences, which they make out of them are just and right: and further he may declare and shew, that nothing in them is so blameable, as they would have the world believe, seeing they are against such unparalleld Rebels as they are; and notwithstan∣ding, be free from any such enmity as they speak of. It seems their guilty consciences expected some such matter, and therfore they endevour so wel as they can (poor men) to answer for them∣selves, saying,

As to the first, know, that the Parliament was never yet guilty of* 1.120 any such forgery, the King yet in all the Letters of his which have been intercepted, never objected any such thing, and we dare appeal to his own Conscience now, knowing that he cannot disavow either his own hand-writing, or the matters themselves here written, (All the Cyphers, Letters, all circumstances of time and fact, and the very hand by which they are Signed, so generally known, and now exposed to the view of all) wil aver for us, that no such forgery could be possible.

Their Argument, in these words unto the first, stands thus, If these Letters were not written with the Kings own Hand, then the Parliament should be guilty of forgery, but the Parliament was never guilty of such forgery. Ergo.

The Major in this Argument they take for true, but it is not currant, unless they wil prove that none had to do with these Letters but the Parliament, and that the publication of them was the Act of the whole Court; which we do not believe, because the end thereof, being (as was shewn before) only to defame and endanger the Kings Person doth speak it a work un-beseeming a Parliament consisting of Christian men, unless we take only a part for the whole; perhaps indeed it might be the Act of some amongst them, viz. of the prevailing Faction: but crimen paucorum diffundere in omnes, is not our custome.

But their Minor only they prove, and that thus, If the Parlia∣ment were guilty of any such forgery, then the King in some of his Letters, that have been intercepted, would have objected the same. But the King never objected any such thing, Ergo.

To this I answer: it would be as great a shame, if a whole Parliament should be guilty of forgery, as if it should be guilty of the forementioned Act of Authorizing this Libell: but yet some of the rotten Members thereof, (as they are men) may possibly be as guilty of the one, as of the other, for all men (say these) are subject to Errour. Nor is it an impossible thing to shew, that some of them have not dealt so sincerely, as became honesty: when they were yet in ways of entreaty, with their Associate Counties, for free benevolence, before they came to their week∣ly Taxes and Contributions; some of them being sent by the rest into the Country, to pick their neighbours purses; whilest they have been perswading the poor Country-man to new Loanes and Charges, for the maintenance of this unchristian and unna∣tural War; Providence (as must be pretended) did usually at the very instant time, send some Letter or other, wherein was re∣lated, (with thanks to the people for their former assistance) what a great Victory (by the help of God and them) the Par∣liament had lately obtained against the Kings Forces, with little or no loss to themselves: so that now the work was in a manner quite done, one Contribution more would finish the Business. These Letters were suspected, (even by the abused people themselves) to be but meer forgeries, devised on purpose to cozen them of their Monies, when afterward they understood there had been no such Victories at that time; verily those that dare belie Gods Providence, and forge Letters from that, may be suspected, wil be as bold with the King, in pursuance of their own designs a∣gainst him.

But (say they) if the Parliament were guilty of any such forge∣ry, the King in his Letters, which have been intercepted, would have objected the same.

The word intercepted, might have been omitted, for if in any of the Kings Letters, which have by Accident come into their Hands, any such thing were objected, yea, and sufficiently pro∣ved, yet we are confident of their wisdome so far, that we

dare say for them, they would never have divulged the same, nor suffered the world to know of it, if they themselves could help: But for their whole Argument 'tis only negative, and therefore weak and fallible. The King hath not accused them of forgery, Er∣go, they are not guilty thereof, is no necessary consequent: There is many a Malefactor in the Kingdom, that deserves hanging▪ yet was never brought to his trial, is he therefore innocent? As it doth not follow, that they are most faulty, that are most ill spo∣ken of; no more doth it on the contrary, that they are most free from blame that are least taxed.

But if the King hath not objected forgery unto them, the more is his goodness and wisdome; he that desires peace with his Adver∣sary, is sparing, even in his just objections, that no obstruction be cast in by him, as a bar to union; whereas they that love strife, though themselves have already offered most wrong, yet are stil most ful of clamours; and when they can find no faults to ob∣ject, they'l invent some to keep the fire burning: doubtless if the New great Seal be remembred, it must be acknowledged by all men, that the King hath had more cause to accuse them of for∣gery, then ever they had yet to Accuse him of Perjury; but by their own Confession we see, the King hath been more careful of their credit, then they have been of his Honour, or of their own Souls.

But being conscious of the weakness of their Argument, they hope to strengthen it with a second, which is nihil ad nos, as the other was nihil ad rem; 'tis their appeal to the Kings own Consci∣ence, who (say they) cannot disavow his own handwriting: this may indeed be aliquid ad regem, but what is it to the Reader? Would they have every one in these Kingdoms, and beyond the Seas, (to whom they have dispersed these Copies) make a journy to ask the King, whether these Letters were of His own Hand-wri∣ting?

And to this second they adde a third, which is even like the former: they tel the Reader, that all the Ciphers, Letters, all the Circumstances of time and fact, and the very hand▪by which they are Signed, so generally known, and now exposed to the view of all, will aver for them, that no such forgery could ••e possible. And yet the Reader all the while sees nothing, but only that which comes

from the hand of the Printer, or did he see the very Cyphers or original Letters they speak of, were the hand wherewith they were Signed, exposed generally to the view of all, could all men know it to be the Kings; or swear it were nto forged? I suppose not, unless He had first submitted his faith and judgment to be∣lieve only, as the Parliament Voteth. In a word, I conceive that (not withstanding all they say to the contrary) they who forged the Kings Seal, may possibly forge Letters under the Kings Name. I do not Accuse any to have so done, only I speak thus, to shew that their Arguments are not so convincing as themselves think. Forgery in this case might be possible.

But they come to the second objection, which they believe may be made against their Notes upon these Letters, and say,

As to our Comments and Annotations, if there be not perspicuity* 1.121 and modesty in them, there is no common Justice, nor place for credit left among mankind.

SECT. X.

1. Of that perspicuity and Modesty which the Libellers boast, to be in their own Annotations. 2. Their pretty confident way of perswading all men to be of their Opini∣ons. 3. Their Reasons why they did not publish all they had against the King.

IF any shal dislike these Comments and Annotations upon the* 1.122 Kings Letters, He is confuted in these words very substantial∣ly; for the Authors of them say, that they are all very good: and we know men can best judge of their own works, they can give the fairest interpretation of their own doings: the Crow can see beauty in her own bird, though none else can; so these men can see perspicuity and modesty in their own Notes; yea, so confident they are, that their sight is good, & their judgment true, that they dare boldly conclude, there is no Common Justice or faith left amongst men, if all mankind be not of their Opinion in this particular. Was not this stoutly spoken? Are not these valiant men? We see they are resolved to hold their own, though all mankind say to the contrary.

Truly upon this their commendation, their Notes have been read over again, and again; and I profess, I can see no perspicui∣ty at all in them, unless of spight and malice; which indeed I find set forth with the Highest and most transcendent impuden∣cy against Soveraign Majesty, as I believe ever Mankind saw: Nay, I dare affirm it, that never any Protestant Christian Subjects did discover the like, under Countenance of such an Authority as these pretend. And I require these boasters to shew but one word or expression, savouring of true modesty, and Christian re∣verence to their King, in all their Annotations: and I promise them it shal excuse with me a multitude of their other errours. Nay, let their own Consciences speak, concerning this perspicuity which they talk of; whether they did not on purpose transpose these Letters (in this their publication of them) inverting the Order wherein they were written, setting some that were first, last: and some that were last, first: that so their dependance upon each other being broken, they might be lesse perspicuous to the Reader: who might (had they all been placed in their right or∣der) with facility and clearness, have discerned the reasons of many expressions, which (without regard to their reference) may be apprehended in a worse sense, then they do naturally bear. They took all these Letters together by their own Confes∣sion, why then must they place those writ in May, before them that were writ in March; and those in March, before those in Ja∣nuary? those of this Year, before those of last, or of the Year be∣fore, but only for the Reason forementioned? Had they studied to evidence that perspicuity they speak of, (if these Letters must needs have been printed) they would at least have placed them in that order, as they were sent from the King and Queen to each other. O but then, they would not have appeared so offensive, as now they hope they have made them to do, nor been so liable to sinister interpretations. Truly in this very thing, there doth ap∣pear to our apprehensions the perspicuity of their malice.

Which also is further manifested by their picking out here a Sentence, and there an Expression, from out these Letters, which being disjoynted from that which goeth before, and that which followeth in the same place, (and attended with their spightful gloss upon it) doth seem to be, what in its self 'tis not, (when read entire by a Christian Eye with its ful Coherence) wherein

they imitate that profane Atheist, who to prove his opinion, al∣leaged that part of the Psalm, non est Deus, but left out the pre∣ceding words, Dixit insipiens in corde suo.

Yea, and the perspicuity of their malice is seen more abundant∣ly yet, in their perverting his Majesties words to as bad a sense, as possible man or Devil could wrest them; to the end that none (if they can bring it to passe) might harbour a good thought of him: yea, they endevour so much as in them lies, not only to put all his Subjects, but even his own Child, into a way of dis∣obedience against him; by that which they wrest in their Notes from the eleventh Paper. Yea, though they hate the Queen, with a most mortal, and perfect Hatred, (as appears sufficiently by their dealings with her) yet how doth it irk them that she loves her Husband, and how fain (out of their superlative malice a∣gainst him) would they break that bond of Affection between them, is evident by their publication of the 34. Paper, which con∣cerneth only a private business between them, (as Man and Wife) written of some 20. years ago, about the time of their first Mar∣riage: were there nothing else to make the superfluity of their malice abundantly perspicuous, the divulging▪ of that very Paper alone, (to the end for which they do it) were fully sufficient.

Thus we see their perspicuity, now for their modesty, which all but their own dear selves wil go near to suspect to be shamefull impudency. For

1. He whom they accuse and reproach is the Person, whom above all men in the world, they are bound in duty, and have so∣lemnly sworn to defend and honour; and is this modesty? then Ziba was a modest man for accusing his Master; and Absolom was a modest man for accusing the King his Father; and so was Shimei too, in his reproaching and accusing David his Lord and Soveraign.

2. They seek occasions of accusing, they search for iniquity, yea they have accomplished a diligent search in their reading his Letters,* 1.123 and in their sifting his Actions; and though they find no sufficient matter, yet they accuse; they pervert his words, and invent matter, like them that said, Come let us devise devices against him, and* 1.124 smite him with the tongue, and is this modesty? then the Pharisees* 1.125 were modest men in their dealings with Christ, and so were Da∣niels* 1.126 enemies in their accusations against him.

3. They accuse him for good, (wanting matter of evill to charge him withall) as for loving his Wife, for tendering her health, for desiring her welfare, for endeavouring his own defence, and the upholding of Monarchy, which God hath intrusted to him, and many such things of like nature, they heavily tax him withall: and what they want in weight, they make up in number; hoping that the blinde and seduced world will suspect, (at least) some∣what amiss, when they heare him charged with such a multitude of accusations. And is this Modesty? then they in the 12. Psal. that resolved With our Tongues we will prevaile, were modest creatures.

4. They Accuse him for that which (themselves know) is most contrary to his nature and disposition; as of dissimulation, breach of Oath and promise, and aversnesse to the good and welfare of his peo∣ple: whereas

To the first, they cannot deny that his plain-dealing hath affor∣ded to them their best advantage against him; what moved him to Signe that unhappy Bill for continuing the Parliament, but the sincerity of his spirit, in his conceiving them to be after his owne Heart, Honest men? but (as one of the crafty Members in∣geniously acknowledged) I confesse (sayes he) in that, we were too hard for him.

To the 2. their owne Consciences can witnesse for him, that his constancy in keeping his Oath (made at his Coronation) to defend the Church of God in that estate of weal wherein he found it, (which they would force and compell him to break) hath been a chief cause of this great persecution stirred up against him.

And for the 3. their owne hearts will affirm, (if they would let them speak) that never Prince did more hunger and thirst after his peoples good then He, never did any further deny him∣selfe, then he hath done, as appeares Paper 25. or offer more of his owne undoubted rights to purchase their peace; never did tender Father look with a more dolefull eye, upon the miseries of his Child, then he upon the calamities of his Subjects: Nay, ne∣ver was any abused Prince so unwilling to shed Rebellious bloud as he; with what sadness did he hear of those expressions of Joy, for his victory gotten at Stratton fight, Alas (sayes he) but

they were my Subjects. And with what passion of joy did he praise God, at the beginning of these troubles, when after a long per∣sonall expectance of an answer (after the limited time) of his Sum∣mons to Banbury: the Town at last, was surrendred to him: Blessed be the God of Heaven (sayes he) that hath given me Victory this day without blood. And when His Majesty was upon the Hill opposite to Foy in Cornwall, and was shot at by the enemies, (who then lay in the towne) and had a man killed close by him: though his Ordnance was ready planted, and some with him would fain have shot, and beat downe the towne: which might with ease from thence have been effected: His Majesty by no meanes would per∣mit the same. * 1.127 I understand (said he) that I have many good Sub∣jects in that towne, who are inhabitants there, and I had rather spare the lives of an hundred Rebells, then venture the hurting one of them; wherefore sure if it be medesty, to accuse the Sun of darkness, or Piety it selfe of wickedness, then these Annotators are wonder∣full modest men.

5. They accuse him most plentifully of those things whereof themselves are most guilty, they lay their owne faults to his Charge: as Corah and his companions dealt with Moses, as Ahab dealt with Elias, and as Nero with the Christians; so doe these men with their Soveraigne; was there ever in any Age, read or heard of grander Hypocrites, greater deceivers, oppressours, scorners, more cruell, Tyrannicall, or trecherous Persons, greater Oath or Covenant breakers, then these men are, who now op∣pose their King? and yet in their superlative modesty, they are pleased to calumniate & burden him with these conditions. Nay, that one Charge of theirs upon the King, Pag. 44. which they call stirring Rumours about his Mother: may make all Englishmen stand amazed at their impudency, for all that had ears to hear, and lived neer London, can witness how publikely base, and vil∣lainous they were in their scandalous inventions and designes, against the Honour of that our disseised Queen; as well as against Her that is now living: and because His Majesty complaines of this their transcendent villany in a private Letter unto the Danish King, (who was interessed with him in the wrong) these Diabo∣licall wretches are so impudent as to publish this private Letter, and then to tax him, as if he thereby had raised that Rumour,

which themselves, I say, first contrived, and now have the 2. time divulged onely to vex his Spirit: now if this be modesty, then Poti∣phars Wife was a modest woman, for accusing Joseph of incontinen∣cy; & Satan himself was a modest creature in his charging Job with blasphemy: Nor need any wonder, that these Royall Ladies, should fall under the lash of these mens defaming Tongues, for tis well knowne, that the Blessed Virgin Mary her selfe (by diverse of their crue) hath been used in the same manner: so that in this, those two Queenes are but fellow-sufferers with Christs Mother.

And thus we have seen a glimpse of that perspicuity and modesty which is gloryed to be in these Annotations, we shall perceive more thereof anon: surely had it been of any other sort or kinde, then what it is, they could never have been so confident as they are, that all mankind shall be injurious, and doe them wrong, if they fail to commend of them, such perspicuity, and such modesty, is in very deed the foundation of such Confidence. But what doe they tell us in the next words?

Indeed (say they) most of all the main circumstances, want no il∣lustration* 1.128 at all, to the most vulgar Capacities, and therefore we af∣firme nothing necessary to be beleeved: but what the Printed Papers will themselves utter in their own Language.

Could any men in the world speake more effectually, to per∣swade* 1.129 us all to be of their opinion? Polus in the Spectrum of Erasmus did never act his part better. He faigning that he saw a strange sight in the skie, did by his expressions so well set it forth, and demonstrate it by his words and fingers, unto the other spectatours, that every of them at last, one after another, lest they should seeme to be parum oculati dim-sighted, Adfir∣mârant se quo{que} videre, said that they saw it too, and just as he had described it: pudebat enim non videre quod tam esset perspicuum, (as the story goes) they were ashamed not to be thought to see, what he said was so easie to be seen: even so these men, having told us a pretty tale, of a certain Spectrum of modesty and perspi∣cuity in their own Annotations; they affirm it is so evident to every Eye, that it needs no illustration: yea and what ever they say up∣on the Kings papers, is so manifestly true, that the Papers them∣selves doe speak the same, even to the easiest capacityes. Wherefore

they hope, unlesse people will yeeld themselves, fooles and block∣heads, such as have no understanding to perceive, what they read; they will all (out of hand) be of their opinion, and speak just as they do: for it may be a great shame to any body, not to ob∣serve that, which these say is so perspicuous: Nor indeed will it be safe, for any that resolve to sleep in a whole skin, not to be per∣swaded of this matter, for it is concluded, by those of that side, to kill, slay, and destroy, at least to banish, and turn out naked, as men wilfull in Enmity, beyond the help of Miracles and Revelations, all such as are contrary minded unto themselves.

But suppose any body should be so impertinent, as to desire a further Testimony, of what they would have beleeved of the King, then these Papers doe afford? Why these Publishers tell us, for our further satisfaction, (but we must take their bare word) that they have, (in some by-corner sure) more Papers, then yet they have made shew of: their words to this purpose, are these that follow.

And yet for that which is not so clearly warranted here, we have* 1.130 other Papers for their warrant, were they not so Numerous and Vast, and too much intermixed with other matters of no pertinence, for publication at this time.

The reasons why they do not produce their full store, we per∣ceive are two,

1. The overflowings of their own Modesty & Civility, they will not weary their Readers, with things so Numerous and so Vast.

2. Their predence and discretion; there is too Great an inter∣mixtion of other matters, of no pertinence for publication at this time: for haply it is of such matters, as would clearly evidence to the abused world, so much of the Kings goodnesse, as could not possibly be clouded, and darkened with their spightfull glosses, which would rather oppose then further their present purpose: For (indeed) should the Kings gratious disposition be fully known unto His people, they would be all more sensible of the wrong He suffers, and so perhaps the men of Westminster, might be forced to yeeld up into His Hands again, His Sword and Crown, and be made to return into the Order of their Predecessours, the Parliament-men in former times, which to do as yet they have no intention.

The way to maintain their own Reputation, is to Defame the King; to keep themselves up, is to keep Him down. In a troubled State all discontented persons, (whereof the land is ful) do natu∣rally draw to the grieved party, even as humours in the Body to a sore place; wherefore if all the people of this Nation, (who have been wronged, peeled, and oppressed, by these mens meanes, since power hath been in their hands) were but well certified of the Kings Candour, they would all with one accord, (in conside∣ration of those unexpressible abuses offered unto Him) unite themselves in His behalf, & joyn with Him against them. There∣fore it is great wisdome in these men, and their Masters, to do as they doe; and to conceal that which might hurt themselves if known. It may easily be gathered, from what they have said and shewn, that if they had any thing else, which could have been wrested possibly against the King, the world should have been made acquainted with that too: But because what remaines in their hands is intermixt with other matter of no pertinence for pub∣lication at this time, therefore it is thought fit to conceale the same, lest otherwise they should have played the fools, and done a prejudice unto themselves.

And thus we have seen their Answer to the second objection, which they conceive may be made against their Annotations; now we shall heare what they say to the third, their words are these:

Touching the last objection: if thou art a perfect Malignant, and* 1.131 dost not stick to deny, that there is any thing in these Letters, unbe∣seeming a Prince, who professes himself defender of the true Faith, a tender Father of his Country, and has been so Sanctimoniously in∣gaged with frequent speciall vows of Affection, candour, sincerity, and constancy, to His particular Protestant Subjects of England, and Scotland; then know that thou art sacarce worthy of any reply, or sa∣tisfaction in this point.

SECT. XI.

1. Censuring superiors unlawfull, why the Enemies must continue to slander the King: How easie a thing it is to deprave the best writings. 2. Of the Kings integri∣ty and goodnesse, and of Englands happinesse under Him. 3. The main Particulars of Offence under His Govern∣ment nominated; No just matter of blame from them can now be Objected to His Majesty.

OUr Saviour in the Gospell forbids us to Judge our equals, we* 1.132 are confident: therefore he will never approve of us, if we take upon us to sentence our superiours; yea the Highest of all, our Soveraigne, who is Gods immediate servant, and with whom none but He, whose Title is, The onely Ruler of Princes hath to do: What hast thou to do, to censure another mans servant? (saies the* 1.133 Apostle.) And Saint James assures us, if we be masterly in that* 1.134 kind, we shall thereby increase onely our own damnation. But these men we see, teach us another lesson, for they tell us plainly in ef∣fect; that if we be so nice, and scrupulous, as to give respect to Gods Word, in things of this nature, if we will not censure our King, as themselves doe, and condemne Him too, (upon their bare Testimony) of doing unbeseemingly, we are perfect Ma∣lignants (that is to say) as compleat Devills, as any be in Hell: But truly we had rather they should call us Malignants for obeying our Lord Christ, then that Christ should call us Hypo∣crites, for our conforming to their example; as he doth some in the Gospell, who were of their Conditions; those that can see a Mote at a distance, can worst of all see a Beame neer at Hand; (as the Authour of truth and wisdome informes us.) And we observe in the Gospell, how they who could finde so much fault with the Son of God, for every thing he said or did, could see nothing amisse in themselves; no not when it was evidently shewn them; tis possible there may be such men alive now, that can see a fault in their Soveraigne where it is not, and none in

themselves, where are great plenty: But for our parts, we affect not to be of their number, our work lies most at home, and there we desire to be imployed: our studies are, to know and practice the Subjects Duty: the Prince his Actions, belong not to our in∣quisition; we remember the Apostles precepts, Study to be quiet,* 1.135 and minde your owne Businesse: (which if all men had done, we had had no fighting.)

Nay did we see in the King, what they say, (which we beleeve is not to be seen,) yet durst we not speak after their fashion, for we have not so learned Christ. If we have a warrant in Scripture to Judge any, it is onely those that censure others, and not them neither, but by their fruits, and in matters of our owne Alloy, which concern our own Cognizance, and wherein it becomes us to have skill and knowledge; and indeed upon this ground, we dare boldly say, what ever they tell us of, to be unbeseeming the King in these his Letters; we are certain in their Notes upon them, there is nothing to be found, but what is most unbeseeming sub∣jects, and men that professe themselves Protestant Christians, (who have been so Sanctimoniously ingaged, with frequent spe∣ciall Vowes of Allegeance, and Loyalty to their Soveraigne, of affection, and duty to his Person:) this we are confident that none (unless their own dear selves,) will deny: For their An∣notations themselves do full loudly utter the same, in their own pro∣per Language.

Nay, we are perswaded the very men of Westminster would not deny this, were it not so much to the prejudice of their own Safety and Reputation to confess it; both which (indeed) are supported for the present, among many people, by this vilifying and slandering the King, insomuch that (doubtless) a kind of desperate necessity lyes upon them, to doe, and to countenance such things, as they have done. For (say thir sinfully-resolved Consciences within themselves)

Woe would be unto us, if the people whom we have Cozened of their wealth and peace, and got ingaged with our selves in this black Rebellion, (under pretence of Religion,) so con∣trary to Christs Doctrine, should but at length, have a right ap∣prehension of the Kings good spirit and disposition, they would reckon us the veriest Villaines upon Gods earth: yea

they would fall upon us, with one accord, and cut our throats to expiate their own guilt, and to recover peace to themselves and to the whole Nation, should they but know in truth, how we have used their Sovervigne. Wherefore we must be wise in time and look to our selves, Suprema tantum nos queant facere securos mala, our onely safety consists in acting the highest evils: We must slight Majesty, we must contemne Gods Image, and be∣daube his Annointed, with our bitterest inventions; we must per∣vert his words, and put the foulest gloss, and construction, that Hell can teach us to make, upon all that proceeds from him: and so we shall increase and continue that blinde and un∣godly odium, which by our fine policy, we have already wrought in mens hearts against him: Imperium iis artibus retinetur quibus partum est, by lying and sland ring his foot-steps, we be began our matchless undertaking, and by the same meanes we must main∣tain it: the Common sort having swallowed down our poyson already, if they be kept strictly to their diet, Mithridate-like, may live upon it, and adhere still unto us, untill we have quite destroyed him, whom we hate, with a perfect Hatred for those unsatisfiable wrongs, which our selves have done him: yea, and the people will think too, that they doe God good service in their helping of us, specially if we be but succesfull against him; and also by our following this course, we shall uphold our own Dignitie, and retaine the repute of Holy, and good men; all we do will be thought to be done out of zeal against sin, and out of pure love to our Countrey; we shall be looked upon as impar∣tiall men, that will wink at sin in no man; no not in the King himself: we will persecute and destroy him, (though he be our Common Parent,) rather then suffer sin to abide, and domi∣neere in him: yea we shall be apprehended by the vulgar to be Gods speciall favourites, elected, and appointed by him on pur∣pose, to punish the King, and to pull him from his Throne, that so Christ in us (the Saiuts) may be set up, and rule in his stead; And what ever the King suffers at our hands, shall be interpre∣ted, (by the helpe of our Preachers, men fitted for our turns,) to be Gods just judgement upon him, for those very crimes, which we lay to his Charge, as Perfidiousnesse, and Breach of speciall Vowes made to us, his Protestant Subjects of Eng∣land,

and Scotland, for so we call our selves, and under that guize we goe covered.

No doubt, (I say) but the Consciences of those I mentioned, have spoken to this purpose within themselves, or else they would confess together with us, that there is nothing in those Annotati∣ons upon the Kings Letters, but what is most uncomly, and misbe∣seeming Christian subjects.

And truly it is no difficult matter for men resolved, and inga∣ged by all they care for, (bodily safety, and worldly reputation,) to deprave the most innocent writing, and to pick out matter thence to defame the Author: Julian the Apostate, (these mens elder Brother,) having a deep hatred against Christ, did imploy his maliciously-fine braine, against the Sacred Bible, and took great paines to cull out thence, all shews of errour, or places seem∣ingly contrary to each other, (which he would formalize to his own purpose;) all ambiguous expressions, (which he would wrest and pervert to the most sinister construction:) and all obscure places, (which by a further entangling he would make more dark and cloudy:) and thus for a season, (with some men) he dis∣graced Christ, and his Holy Religion. Now hence we gather, that if one man alone was able (by the helpe of Satan,) to do thus a∣gainst the Sacred writings of God himselfe: It is no marvail if many of the same rank and spirit, laying their heads together, shall with the like assistance doe thus against the writings of the King, who is but a man: for as we doe not make our King infal∣lible, like as they do the Parliament, so we will not put His wri∣tings, into the same skale of perfection, wherein they weigh their Votes: But this we will say, (and from their Malice against him do firmly beleeve,) that he is a lesser sinner then other men are: for the more like in degree their spightfulness against him, is to that of the Pharisees against Christ, the more like unto Christ in inno∣cency and Holiness, is our Soveraigne the object of it: That Ha∣tred which is most deep, and deadly (in such men as these are,) is alwayes the most unjust.

And further too, this we affirm concerning our Soveraigne, that of all the Kings His Predecessours, (that swayed the English Scepter, as he hath done,) we beleeve him to be the least sinfull; and we may conclude it, from the pride and fatnesse of these his

people, who Jessurun-like, have kicked up their Heeles against him; had he not been so good, so milde, so gentle towards them, they had not been so malipert, so proud, so injurious towards him: had he been a wanton Edward the fourth, and borrowed a pace the rich Citizens monies, and repayed them againe, by lying with their wives; or had he been a boysterous Henry the eighth, and chopt off his Subjects heads, in lust and anger; doubtless he had found much better respect and fairness, both of Carriage, and Language, from the men and women of this Nation: * 1.136 London had not shut up their Gates thus long against him; had he de∣served less love, they would have shewn more feare and Reve∣rence to him.

No man was ever so perfect, (Christ alone excepted,) but at some times have been guilty of some obliquities; which should they all, that were committed through his whole life, be muste∣red up, and presented in one view, and continuation together, would make him appeare most strangely sinful; whereas if his life were displayed, in that tenour onely as led, he would haply be an object of admiration, for ••anctity and perfection. These men and their faction, have set nothing of the King to the worlds view, since their unhappy meeting, but his oversights and blemi∣shes, which they have narrowly searched for, throughout his whole life and reigne; nay they have made use of the ••ins and corrup∣tions of those Monopolizing Lords and Gentlemen, (who are now right deare unto themselves, and sit amongst them,) to make the King distastful to his people, they have▪ bedawbed him, with o∣thers crimes, for want of somewhat more proper; and what have they (to their utmost) done thereby, but purposed for an ob∣ject of scorn and abhorring Him, whom God by endowment with Principall and choise graces, hath marked out for a 'Pattern of Honour and imitation to all Princes and men.

We dare challenge malice her selfe to open her mouth so wide as she can; and for her better Advantage, let her borrow the tongues and pens of these men, to vent her worst of all, and then let her speak out, and tell the world, what personall Crimes she can Charge the King▪ withall: Nay must she not needs confess, (if she say any thing,) that He hath been an example of meek∣ness, Temperance, Charity, Patience, Mercy and Justice, to all

his Nobles, and to all his people? Had some of these great ones, now with them, been in these Vertues conformable unto him, they had not haply been in that high esteem, wherein they are, at this present amongst them.

Nay because the Libellers, in their height of impudency, doe speake of the King, as if he were not, (according to his profes∣sion,) a defender of the true Faith, a tender Father of his Country, and sincerely affected to the good of his Protestant Subjects in Eng∣land and Scotland; we doe appeale to all the world, to Name an Age, since England was a Nation, wherein the Church and Faith of Christ flourished in such high lustre, and glory: wherein the Subjects of this Kingdome, of all ranks and degrees, did more abound in wealth and riches; and wherein those of the true Pro∣testant Religion, (which is the Religion of truth and peace, of Humility and obedience,) were more countenanced, and fa∣voured, then they have been in his dayes: was there ever so much Splendour, Bravery, * 1.137 and Abundance in the City? So much Plate and Money in the Country; so many Pleasant Houses, and Stately Buildings in all places, throughout the Land? Was there ever so much Feasting and plenty of food among all sorts of peo∣ple? so many good Garments and cloathes worne, by men and women of all degrees? so large Portions and dowryes given with Children in marriage? were ever the Protestant Subjects of the Kingdome more frequently taught, or better fed? did they ever in any Nation under the Sun, injoy more Peace and Happiness, then they did all the time of His Reigne, untill this unhappy Par∣liament turned all things up-side down, and so made us, of all Christians in the world, well-nigh the most miserable and discon∣solate? Certainly though the Parliament Ministers * 1.138 are plea∣sed to cry out in their Rethorick, O the Affliction, the Misery, the Wormwood and the Gall of those times! Yet Posterity in after Ages will acknowledge, that the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, Citi∣zens, and Common-people of this Nation, in the General, did all arrive at the height of earthly happiness, in King Charles his time, whilest he alone did sway the English Scepter.

It is true, there were Particular grievances from particular men, both in Church and Common-wealth, (and can it be expe∣cted

otherwise, while we live in this world?) and some good men haply, did suffer some hard usage at the hands of evill; but did the King ever stop His eares at any Petition? Did He ever deny Justice to any that did require it? Or did He ever harden His Heart from shewing mercy, where ere it was needful? There was perhaps much whispering abroad, and murmuring in Corners, but was there alwayes a cause? Mans Nature is apt some time to complaine for nothing, even when there is more reason to be thankfull. I will name the main particulars of offence, and let the world judge, what matter of blame, did truly arise from them un∣to the King.

1. The Bishops were cryed out upon to be too Rigorous: but* 1.139 hath not the carriages of that faction, (which the Bishops did op∣pose) since they have gotten Head, largely acquitted them of that imputation, in the judgement of all wise men? surely they forefaw the mischief which we all now feel, and did labour (as became them in their places) to prevent the same: Perhaps eve∣ry of them did not go the best way to work, nor did use such apt Instruments as the case and time required, I justifie no man in all particulars; and perhaps too, some of us, (who are now impri∣soned, banished, and divested of all we have, by this Reforming Parliament) did in those dayes suffer more molestation from some of their unworthy Officers, then many of those did, who since that time have been most revengefull. Three factious fellows had their ears clipt, by the sentence of the Lords in the Star-Chamber, and were set in the Pillory; and this was exclaimed upon for great cruelty in the Bishops, (because they (having been abused by them) did not beg their pardon;) but how truly their necks also deser∣ved the H••lter, hath well appeared by the late temper of their spirits; and the little good use they have made of that their too small, and gentle chastisement.

2. The Star-Chamber and high Commission were two great Eye-sores: for many great and heavy fines, were layd on men, (for their sins sake) in those Courts, by the Kings Nobles, and Judges; (some of whom are now great men with His greatest Enemies:) But how many of those fines did His Majesty in His tendernesse and goodnesse afterwards remit, or cause to be mi∣tigated? and since the people would so have it, He hath now

given way, (even before the Act of continuing the Parliament) that those Courts should be suppressed, and so be no more of∣fensive.

3. Many people of the Kingdome voluntarily departed hence to New-England, and this was pretended persecution, from some who differed in opinion from them (whom they called their Antichristian Enemies:) but now tis plainly apparent, (by that spi∣rit which stayed behind in some of their fellowes) that the true cause of their departure was only pride. In themselves, Cesar-like they could allow of no superiour, either in Church or State, no Bishop, no King: (perhaps, some of them might have tender Consciences through weaknesse or mis-information; and some of the plainer sort might be honest men, and went for company with the rest they knew not whither, in the simplicity of their Spirits.) But tis well known, they had all the countenance of the King and Councell, to further them in the voyage and Plan∣tation; they carryed their Wealth and Goods with them, and had supply of relief sent them, continually from this Kingdome afterward, untill this Warre caused the returne of many of them, to help forward the destruction of their native soile and Coun∣try. Indeed some are of opinion, that they went to New-England, only to learn and inure themselves to shed mans bloud, (we hear of few of the Heathens converted by them, but of many masacred:) and by accustoming themselves to slaughter Infidells, they have learned without scruple to murder Christians, & are bet∣ter proficients then the Spaniards themselves, in destroying those of their own Nation and Religion. But (as was said) when they went first from hence, they were suffered to carry their wealth with them; they were not used as they and their faction use us, who now suffer at their hands, for our Conscience and the Go∣spell sake: They take away all our goods, make us beggars, and then afterward, if they do not murder us, or starve us in prison, they banish us into strange and desolate places, with scarce cloaths on our backs to seek our fortunes.

4. Great Complaints also there was of monopolies; people payed an halfpenny more for a thousand of Pins, then they were wont to doe; and almost half a farding more, for a pound of Sope and Starch then in former times, when money was not so plentifull

and such like heavy grievances did mightily oppresse them; and made them weary of the Kings Government, because He did permit of such things. And yet the Excize upon bread and beer, and flesh and cloathes, and such like things as are sold in the mar∣ket for mans use, or spent in families, was not then set up: the * 1.140 Monopolizers durst not be so detrimental to the poor Subjects of this Kingdom, while the King had the sole power in His Hands: But since they got to be Members and Favourites of the Parlia∣ment, they with their fellowes, have (Epimetheus-like) opened this Pandor••'s Box, and let loose amongst us all those Dutch mi∣series; and (they say) the people are content to have it so; though perhaps when they have been pilled or milked a few yeares long∣ger, by these new-State men, it will be confessed that the Old Go∣vernment, (viz. that of the King) was far the better and the more easie.

5. But the greatest complaint of all, was Ship-money, Ship-mony, O that was a grievous burden indeed, not to be stood under, (for a twentieth Part, a fift Part, weekly Contributions, billetting of Souldiers, seizing on Rents, plundring of houses, cutting of throats, ravishing of women, deflowring of Virgins, and such like matters were not yet in fashion, nor yet felt or known by the people of the Kingdome; and therefore Ship-mony that was the great grievance.) But was not Ship-mony disputed and judged Legall before His Majesty did require it? And when he had re∣ceived it, did He spend it in Luxury upon Himself, or unprofitably to the damage of His Subjects? Was it not imployed for the dignity and preservation of the Nation? Were not the Ships (built therewith) the strength of the Kingdome? Were we not by meanes of them, become formidable to all about us? Surely from hence it was, that our Merchants sailed with more freedom at Sea; and their Factors did negociate with more success and re∣gard abroad; hence it was that the inhabitants by the Sea Coasts, slept more securely in their beds, the worshipers of Mahomet durst not revell so neere them, nor venture to steal their Children from them, * 1.141 as alas, of late dayes they have done: In a word, by the meanes of those ships, (had they still continued under the Kings Command) all our poor Christian Brethren had been pulled ere this, out of Bondage and Slavery from Turkish Dens,

(through Gods assistance) as diverse of them before had been: yea, and (as was noted before) all the people of this Kingdome had been interested in that so Pious and Christian a work, by such their Contributions of Ship-money: yet this was it they called their great grievance.

And thus I have shewn in brief, the main things, for which the King was clamoured against at large: Now let all the world speak, whether the Church and State were unhappy under his Go∣vernment, whether in the whole course of his Reigne, he hath not approved himself a Defender of the true Faith, a tender Father of his Country, and sincerely affected to his Protestant Subjects: And whether these men be not highly ingratefull both to God and him, for their suggesting the Contrary.

But (say they) in these Letters are things unbeseeming a Prince who professeth himselfe to be such a Defender, such a Father, and so affected, and a perfect Malignant they pronounce him to be, that denieth this or cannot see it.

SECT. XII.

1. The Adversaries industry to find somewhat unbeseeming the King in his Letters. 2. Certaine Christian Con∣siderations propounded to the Readers evidencing them to be free from any such matter. 3. Of the Adver∣saries pertinacy in their Rebellious way; their endeavours that their Kings promises might neither be beleeved nor performed.

TO which we Answer and say, That were the King but an* 1.142 ordinary man, and did we observe such things in his Letters as they pretend; yet remembring the benefits enjoyed by him, the personall vertues, shining in him, throughout the time of his pro∣sperity, we should think it disagreeing both from Christianity and Humanity to publish such our observations against him, in his adversity.

But considering him withall to be••our King, our Soveraigne,

we are confident, (if we did see any thing unbeseeming) that we are not bound to say we saw it: or to tell others of it; nor doe we indeed hold it lawfull, but rather to hide it, or to make the best of it. Apelles was not bound openly to paint Alexanders skar, it was allowable for him, to lay his finger on it: nor was that other Painter obliged plainly to paint Alphonsus wry necked, it was lawfull for him to make it so, as if he were looking up to Heaven; for Alexander, and Alphonsus were both Kings, and so is Charles, and by Gods grace shall still continue so to be, in de∣spight of all opposers.

But in our view of these his Letters, we finde that which we conceived might have made their hopes desperate of doing his Majesty hurt by their publication of them: and surely (we think) had not their confidence been great in that strong infe∣ction, which they suppose their own Notes upon them, doe carry with them; the world had never seen them: for whereas hereto∣fore, their endeavours were, to darken, and disparage the intel∣lectuall vertues of their Soveraigne, (and peradventure his Ma∣jesties easiness at first, in beleeving them to be Honest men, upon their Religious Pretences and Protestations, gave too great a fur∣therance to that designe, David upon like grounds was so decei∣ved in Achitophel.) But now these his Letters have quite dampt that business, for they discover in him such Strength of judge∣ment, such Abilities of minde, and Dexterity of parts, that we are confident in this their divulging of them, an everlasting check is given to that malignant Accusation. And now his Morall Ver∣tues onely are the Objects of their spleene, which by their tongues and pens, they hope to blemish and defile, and from these his Letters, they hope somewhat may be made use of to their assi∣stance. But what that Somewhat is, will be seen hereafter: In the mean time, I shall be bold to propose a word of advice to the Readers of these Letters, to be observed by them in their peru∣sall of them: For as my Duty doth constraine me to defend my Soveraigne, so my Conscience and Charity doth perswade me to advise my Brethren, for their good: though I know the Ene∣mies think to scare me and all men else, with the name of Ma∣lignants for performing either: these men in their impudent Notes have one speciall passage, (amongst others,) to

this purpose, (Page 46.) Their words are these,

The King wil declare nothing in favour of his Parliament, so long* 1.143 as he can find a party to maintain him in his opposition, nor perform any thing, which he hath declared, so long as he can find a sufficient party to excuse him for it.

We guess to what purpose this is spoken, viz. To intimate that all such, who (out of conscience or duty) shal indevour to vindi∣cate the King from their unjust Caluminations, and to preserve people from their snares, shal be accounted Maintainers of oppo∣sition, and excusers of sin; and as such persons they intend either secretly, or publickly to murder and massacre them: But we hope, (through Gods good grace) that neither their tongues nor their swords, shal ever terrifie us from discharging our Conscien∣ces: and we are confident that our God, whom we serve, who is the God of Peace and Truth, wil witness for us, that we neither delight in maintaining strife, nor yet in excusing sin. And for this advise which shal be propounded, let the Readers examine it, by the Gospel, and if it be not agreeable unto that, let no man follow it, or regard it: It is this,

If they meet in these Letters with any thing, which (in their* 1.144 apprehensions) seems to speak a failing on his Majesties part, in performing what he had formerly promised, (which indeed is one main thing that these King-accusers labour to fasten up∣on the Readers faith) before they imitate these his Enemies, and passe a sentence peremptory, and condemnatory against their Soveraigne, let them but consider of these three par∣ticulars.

1. Whether the King was Able to keep his word, in those things wherin he is apprehended to have failed? whether the cause of that failing, was not rather Lack of power, then want of wil? and whether his dis••oyal Subjects, (who are most apt to ac∣cuse him) were not they that robbed him of his power, and on set purpose, do stil detain it from him? Our observation of them hath been this, They wanting matter to make their King odious to the world, (as they desire he should be) did labour all they could to disable him, from doing as he had said and purposed; that so they might (upon his failing) have some pretence, to tel the people, he was perfidious, and a Promise-breaker.

2. Whether the Kings promises when first made, were not in∣tended performable only upon the Condition of their Faith and Obedience, who now tax him; and whether they have performed their duties in those particulars: we conceive that as Gods pro∣mises, so the Kings, are made upon such supposals. If ye be wil∣ling* 1.145 and obedient, (saies God) ye shal eat the good of the Land; but if ye refuse and rebel, ye shal be devoured by the sword: and again, The Lord wil be with you, while you be with him, but if ye forsake him, and walk contrary unto him, He wil forsake you, and* 1.146 walk contrary unto you. If the Kings promises should be more ab∣solute then Gods, they might be sinful; and so a sin, to keep them, though he had power: beside, faith and obedience doth not only make people capable of the thing promised, but doth also inable the party promising to make his intended goodness mani∣fest. It is said that Christ could do no mighty works, (in a certain* 1.147 * 1.148 place) because of the peoples unbelief. Did mens unbelief weaken Christs hands, and can it strengthen those of the King? I con∣ceive no man can justly tax the King of any breaches in this kind, unless they can shew, that his promises were absolute, and not∣withstanding their continuation in Rebellion and opposition a∣gainst him; or at least can name some one particular of them, (for which they took his word and waited on him, in the way of obedience) which he did not perform to the uttermost of his power.

3. Whether those men (who take such pains to have the King, accounted it in the world a Promise-breaker) be themselves free from the same crime; whether they have been precise, and punctual, in keeping all their Oaths, Promises, and Protestations made unto the King: If not, it may be suspected that their Po∣licy, is greater then their Honesty; and that they hope to cloud their own fault, by means of this dust which they raise against the King; as conceiving that men wil not be so uncivil, as to think them guilty of that which with so much mouth, and fieri∣ness of Spirit, they censure in the King. And yet (verily) ma∣ny are of opinion, that it cannot be shewn, from any story, that there was ever a like pack of perfidious wretches, under the cope of Heaven, professing the Christian Protestant Religion, that have broken more Oaths of Allegeance, Bonds of obedience, and

Protestations of Loyalty then these have done.

Again, I do further advise the Readers, that if (from any* 1.149 passages in these Letters) they shal conceive, they see in the King some failing, concerning his trust, and dependance on God; that he doth not so totally cast himself upon his strength and providence, as in their thoughts, it be seemeth the Anointed of the Lord; and as at the beginning of his troubles he resolved to do, but seems to look out for other helps, as of Forreiners, and people of another Religion, which (in their apprehensions) is not so proper for him (a Protestant Prince) to make use of: Yet be∣fore they passe a rigorous censure against him, (after the man∣ner of these men) Let them also consider of these three par∣ticulars.

1. That the King is in the state of Mortality, and so hath frailties in him as wel as others: Nor was it ever known, that Faith was at all times alike strong, and lively in the best believers; somtime they have relied wholy upon God: but somtimes a∣gain they have been ful of doubtings, specially when afflictions have bin hard upon them, and God seemed to stand afar off. Da∣vid at some time thought that God had quite cast him off, and* 1.150 forgotten him; though somtime again, he could say, that God was his salvation; and when Peter that great Apostle felt himself sin∣king,* 1.151 his Faith failed him: Now considering how tedious, bitter, and heavy the Kings afflictions have bin, we (who are more frail) should rather magnifie and admire the strength of Gods grace in him; that hath supported him so far, and so long, then condemn him for his weakness; the best of us, (perhaps) had despaired, and bin distracted or dead long ere this, under the like continu∣ance of a far lesse burden.

2. That necessity is a Tyrant, and forceth men beyond their wils, and purposed inclinations, and therfore Seneca wel, Mag∣num imbecillitatis nostrae patrocinium necessitas, quae omnem legem frangit, it breaks all laws, and resolutions, and thrusts a man with a kind of Authority into by-paths: it did David, when (notwith∣standing Gods particular promise to settle him in the Throne of the Kingdom, and after a large and frequent experience of Gods delivering him from Sauls rage) he said, I shal one day* 1.152 perish by the hand of Saul; and thereupon used (that which is

now counted an indirect mean) for his preservation, the help of Forreiners, and men of another Religion: He sought protection from Achish king of Gath; and indeed behaved himself in his court (being there also put to his shifts) somwhat unseemly. And* 1.153 so Abraham notwithstanding God had promised him his special guard, wherupon he had the more reason to be confident, and to* 1.154 depend upon him, yet being in a strait, to save his life, used an un∣direct mean two several times, and hazarded the loss of his Wives Honour.

Our King hath had no such personal and special promises of Gods preservation, as those holy men had, therfore if he had bin so weak in faith, (as some wil happily apprehend him) yet had he shewn himself therein, but the son of David, the son of Abraham. It would doubtless better become the best of us, to pray with the* 1.155 Psalmist, Let not the rod of the wicked, lie alway upon the back of the Righteous, lest the righteous put forth his hand unto wickedness; then to condemn or censure a righteous Prince, for his putting forth his hand for forrein help, in a cause of this nature, when he is in danger to be deprived both of life and Kingdom: but more of this hereafter.

3. Let it be remembred how highly guilty of hiring, and im∣polying forrein aid, these his Accusers with their faction are, who oppose his Majesty: notwithstanding that great strength of ships, arms, wealth and men, which are at home under their Command, they have the aid of all men, whomsoever they can get or hire, to help them in spoyling the King, they called in the Scottish Nation to this purpose, and it is wel known by divers where * 1.156 neer thirty of their men being at once taken together Prisoners, were found upon examination to be of six several Na∣tions, and all Papists: wherfore then, may not the King fight with his Enemies at their own weapons, and oppose strangers to strangers, Papists to Papists? Is it so great a sin in him to use such men, and are they no whit to be blamed for the same thing? may not he with as much dependance upon God, do in his necessity, what they do in the midst of plenty? may they imploy forrein aid to thrust him out of his inheritance, and may not he with as good leave make use of the like, to keep the possession of what God hath given him? surely upon this consideration, if the King

for his part, be worthy of censure, they also deserve a portion of the same Condemnation: no honest man but is of this judg∣ment.

This is that advice which I propound to the indifferent Rea∣ders; and which I conceive to be most agreeable to Christs Go∣spel: if they now please to follow it, they may (through Gods blessing) not only be kept out of a sinful path, but also have bet∣ter satisfaction, in the matter discoursed upon, then they are likely to receive from these Annotators, whom I write against; for these High-boys say plainly, that all such who are not of their opinion, are perfect Malignants, and not worthy of any reply or satisfaction, at all in this point, viz. at their hands. And they further proceed, saying,

Our Cause is stil the same, as it was when the King first took Arms,* 1.157 and as it was when the King made most of these Oaths and Professi∣ons. Our three Propositions concerning the Abolition of Episcopa∣cy, the Setling the Militia of the three Kingdoms in good hands, by the advise of Parliament, the Vindication of the Irish Rebels be∣ing all our main demands at the Treaty in February last, and no o∣ther then the Propositions sent in June 1642. before any stroak struck wil bear us witness, that we rather have straitned, then enlarged our Complaints. But were our case altered, as it is not, or were we worse Rebels then formerly, &c.

These words are added to evidence their former, And the Ar∣gument in them stands thus,

If our Cause be stil the same as at the Beginning, and our selves as bad Rebels as we were at first, then the King is such a one as we do repute him, or would have him believed to be, and those that think better of him are perfect Malignants, and as unwor∣thy of future satisfaction, as we judge them; But our Cause is stil the same, as it was at the first, and we are as bad Rebels as at the beginning, Ergo.

The Minor in this syllogisme we shal easily grant: But did we not understand how unworthy we are in their account of any reply, we should be bold to deny the Major: For we conceive not, how either the unalterableness of their Cause, or their per∣sistency in maintaining it, can prove the King (who opposeth both it and them) to be as they report him. Indeed if their re∣ports

of him were of a clean contrary nature to what they are, the Argument might wel stand, for the longer he perseveres to resist Rebellion, and rebellious men, the more fully doth he ap∣prove himself according to his Title and Profession, The De∣fender of the true Faith, and a tender Father of his Country; for the continuance of their cause, and of them in their way, speaks a con∣tinuance, if not an increase of their strength, and this must needs infer a decrease of the Kings Power, because what they have is taken from him: and the Kings weakness affords an opportunity of shewing his own true worth. He being debarred of outward assistance and supportments, is separated from that, which makes disfigured Monsters look handsomly. Patience is a more substan∣tial virtue then temperance, and he that endures famishing with∣out alteration, hath more virtue, then he that comes from a feast without a surfeit.

But I wil not spend words to them that list not to reply, wherfore desiring all men to observe the simpleness and insuffi∣ciency of their Argument, for the proof of what they would have it; I shal shew the reason why their Cause is stil the same as at the beginning, when the King first took up Arms in his own defence. It is (in a word) because themselves are stil the same. Trait••rs, Heady, High-minded, lovers of themselves, (of their own lusts and wils) more then of God, their King and Coun∣try; nor indeed, can men ever love, where they have cause to fear: they must stil mistrust, without all hope of reconciling whom they have injured beyond all remedy of amends; Injuri∣am qui tulit oblivisci potest, qui fecit nunquam; though the King in his goodness may forgive, yet they in their guiltiness cannot believe: and therfore they are stil the same men, and their Cause is stil the same.

Besides, they have entang••ed themselves in such a labyrinth of mischiefs, as (in their own apprehensions) they have no place left of acknowledging their error, without a total ruine, both of their Estates and Persons, therfore also having learned the wisdome of Spes quis{que} sibi, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they are stil the same men, and their cause is stil the same.

And moreover too, should they deny themselves in the least particular, or retract an hairs breadth from their first position,

what a Jealousie might it breed in peoples heads of their infalli∣bility? how easily might those whom they have led all this while on the blind side, suspect them also erronious in other matters? and so might they come to be despised in those minds, wherin hitherto they have been enshrined with all devotions. Peoples love is commonly according to their hope, it grows and fades with it; therfore should their hopes in these new State-men be∣gin to fail, their love towards them might fail too; yea, and perhaps be turned into hatred of them; and so people returning to their former Loyalty, might force those grand Imposters (that have seduced them) to yeild up the Militia to its right owner, and betake themselves to the due order of their predecessours in former Parliaments, which to do, as yet they have no intention, and therfore are stil the same men, and their Cause is stil the same, as at the first, when they forced their Soveraign in his own defence, to make use of those few Arms his friends brought him, even to maintaine that breath, which God had given him.

At which time to disswade (if possible) from this un natu∣ral War, which he saw they did intend, (and foresaw, would be destructive to his poor Subjects) the King endevoured to heal their ulcered minds with all Princely favours, and true shews of trust; to which purpose, he made many of those promises, which they reckon up (in a reproachful way, as not performed by him) at the end of their notes; and wanting other means to manifest further the reality of his heart, in those his professions, (they having robbed him of all his power) he did for their very sakes, (that they might have the more assured confidence) confirm his promises with an Oath; but they being otherwise resolved (as now appears) would themselves believe neither; nor would they (so much as in them lay) suffer any others to credit any thing which the King did say or swear. How many loyally disposed Ministers did they imprison, and take their livings from, only for endevouring to make their Soveraigns honest mind known unto his Subjects, by publishing his Declarations (upon his Com∣mand) to that purpose? And how many times also did them∣selves set forth perverse notes, and contradictory glosses, upon the Kings Books, that so the people might learn from them, to mis∣construe

his sincere and good intentions. Indeed because they were but new State-men, many of us thought it rather an ignorance in them of wars miseries, then any resolved purpose of acting Nero, in destroying their own Mother Church and Nation, which cau∣sed them at first to take up Arms; for though an easie Capacity might foresee that they could do nothing by such an enterprise, but increase their own sins, and the sins of the Kingdom; yet we were willing to lend what charity we could to the worst handed undertaking; but their persistency in their savage course makes us now fear, that even Ahab-like they strook at first of all, a Cove∣nant with Hel it self, and sold themselves to work wickedness. But (alas, alas!) besides their losse of Christ and God, what wil they purchase hereby to themselves? not the Titles of Fathers of their Country, as they might have done, had they behaved themselves accordingly, and believed their Soveraign: But Masters of a slaughtery wil they be called, because they delight so much in the slaughtery of mankind: Posterity wil judge them to have bin Sa∣tans darlings in their generation: the fore-men of his shop, whom he imployed to act his most glorious Stratagems, his generosa sce∣lera, his choicest villanies; his divina mysteria iniquitatis, his di∣vine mysteries of iniquity: Indeed they have (Manasseh-like) fil∣led* 1.158 the Nation with innocent bloud, and made the whole Land a* 1.159 very Acheldama or field therof: And oh that it would please the Judge of all the world to deal with them, as he did with that Manasseh, bring them into Bonds and Chains, that so if possible they might be humbled, as he was, before they go hence and be no more; but I return to them.

It is yeilded (as they see) that 'twas the truth they spake, when they said, their Cause was stil the same, as when the King first took Arms, and as when he made most of his Oaths and professions. And so in like sort is our God the same stil, as when the King was first at Nottingham, and there set up his Standerd: But they tel us further, to their former purpose, that their demands at the Trea∣ty in February, were no other then those sent in June, 1642. before any stroke struck. Which Argument they repeat over the second time, in the 53. Page of their notes, to the same end also; our de∣mands (say they) at Uxbridge in February 1644. were the very same as they were in June 1642. (indeed they are as bold, as high,

as unreasonable to the full: Ergo, (say they,) The King hath no reason to look upon us now, any otherwise then as he did then. All this is very true; who denyes it? these men (sure) love to dispute with their own shadows: The King had cause to look upon them then, as he doth now; though now he hath cause to express him∣self further against them, then he did then: It is the course which God himself takes when people Rebell against him: He endea∣uours at first to reduce them by promises, and allurements unto obedience; but if they slight, and contemn these, and oppose him the more for his lenity and goodness, he then useth to express himself with more wrath and severity against them, and hath rea∣son for it, we doe not apprehend that the King can transgress, (whatever these wise men say,) so long as he walks in the way of God; though he did not call them by their proper name at first, yet now he may.

But for this their Argument, which they seeme (by their often use of it) to be so proud of; had they any true touch or tast of Christianity in them, they would blush to use it. The Propositions are the same now as they were two or three years agoe; scil••ful as high, full as unreasonable; and is this to their commendation? Is it to their praise, that the shedding of so much Christian bloud, hath wrought no Remorse at all in them? no obedience at all to Gods word, (which commands, if possible, to live peaceably with all men?) no submission to their King, who hath so often wooed them with the tenders of mercy, and pardon to be quiet? No Humanity, no Piety to their poor native Countrey, that lyes a bleeding to de∣struction? is this a matter to be gloryed in now, that they are still as stiffe as ever? as far from practicing the first lesson in Christs Schoole, (the point of self-denyall,) as if they had never heard one word of Christianity? surely this their glory will one day be their shame; and God grant it may so be, before the great day, that then (if possible) they may find mercy.

Truely this their impenitency, and hardnesse of heart, may af∣ford us great matter of Admiration; that neither all the bloud that is shed, nor Gods protection of the Kings person among so many treasons and dangers; from their malice, and against such multitudes of men, who both by secret treacheryes, open Hosti∣lityes, foul mouthes, black pens, and bloudy hands, have endea∣voured

his ruine: Nor yet those remarkable judgements, up∣on Brook, Hampden, and Hotham, three of the first instruments of motion in this Rebellion; together with many other Notable Accidents of Gods providence upon many other of their Associ∣ates: * 1.160 I say it may well be matter of amazement to us, that none of these things have been able to worke any touch of Con∣science, or alteration unto good in them; pray God (therefore) they be not given up to a Reprobate sense, and that the seal of dam∣nation be not set upon them.

Indeed (they say) they have rather straitned then enlarged their Complaint, (of which this their libellous, and defamatory book is a sufficient witnesse) their propositions also they have straitned from 19, to 3. but it is proportione Arithmeticâ non Geometricâ, for these three containe in them fully as much as those 19, and more if possible. Well, but what be these 3. Propositions which they now stick so close unto? themselves say, they are these in their order.

The first concernes the Abolition of Episcopacy, (or pulling down of the Church.)

The second concerns the settling the Militia of the Kingdome in good hands by the advice of the Parliament, (or the pulling down of the Kingdome, or Kingly state.)

The third concernes the Vindication of the Irish Rebells, (or the full completion of a perfect Babell.) Indeed the method is rightly suted, for the restauration of a Chaos. First down with a well go∣verned Church, then with a wel-ordered State, and then a Butcher∣ly confusion follows presently, not onely in one, but in all places. But I shall take the boldness to make a few queres about the par∣ticulars.

SECT. XIII.

1. Of their Propositions at Uxbridge: Foure Pretences for their Abolition of Episcopacy. 2. Four true Rea∣sons of that their sinfull request.

1. WHy the Abolition of Episcopacy? Was not their pre∣tence and promise at first to make the Church Glori∣ous, and according to the Pattern of Primitive times? and was not the Church then Governed by Bishops? Was not the Do∣ctrine and Discipline of this particular Church, settled here in King Edwards dayes by Bishops, (who sealed the same after∣ward with their bloud?) and hath ever any particular Nationall Church so flourished, as this hath here done under that Govern∣ment? did the first establishers of any other Ecclesiasticall Disci∣pline, ever give so reall and substanciall a Testimony of confirmati∣on as these did, to what they had in this kind done? Or was their work ever approved with a like measure of Gods blessing? Hath ever any one Church since the Ascension of our Saviour, brought forth in four-score years space, so many learned men, defenders of verity, and oppugners of Antichristianity? So many able Prea∣chers and expounders of holy Writ? so many knowing Christians, and well gifted people of all sorts, as the Church of England hath done, under the Government of Episcopacy? And must it now be abolished in all haste? For what causes I pray? Pretences they have, which we will first consider on; and their true reasons af∣terward.

1. They say, because tis Impious, Unlawfull and Antichristi∣an: Were then those Martyr Bishops, Cranmer, Ridly, Hooper, La∣timer, Farrer, all Antichristian? Were Jewell, Downam, An∣drews, Abbot, King, and many others of that Order, (that writ against Antichrist) all themselves Antichristian? Must Gods Wisdome now receive a check for suffering his Church to flourish thus long under a Government Antichristian? Will this new Generation undertake to teach the Almighty also, to rule his

Flock and Family, (better then He hath hitherto done) by their Abolition of Episcopacy? Indeed some of them have taught, that Hierarchie it self was Antichrist, though Scripture speaking of An∣tichrist, calls him a man of sin; not a sinful Order, (if Hierarchy were any such thing) but no marvail that those who think they can teach God himself, do take upon them to contradict the Scripture.

O but (say they) the Romish Religion is Antichristian, and the Government of that Church is by Episcopacy: And yet this Govern∣ment is more Ancient then that Religion (as now professed) and therefore that Religion cannot make it Antichristian: Nor is that Church Antichristian because of that Government; but ra∣ther because the precepts of men there, (like our Ordinances of Parliament here) are preferred before the Word of God. The Bishops there are called Antichristian, because (like our men of Westminster) they are such abrogators of, and such dispensers with Gods Lawes, and such tyrannous exactors and importuners of their owne: Because (like them) they are (or have been at least some of them) so treacherous in their pretences, so barbarous in their executions, so contrary in their doings, to the meek and milde Doctrine of Christs Gospell, breathing forth cruelty, fire and sword against those that are not of their own opinion, though no otherwise offending them, then in their desiring to amend them: Because they are in their conditions, so like unto those that would from amongst us abolish Episcopacy, therefore are the Bi∣shops in the Romish Church called Antichristian, and for no other reason.

Their Second Argument or pretence why Episcopacy must be* 1.161 Abolished, is, because (say they) all other Reformed Churches have abolished Bishops, and till we have abolished them too, Refor∣mation will not be perfect in this Nation. This Reason is false; Or were it true, yet the conclusion from it, is most untrue: The Churches in Denmark, Swevia, and Poland do retaine Episcopacy, after the manner of the Greek and Russian Churches, and those of Africk, and the Easterne Countries. And for those parti∣cular Churches that have abolished that Government, it is first to be enquired, (before there be a conformity to their practice) whether therein they have done well, or no, and whether since that time, they have thrived better without it, then we have done

that have enjoyed it. If it be remembred, what is recorded to be said, at the meeting at Dort to our English Divines, by some of them, that were sent thither from those other reformed Churches, concerning their own unhappiness, in respect of the want of such an Episcopal Government as ours was, and concerning our Chur∣ches felicity in its enjoyment therof; perhaps it would be con∣cluded, that this similitude aymed at with other Churches, is on∣ly in misery and imperfections, and that those other so admired Churches come short of ours, in perfection of Reformation, and not ours of them; and of this opinion (doubtless) were those wise and learned Divines of the Religion (as they are called) in France, who petitioned the Cardinal Richlieu (as I have heard credibly reported) that they might be permitted to have Bishops over their Congregations; But he answered, No, for then you would have at least the face of a Church among you.

That learned Gentleman Sir Edwin Sands, tels us in his Eu∣ropae Speculum, that the Papists are more awed with the Reformation of Religion in England, then with that in any other Country, and have bin (says he) more busie in their attempts against our Church, as conceiving it to be most perfect of any other, in regard of that peace∣able and orderly alteration introduced therein, which was not (says he) in a tumultuous headlong way, as was that in other Churches, but by the general consent of the Prince and Realm, representatively as∣sembled in solemn Parliament, as also in regard of the continuation of the Government by Bishops, and vocation of Ministers, which the in∣considerate weakness of other Churches did not retain, or rather the violent wickedness of profane men, (coveting the Churches possessi∣ons) would not suffer. Thus he.

But now we have (amongst our selves) some above-board, who (it seemes) are resolved, though with the destruction of Church and Kingdome, to free the Papists from their Ancient dread; they will have all things here, as they are and have been in other Churches: that former orderly Reformation, which did so awe the Adversary, shall be over-done, and made perfect by an heady tu∣multuous innovation; our Government by Bishops shall be quite abolished even root and branch; and all the Churches Revenues shall be imployed to prophane uses; that so we may be fully con∣formable to other Reformed Churches, this is the issue of their se∣cond Argument.

Their 3. Pretence to the same purpose is this, Bishops must be* 1.162 abolished, because they have been (specially of late) such enemies un∣to, and Persecutors of Gods People, viz. those of their Faction. For (as if they were all Kings of China) they ingrosse to themselves the title of Filios Coeli, Gods Children, Heires of Heaven, with exclusion of all, that be not of their opinions, I pray God they may prove so at last: but as yet (sure we are) their actions pro∣claim them to be Filios inferni rather.

The Bishops, in regard of their office and place in the Church, were bound in Conscience, as they would answer it to God and the King, to suppresse Schisme, to keep down Faction and Rebelli∣on, and to punish those that were Seditious; and they apprehen∣ding (from some strange positions vented in Pulpits, and from the refractorinesse which they found in some spirits, unto the Government established) that some great mischief was in hatch∣ing, did endeavour to hinder the sowing of that seed, which hath brought forth these bitter fruits, which now (alas!) this whole Nation feeds upon, and weepes under. Now because they would not sleep, and suffer those envious ones to scatter their tares into peoples Hearts, so quietly as some desired, therefore they open the mouth against them, as against the Enemies and Persecutors of Gods People. Perhaps (as was said before) every particular of the Bishops might not be so wary and considerate, in the ma∣nagement of what they did, as had they known the event of things they would have been: and perhaps too, they imployed some persons of too course or base an Alloy, to act in the busi∣nesse, who pulled up Wheat and Tares together, or peradventure sometime, and in some places the Wheat alone, and not the Tares at all; and so the Bishops good intendments became scandalous, by the ilnesse of their instruments: But I beleeve now, (experi∣ence hath taught it to all sober men) that it will be confessed, the Bishops were not such great persecutors of Gods People, or Hunters of Christs Flocke as was so loudly voyced, but rather good Shepheards that endeavoured to keep under those ravenous wolves, who now so much destroy it. Ask but the Country Far∣mer, and even he will now tell you, that since the Abolition of Epis∣copacy, hath been in hand, Christs Sheep and his, have had but un∣safe and unquiet pasturage, in compare with that, which they en∣joyed

formerly; and thus have we seen the strength of their 3. Pretence or Argument.

A 4. followes and tis this, Episcopacy must be abolished, be∣cause* 1.163 it hinders the punishment of sinne, in that brotherly way, which suits with Christs rule in the Gospell, which sayes, if thy brother* 1.164 offend, first, tell him of it in private between him and thee, if he doe not reform, then carry two or three with thee, and admonish him the second time; if he will not yet hear, then Dic Ecclesiae, tell it to the Church, and make a publike manifestation of his wickedness. But by the abolition of Episcopacy, this discipline of Christ shall be set up; mens reputation may be saved, and their monies too, (which is needlesly spent in Bishops Courts) and people may be kept in good awe without charges.

So they say: And the Warre they have raised to punish Delin∣quents, doth sufficiently discover their brotherly way: but not to insist upon that; let us consider how well they have begun to put their discipline in execution with particulars. First, in the publi∣cation of their so much studyed, and unmannerly Remonstrance against the King, they begun their discipline at the wrong end, even at Dic Ecclesiae, or at Dic Mundo rather, before they so much as touched upon a first or second Admonition: Yea, and though His Majesty before-hand, by his suppressing offensive Courts, and establishing a ••rienniall Parliament, had largely te∣stified His resolution of rectifying what was amiss, had the things been true which they Charged upon him.

And 2. how Ecclesiastically have they dealt with him now also, in their divulging these his Letters, whereby they have done their worst to make him accounted an Heathen and a Publican, with∣out ever so much as the least hint or brotherly Admonition before hand. But perhaps they'l say the King is a singular person, and considering the state of opposition, wherein at this present he stands with them, (or they with him;) he is not worthy or capa∣ble of any such respect at their hands. Let us consider therefore, how fairly they have proceeded with others, and how according unto Discipline.

And to this purpose let us but remember one particular which was before mentioned, viz. how at their first meeting, when they took from the Bishops power of punishing sinne; they

made a kinde of a publick, O yes, to the whole Kingdome, and put the same in print, that none might plead ignorance of it, and sent it into all parts and corners of the Land; whereby they in∣vited all the Raskality of the Nation, to bring up to Westminster all the complaints they would or could against the Ministers of Jesus; which were there received with all alacrity and cheerful∣ness, though never so false or so malitious: and in their open Committees, the man in the Chaire would give the Title of Sir, and Master at every word to the basest beggerliest villaine, that had but the fore-head to come before them, and act the Devills part against his Minister: and sometimes also on the other side, he would rattle up and be-Sirrah the Messenger of the Lord, before the rabble; and all this before any first or second Admo∣nition; yea perhaps, before they knew upon proof whether he were guilty of any fault or no; onely they saw somewhat writ∣ten against him in a paper.

And then further yet, lest the negligent world, should chance to forget in after-Ages, this remarkable Act of Zeal and Dis∣cipline in them, concerning the Reformation of the Clergy: One John White, (then a choice Member of the Lower House, though now gone to his proper place) did make a Book, and Authorized it his own self, wherein the said presentments (though never proved) were transmitted to posterity, and this was his Dic Ecclesiae. And to the end, that forreigne Nations also, as well as the Children yet unborne, might the more fully note, and know, the Christianity of these Abolishers of Episcopacy, they Authori∣zed in like manner one William Prin, (a dear friend we may be sure of the Bishops) to write an History in two volumes, (beside his Commentary upon the Ar••••-Bishops Note-Booke) wherein all the obliquities of the Bishops that were whispered, or could possibly be invented, were at large recorded, which was a Dic Ecclesiae to the purpose.

If Prin had made good use of that great Reading, which he would the world should thinke him guilty of, he might have re∣membred that the Ancient Councells, when they deprived any Bishop, never recorded the off••••ce, but buried it in perpetuall si∣lence. Or had reason bore any sway in him, though things ••lameworthy had been in the Bishops, yet to ascend from their

persons, unto their calling, and to draw that into question, he would have judged it high Injustice; but for those his Books, I leave him to the torture of his owne Conscience: when he writ them, he was (surely) in that his Tartarean Extasie, which his brother John Goodwin affirmes him to be sometimes in, and then (sayes he) he speaks the Dialect of Dragons. And (by the way) that the world may the better know him, let but the Testimony be re∣membred, which the said learned brother of his, gives publickly of him: Since the mountains (saith he) * 1.165 were brought forth and setled, it may probably be thought, that there was never any son of Adam, whose pen made a broader digression, from that Christian brotherly way, which himself speaks of, then his own; for look as low as the earth is beneath the Heavens, so far is Mr. Prins way of dealing with his friends beneath that which is Christian and brotherly: (and if so, we cannot suppose him, to deale better with those, whom he ac∣counteth his enemies) He can spie Beares and Tigres, Lyons and Dragons, where other men can see nothing but Doves and Sheep; and hath eyes given him to condemn all the world beside of blindnesse; this is the very Testimony which John Goodwin one of the Parlia∣ment Ministers giveth to the world of William Prin; and He pro∣fesseth* 1.166 solemnly withall, that himself can hardly refrain, from ta∣king a solemn Vow, and protestation, in the sight of God, Angels and men, to have no more to doe with him, either in word or deed, untill He turnes Christian: But (as I said before) I leave him to the torture of his own Conscience, as well as to John Goodwins censure, and return to my proper business.

I remember the fore-named Sir Edwin Sands in his fore-men∣tioned discourse, tells us, that when he writ the said book, (which is above 50. years ago,) the Papists, (in their hatred against the Church of England) did give out, that they had a Booke in hand of the lives of the Ministers of England, viz. of defamation against them: if that Booke be not yet out, (as for ought I know it is not, for want of matter perhaps to make up, or strength to bring forth:) they may now spare themselves the labour, for John White and William Prin by strong Authority, have done the work for them; and with as perfect spight and vilenesse, as the worst of them could possibly have done it.

I wish with my soule that dissolute and corrupt Ministers, upon

sufficient testimony of their guilt, had in a d••e and orderly way, received exemplary punishment, to expiate the scandall and re∣proach, which by their meanes hath been cast upon our Holy Of∣fice and function: but undoubtedly the course which Prin and White have taken, and which these Abolishers of Bishops, have countenanced them in, is most base and beggerly; and altogether unworthy ingenuous and true Noble spirits: Sure, had their de∣lights been, to have soared on high, in the pure and candid paths of verity, they would have disdained in that sort, to have raked in the puddles of obscenity: but in that to their basenesse of dis∣coveryes, they have added Injustice too, and suffered Malice to prefer, Spight to increase, and Slander to taint, all that was done in this nature; they have deservedly purchased to themselves a place, with the grand Calumniatour himself, whose title is, The ••••cuser of the Brethren.

And thus we have seen what their grand pretences are, for their Abolition of Episcopacy: now we shall note their true reasons which are these, some say,

1. Because Episcopall Government, confines people, (as Gods* 1.167 word doth) to the Bonds of Wedlock, and punisheth those that vitiate themselves in forbidden pathes, by ordering them to stand in a White sheet, or to pay a good sum of money for a Commu∣tation: Yea some persons of place and note in the world, (who think it no shame to commit folly, but to be reproved for it) are liable to suffer rebuke, and so disgrace, (as they take it) for their wantonnesse; if Bishops continue still Honourable and in esteem amongst us, (for the outward dignity of the reprover adds much vigour to the reproof with some men:) Wherefore that people might be free, and enjoy their Liberty without check or Controule, the Persons of Bishops must be vili••ied, their Estates and revenews taken away from them, and their Jurisdiction from henceforth quite abolished.

Indeed it makes all modest men blush to hear what Harlottry and filthiness is voiced to be practiced and countenanced (even by them that would be esteemed the Reformers of our Church and Nation,) since the Courts which punished that sin have been suppressed, (notwithstanding Gods heavy judgements upon the Nation ever since;) nor must men now speak their minds freely,

for feare of being accounted disaffected persons, Enemies to the State, and to the Priviledges of Parliament: But as Saint Paul said in his time to the Corinthians, so I must say (for I am Gods Minister) to those above board in these dayes, I hear there is such f••••nication committed, and such filthyness suffered to goe unpuni∣shed amongst you, as is not to be named among Saints, much less to be connived at, by them that would be esteemed members of the High and Supreame Court of Justice. It was not thus when Epis∣copacy was in force, nor when Bishops had their place in Par∣liament: O might there but come forth an Ordinance to warrant and encourage all men to bring in Complaints against Bawds, Panders and Harlots, with their abetters and maintainers, (as there was once to invite all that would, to bring in accusations against Gods Ministers,) the world might haply see, or heare some new Centuryes of ill livers, yea, and proofs too into the bargain: Yea perhaps they might hear how some unworthy Members have attempted to ravish and defloure Ladies of Ho∣nour, and no punishment inflicted for the same; How some o∣thers neglected their own wives, have kept divers lewd women, yea, and allow yearely pensions to filthy Bawds to furnish them with such Commodities, for the satisfying their brutish lusts, and base appetites: How some have defloured young Virgins whose Parents (in respect of their abused Children) are unwilling to publish their dishonour to the world: How some, having com∣mitted this vile wickedness with young Gentle-women, have used, (or advised) to meanes to hinder conception, yea and to destroy the fruit in the wombe when conceived, (which I beleeve in the sight of God is no lesse then rank murder.) How some (ha∣ving undone Gentlemen of good quality, by taking away their estates,) have taken advantage of the poverty of their Children, and allured their daughters (personable and proper women) un∣to their own basenesse, to the losse of their Honours and preci∣cious Soules for ever; (and to continue in these courses without controule is thought by many, to be one of the chief designes which divers of these new reformers ayme at;) I say, these and many such like things might haply be evinenced to some mens shame (if they have any left in them,) might but as free leave and Countenance be granted to impeach such persons, as was once to

accuse Gods Ministers: Well, some men imagine this to be one* 1.168 reason of the Abolition of Episcopacy; that the Fathers of Gods Church might not have power to punish and suppress such kind of offenders.

2. Because Episcopacy is the upholder of truth and order: this is evident enough to be another reason: themselves cannot deny, that the same was first ordained & established in the Church, for a Remedy against Heresies, Sects, and Schismes, (which even in the Primitive times began to spring up among Christians; the Smectymnists themselves confesse this) and also for the main∣taining of Order and Decency in Gods worship and service: wher∣fore truth and order, being the things which these men purpose to suppresse and destroy, (as appeares by that in-let, which they have given to all false Doctrines and Teachers, and by that confu∣sion, which they have set up in all places;) therefore a necessity lyes upon it, Episcopacy must be Abolished, as being a main obstructi∣on to that their intendment or undertaking: This is the second.

3. Because Episcopacy is a great friend to Monarchy, a maine supporter of it. King James upon experience and observation was wont to say, No Bishop, no King; which saying, those that found most fault with it, do now endeavour to make good unto the full, for they intend the utter destruction of Monarchy in this Kingdome, (as will appeare by their words anon) a form of Go∣vernment indeed, which their Faction have alway maligned and laboured to destroy: King James in his Basilicon Doron, pag. 4. (which he made before he was King of England) complaines of the men of this faction, then in Scotland, how they did use to ca∣lumniate him in their popular Sermons, not (sayes he) for any evill or vice in me, but because I am a King, which they think the Highest evill: and againe, they informed (saies he) the people that Kings and Princes, were naturall enemies to the Liberty of the Church, and could never patiently beare the yoake of Christ, (which hath been the very Doctrine of these times.) Wherefore that wise King was most specially carefull all his dayes, to countenance and esta∣blish Episcopacy in all His Kingdomes; not onely as the main pre∣server of Religion, but also as the speciall upholder of Monarchie; and he layes it as a charge upon his Son, to imitate him therein. And indeed these innovators know full well, that they cannot

bring their designes to effect against Monarchy, without the Abo∣lition of Episcopacy▪ for this keeps downe those unruly fiery spi∣rits of the Ministry, which are used as chief incendiaries in all State-Combustions; this restraines them from reproaching their betters, and Speaking evill of Dignities; this maintaines that Com∣mon form of Prayer in this Church established; by the use whereof as by a daily Sermon of obedience, peoples hearts are seasoned with Duty and Loyaltie; in that they are taught continually * 1.169 to acknowledge God to be the onely Ruler of Princes, and the Kings Heart to be in Gods Hand, who alone must be sought unto, to guide and dispose the same; in that also we are all taught (as we are subjects) daily to consider, that it is Gods Authority which the King hath; and that we are faithfully to serve, Honour, and humbly obey Him in God, and for God, Viz. because God hath so com∣manded, and because He is in Gods own stead by his appointment, and ordination over the people. And by many other such like Divine and Godly expressions, people are taught in their use of that book, to make profession of their Duty & Loyaltie unto their Prince, all which make directly against these men, and their de∣signes; therefore Episcopacy the upholder of this book (as the main impediment to their Project) down, & the Common-prayer Book too, without any reason * 1.170 at all alleadged on their parts, that take up∣on them to be the Abolishers. In a word, Episcopacy with her Common-Prayer Book, will not admit Treason to stand in the first rank of Christian vertues, (as these new-Reformers would have it) nor be held the fairest, and shortest way to Heaven; Ergo, She and that too must be both Abolished; to make way for the downfall of Monarchy, in this late most flourishing and happy Kingdom: This is the third Reason.

The 4. is, because the King at His Coronation, did take a Solemne Oath to maintain Episcopacy, it being the Government then esta∣blished in the Church; and the endeavours of these men are not only to destroy the Kings Honour, by their Tongues and Pens; His Body and Estate by their violence and oppression: but also His Soul (if they can possibly) by forcing upon Him, the guilt of perjury; which if they could effect, beside that unappeaseable grief, (which in so tender a Conscience as the Kings is) they know they should create, they would also purchase to themselves, an

Argument for confirmation of those their slanders already cast out against him, to the same purpose, viz. that he is regardlesse of keeping his Oath and Promise. And besides too, if they can make him their Instrument, to ruine the Church of God, (which he loves so dearly) and to destroy Monarchy and Kingly Government, whereby himself and his posterity are supported: if they can make him their Agent to ruine himself, it will speake them ad∣mirable gifted, and to have out-gone all the Machivillians that ever were before them: most worthy therefore, and fit to enjoy the Supremacy in the State, and to be feared of all people.

And then further yet, if they can get the King at their motion, to Abolish Episcopacy, they shall occasion him to break the Charge which his Father layed upon him to the contrary in his Basilicon Doron, which he calls his Testament: The Charge and Caveat there given, is in these words: Take heed (my sonne) of those Pu∣ritan••* 1.171 which aime ••t a parity, who are the very pests in Church and Common-wealth, whom no deserts can oblige, no Oathes or promises binde, they breathe nothing but Calumny and Sedition, aspiring with∣out measure, railing without reason, and making their own imagina∣tions (without warrant of the Word) the square of their Conscience. I protest before the Great God, (and since I am here, as upon my Testament, tis no place for me to lie in) that you shall never finde with any Hye land or Border-theeves, greater ingratitude, more lies, and viler perjuries, then with these phanatick spirits: And suffer not the Principals of them to brooke your Land, if ye like to sit at rest, except you would keep them for to trye your Patience, as Socrates did an evill wife.

These were the words of the Kings Father, wherefore should His Majesty let these men, with his good will and approbation be principall in the Church, and yeild for this purpose, to their desires in abolishing Episcopacy? God (doubtless) would be much offended with him, for not minding the Commandement of his Father: Yea, and peradventure too, these his tempters would goe neer afterward, to suggest unto his Subjects, (for they have mouth and fore-head enough to do it) that the King like his Pre∣decessour, Edward the second, had neglected to observe his Fathers Testament, and therefore (as one under Gods curse) ought meritori∣ously

to be dealt withall, as Edward the second was first deposed, and then put to death, and so would they make use of that Act of his, in fortifying themselves another way, to do him a further mis∣chief: but God we trust will prevent them, and guide him.

And thus we have seen the true reasons of their first Propositi∣on concerning Abolition of Episcopacy: And we hope if His Maje∣sty be forced as Henry the third was, to subscribe to any thing a∣gainst his will, he will do as some of the Martyrs have don in a like straite; first of all require of them that urge these unreasonable propositions upon him, (before he signes them) to imprecate pub∣likely, and in a solemn manner upon themselves and posterities, all the demerit of guilt and sin, which shall be incurred at Gods Hand by such a subscription. If their Consciences think there be no sinne in the matter, they will easily doe it; but if they re∣fuse, it will manifestly appear to the whole world that they are most devillishly minded thus to presse the King to things un∣lawfull.

In the next place they require the settling of the Militia of the three Kingdomes in good hands by advise of Parliament.

SECT. XIIII.

1. Their unreasonablenesse in desiring the Militia to be in their sole disposall: Four weak and dangerous preten∣ces for it. 2. Four true Grounds of this their de∣mand. 3. How sinfull and dangerous a thing it would be to the Church, People, and Kingdome if the King should grant it.

IT is to be noted, the Militia not of one, but of three King∣domes;* 1.172 they must have all or none; as Moses would not leave an H••ofe behinde, with King Pharoah; so these will not leave a weapon with the King. They will have the whole Militia of the 3. whole Kingdomes settled (say they) in good hands. But what Hands are those? If gentle, peaceable, and Religious hands are such;

then was the Militia of the Kingdome in good hands before, un∣till by the fraud and violence of these demanders, it was wrested thence: But if by good Hands, they mean such as have now griped the same into their possession, God forbid that the King should ever willingly yeild it should be setled there, or that the people of the Kingdome should ever consent thereto, for so they might pull the guilt of that Innocent bloud, which hath already, and is still likely to be shed by it, (while so setled) upon their owne heads.

It was alwayes (till now) without scruple beleeved, for an un∣doubted truth, that those hands were the best, which Gods Word and the Law of the Land so judged, and committed the Militia into; and those were only the Kings, no law Common or Statute can be shewed, whereby it was ever setled elsewhere; And in Gods Word, Kings though Heathens, are intituled Gods sword-bea∣rers,* 1.173 in respect of their office, to execute punishment upon evil doers.

In the story of Israels Government, we read of King Sauls* 1.174 selected band, which himselfe alone made choice of: and of Da∣vids* 1.175 Worthies, and of his appointing Captaines over hundreds, and over thousands, the Militia it seemes, was in his sole hands then: Himselfe made Joab the Generall of his Hoste, and displaced him* 1.176 again at his own pleasure: Indeed we know, that the forme of Government in the Jewish Common-wealth, is much slighted and scorned at by our new State-mongers, as weak, unperfect, and un∣fit for this Nation; the Government of Heathen Rome, is in their Judgements the most absolute, and this is that (say they) which they aspire after: But we are of opinion that God Almighties wis∣dome is better then theirs is, or then that of the Heathens was: and we believe that those State-Governments are the only best, and most fit for Christians that come neerest unto that, which God himself contrived, and prescribed unto his own people; and we well remember, when ours here held a neer conformity unto that, we best flourished: Nor can we conceive, why the same we had, should be more unsuteable to the Nation now, all upon the suddain, then heretofore; but only because these Innovators have at the present unfitted people for Gods Yoak, by making them Rebellious: And for this reason (it seemes) we must now forsake the direction of Gods Word, and of Law established, to

listen after a certain new advise, from these few men, who call themselves the Parliament: who as if all wisdom were lodged in them, must take upon them, to Nominate some New good hands to settle the Militia of the Kingdoms in, for after-times. But we are confident before-hand, they wil (like him that chose himself Pope) determine only for themselves; and judge their own hands the best of all others, though, (alas!) the whole Kingdom hath felt the Contrary, by smarting expe∣rience.

But may it not be imagined, that men so excessively wise, are ful of reason? what therfore may the grounds be of this un∣reasonable demand? the like to which I never met with in any story: and doubtless should it be granted, the King (as himself says wel) should remain But the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a King: For in the Militia of the Kingdom, consists the Kings power, his Authority, and to yeild to the setling of this in any hands but his own, were to yeild up his Crown it self: his very Kingdom. Now therfore by what right, or reason, they should claim the Kings Crown, I cannot imagine; unless (perhaps) they have bargained for that right, which the Pope had therunto, by King Johns resignation: The story saies, that the King received it back of the Pope to hold from thenceforth in fee farm of Him, and his Successours for the yearly rent of a 1000 Marks; Now (perhaps) upon the Kings non-payment of the said rent, they have gotten the Popes right conveyed to them, and do bottom this their demand upon it: and that strict intelli∣gence which Lenthall the Speaker brags that himself keeps with the* 1.177 Cardinall Mazarine, may peradventure be about the setling of the said conveyance; but this is a secret, which the people must not know of, or wil not believe, (nor wil I press it upon them) and therfore they have other pretences, and say, they de∣mand it.

1. Because those good Hands which the Parliament wil make choice of to settle the Militia in, are sure hands, that is, hands that may be trusted, which wil never part again, with what they have once griped, or laid hold upon; never a pack of Knaves in the world, shal be able to cheat them of their Magazines, their Ships, their Towns, and Castles, if once the whole power of the

Kingdom be at their disposing; they wil not take mens words, nor believe their Oaths, nor credit their Honesties as the King hath done: nor wil they be so scrupulous as he hath bin, of gi∣ving occasions of suspicion, to his inferior Subjects. Besides themselves being (as themselves say) Gods Children, have all power and authority, and what ever else is good upon the earth, of right belonging unto them, as their proper inheritance; though hither∣to it hath bin kept from them by usurpers, (such as Kings and Princes are, and all others that be not of their Faction) ther∣fore, if now by any means, they can but be stated in their own rights, it is very probable that▪ they wil see the whole Kingdom destroyed rather, then part with the same again, for the Israelites did never deliver back the Aegyptian Jewels, after they had once borrowed them; nor did they ever resigne to Og the King of Ba∣san, his Kingdom any more, when once they had gotten pos∣session of it: Ergo, because these good hands are such sure hands, such hold-fasting hands, they would have the Militia setled in them.

Indeed we do remember that for the space of two seven years before this unhappy Parliament did begin, vulgar hearts were seasoned with this Doctrine; that Gods people only have a right to the things of this life, and all others (Kings and all) are but usurpers of what they do enjoy, and therfore may justly be dispossessed of the same, by them who call themselves the people of the Lord. But we do not believe this to be a true Doctrine, because Christ hath said, His Kingdom (or that which properly belongs to his people) is not of this world; Therfore we conceive the Argument, and rea∣son built upon the same▪ to be neither substantial nor sufficient, but only a bare pretence, to gul the ignorant, and to seduce the simple.

2. They desire (as they say) to have the disposal of the Mili∣tia, that so they may go through-stitch with their Reformation, (as they call it.) For (say they) it is an hard task we have underta∣ken, and like to he long in doing, for we shal meet with many rubs, and therfore have need of Power to remove obstructions. Indeed we grant that Rome was not built-in one day, it was many years before she had gained her present height of wickedness; and before ••he could reach the same, she did wrest the Militia, out of the Em∣perours

hands, wherby she was able to bring her Soveraigns neck under her Popes feet, by making him glad to hold the stirrup: And now a like design being here on foot, it must be pursued in a like method; the Militia must first be seised upon; beside the do∣ctrine of Christian obedience, hath bin so long rivetted into peo∣ples hearts, that though it be shrewdly shaken already, by these Militia-men, yet it is likely to settle and appear again, unless they have the strength continued in their violent hands, to sup∣press and keep under the growth therof.

And then further too, that Publick form and manner of wor∣shipping God, wherin people have bin bred and nourished in the Church, hath bin so decent, and Reverend; that this beastly and slovenly way, which these New Reformers (as they call them∣selves) would introduce in the room therof, is never like to be wel digested; and therfore as the Papists on the one side, have need of a bloudy Inquisition, to uphold their ridiculous fopperies, and superstitious vanities in their worship of God: so these on the other side, have as much need of the Militia to maintain, and force their unhandsome carriages, and proud undecencies in their serving of him.

But these men pretending to reform a Christian Church, do they not make use of a wrong instrument? Was the Militia of kingdoms ever appointed of God to such an end? We have al∣ways believed that the Word was the ordained mean for such a purpose: the Sword of Christs mouth, and not of mens hands, must both cut sin from Christs members, and subdue his enemies. Had these men set up a faithful teaching Ministry, in all parts of the Kingdom, we might have hoped for some good by them; but as that Pope, who cast away his Keys, and betook himself to his Sword; so do they betake them to their iron and steel, they desire the Militia of the Kingdom, with which they persec••te, and destroy the faithful Preachers, and this they call Reformation. Indeed Antichrist and Mahomet, went this way to work, for the erection of their Religions; and our men coveting and exercising a like power, to a like end, may be truly called their Disciples, whom they imitate; we would fain have them declare unto us, how this course which they take, and which it seems (by this their desire) they are resolved to proceed in, can possibly consist

with that Religion, whose root is truth, whose branches are cha∣rity, and whose fruit is good deeds, both towards friends and* 1.178 enemies: we find in Micah the Lord complaining of some wic∣ked Heads of the people, and false Prophet, who jugling together* 1.179 did endevour to build up Sion with bloud, and Jerusalem with ini∣quity, (and had got the Power and Militia into their hands to that purpose) and that the silly people might think, that God was wel pleased with that their way, they would (saies the Text) lean upon the Lord, and were so impudent as to say, the Lord is a∣mong us, or on our side: But how did the Lord take this at their hands? It follows in the next Verse, For your very sakes (saies* 1.180 God to them) Sion shal be plowed like a field, and Jerusalem shal become heaps, and by those unfit means, wherwith they preten∣ded to build up the same, was brought to pass its destruction. Wherfore doubtless this second Reason, which is alleaged, to get the Militia setled in their Hands, is not only weak, but extreamly wicked, and tendeth not to Reformation, but to the destruction and ruine of Christian Religion, and of the Nation.

Thirdly, They pretend it would be for the Peoples greater preser∣vation to have the Militia of the Kingdome setled in their own good Hands: for (say they) we stand for the People, we are the men whom the People have chosen, and therfore it is most likely, that we shal imploy the strength of the Kingdom best, to the Peoples safety, which above all things is to be looked unto. Thus they speak, and wel have they evidenced their pretended care for us the People, since they got the sword into their hands; for therwith the first thing they did, for our preservation, was (Mustapha, or Maho∣met, or Amurath-like * 1.181 to cut off fair Irenes head, (with whom indeed the whole Nation had formerly too much wanto∣nized) and what have they done beside, but often strewed our fields and high-ways, with heaps of mangled carkasses, and fil∣led our Channels with the spilt-out bloud of our murdred Coun∣try-men? O wo, wo and alas! they have done that, quod nulla posteritas probet, quod nulla taceat; what true English heart, with∣out most bitter Lamentation, can think or speak of their doings? What persecution? What banishment? What confiscation of goods? What corporal bondage? Yea, What cruel tortures?

What merciless burnings? What secret murders? What publick massacres, have they committed upon the people of this Nation? only because they refused to renounce that truth and Loyalty which themselves also once professed, and we stil maintain: tru∣ly we have had such an ample experience already of their good∣ness, in our preservation, that we publickly profess to all the world, we daily find in England, what our poor captive Brethren do feel at Argier, that there is no such cruel Turk as the Renegado Christian.

When the sole power of the Sword or Militia was in the Kings Hand, the poor Country-men, as wel as the rich and Noble, lived in peace, slept securely under his own roof, and without any fear, did eat his bread with gladness: he could say that what he had bought and payed for, was his own; and if any did in∣jure or oppress him, the Law was open to do him right. But since these new Preservatours (as they call themselves) are risen up, those Golden days are vanished, and Iron times are come upon us, * 1.182 Judgment is turned away backward; and Justice standeth a far off: Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter. Yea, truth faileth, and he that departeth from evil, maketh himself a prey, Esay 59. 14. 15. Our Nobles and Gentry are debased, our Rich∣men are beggered, and many thousands of all sorts are killed or starved: the whole Commonalty of the Kingdom in the Gene∣ral, are in the same Condition with the Asses of France, thought* 1.183 fit for nothing but blows and burdens; no man can now com∣mand the use of his proper goods, or the service of his own Children: we hear daily of rapes and robberies, burning of houses, depopulation of Towns: violence and oppression reigns in all places, and confusion is poured out in ful measure among us; insomuch, that our wel-ordered Common-wealth that was, is translated into a very Conjuration of Tyrannies, by the means of these men, whose aims and endevours are only to keep us in per∣petual slavery, Militari Jure, by the Militia, which yet (forsooth) they desire may be setled in their good hands for the peoples se∣curity and preservation.

'Tis true, the people at first chose them, and now they feel them, and have cause to know them: and to confess of them, that they are very Scorpions to them, and that their little finger

is ten times heavier then the Kings Loynes. The people chose them, to be Arbytratours on their side against their King, to comprimize, as it were, on their behalf, some matter between the King and them, (for under that notion do the people commonly chuse their Parliament men) and such shal only be carried on their shoulders, whom they apprehend wil be most stiffe against their Soveraign, as if he were the only great Enemy to their welfare and prosperity: But by this time the greatest part of them, (we believe) are otherwise instructed, and (as some of them have confessed) their apprehensions of the King and Par∣liament, (as they stand now in the tearms contradistinct and op∣posite) is like that, which the Heathens have of God and the De∣vil: as those adore the Devil with gifts and sacrifices, for fear of mischief from him, so do these the Parliament; but God (say the Heathens) is good, and wil do us no harm; so (say these) is the King, and therfore they neglect to do him service: And (doubtless) might people have but liberty now to speak their minds freely, they would utterly renounce the preservation of those their Arbitratours, and desire again the Kings protection, after the manner of former times: And wheras these new Go∣vernours desire to have the Militia of three Kingdoms setled in their own hands, for our greater security, we must needs ap∣prehend from the proof they have given us, of what they pro∣mised us, that this their pretence is but one of those bitter flouts, which in scorn at our simplicities for thinking them to be honest men, they cast upon us: Sed Deus vindex, God shal one day sit in judgment on them.

4. They have said, It would be to the Kings great glory, to let them have the whole and perpetual managing of the Militia, for then they should be fully able to make him the most glorious Prince in Christendome, (which thing they have a long time promised, purposed, and endevoured, and all this fighting must be bel••e∣ved, to be to that very end) for had the King but tamely at first delivered up into their hands, what God committed into his, trusted them for ever, with that Power and Authority, wherwith God hath trusted him: Had he but for their sakes, denied God to be the only Ruler of Princes, and acknowledged them his Go∣vernours and Guardians: Had he but resigned unto them, what

King John his Predecessour once did unto the Pope; they would have made the Pope their President in this, as wel as they do in many other things; and have returned it back again to him, as he did to King John: and so the King holding his Kingdom from thenceforth immediately of them; they would have done more for him, (I that they would) then ever his old Land-lord God Almighty, either did or meant to do: For wheras God made him King but only of England, Scotland, and Ireland, they would have given him moreover, all the Kingdoms of the World, and the glory of them; so that, had not the King stood in his own light, they had Conquered for him, long ere this, the Kingdoms of France and Spain, and the Empire of Germany; yea, and the last year they had pulled out old Antichrist by the ears, and burnt the whore Babylon with fire, together with all of her Trinkets; and at this very instant, they had bin stepping over unto Constantinople, for to ding down the great Turk; and in the next half year the Mogull of Persia had bin taught to submit himself; and then also the King of China had bin summoned to an account, for his usur∣ping the Title of Filius Coeli, (which is proper to no man living, but only to those of their faction) and by that time, the Grand Chams of Tartary, would have learned so much wit, as to forbear calling themselves Domini Dominantium, and to leave that stile wholly, unto these superlative Abamocchoes. And now who wil not say, it had bin a Glorious thing to the King, for the world to take notice, that so great a brood, of such mighty Alexanders, should like that Cadmeyan Progeny start up on the sodain at one time in his Kingdom. But it seems the King wanted faith, and thought such great Acts might be sooner purposed then perfor∣med, or else was jealous of these his Worthies, that in their subdu∣ing of these Kingdoms, they would not have dealt with him, as Joab did with David at the taking of Rabbah, and yeilded to him the glory of the Conquest: Now whether the King were too blame or no in so thinking, let wise men judge.

But let me reason a little with these men, about this their rea∣son; Suppose the King should settle (as they would have him) the Militia of the Kingdom in their hands: and then they should chance to Vote Bonum est nobis esse hic, 'tis better to stay at home, and play 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, then to adventure abroad: How would the

King then appear so abundantly glorious? Do they imagine it could be any thing to his glory, to have it reported in the Courts of forrein Princes, that the Monarch of Great Brittain, after twenty years managing his inheritance left him by his predeces∣sours, and weilding the Scepter of three Kingdoms, to the great prosperity and wealth of his Subjects; hath submitted himself to Pupillage under the Command of a few ordinary Gentlemen, his own vassals, at their requests, who think themselves wise enough, and therfore take upon them (as his Tutors and Guardians) to Govern not only himself, and his Kingdom, but also his very Fa∣mily and Houshold? they appoint him what Servants shal wait upon him, and have power to dispose of his Children in marriage, without his consent: or (if they please) against his wil. Can any man think that such a report, would speak the King in a Glorious Condition? Would not Strangers reply, and say, Is this the Ho∣nour of the English King, and his great Priviledge above other Princes? He may enjoy it sure without Emulation, no man wil ever envy him this glory.

But is this indeed the English mens kindness to their Com∣mon Father? their gratitude for all their happiness and peace under him? Is this the upshot of all their great promises to him? Is this that Royal Prerogative, that happy freedom, which those who stand so much upon their own liberty, can in their good na∣ture, find in heart to afford unto their Soveraign? Would not the meanest of them all disdain to be in that Condition? What? Neither have Command over his Subjects, nor yet over his hous∣hold servants? Neither have power to chuse a Wife for his Son, nor to bestow his Daughter in marriage? Must the Right Wor∣shipful his Tutors and Guardians, have the sole disposing of his Children? No doubt but they wil have a care to match them, into such Haggard stocks, that the English Nation shal never more be blessed, with any Right-bred Eagles.

Thus would Forreiners descant upon our Kings Condition, should he yeild to the desires of these men; and this they would have us believe would be to his great glory.

Yea, and furthermore, they have bin teaching the People ever since the Parliament began; that the Kings office properly, is but only to put in Execution, what the Parliament shal Decree, to see

offenders punished according to the minde and pleasure of his great Councell. From whence we learne, that there is a preferment wait∣ing for him, if he have but a care to please his little-Great Masters well, and be dilligent to come when they call, to go, and do as they bid; in lieu of his settling the Militia of the three King∣domes in their hands, they will bestow upon him, the grand Exe∣cutionership of the Kingdome, which He and His after him, shall hold of them, and their successours, quàm diù se benè gesserint; which may be an Office not onely of profit, in such Tyrannicall times, as we are like to have under their Government; but also of pleasure, if the King will but put off his mercifull disposition, and learne of them to delight in slaughter, and shedding of bloud. And thus we see what great Dignity and Glory, upon his resignation of the Militia, is like to be conferred upon Englands King.

But what man now not void of Reason, (considering withall the tearmes these Demanders stand in, at the present with the King,) will not conclude this their pretence of making the King Glorious, to be onely one of their Flouts, which in their pride and bitterness they are pleased to put upon their Soveraigne? even for his easiness and goodness, in giving credit at first so far, to their Oathes and Honesties, as to suffer them already to over∣reach him: truly as a plain scorn we apprehend it; for let them Answer us a question or too: Would dutifull and loyall Sub∣jects, (as they call themselves) desire any thing in earnest of their Prince, and not first lay down their Harness? Do not these their weapons speak, that by violence or dread, they intend to obtain their purpose? Have not these very men, seized already by fraud and force upon that very thing, without the Kings leave, which they require of him to grant them? Do they not by cal∣ling themselves the Militia, declare Evidently, that they account themselves the everlasting Masters of it? Do they intend, if the King shall think meet to deny their request, to yeeld up presently that possession which they have already of the same? We sup∣pose not, for they claime in their Tenents all earthly power and Authority to be theirs, by right, as they are Gods Children. They are so bold as to say Gods Providence hath cast into their hands, that strength of the Militia, which by unjust meanes they have

seized upon; and they have entred into an Oath and Covenant, in effect, to keep the same in despight of the King; and with it to suppress and destroy all them that shall ayde, and assist the King, to recover His own again.

And what is all this, but (as Micha speakes) to oppresse a man,* 1.184 and his House▪ Yea, a King and his Heritage▪ and to resolve to con∣tinue in so doing, even because they have gotten a power into their Hands?

But tell us, (O you pretenders to Piety,) where (in the* 1.185 meane time) is that Subjection to the King for Conscience sake,* 1.186 which S. Paul calls for? and that obedience for the Lords sake which Saint Peter requireth: will you all hold, (as some of your fellow-members have maintained,) that these Precepts were onely in date, in the Primitive times, when the People of God lived under Heathen Persecutors, and are of no concernment in these dayes, now Gods people have got strength? Or do you think the bare calling your selves His Majesties most Dutifull and Loyall Subjects, a suf∣ficient observance of those injunctions? We beleeve neither of these excuses will satisfie Christ Jesus at the reckoning day. But in the interim, doth not your desiring the King that the Militia may be setled in your hands plainly infer, that in your own Con∣sciences, you have done him wrong, in seizing already upon it without his leave? Surely if the right of settling it be now in him, the right of seizing upon it before was not in you: but you did a manifest injury to His Majesty in meddling with it against his will, and a far greater yet▪ you intend to do him, by your resolving still to keep it, by force, if you may not have it confirmed by his Approbation; unlesse you will yeeld, that this your demand pro∣ceeds from the scorners Chaire; you must of necessity grant us thus much.

But in very deed, these men have other reasons, for this their* 1.187 unreasonable request, though they are ashamed to name them, I shall do it for them, for mine aymes are (like those of Christ my Master in his preaching,) to discover Hypocrites, that men might beware of them: They are these.

1. If the King can be gotten, to settle the Militia in their hands, all the Injustice and unlawfulnesse of the war on their side, will be thereby cancelled, and whatsoever they have done against him, and

his subjects will be Authorized as found and good: their crafty seizing upon it, at first, and their violent use thereof since, to the destruction of so many, will go for worthy deeds, and the King will be judged, to have been much to blame, in making any opposition against them, and for his calling them Rebells: His own Act, will be the eating of those his own words, and speake them to have been His most humble, dutifull, and obedient sub∣jects, all the while they fought against him; yea and all they did in that kinde, to have been done out of pure love, to His Good and Glory, and for the benefit of Church and Common-wealth: And then too, if withall the King shall but confer some new Titles of Honour, upon their Chieftaines, (as when time was he did upon Lesley,) for this they expect and intend to demand too; then they shall appeare, White all over, and who will dare to say to the contrary, and full as good subjects almost, as their Brethren the Scots? That is one Reason.

2. If they can get the King to settle in their Hands, that de∣positum of Power and Authority, which God hath intrusted in His; they shall bring him, (as they desire) into their own con∣dition: and make him such a one to God, as themselves have been and are to him: whereby Gods displeasure may be so far kindled against him, that he may permit them, (having all the power in their hands,) to bring their endeavours fully to passe in destroying Him, and His posterity: and then the world shall be taught to beleeve that Heaven hath punished him, for such His sin: and confirmed with its blessing, all their sayings and doings a∣gainst him: that God was of their minde all the while, as now by the success is most apparent: Honesta quaedam scelera successus facit, (saies Seneca:) the highest Villanies, if succesfull, shall be accounted vertues, and these men care not to obtain truths, but opinions warrant.

3. They desire the Militia may be settled in their hands, quia omnis in ferro salus est, their whole safety consists therein, it is the Nurse of their wealth, and the sole Anchor of their security: for O si pateant pectora virûm, quantos intus sublimis agit fortuna metus! what great feares, have these mens High fortunes created in their Bosomes, could we but view their insides? They dare neither trust the King, nor yet the Countrey that trusted them; for should

the strength be in any hands but their own, they might be called to an account for all their doings, the Law might be in force a∣gain: and Justice suffered to shew her face; Treason should sit no longer in the seat of Religion, Truth might appear above-board; and Peace be restored unto the Nation; and Order might come again into fashion: Yea, had the King His power again, He might call a Parliament, a true Parliament, a free Parliament, which is a thing that they quake to think on; for then like a Company of poore Hope-losts, they should stand below, and look up to that place of Honour, where erst they sat, and have so much abused; and who in their condition, can indure this? Nemo Hercule ne∣mo: No mervail therefore, if they desire to hold fast the Militia in their own hands.

4. Should they part with it, they should not onely degrade* 1.188 themselves of their present Honour, and disarme themselves of safety, but of their wealth and riches too, for all is now at their Command; the Lands, Estates, the goods and Fortunes of all their Country-men: which the Militia of the Kingdome, hath inve∣sted them with a right in: and possession must be maintainted by the same meanes as obtained: But should the Militia return into the Hands of the right owner; Honest men would enjoy their own as before, and they who are now so Gay, would remaine stark Naked, (like Jack-daw in the fable, when every bird had re-assumed her own feathers.) And then further too, their plea∣sures would also cease, that sweetnesse they feel in shedding of bloud, would be no more: which very want would be as bad as death unto them; their Natures are now so accustomed unto it. In a word, (as Amos speakes) they have gotten them Hornes by* 1.189 their own strength, or sleight, and the Hornes are the defence of the Head; the Militia are these Hornes, and should they part with that, they fear they should not keep their Heads long after: and therefore great reason they have, rather to desire the settlement of it, for ever in their own Hands.

But (with their favour) what reason hath the King to trust* 1.190 them, that will not trust Him? them with His weapons, upon that experience He hath had of their love and kindnesse: Who will not trust Him with His own? Can it be imagined that they will imploy them otherwise, then they have done, (considering what

their delights are?) Nay, may it not be expected, that they will make Him the Author of all their Evill, which from thenceforth they shall doe, when by His consent the power is once settled in their goods Hands? Surely they that used His name to the raising of so many men against Himself, to the killing of so many of His Sub∣jects, when He openly opposed them, will not scruple to doe all their mischeif, under His Name and Authority, when they have so faire a pretence for it. Nay should the King doe in this, as they would have Him, may not the Just and Holy God account Him a partaker with them in Evill? His Majesty (by His own pious confession) hath smarted under the Hand of God for His con∣senting, though (doubtlesse) against His will, to the shedding of Straffords innocent Bloud: and should He againe after His Hu∣miliation for that, by a new consent, make Himself guilty of many more Blouds; the continued Anger of the Almighty, might be too heavy a burden for Him to beare: No doubt but they are, and will be, the more importunate for His consent now; because they see His heart hath smot Him for His consent then; for how ever it was blattered much at the beginning, by those of their faction, against forcing of tender Consciences, yet verily, we beleeve there were never men that delighted more in offering violence to the Soules and Consciences of the righteous, then themselves do; wherefore should His Majesty yeild to them in this particular, it would be in singultum cordis, a corrasive to His Heart for ever; and therein a glory unto them: and also it would argue too great a distrust in Gods defence of Him; and be a mean to delay Gods punishment, from falling upon the heads of these lofty Rebells. And besides all this: His Majesty hereby shall give way to the settling of all those Sects and Heresies, to the destruction of Christian Protestation Religion, which by their crafty and violent seizing upon the Militia, were but only let in to the Church: May it please His Sacred Majesty, and all His Loyall Subjects to remember, when the Pope of Rome, (these mens Grandsire, for however in words they disclaime kindred with Him, yet are they wholly like Him in Conditions, they tread in His steps, & observe His method, & end, in all their undertakings:) when He (I say) after the fashion of these His Nephews, had fraudulently & force∣ably seized upon the Militia of His Soveraign the Emperour;

then did all Corruption and false Doctrine make entrance into that Church, the light grew dim: And when the Emperour after∣ward gave his Consent that the said Pope and his conclave (for∣merly His Subjects) should have that His power and Authority, (which at first indeed, he laboured to recover againe unto him∣selfe) settled in their hands, then was all that wickednesse, (for∣merly but admitted) confirmed and established; and the faith∣full Church, became from thenceforth a very Harlot. Let Sto∣ry be observed, and it will be found, that the fall of the Empire, the rise of the Pope-dome above it, and the spring of Mahuma∣tisme happened all about one time: and the two last might be permitted of God, for a punishment of the first. For it is no small sinne, for the Supream Magistrate to part with that depositum out of his hands; which the Almighty hath intrusted solely with him: Histories doe sufficiently testifie what extreame molestations, the Emperour hath been put unto, and what base affronts have been put upon him by his proud Subjects of Rome: Since he gave his consent, that the Militia of that City and Country should be settled in their Hands: Himselfe is there now, but vox non significativa: He hath the Title of Roman Emperour, and no more: And such must be the condition of our King, if he be not warned by the Emperours example: He must be content to be only an unsignificant voice too, in his own Kingdom, yea, and to be regulated in his expences, if he have leave to live, yet he shall be so ordered, that he doe not live profusely, or have wherewith∣all to dare, to practice ought to their prejudice. Yea, and he must learne to hold the Stirrup too, to kisse the Toe, to bow the Knee to the Supremacy, or Popes of the Lower House, if they shall at any time please to frown upon him; or to Vote him a Delin∣quent. Well, let but these things be seriously, and with judgement thought upon by moderate men, and then let reason speak, whe∣ther it be fit that the King should yeild to this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as they would have him: whether it be meet he should suffer the Sword, to be carryed before the Gran Concilii, rather then still before himselfe; and should settle the Militia of the three King∣domes in their hands, which are good onely by their own Testi∣mony. But I have been (perhaps) too tedious, in scanning the Reasons of this their second demand: we come therefore to ad∣vise

a little upon the third Proposition, which (say they) concernes the Vindication of the Irish Rebells.

SECT. XV.

1. Of their Vindicating the Irish Rebells. How fully they have done it in one sense. 2. And how glad should we be if themselves would go and do it in the other: Their true intention in that demand opened.

TO Vindicate in the most vulgar acception, is to Justifie and acquit from blame; and if they take the word in that sense, they have Vindicated them too sufficienly already, and much more then hath become men of their Profession: For as God by his Prophets tells Jerusalem, that she had multiplyed her abomi∣nations more then her sisters, Sodome, and Samaria, she had justified* 1.191 them in all which they had done; in her going beyond them in wickednesse: and that she was a Comfort to them: so may it be* 1.192 said of these men, they have multiplyed their transgressions more then their Brethren, the Rebells of Ireland, they have Justified them, in what ere they have done, they have been a Comfort to them: Surely the Irish doings, shall not be remembred in the day, that the impieties of those of this Nation are reckoned up: Did the Irish ••ob, kill, and roste Christians? So have these done: did they burn Houses, strip Men and Women naked, scourge them, and expose them to the wide world? These have not been be∣hinde in such doings: did the Irish Rebell against their Sove∣raigne? These have both overtaken, and also gone beyond them in this sin: for though nothing should cause men to Rebell, yet to say the truth, the Irish lived formerly under a more hard bon∣dage, which might provoke their corruptions: whereas these English, (Jesurun-like) rebelled out of meere wantonnesse: Nor did those Irish execute their savage Cruelty, (as was noted be∣fore,) on those of their own nation and Religion, as these English have done; they did not defile their own Churches, nor kill and abuse their own Priests; but these have delighted, to prophane and destroy those places, where themselves had formerly met to worship God; and have offered most speciall despight to the

Ministers of their own Religion, who baptized them, and prea∣ched Gods truth unto them. Besides, the Religion which the Irish Rebells professe, is not so directly opposite, to such barbarous Cruelties, which they have committed, as is that which these of England pretend unto; nor have they been so bold as those, to en∣title God unto all their outrages, they think they need a pardon, both from God and the King, for their inhumanityes, and Rebel∣lions: whereas these stand upon their Justification, and have often despised the Kings mercy, when tendered to them: nor have they in Ireland persecuted and pursued the Kings Sacred person; they have not reviled, nor railed upon him, as these have done: Never any such reproachfull Libell, (as this which we oppose) doe we read was sent abroad by the Rebells of Ireland, against their Sove∣raign; nor yet did we hear that ever those Irish took so solemn a Protestation, at the beginning of their Parliament, (as these Eng∣lish did,) to maintain the Kings person, Honour, and Estate. In a word, Those Irish are not so impudent, (as these hard-fore-headed English are,) as to call them Rebells and Traitours, who according to their Oath of Allegeance and Protestation do labour to main∣tain the Kings life, and right against them: but they yeeld them∣selves to be, or to have been in a Rebellion. Wherefore who will not say, that the English Rebells, have out gone the Irish, and by committing evils, in a more abominable way, have even Justified those their Brethren; as Jerusalem did her sisters Sodome, and Sa∣maria: And yet as if all this were nothing, these good men de∣sire to be still Vindicating the Irish Rebells: and would have the Militia of the three Kingdomes settled in their own good hands to the same purpose.

But perhaps by Vindication these mean punishment, and re∣venge, which they pretend * 1.193 they would inflict upon the Irish Re∣bells, for that Protestant bloud shed by them, would but the King give them leave so to do.

Truly if they would go themselves, and fight it out, with those Rebels in Ireland, we dare affirm, they shal have not only free leave, but thanks too; yea, and moreover they shal have, not only the usual boon of such Malefactors, (as act the executioners part upon their fellows) viz. the grant of their own lives: but (by our consent) they shal also be the very great Oes of Ireland, and they shal hold this Dignity, by their dearly affected Irish Law of Tanistry, which is, That he who is best able by force and violence to wrest unto himself, the estates of others, shal be the Chief Commander among them: We perceive by their doings, that they would set up that Law here in England, in stead of all others, which they have put out of date or use: But we conceive it is not so suteable for this Nation, where men have bin wont to enjoy their own, and to leave their inheritance to their own Children: and therfore we suppose, it wil be an hard matter for them to introduce, and settle the same here. But in Ireland it is a custome established to their hand. Yea, and further yet, upon Condition, that they wil go thither, and so we in this land may be rid of their Companies; we wil all supplicate the King for a further fa∣vour in their behalf, viz. that every great O amongst them, may have the Honour, to give the Earl of Tyrones own Arms, (which is a bloudy Hand) for their own proper and most deserved Cog∣nizance; and that they may also be, all Barons of that Strong I∣land, which Tyrone fortified, and called Fough-na-Gaul, the Hate of English-men: For in very deed, no man living, did ever better merit that Title, then they have done.

But (alas!) we have read that Ireland harbours no venimous Vipers; therfore we are confident the great Oes of Westminster, wil never adventure thither in their own persons: But if they can get the Militia of the Kingdom, setled by the King, wholly in their Hands, (that so they may fear no rising here against themselves) they wil therwith force, and press all the Eng∣lish people, (who wil not take their unlawful and ungodly Co∣venant) which is in effect to renounce the Doctrine of Christs Gospel, and their obedience to the King for ever; and send them thither, where they wil expose them to be starved, or slaughte∣red; as many thousands have bin already: and therfore let all the Countries that have stood out longest in their Loyalty, and

at last accepted of these New Lords, expect to be thus punished for their tardiness in Apostacy. And for those lusty Club-men, in the Counties of Wilts, Somerset, and Devon, and the like; let them look for this reward at the hands of their Militia-Masters, for taking part with them, against the Kings men. Such fellows as wil gather together, and make head against those that wrong and abuse them; wil be dangerous to live in a New State. They that did thus against the Cavaliers, may do as much against the Round∣heads, when they are but a while as wel acquainted with their Conditions: They that wil be forced from their Duty to their Soveraign and natural Liege-Lord, by such wrongs and oppressi∣ons, as (in these troublesome times) are offered to them by the unruly Soldiers; wil be easily driven upon a like sensible occasion, to make resistance against tyrannical usurpers; those Beasts that wil decline from their Allegiance to the Kingly Lyon, wil never long rest contented under the obedience of Cat-a-Mountains; therfore a timely course must be taken with such persons, they shal all be sent into Ireland (out of hand) and be hampered there, for Ireland must be the continual Spain, or Carthage, to our New Rome, to rid her of all such mutinous and tumultuous persons: and then shal these Saints, these Bloudy Butcherly Saints, have free Elbow-room to inherit this land; and having neither truth nor King, nor Enemy left, for to disease them; they shal be at leisure (if Pride and faction wil give them leave) to live at peace together. And thus have we seen the scope of the third demand also, which concerneth Ireland.

Now from what hath been said concerning these matters, let any man judge, whether these men have not reasons to pursue their desires without giving back an hairs bredth from their first proposals; and whether the King hath reason or no, to consent unto them; Nay, whether the Subjects of England have cause to wish the Kings complyance with them in all these things; for my part, I profess sincerely in the sight of God, I apprehend their demands to be the most unreasonable that were ever made; and therfore do hope that God wil ere long awaken in the Kings behalf, for such hath bin his wont formerly, in cases of like na∣ture: When Nahash the Ammonite required of the men of Jabesh* 1.194 Gilead, (to purchase a quiet bondage under him) that he might

pul out their right Eys; So when Benhadad required of the king of Israel, his Strength, Treasures, Houses, Wives, Children, and what ever was dear and pleasing unto him; when Senacherib re∣quired* 1.195 of the people of Jerusalem, to forsake their own natural* 1.196 King, and to submit their necks under his yoak, to yeild up them∣selves into his hands, to be carried from their own good Land, they knew not whither. We find that God did continually a∣wake in the behalf of each of these distressed: and most severely punished, every of these unreasonable demanders: and doubtless he did so for the very unreasonableness of those their requests. And shal not we believe that he wil awake now also, when all these unreasonable demands proceed together at once, and from the same men; who first require the Abolition of Episcopacy? there is Nahash request, to pluck out our right Eies. Secondly, they require the Militia of the three Kingdoms, that is Benhadads request, for all that the King and his friends have. Thirdly, un∣der the title of Vindicating the Irish Rebels, they require that the people of this Kingdom, should be at their disposal, to translate from their own Native Country, and never to see it any more, there is Senacheribs request.

Therfore Awake, Awake, as in times of old, O Lord our strength, arise for our succour, at this present, and redeem us, for thy mercies sake: Behold, O God (our shield) and Look upon the face of thine Anointed, as thou art the Judge of all the Earth, and helpest them to right that suffer wrong. Amen. Amen.

I now proceed to Answer these men, who in their Libell go on, and say:

But were our cause altered, (as it is not) or were we worse Rebels* 1.197 then formerly, as none can affirm that takes notice of our late suffe∣rings, and our strange patience, even now after the discovery of these Papers, and our late extraordinary success in the field: Yet stil this clandestine proceedings against us here, &c.

SECT. XVI.

1. Of the Enemies late sufferings. 2. Of their strange Patience. 3. Of their extraordinary great successe, and the true grounds of it. 4. Successe no Argument of a good cause. 5. The worst men have alway made most use of it.

HEre is much remarkable stuffe in these few words, which* 1.198 I shal endevour to discover. First, (say they) Were our cause altered, as it is not, or we worse Rebels then formerly, as none can affirm, &c. We granted them before that their cause is stil the same in specie as it was at first, and so are they themselves no whit altered from what they were, but only a malo in pejus, from bad to worse, and the Moralists account this an Alteration. And let any one that hath the use of sense and reason judge whether Age doth not make some difference in sinful men, as wel as it doth in Satan himself; who in the beginning of the world, was a Serpent, (as these at the beginning of the war were Rebels) and it is true, he is but a Serpent stil, but he is come to be now an old Serpent, so called Rev. 12. and that is aliquid amplius. Antiquity in evil, speaks both a further ability to evil, and a larger measure of iniquity; and in this respect he may be called a worse Devil then at the first; and so may they, worse Rebels. But I wil not with Arguments either prevent, or assist those proofs, too suffici∣ently given of themselves, by their own actions: I had rather spend time to pray them better.

But they tel us of Notice to be taken of late sufferings, which they have undergon, and of some strange Patience, which (it seems) as they say, hath manifested it self of late to be in them; Yea, even now since the discovery of these Papers: Truly we must confess our errour, we have not hitherto observed any such thing, but we are resolved (upon this intimation) to make in∣quiry, first after their late Sufferings, and then after their strange Patience.

These Sufferings of theirs we find upon Consideration, began about the year 1642. some certain months before the ••••rth of those 19. Propositions: about the time of the Kings first removal North-ward, which as we imagine and remember was Lent time, (and therfore most accursed doth that superstitious season de∣serve to be, and for ever to be blotted out of John Bookers Alma∣nack, as wel as Christmas day, because therin did begin, their late great Sufferings) Then, O then most sadly they fel into the same Condition, that Richard the third was in, when (alas!) ful sore against his wil, the whole care and burden of the Kingdom, was cast upon his shoulders; then (alas!) and from thenceforth, (wo and alas) they were forced (out of meer Necessity) to begin to seize upon the Kings Magazines, His Forts, Towns, and Castles: His Navy of Ships, Houses, and all he had, to their great dis∣comfort and displeasure. And how hath all their very Senses, since that time, bin continually troubled, and molested? their Ears (O lamentable) have bin loaden with the most offensive acclamations, and Honourings of the people: their Gust and Smel hath bin tormented daily with the perfumes and feast∣ings of the City: their Eies and Touch have bin most vexati∣ously tortured with those so loathed heaps of Plate, and Mo∣nies which from all parts of the Kingdom have come trowling in unto them: While the King (in the mean time) hath bin in great prosperity, wandring up and down in Fields and Moun∣tains, Cold and Wet, Weak and Weary, Faint and Hungry, with few friends, and little mony: Yea, while he hath had time and opportunity to get himself a Stomack; they (good souls) have bin wel nigh surfeited with good cheer, and done to death with abundance: Yea, (poor creatures) they have bin constrained to sit warm, and to lie soft, to be served in state, to drink Wine in bowles, to be behonoured, be worshipped, to be crouched and kneeled unto, and so forth: Wherfore if that Pope of Rome, when he lay beaking himself in the midst of his Luxuries, had cause to cry out, Heu quantum patimur pro Christo! then great reason have these Complainants, to cry out also of their late great Sufferings.

Yea, and besides all these corporal calamities, their very▪ spi∣rits, have bin also distracted many times, with most frightful fears

and Jelousies, as of Plots, strange Plots under ground, Regiments, great Regiments of Subterranean Horses lay in wait for them; Conspiracies, dangerous conspiracies, were contrived against their corporal welfare; (as that honest Tailour that sate close in Moor∣fields can abundantly witness) which doleful matters have oft∣times put them into as pittiful a plight, as that good Alderman of London (their friend) was in, when he thought himself to be shot in the breeches. Nor is here all yet, these fears of theirs, have bin followed with increase of cares also, to provide plenty of Prisons, and strong holds, to hamper and restrain the Ministers of God, (those great enemies to their undertaking) to devise means how to destroy both them and their doctrine; and all that (with them) adhere fast to the testimony of Jesus; concerning obedience to God and Caesar. These and such like have bin the late suffe∣rings, and great troubles of these men; And they are indeed (as we now confess) the more remarkable, because sufferings of this kind, are seldom the portion of Gods children, (as these call themselves) nor had we apprehended that this kind of life (which they have lived) had bin a suffering; if themselves had not so called it, and put us in mind so to account of it: Indeed some of the Brethren of the Independent faction, (as M. Edwards that free-spoken Presbyterian in his Book detecting their late manner of living in Holland, doth inform the world) did call such a kind of life, (themselves living it) a Persecution, and a suf∣fering; otherwise we have not heard that appellation given unto it before. But indeed these are new times, and many other things have new names; Loyalty is called Treason, and Treason Loyalty; Obedience Rebellion, and Rebellion Obedience; Truth Fals∣hood, and Falshood Truth: and why may not as wel a pleasant life be called a life of sufferings, and a suffering life, a life of plea∣sure, if it please the new Omnipotency, now above-board, so to or∣dain and establish? No man must move the lip, open the mouth, or so much as peep against it.

And thus at last (they may see) we have taken notice of their* 1.199 late sufferings, and confess them rare: Now we shal view their patience too, which themselves call strange, specially that which they have shewn even now, after the discovery of these Papers: Indeed their publication of them, together with their Preface,

and Notes upon them, after their discovery, is testimony suffici∣ent of the strangeness of their patience. And yet we must tel them, that we conceive by the effects of this their patience, that we have read of such a like patience before now, in some others beside themselves: as for example, in a certain Dragon, Rev. 12. 15. who when he had persecuted a woman there mentioned, (whom some interpret to be the Church of Christ) and driven her into a wilderness, i. e. into a low and desperate condition: his patience provoked him, to cast out of his mouth after her, waters as a flood: which (as Expositors say) were multitudes of slanders, reproach∣ful speeches, scandalous reports and lies, hoping therby to drown her honour and reputation for ever; (for they would be more easily believed of her, in her affliction) and to carry her away so far, that she should never appear in any credible or comfort∣able condition more: Nor did his patience end here, but the Text tels us, vers. 17. that he went (farther in the heat therof) to make war with the remnant of her seed, that keep the Commandment of God, and have the testimony of Jesus. We are sure this was such a patience, which these men are seasoned withal, and which they have shewn since their discovery of these Papers, and do stil exer∣cise towards their Soveraign, and all that remain faithful and loyal to him.

Nay and farther too, we must tel these men, that this humour which they call patience in themselves, though the name which they give it be somthing new; yet for the nature of it, 'tis no whit strange or singular, for many men, before these times, have bin infected with it: Cain was, when he kill'd his brother, because* 1.200 his own works were evil, and his brothers good: and so was Nimrod, that mighty Hunter before the Lord, and oppressour of his neigh∣bours:* 1.201 * 1.202 Saul in the Old Testament was ful of this patience, when the Evil Spirit was upon him, and made him throw his Javelin a∣gainst David at one time, and against Jonathan at another; and* 1.203 so was that Saul in the new Testament too, at such time as he went panting up and down like a bloud-hound, & breathing forth* 1.204 threatnings against the People of God: Shimei also was brim-ful to the very mouth of it, when with his revilings and execrations he saluted David in the depth of his affliction; and Achitophel did overflow therwith, when in all haste he would have pur∣sued

his Soveraign, while he was faint and weary: This Patience was in Haman too, when to be revenged for Mordecai's stifness, he endevoured the ruine of the whole Jewish▪ Nation; it was in Nebuchadnez••ar also, and made the form of his visage change against Sedrach, Mesach, and Abednego, when in scruple of Conscience, they refused to submit to an Ordinance of his, al∣most as damnable as the Parliament Covenant. And in the Scribes and Pharisees it was most plentifully abounding, as appears by all their dealings with Christ and his Apostles: Thus (I say) this condition, which these men commend in themselves, for the matter of it, is not so new and strange; though I confess the Name, (by which they call it) seems so to be; for it was wont to be tearmed Rage, Cruelty, Wrath, and Fury, and not Pa∣tience: Yet I remember Master Fox tels us that Bishop Bonner, and those of his bloudy Consistory in Queen Maries days; who (having with as much rage and passion as can be imagined, handled, and oppressed the Martyrs) when they came to read the definitive sentence, and to give them up to the secular power to be put to death; were wont to make proclamation, (as these men here do) to the whole world, of their great meeknesse and strange Patience, which they had used towards those obstinate Hereticks, as they called them: So that we see this Patience here mentioned, is not only by Bishop Bonners Authority a strange Patience, but also such a Patience, as Master Fox himself doth make mention of, in the Book of Martyrs. But the poor Church of Christ hath felt enough, and too much of this their Patience, therefore at this time, I wil speak no more of it, onely I con∣clude in the words of the Prophet Micha, The best of them is* 1.205 as a Bryer, the most upright of them, is sharper then the thorne Hedge.

The next thing they mention (wherein they Triumph indeed* 1.206 and glory) is their late extraordinary success in the field: some per∣haps may wonder, how these three can accord together, great suf∣ferings, strange Patience, and extraordinary good success, and all of late: but they must remember, that their Sufferings and Patience, being of that kind, as was shewed before, may wel stand with extraordinary good success, yea, in such men as they are, such suf∣ferings, and such patience, are the natural fruits and dependants

of prosperity, and Extraordinary good Successe.

But by the way, take notice of their end, in yoaking these three together; Prosperity and good successe, which of old, went currant onely among the Papists, for a Note of the true Church; is now admitted also by these men, to be a speciall marke of the goodnesse of their cause; but in regard our Religion hath hither∣to taught, that sufferings, and patience were rather the marks of Christs true flock, then extraordinary successe in the world; there∣fore Euphoniae gratia, for sound sake, the name of sufferings and patience, are still retained, and joyned together here, with extra∣ordinary good successe; Alteratio non fit in instanti, if the Change from one extreame unto another, should not be by degrees, it would be too grosse, and palpable: but by that time the three Propositions be granted to them, Extraordinary good successe will be able to stan alone, and to go currant among all their Prose∣lites, for an unquestionable note of the true Church, or cause: it will not need the countenance of these two names of Suffering and Patience, which shall from thenceforth be rejected, and wholly disclaimed, as infallible marks of Loyalty and Malig∣nancy.

Indeed, successe is the best Argument they have to win and hold people to themselves, and to their Cause: wherefore tis re∣quisite that for further discovery, I shew the invalidity, and weaknesse of this their Argument. But first for our better pro∣gresse therein, we shall consider what this extraordinary successe is, which they so brag and boast of, and what are the true grounds and causes of it.

Their Successe (I confesse) to narrow Capacities, and low braines may seeme (as they call it) extraordinary: but to those that consider the causes of things, together with the meanes and manner of their proceedings, it appeareth nothing so.

Tis well known how by fraud and policy, they seized at una∣wares upon the Kings Militia and Navy: How they ingrossed into their hands, most of his Townes, Castles, Rents, Revenues, and all he had; leaving him nothing of his owne to subsist on: How they rooked to themselves, all the Plate and Money of the Kingdome: and how by the service of false Teachers, they poy∣soned the hearts of his Subjects; drew them from their Alle∣geance

and armed them against him: And having done all this, they were able to get a Victory against him at Nazeby-field; af∣ter they had taken away, what ere he had to defend himself, they made a shift to beat him with his own Weapons; after four long years pursuit of him: and what extraordinary matter is there in all this? Nay, some say too, they had not prevailed then neither, but that they plowed with the Kings Heifer: (as they also did, in their taking those Townes and Castles, which since they entred upon:) Had not some, whom the King trusted, been perfidious, these great Conquerours had not been so prosperous: Where∣fore the case being rightly stated, it was not altogether Victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax, but partly also victorious treachery, and vi∣ctorious money, which was the procurer of such their late extra∣ordinary great successe: And yet (perhaps) Sir Thomas Fairfax may be a right valiant man in his way, as many other Commanders on that side are, worthy all to be* 1.207 engaged in a more noble and righteous quarrell; and I wish, with my Soul, for their Soules sake, and for the honour of the English Nation, that either the cause which they strive to maintaine were better, or that their industry wherewith they maintaine it, were not so good.

But that none may think that the extraordinary successe, which these perverters of Order, these underminers of Government, have had, and which these troubles of Israel, these over-turners of Christianity do boast of, is to be attributed to any goodnesse in their cause, or to any Celestiall or Divine benediction upon it. I shall desire them to consider of the true Grounds and Reasons of it. I shall name only those that are most visible, amongst which I might mention private divisions, between our Chieftaines, who* 1.208 to revenge themselves of one another, seemed not to care what advantage they gave to the common foe, nor what detriment to the King: but this hath been too sufficiently, yea, too shameful∣ly visible, without further notice.

I might mention also the Indiscretion, or inability of those, who have undertaken to manage the Kings Affaires: The grea∣test talkers (sayes the Proverb) are not always the wisest men. He* 1.209 that can make a witty speech, is not alwayes meetest to sway a Councell; nor are men of quickest gust or relish, always men

of the best and sagest spirit; 'tis one thing to give directions, for dressing of a good Dinner, and another thing to give orders, for the governing of a great Army: Beside, the Genius of some men, is neither publick nor noble enough, either to gaine, or keep the Hearts of people, who by a certaine instinct from above, are most regardfull (in troublesome times) of those, whom they ap∣prehend, to be most neglectfull of themselves. Assuredly the King and his Cause both, have received the greatest wounds from the hands of Friends.

I might also mention mens dishonesty, in falsifying the trust im∣posed in them, when they have by their oppression and violence,* 1.210 beggered the people committed to their care; by their excess and harshness, weakened their hearts, and loosened the joynts of Loyalty in them: and made the places strong and fensible, (as if they had been there set, only to enrich themselves, and to make preparation for the Enemy, and this being done, their work were done) they have delivered up all into the adversaries hand, and so departed. But to omit these and many more particulars, (which might be named) which have occasioned that great suc∣cess so gloried in; I shall mention only three, viz. Remis∣nesse in the best of ours, Prophanenesse in the worst, and Popular fury.

1. Remisness. The best on our side in generall, being not armed or quickned, with such stings of Hatred, as they on their side are, have been more heavy and dull in their opposite desires, and inferiour to them in their attempts and practises, They by tum∣bling and tossing like heaps of snow rowled up and down, have grown great and mighty: and we, by our frosty coldness, have given them leave to harden: Whereby they are encreased to that stupendious heap we see; though 'tis possible yet that a thaw may come, for rota fortunae is in gyro, notwithstanding their pre∣sent bigness, they may be sensible of a diminution, might but the glorious Sun-shine of Gods Countenance, return again upon our Soveraign.

And yet (perhaps) this Remisness (which I seeme to tax in these of ours) hath been more from others restraint, then their owne sluggishness; for (alas!) the chiefest care of too many a∣mongst us, hath been to damp the endevours of good men, in

such places where they might have been most serviceable: yea, to prevent (if possible) their being trusted, or imployed at all; for fear (I think) the Kings Affaires should thrive too well; if such had had the managing of them: many of the Kings friends (as they have been called) have been so faithfull to Him, that they would neither do their own duties, nor suffer others to do theirs; having themselves deserved ill, they could not abide, that others should deserve better; it hath been one of the hardest things, for a known honest man to obtain leave of them, (since the Kings troubles began) to doe His Majesty faithfull service: yea, I have heard it often said, that the surest and speediest way, for one to bring himselfe to ruine, among many of the Kings men, was to be more active, and honest, then others, in doing the Kings worke. Nay, if a Minister of Christ hath but laboured earnestly and zealously in his proper way, (according to his Office) in the behalf of God, his Soveraigne, and his Country; He hath growne remarkable on the suddaine, and been noted by many (that should have en∣couraged him) for an unsufferable fellow; fit for nothing but for slaughter, (unless presently silenced and dismissed) for they have cryed, He will spoile the Kings Cause if let alone, and make all the Souldiers stark Puritanes, rank Round-heads, or else stirre up all the people against us: (and all this, but for his faithfull and true dislike of that which spoiled it.) Remissenesse therefore in good men, is granted a mean to preserve their own safeties, but withall tis un∣doubtedly one of the special things that hath damnified the Kings Cause, and advanced that of the Enemy.

2. As Remisnesse in some, so prophanesse and high impiety in* 1.211 some others of our side hath weakned us, and aided them: tis a true saying, A divine blessing doth alwayes accompany good causes, where wickednesse and wilfull witlessenesse doth not bar against it; but when either of these oppose, the blessing is obstructed: and (alas!) Hinc dolor, Hinc lacrymae, hence also is the source of our sorrows, and of our enemies good successe: Sir Edwin Sands in his Europae speculum tells us, that the Jewes in their speculations of the causes of the strange successe of worldly affaires, doe assigne the reason of the Turkes prevailing against the Christians to their Bla∣sphemies, and horrid Oathes, which doe wound the eares of the very Heavens, and cry to the throne of Justice for Divine vengeance:

whereas the Turkes hate prophanation, and will not suffer Christ to be ill spoken of: the same reason may be given for the enemies pre∣vailing of late against the Kings men. (Though I doe not say that all on the Enemies side, are free from this hellish sinne, or so respectfull of Christ and God, as the Turkes are in this particu∣lar: for there are with them, even with them also, most horrid swea∣rers, and most execrable blasphemers: but their evills hurt not us, as our owne doe, nor are so mis-becoming their Cause, as ours are to that which we maintaine.) And indeed never any good undertaking had so many unworthy attendants: such hor∣rid blasphemers, and wicked wretches as ours hath had: I quake to think, much more to speak, what mine eares have heard, from some of their lips: but to discover them, is not my present busi∣ness; a day may come, when the world may see, that we who ad∣here to the King for Conscience sake, (what ever is said of us to the contrary) have as truly hated the prophanesse and vilenesse of our own men, as we have done the disloyalty and Rebellion of the Enemy: For indeed, the truth is, betwixt them both (as be∣twixt two mil-stones) the King, his Cause, and our selves too, are ground in pieces: and were the matter well opened, it would appear, that both those and these, have had but one and the same end, even to satisfie their owne lusts, and enrich themselves, with the ruines of their King and Country. But without all question, neglect of Religion, and want of Discipline, hath weakned and undone the Kings Armies: O had His Sacred Majesties Commands, and Orders for the exercise of both, been put in Execution, the Enemy had never been able to have stood be∣fore us.

3. Popular Fury, (which is like the rushing of mighty waters)* 1.212 comes also in, to the making up of this Land-floud, which gives the Adversary such occasion of glorying: the Addition of the many, though it can adde no true credit to their Cause, yet it makes the successe appear extraordinary: The People (sayes Jere∣my)* 1.213 are foolish, and know not Gods way: and our Saviour sayes, the Multitude walke in the broad way; they are led much by mouth and noise, and incline alwayes to the strongest: their de∣lights are, to lift up those that are already up, and to throw downe lower, the already downe: with them the winner hath alwayes

praise, let a man get power or prosperity how he can, he shall not want vertue in their opinions. A notable Testimony of this we have in that propheticall vision, Rev. 13. (wherein is fore∣shewn* 1.214 what shall fall out in these latter times) we are there told of a certain Beast with many Heads, whom all the world won∣der after, in regard of his Power and Authority, which (not∣withstanding) was not lawfull, or rightly come by, (as the Text infers) For the Dragon or Devill did give it to him, and not God, yet such was the blindness and fury of the People, that they did worship and adore him for it.

And by the way, let us here note: that Satan is sometime said to give power (by Gods permission) as well as God: and as that power which is gotten by honest and lawfull meanes, is Gods gift, of which kinde was that of Pilat, (though abused by him)* 1.215 it was conferred upon him, by the voluntary designement of Caesar, the Supream Magistrate: and therefore (our Saviour saies) it was of God, or from above: So that strength and Authority (on the other side) which is obtained by unlawfull courses, is the gift of Satan; and such was that of the many-headed Monster forementioned: He is said, to have received power from the Dragon, because by fraud, violence, and unjust wayes, he had gryped a great strength of the Militia into his hands, whereby for a season he was succesefull in many designes. Yea, sayes the spirit, vers. 7. He made Warre with the Saints, and overcame them; He prevailed over men of all sorts, small and great, rich and poore, free and bond; and compelled them to receive a Marke, or to take a Covenant, and no man might live and trade, buy or sell in all his Quarters, that scrupled at it. And in regard of this his great Power, and success together; all that dwelt upon the earth, or in the Countries where he had to doe, (those onely excepted (sayes the Text) whose names were written in the booke of Life) did worship the Beast wondered after him, and admired him: saying, who is like unto the Beast? who is able to make Warre with him? And no doubt but the Beast did admire himselfe too, for such his greatness and success among the People, whose foolish and froward access (indeed) did make the same so extraordinary.

These I conceive are the chief causes of that prosperity which

the enemy so much glories in; what invisible reasons there be in Gods secret Councell for his permitting this, I cannot tell; but sure I am, (though the Adversaries may have received their po∣wer as that beast did, to doe as they have done, yet) Gods Hand it selfe, is in the Judgement, as 'tis a punishment. And indeed we have sinned one with another, and therefore are justly punished one by another; we had made this happy and rich Kingdom the stage of our wickedness, and therefore it is become unto us an Acheldama, or field of blood; and should God make it an Hell al∣so, for ever to torment us in; it would be but our due merit, and his true Justice: Let us give God his due glory, He is righteous in all his doings.

The Judgement (indeed) hath falne hitherto, most heavy up∣on the Kings Family, and Party; and this I beleeve is of Gods speciall permission too; but whether because Judgement doth usu∣ally* 1.216 begin at Gods own house, or because we on that side, are in the generall so sinfull, and the best of us so little affected with these nationall miseries, and so little humbled under our own, I cannot tell, Gods Councells are a great deep: But let this be confes∣sed to our shame, (of which I wish we could take more unto our selves, for this is a time and season to do it in) I thinke since the world began, there was never so great a Judgement lesse laid to heart, (wherein so many are concerned) then this is by us. Alas, Alas! Who amongst us yet speaketh aright? Who repenteth him of his wickedness? Who lamenteth for his sin? Who smites him∣selfe, and sayes, What have I done? Every one (in a manner) still* 1.217 goes on ••in his old course, and runs desperately upon his owne ruine, even as the Horse that wanteth understanding, rusheth into the battle. We have those that seeme to hate Religion, as much as the Rebells doe Loyalty; yea that make Religion a mark of Rebellion, even as they on the other side do make Rebellion a mark of Religion: Nay I would they did not hate both Loyalty and Re∣ligion too; sure they use those worst that are to both these best affected; we must needs think that God hath an high indigna∣tion against such persons, and disdaines sure, to make them suc∣cesfull instruments in his righteous Cause, and perhaps till they be cut off, the enemies shall prosper: and then the wheele shall be turned another way; and the truly Loyall and Religious, in

quos victor victus{que} furit, that suffer by both sides, may see bette•• times.

We find the Church in her complaint of such men, prophesying to this purpose, O Lord, thy hand (scil. of Justice) is lifted up, and* 1.218 they will not see or acknowledge the same: but they shall see, (scil. before God hath done with them, and feele too) yea, and he asha∣med for their envie (or malice) at thy people, (viz. who make bet∣ter use of the judgement then themselves doe) for the fire of thine enemies shall devour them, i. e. the fire of rage, and power of do∣ing hurt, shall be the longer permitted to Gods very enemies, untill these wicked, and ungodly wretches, are devoured, scat∣tered or destroyed: And till then (as is inferred also in that Chapter) even the righteous people that keep the truth, and wait for God, in the way of his judgements, must with patience submit themselves, and meekly beare the indignation; remembring that God hath alwayes had his time to sift and try, whom he hath formerly taught and fed: and this to them is that season: this is Gods threshing time, His fan is now in his hand; he is taking a∣way his wheat, and hath carryed much of it already out of sight, the chaffe remaines still in great heaps upon the floore; and ha∣ving received little or no diminution, glorieth in its extraordinary great successe, not thinking what must shortly be done with it, how tis designed to the fire.

But because Successe is so great a plea with these men, and so* 1.219 prevalent with most people: I will first shew, that tis the weakest Argument that can be alledged to prove the goodnes of a Cause; and then, that the wickedest men have most used it. But of both these briefly.

Concerning the first, David in the 73. Psalme, describing the* 1.220 outward estate of evill men, sayes, they were successefull in their affaires; insomuch that people thereupon came in apace unto them, yea so prosperous they were in their way, that himselfe in a man∣ner* 1.221 was non-plussed at the matter. And Jeremy the Prophet ar∣gues with God about the same thing, why it should so be, That they who dealt very treacherously, should be so very happy: Whose conditions also in another place, he describes more fully in these words. Among my people are found wicked men, who lie in waite,* 1.222 and set traps and snares to catch their Brethren, their houses are full

of deceit and wrong, yea they do (in their injustice and cruelty) sur∣passe the deeds of ordinary wicked men: they take upon them to be Judges, and yet judge not the cause, no not so much as the cause of the fatherlesse, or the right of the needy, and yet they prosper, are be∣come great, grow rich, waxen fat and shine.

Here was prosperity we see, here was successe, but no Honesty, no goodnesse. So the Prophet Habakkuk complains of treache∣rous* 1.223 dealers, and wicked persons, who devoured men more righteous then themselves: They catched them in their nets, and gathered them in their drags, and thereupon rejoyced in themselves, and offered sacri∣fice to their own nets, burnt incense to their drags, because by them their portion was fat, and their meat plenteous.

We read in Rev. 12. of the true Church, How she was driven by the Dragon into the wildernesse, i. e. into a desolate and ob∣scure Condition, Delituit in Cavernis, non eminuit in primariis se∣dibus,* 1.224 (as one saies) she was not visible, ••as formerly, nor had she power and liberty to shew her self in her family, or to govern her Children, as she was wont to do; she was in the very same Condition, as our Mother-Church of England is now in; the de∣vil had obtained great successe against her, but shal we conclude from thence, that He was in the right, and she in the wrong, or Him to be the beloved of God, and she the hated? we have no sufficient reason for it. So in the 7. ver. of the next Chap. where* 1.225 that Beast is said to make War with the Saints, to overcome them; doth it therefore follow, that his cause was better then theirs? I* 1.226 think not. In the 11. of Daniel a certain vile person (so intitled) is prophesied of, who should do much mischief, against the Holy people, whom he should kil and destroy, and against the Sanctuary, or place of Gods worship, which he should pollute, taking away the daily Sacrifice, (or Common-prayer unto God) and setting up the Abomination of Desolation in the room thereof; Yea, he should exalt himself (above Him he ought to obey) and speak Blasphe∣mous things, against the God of gods; He should Honour onely the God of forces, i. e. He should trust only in his Militia, or strength of weapons for safety and protection, (all these it seems are the conditions of a vile person) yet should he prosper for an appointed time, until the indignation be accomplished, (saies the Text) which was determined to be done. We know that C••in pre∣vailed

against Abel, yet Abel was the better man, and offered the better sacrifice: Nay, the Pharisees (we know) prevailed against Christ himself, for a season, had their wils of him, got him Crucified by the common vote and consent of the people, even according to the desires of their own hearts. And from hence it was believed by a great many, that Christ was even such a man as his Enemies reported him: scil. a Deceiver, and a Malefactor: and that it was the just judgment of God upon him, for his sins: He was despised, rejected of men, (saies the Prophet) Yea, we e∣steemed* 1.227 him smitten of God, (scil. for his own sins) and afflicted. Nay, some of his Disciples themselves were so staggered at the matter, that even they, made a question, whether he were the man, whom they took him to be, because of that success which his Enemies had against him: we trusted (say they) it had been* 1.228 he, that should have redeemed Israel, as if they now feared they were deceived. Indeed it is the Humour of men, (though often warned to the contrary) to pass sentence upon others from a view of their outward condition; if they prosper, then they con∣clude them good, and beloved of God; if not, then wicked present∣ly: When the Viper was seen hanging ••n S. Pauls hand; He was* 1.229 judged a Murderer immediately, and the worst man in all the company: so those whom Pilate s••ew, (while they were at their devotions) and those ••n whom the Tower of Siloe fel, were thought* 1.230 greater sinners, then other men, because of their misfortunes, which opinion our Saviour himself conf••teth: Yea scripture through∣out, and daily experience both, doth inform us, that the best men are usually the most afflicted, for this world is the furnace wher∣in, and Affliction, is the fire wherwith, God neals his people, and makes them fit for a better habitation: And thus we see that to argue from success, is but a weak kind of Arguing; nay, these ve∣ry men that now use the same in their own behalf, were wont to say heretofore, (when others have prevailed against their facti∣on) The m••re Knaue the better luck; I know no reason but that Proverb is stil as t••••e as ever.

••. But I shal now shew in the next place, that the worst men* 1.231 have always ••in wont to plead this Argument; Two or three examples amongst many shal be alleaged to this purpose: The Scripture tels of ••••bsakeh, when he moved the people of Jeru∣salem,

(as these men do us) to make a general revolt from He∣zekiah, he pretended that God had set him on work, and had* 1.232 said, Go up against this land, and destroy it, and his main Argument was, his Masters extraordinary great successe: to which purpose, he reckoned up (as our enemies do) a great many Cities, Towns, and Castles, which he had taken; as H••nah, and Ar••••••d, Sephar∣vaim, Henah, and Iva••. And so the Turke argue at this day a∣gainst the Christians, that their Religion excels ours, because they have prospered better, and prevailed more then we have done. And in like sort the Independent faction may urge the same thing, against the Presbyterians here amongst ••s; for they have been the most succesful: and if the Argument be good, then down must go the Presbytery (as wel as Episcopacy.) r••••t and branch: and the Parliament have erred in Voting for it, yea, and the Cove∣nant taken to conform the Government of this Church, to that of Scotland, becomes frustrate and of none effect: But to pro∣ceed▪

As Ra••s••akeh and the Turks, so the Popish Bishops in Qu. Ma∣ries time, did insist much upon this Argument, (as Master Fox* 1.233 witnesseth) they would urge upon the Martyrs their extraordi∣nary successe, which they and their cause had, by King Edwards death, and Queen Maries coming to the Crown, (against such great endevours to the contrary) these very men, who now use the same Argument, in their own behalf, wil not allow, that it was sufficiently good then, in the behalf of the Papists. I ••il mention but one example more, and that is of Pope Alexander the third, who (as story speaks him) was none of the best men; when he had prevailed against the good Emperour Frederick the second, his Liege-Lord (as these have done against their King) by getting a great victory against him, wherein, most unfortunate∣ly his son was taken prisoner: for redemption of whom, the Emperour was forced to prostrate himself upon the ground, and yeild his neck to be troden on: and to acknowledge Alexander to be rightful Pope, (which by reason of a schisme was before denied) and to restore what ever had been taken, during the war on his part: when (I say) the Pope had brought him to all this (and to such like things would these men now bring their S••veraig••, as is evident by the Doctrine of their Preachers, who

tel the people that God wil bring the necks of Kings under the feet of his Saints, that is, (as they interpret) under the feet of their faction) then did He, (the said Pope) insult and glory, (as these already begin to do) in his Extraordinary great success; and made it his Argument, to perswade the foolish world, (af∣ter these mens fashion) that his cause was Gods, and that God had favoured his quarrel, as the most just and lawful. Henry* 1.234 King of England, and Lewis King of France, were both in the Seduction, in token whereof, being both on foot, they held the Bridle of the Horse, on which the Pope rode, the one with the right hand, and the other with the left. And thus also we see that the worst men, have bin wont to use this kind of Arguing, which our Adversaries now think to be so good, and do stand so much upon.

But from this consideration, we (for our parts) shal beware of being swayed by it, or of judging Gods love or hatred from outward Accidents; fools only build upon such foundations: E∣vil* 1.235 is the touch-stone of Good, and often gets the better of it, to try goodnesse Constancy. The Arke was taken Prisoner by the Philistines; it doth not follow thereupon that God did hate the* 1.236 same; no more doth it now follow, that he hates the King, be∣cause he lets his Enemies (for the present) prevaile against him. For Israels sin, God suffered the Arke of his glory to be obscu∣red, (for a season) so for our sins it is that our Soveraign is affli∣cted. And let not these Insulters perswade themselves, that our Allegeance is so weakly knit, that it can be loo••ened with this Ar∣gument, we are not of them that draw back; nor yet of them, that* 1.237 blush not to affirm, that so long as the King is able to protect them, they are bound to serve him, but no longer: these waters of affliction, that have so plentifully showred down upon his Head, are not able in the least degree, to quench the heat of our love, they are as oyle rather, to inlarge the flames of our affections: the Enemies success against him, and ill usage of him, doth but make him appear in our eys, more like our Saviour; and so locks our hearts the fa∣ster to him. And let these King-Tormentors know, that God hath an hook for their Noses, and a Bridle for their lips, and the things that are coming upon them make hast: Nulla sors l••nga est, the weather-cock may turn; alieno in l••co haud stabile regnum

est, there is no constant sitting in anothers seat, ima permutat bre∣vis Hora summis, who knows what a year, a month, or a day may bring forth? quos foelices Cynt••ia vidit, vidit miseres abitura dies: Great and wise Agamemnon professed, that he had learned by his victories 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that great things are overturned in a monent: Troya nos tumidos fecit, nimium & feroces, (saith he) Troyes Conquest hath made us proud, and cruel, fierce and haughty: Et Stamus nos Danai loco, unde illa cecidit, we the Conquerours are in the same condition, from whence she fel: Hodie mihi, cras tibi, is the Motto of all Mor∣tals, our portion of sorrow we have to day, they shal have theirs to morrow; the times may so alter, that Affliction may chance to stand again for a mark of Gods Children, even in their Calen∣der, res Deus nostras celeri citatas turbine versat. And so I have done with this particular, and come to that which these Libel∣lers adde in their next words: Having minded us of their late extraordinary successe in the field, they proceed and say,

Yet stil this Clandestine proceedings against us here, condemning* 1.238 all that are in any degree Protestants at Oxford, as also granting a Tolleration of Idolatry to Papists, indemnity to the Murderous Irish, in a close trading way, for meer particular advantage, cannot be de∣fended by any, but by the falsest of men, Papists; and by the falsest of Papists, Jesuites.

SECT. XVII.

1. Another Charge against the King Confuted: of Clan∣destine proceedings. 2. The Kings condemning all that be Protestants at Oxford, a most impudent and malicious slander. 3. His toleration of Idolatry another: The Occasion of the Kings promising to take away the Pe∣nall Lawes concerning Papists. 4. The Reasonable∣nesse of that promise, at that time, and upon that occasion. 5. The Objection of the Kings former resolution to the contrary answered: As also of his promise not to Abo∣lish the Laws against them.

HEre is a new Charge upon the King, consisting of many par∣ticulars.* 1.239 1. Clandestine proceedings against them at West∣minster. 2. Condemning all that are in any degree Protestants at Oxford. 3. Granting a Toleration of Idolatry to Papists. 4. Indem∣nity to the murderous Irish: And all these are aggravated by three main Circumstances, one from the time inferred in the word yet stil: another from the manner of working, in a close truding way; and the third from the end, for meer particular advantage: all which put together, make the King (in their judgements) uncapable of all defence, unlesse by the falsest of men li∣ving, who (as they say) are in general Papists, in special Jesuites.

These men surely having read in the 9. of John, the Phari∣sees trick of affrighting people from professing Christ; do here make an experiment of it, hoping for a like effect, that as none durst speak in Christs behalf, for fear of exclusion from the Syna∣gogue, and of being accounted as an Heathen or a Publican: So none wil dare to contradict what they have said, or to speak a word in the Kings defence, for fear of exclusion from their ap∣probation; and of being reckoned the very worst of men, a Pa∣pist, nay, a Jesuite, and used accordingly.

But (perhaps) here in they are not so wise as they would be taken, nitimur in vetitum, we love in these daies, to look nar∣rowly into things forbidden: this bridle they would put upon us, makes us believe, that they seek to smother those beams of wisdome; and to suppresse those sparks of truth, which if layed to view in these Letters, would quickly f••ie into their faces, and give the Lie to their observations. If they be able to Justifie what they say; why should they bar any man Liberty of oppo∣sing? truth fears no stirring; nor do honest men fear sifting: we are commanded to prove all things, to the end we may hold fast* 1.240 only that which is good. Wherefore notwithstanding the dan∣ger layed before me; I shal obey God in doing my duty to the truth, and to my Soveraign. I wil examine the accu∣sation as it lies, and begin with their yet stil, or first Circum∣stance.

Yet stil must needs (according to Grammar) have reference to what precedes, as wel as to that which follows: that which precedes, is their late extraordinary successe in the field, scil. when these Papers were surprised: that which follows, is the relation of diverse crimes, which (as must be supposed) they have found in these Papers: now yet stil is uttered as an aggravation of the said crimes, as if after their extraordinary successe (which must be believed, spake Gods approbation of their cause) the King had been guilty of that, which they lay to his Charge out of the said Papers, and had written all that is found amisse in them, af∣ter they were surprized. So that yet stil imports thus much:

Notwithstanding Gods manifestation of himself against the King, by the late extraordinary successe in the field, which the holy and blessed Parliament had against him: He (contrary to this conviction) hath used clandestine proceedings against them at Westminster, hath condemned all that were in any degree Protestants at Oxford, hath granted a Toleration of Idolatry to Papists, and indemnity to the Murderous Irish, and what e∣ver beside is liable to blame (according to their fenses) in these Letters.

But this pretty Aggravation of theirs, is but a bare cir∣cumstance, and therefore I passe it over only with this little notice.

The Charge it self follows, which consists of an huge heap of hainous words, resembling a man of straw, that at first blush, car∣ries some proportion to our seeming, but being felt and poi∣zed, is discovered to be a meer vanity, serving onely to fray Crowes.

1. They cry out of Clandestine proceedings, scil. against them at Westminster, for by us here, none else can be intended; these (it seems) they would have in the first place to be marked with a Noli me tangere; and great reason for it, many fields in England have bin watered with humane bloud, to keep them from be∣ing touched: they have deserved so abundantly well of their Country and Nation, in keeping safe the Religion, Peace, and Wealth thereof, without any the least Schism, breach or diminu∣tion; that it were a mortal sin, but to think amisse of them. Wherefore the King must needs be much too blame, for using any clandestine proceedings against them at Westminster: and the rather, because they were never guilty of any clandestine proceed∣ings against him. They went openly to work in all that ever they did: told him at first, when he called them together, what he should look for at their hands: yea, and when they sued unto him, to sign their Bil for continuing the Parliament; they plain∣ly declared, how they would serve him: that they would seize first upon his Magazines and Navy; and then raise a bloudy War against him: that they would separate his Wife from him, and hunt his Person up and down the Kingdom: rob him of all his Wealth, and the Hearts of his people: they foretold him of all; nor had they ever any private Conventicles before hand, to plot their businesse, nor since their meeting, did they ever make use of a close Committee: They never had any Clandestine packing with those of Scotland, nor with any other, of any other Nation; but have done all things clearly, and in the face of the Sun: If ought hath befel the King to his dislike or distaste, he may thank himself only for it: for he knew their minds before hand, they hid nothing from him; and therefore it must needs be granted, that the King doth very ill, to use any Clandestine proceedings a∣gainst such honest plain-dealing men, as those be, that sit at West∣minster.

But (by the way) what are these Clandestine proceedings trow

ye? why we must look into these his Letters for them, wherin we shall finde him plotting with his Queen, about bringing the Treaty at Uxbridge on foot againe, and to make her the Instru∣ment thereof: (could there be but a pre-assurance, that the Re∣bells would submit to reason) Thou (saies he) art the fittest Person, to be the meanes of so happy, and glorious a worke, as is the peace of this Kingdome. Pap. 2. (was not here Clandestine proceedings now, and a dangerous conspiracy against them at Westminster, who are resolved to have no peace, till all be destroyed?)

Againe, he doth advise his Queen, (being in France) to en∣quire whether Lenthall the Speaker (according to his own brag) doth keep a strict intelligence with the Cardinall Mazarine, Though I will not swear (saies he) that Lenthall says true, yet I am sure 'tis fit for thee to know. Pap. 1. Here was another Clande∣stine businesse.

And further he doth consult with her about supplies of Men, Monies and Powder, for defence of his life against them of West∣minster, Pap. 3. and gives her direction for the conveyance of it in some other Papers: (a businesse Clandestine and shrewd too:) And in Paper 6. he assures her in private, that Hertogen, the Irish Agent was an arrant Knave, (a particular which might concerne the men of Westminster, and touch them more close, then perhaps every body will yet beleeve) Besides, in most of these Letters, we shall finde the King, and his Queen comforting and suppor∣ting each other, under their heavy burdens, with mutuall intima∣tion of perfect love, and patheticall expressions of conjugall af∣fection: All which, are notable proceedings indeed against them at Westminster, and great obstructions to their endevours, which are to breake the Hearts of both, and sinke them to their graves presently: And thus we see the nature and danger of the first par∣ticular in the Charge, concerning Clandestine proceedings, which are so evident, that we can say nothing against it.

The 2. followes, the proof whereof, is more and obscure: and that is condemning all that are in any degree Protestants in Oxford; by which they would have it beleeved, that the King is so great an Enemy to Protestant Religion, that his very friends at Ox∣ford, who have forsaken all they had for his sake, are hated by him for their Religion sake, so many of them as are Protestants in

any degree: But how this is manifest in these his Papers, we are to seek, for though these men have forehead enough to affirme it, yet their fortune is not good enough to prove it. Indeed we find the King in his Letters to Ormond, Paper 16. and in his Directions to his Commissioners at Uxbridge, taking great care, and giving strict Charge, for the preservation of his Protestant Subjects in Ireland; but in no place can we see so much as a sillable tending to the condemnation of Protestant Religion.

But these men cannot leave their old trade of Taxing the King with their own Conditions: Heaven and Earth can witnesse, that never was there in England, greater enemies to Protestant Religi∣on, then themselves have been; never was there so much Prote∣stant Bloud spilt in this Nation, since the beginning of the world, as hath been by their meanes within these foure years: Never was London so full of Prisons; never the Prisons so full of Protestant Divines; Protestant Nobles, Gentry, and Christians of all sorts, as they have been, since these good men kept Court at Westminster. Besides, how they have Countenanced and brought into the Church, all kinde of Sects and Heresies to the ruine of Prote∣stantisme, which the King for the Honour and Health thereof, was alwayes carefull to suppresse and keep out? How have they maintained and preached Doctrines of Devills, scil. of strife, murder of Brethren, Rebellion against Princes, oppression of neighbours; and practised the same; which are all directly op∣posite to the Religion of the Protestants? How have they aboli∣shed the Book of Common-Prayer, established by Parliament, to be the Protestants publick forme of Worshiping and serving God in this Kingdome? Had the King done but any one of these things, or were he not himselfe a most constant and zealous Professour of Protestant Religion in his daily practice, these men might happily have had some Colour, for this their confident Charge against him: and so to have created suspitions of him. But seeing all things are so cleare contrary, we learne onely thus much from this particular on their charge, that they are men, whose hearts are not overspiced with honesty: They passe not what they say, nor with what face, so they say no truth.

The third particular which they load their King withall, is* 1.241 Tolleration of Idolatry to Papists: which they speak, as if Idolatry

sub eo nomine were already allowed, and set up by the Kings Au∣thority, in contempt of God and true Religion, and so (doubt∣lesse) they would have it apprehended.

Reasonable men will yeild that there is a difference betwixt Idolatry, and the Penalty thereof; the penalty may be suspended, altered, or taken away for the time, and yet the sinne it selfe not tollerated or allowed: These doubty Champions will not yeild that their Parlia. have granted a tolleration to Adultery, though they have abrogated the penal Lawes against that sin, and so taken away the meanes to punish it: Nor can they prove that the King hath promised any more to Papists, then the Parliament hath al∣ready granted to fornicatours.

In their after-notes, (where they make repetition of this mat∣ter) they referre the Reader to Paper the 8. for their ground of it: In which we finde the King relating to His Queen, how the English Rebells had transmitted the Commands of Ireland, from the Crowne of England to the Scots: an expression worthy (by the way) to be observed by all Englishmen, that regard the honour of their Nation, considering that the King Himself is a Scot, and that the men of Westminster intend, if they cannot kill Him, to thrust Him and His Children, (as some of their Hang-bies have whispered) to His Ancient Inheritance in Scotland; when they have made use of His People of that Nation, to help to destroy His Kingly Power here, not one Scot of them all, shall have any footing, or any more to doe in this Kingdome: I say, conside∣ring this, every true Englishman hath cause most highly to reve∣rence the King for His Justice unto, and His care of the dignity of the English Crown. But to proceed; the King tells His Queen, that, by that Act, (that base and ignoble act) He found Reformation of the Church, not to be (as they pretended) the end of this Rebellion: and concludes, it would be no piety, but presumption rather in Himselfe, not to use all lawfull meanes to maintaine His righteous Cause: And as one mean to that purpose, not thought of before, He gives His Queen leave to promise in His Name, that all penall Lawes in England, against Roman Catholicks shall be taken away: as soone (sayes He) as God shall inable me to doe it; upon this Conditiion, so as by their meanes, I may have so powerfull assi∣stance, as may deserve so great a favour, and inable me to doe it.

Now how truly from these words, that accusation is collected, let the Readers Judge: Here they see, is no absolute grant, or tolleration of Idolatry (as they pretend) but only a conditionary promise of withdrawing the penall Statutes against the Papists His Subjects, if by their meanes, He may be delivered from this bloudy raging, and malicious persecution of the Puritans, and settled in His power and throne again.

And well may the Papists expect as much favour from the King for such a service, as Adulterers have had already from the Parlia∣ment gratis.

Nor perhaps will the King appear so aboundantly culpable in this case (as these men would have Him) if these 3. following par∣ticulars be well considered upon.

1. The lawfulnesse of using the ayde of Papists, specially be∣ing His own Subjects, in case of life and extremity, of which I have spoaken somewhat before * 1.242 to which I referre the Rea∣der.

All that the Enemy can object is, the Kings Resolution to the contrary at the beginning of this Rebellion: His words to this pur∣pose, they faile not to alleadge in the end of their observations, Pag. 55. where also they tell us, that the King made a strict Pro∣clamation for the punishing those of that Religion, that should presume to list themselves under Him; and that a way by Oath was prescribed for discrimination of them, and instructions granted to the Commissi∣oners of Array in all places to dis-arme them. All which doth but speak His Majesties full purpose of keeping his Resolution, for the King doubtlesse did verily beleeve, (till experience taught the contrary) that Protestant Religion had such a power in the hearts of those that pretended so much unto it, that they would never suffer Him (their Soveraigne and protectour) to stand in need of the help of Papists to defend Him. And these men (in the same place) confesse, that at the battle of Edge-hill, the Papists were taken into the Kings Army of meere necessity: and they al∣leadge (in scorne) the excuse (as they call it) which the King gave for the same, namely, that by law, they were prohibited Armes in time of peace, and not in time of Warre: which distinction (say these) bore date long after the Warre begun, but that was want of invention only: perhaps so, for who could have beleeved that men

of their pretendings, should prove so highly vile, and base, as they have done in driving their King to such exigents? or that the People of our Religion should prove so ingratefull, as to leave their Soveraigne, and protector so desolate, as that contrary to His own Resolution, He must be forced in defence of His life, to use those of another Religion, and be put to excuse Himself by that distinction? This makes me remember, that in Seneca, when Hercules familie was abused: Ingrata tellus nemo ad Herculeae Domus auxilia venit, vidit hoc tantum nefas defensus Orbis.

2. The time when this Letter unto the Queen was writ where∣in this promise was made, and the occasion moving thereunto. The time His accusers confesse was March 5. 1644. immediately after the breaking up of the Treaty at Uxbridge, when all hopes of peace by way of an accommodation were frustrate, and dissol∣ved, when the Kings affaires were very low, and the enemy high, having newly taken the Town of Shrewsbury, one of His Majesties best Garrisons. And the particular moving him at that time, to think of this meane of procuring assistance from his Subjects of that Religion, was (as appeares in the Letter) His discovery that the English Rebels had (so much as in them lay) transmitted the command of Ireland from him to the Scots: Which might easily perswade him, that their purpose was to take that of England unto themselves; and so his whole Authority in all his Dominions being totally rent from him, and divided amongst them, he was like to be but a Sans terrae, or a Cipher signifying just nothing in his three Kingdomes: which also spake plainly to his Conscience, that it was nothing lesse then Reformation of Religion, what ever was pretended, that the Puritane Rebels aymed at; upon which considerations he concluded with himselfe, (as the Letter infers). That it would be no Piety at all, but plain Presumption in him, to neglect any lawfull meane for defence of himselfe, and that au∣thority which God had entrusted him withall: or still to stand upon scruples, (which word the malitious Observatours Pag. 45. would have the people take speciall notice of) and truly what is it but a Scruple, a needlesse Scruple, for any to question, whether a Pro∣testant Prince, should use the helpe of Papists in case of necessity, to defend himself in his naturall rights, and Royalties? it being

not onely lawfull, but according to his Office and duty, to pre∣serve his Crown and Dignity, by the help of his Subjects of what Religion soever: they being by the providence of God lotted under his Government, as the proper meanes and Instruments for that very purpose. Wherefore (now at length) though the King had not hitherto, (as himself saies) though of this meane, (scil. with intent to use it) yet upon this occasion and consideration, I give thee leave, (says he) to promise in my name that I will take away, &c.

3. The thing promised, which is the taking away the penall Sta∣tutes against the Papists, provided (that in this his necessity) they afford him that powerfull assistance, as shall inable him to do it. And truely if extraordinary successe, be such a full proof of a good cause, (as these Libellers would now have it) and the King, by the assistance of his Popish Subjects, should obtaine the same against his Puritan Rebells; then their cause and Religion must for another while, be concluded the best; and (this Argu∣ment being fore-swallowed,) much wrong should they have, in the worlds deeme; if (at least) He whom they have ena∣bled, should not suffer them to enjoy the free use of it under his protection.

And (besides) if we do but consider, the Carriages of the Re∣bells themselves, what allowance they have given, and what pro∣mises they have made, to men of all Sects, and Religions, for to purchase their assistance, in taking from the King his inheritance and Authority: What advantages they have made, of the Kings fore-mentioned purpose, and promise, not to use the ayd of Pa∣pists: How they have sued for that assistance, which he resolved against, and have entertained many of that Religion into their Armies; and what proffers they have made, to those whom they could not prevaile with to help them, only to sit still, and not help him. I say, if we consider of these things, this promise which the King made, will not appeare so unreasonable to men of under∣standing, as these would have it.

But they Accuse the King (afterward) for offering this to the Queen, in behalf of the Papists, without either her or their request. It may be easily beleeved, that they have sued for it heretofore: Besides, if it be but considered, what the fashion of the world is

now come to be; since the Puritans pricked up their ears: Namely, to Capitulate, and bargain with their King, for what they shall have, and what he will grant, before any duty or ser∣vice shall be afforded to him: and then too, if it be remembred, what large and unreasonable demands, the Kings worst deser∣ving subjects, do require at His hands, onely for the purchase of life and peace to himselfe and his people: No man will wonder, if the King do think, the Papists will look (at least) for Liberty of Conscience, and Religion under him, when by their meanes the land is restored to tranquility, and the King to his Crown and dignity: For (doubtlesse) the Religion of the Papists, is as dear to them, as the Religion of Miles Corbet, Edmund Prideaux, and Zouch Tate, (the three chief examiners of the Kings Letters) is to them; and may with as little detriment to any Church or State be tollerated.

And besides, the Penalty which the King promiseth to take a∣way, is not as (I conceive) to be levied upon the Papists, meere∣ly because such: for it may be exacted upon others also though of another Religion, if they be guilty of these particulars: Scil. if they shall refuse to take the Oath of Supremacy and Allegeance to the King. 2. If they shall Raise disturbance in the Church or State. 3. If they shall Seduce the Kings Subjects, from their Re∣ligion, and Obedience. 4. If they shall Refuse to come to Church once in a month, (at least) or to hear Divine service. 5. If they shall, (many of them together) Keep private Conventicles, and meetings; in such cases onely, (as I conceive) the Laws are in force against Papists, and against all men else as equally, of what Religion soever: Wherefore let any man of understanding and justice speak, whether these fault-finders themselves, be not under the same Penalties, as deeply as ever were the Papists: Have not they renounced the Oath of Supremacie and Allegeance to the King, by making a new Oath, and placing the Supremacy in the Heads of their faction? Have not they raised such distractions and Rebellions in Church and State, as the like was never known? Have not they had their private meetings in all places of the Kingdome, and seduced thousands of the Kings Subjects from their duty and obedience? Do not they refuse to come to Com∣mon-Prayer? Nay, have they not Abolished the same out of

Churches, that no man at all might come unto it? May they, (do∣ing these things, and indeavouring the Kings destruction withall) be freed from the Penalty of these Laws? And may not the Pa∣pists, remaining in their due obedience, and assisting their Sove∣raigne against his Enemies, according both to Law and duty, rea∣sonably enjoy the same freedome? though peradventure they come short of one of the particulars; which perhaps too, is not so much out of Malice, (as in these others) but out of ignorance and mis-information: and that is, not coming to Common-Prayer: to which neither can they come now, (if they had a mind) be∣cause it is taken away by those very men; who would have the Statutes still in force against the Papists, for not allowing of that which themselves with all contempt and scorn have abo∣lished.

But in the last Page of their Notes, they Object in this case also, the Kings resolution, and promise, not to Abo∣lish these Lawes, but to joyn with his Parliament in suppression of Popery.

In answer to which, let what hath been said already, be well remembred; and withall how they that call themselves His Par∣liamant have not suffered the King to concurre with them: but have opposed and persecuted him, ever since he declared that his Resolution, to the end he might not be able to pursue the same: Yea, How themselves have compelled him, (in the continuance of his affliction,) to do that which they cry out upon him for; & have endeavoured all they could to force him further, had not a great measure of Divine grace upholden him: He may justly complaine of them, as David did of some in his time, They have* 1.243 driven me out from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord; saying, go serve other gods. They have done what they could to violence him from his Religion, and to force him to be a Papist, according as they voiced him. Never Prince had greater temptations and in∣forcements, yet never Prince was more constant in his Religion, blessed be the Majesty of Heaven for him. A perpetuall disgrace will it (questionlesse) be to Protestant Religion, (in the eyes of all the world beside) that any pretending to it, should shew themselves so unworthy, as to suffer so gratious a Prince to stand in need of Papists to defend him; much more that they should by

ill usage, force him with such promises to seek their ayd; but that they should accuse him also for doing the same, after they have inforced him to it, we must needs cry out, O nullo scelus credibile in aevo, quodque posteritas neget! the Height of their villany is the only advantage they have, that it wil not be believed by posteri∣ty: Wel (I say) let all those particulars be thought upon, by all sober men of this Age, and if they be not sufficient, (in their judgments) to plead the King Excusable in this case, then let them remember (as they were advised before) that the King is a man, (as others are) and in his extremity he declared himself, to be the Son of David, and the Son of Abraham.

SECT. XVIII.

1. The Kings granting indempnity to the murderous Irish another Slander. The necessity and Reasons of the Kings yeilding to a Peace at that time with the Irish: And the Conditions upon which that Peace was to be granted: This Act not contradictive to any of his former expres∣sions against their detestable doings. 2. The Vanity of their Charge against the King for going in a close tra∣ding way. Two sufficient Evidences of His Majesties sincere and constant affection to the Protestant Religion. 3. The whole Charge against the King most truly retor∣ted upon the Objectors.

WE come now to the fourth particular in their Charge, which is, (say they) granting indempnity to the murderous Irish. This is collected (as they tel us in their after-notes) from the Kings Letters to Ormund, Pap. 16. 17. 18. 19. in all which, I assure the world, there is no such word or phrase to be found as I wil, or I do, grant indempnity to the murderous Irish: Indeed I find therein his Majesty consenting to a peace with the Irish, and he sets down the reasons necessitating him thereunto, which these honest Observatours have totally omitted, to take notice of; lest

there should have bin no appearance of blame at all, in their ac∣cusation: in which they do altogether as wisely, as Satan did when he spake Scripture to our Saviour, for he did omit but on∣ly so much of the sentence, as would (if expressed) have made that part alleaged nothing to his purpose: And of this all men shal judge, for I wil set down in the Kings own words the grounds moving him to write to that purpose unto Ormund, Paper 16.

Ormund:

THe impossibility of preserving my Protestant Subjects in Ireland by a continuation of the War, hath moved me to give you these powers and directions, (that is one ground. A 2. follows in these words) It being now ma∣nifest that the English Rebels, have as far as in them lyeth given the Command of Ireland to the Scots, that their aym is at a total subversion of Religion, and regal power, and that nothing else wil content them, or purchase Peace here, I think my self bound in Conscience, not to let slip the means of setling that Kingdom, (if it may be) fully under my Obedience.

Now if to preserve the lives of Protestant Subjects, (impos∣sible otherwise to be done) if to keep Religion and Regal Power from subversion, be not two sufficient grounds to excuse (at least) a Christian Prince in a disabled condition, for the Consenting to a present Peace, with the vilest Murderers in the World; I know not what is. Yea and beside, if the Conditions be observed, which the King (in his low estate) requires, to have this Peace granted upon, perhaps they may speak the same very commend∣able.

1. It must be such a Peace as must not be against His Conscience and Honour.

2. The Penal laws against Appeals to Rome, and Premunire must stil stand, (The Accusers themselves confesse these two.)

3. It must be on this Condition, or so far forth, as the Irish remain

in their due Obedience to him, and lend him their faithful assi∣stance against his enemies, (as becometh Subjects) This is apparent Paper 19.

However these Calumniatours please to interpret, to me it seemeth, that this Peace with the Irish, is like that which Solomon* 2.1 made with Shimei. That wise King laid such an injunction upon him, for the grant of his life, as he foresaw he was likely to break, and so would come afterward to a due punishment of his former offences: and even so hath our King done, in that his grant: for doubtlesse it is as hard a thing for the Irish to abstain from ap∣pealing to Rome, or to continue long in their due obedience, as it was for Shimei, to forbear going to Gath, when he heard his ser∣vant was run thither: and by that time, the King (through Gods assistance) may be able to do justice upon them, according to their merits.

Kings (what ever people think) have choice spirits, differing from those of other men, are better guided, as being in a special sort in Gods hand, which directs them in using a connivent leni∣ty, where a sharp insight or notice, may work a greater damage for the present. In matters of Government, (which every one that can find fault with, skilleth not in) such accidents fall out somtime, that the Prince must not stand to ask, what may be done by law; but must do what is necessary to be done in that case. If a Cholerick man, (as one saies) be about to strike, I must not go about to purge his Choller, but to break his blow. So doth the King in this case: He labours to break the blows of the Murde∣rous Irish that they may fall no longer so heavy upon his Prote∣stant Subjects. Time was when He would have gone in person, to have purged their Choller, and to let them bloud, and so have redeemed his poor afflicted people, from their fury, in a more Kingly way; only his good Subjects here, that take upon them to command him, would not give him leave so to do: wherefore he must now do as he may, and not as he would. And surely if those Abbots of Westminster, that sit there at ease, fatted with the wealth, and pleasures of the Kingdom; sporting themselves with reports of bloud and slaughter, had but any sensible feeling of those miseries, which our poor Protestant Brethren in Ireland do indure, by the continuation of that War, they would be

glad of a peace upon any condition; so it were but with the en∣joyment of Conscience and Religion. But they (as is conceived) were the first kindlers of the fire there, thereby to gain advan∣tage to themselves, of raising combustions here: and as their phrase, so their fashion is, to go through with the work, Ergo, til there be a total ruine, and desolation of all, they wil admit of no peace in either Kingdom; wherefore the King (as the case then stood) went the only right way, at that present, by a pacification with the rebellious Irish, to inable himself to suppresse the rebel∣lious English, (those roots of war, and seeds-men of sedition) and so to recover a Capacity sufficient to correct all offenders, and settle a firm tranquility among all his Subjects.

But these Accusers at the end of their Notes Pag. 55. do ob∣ject divers of the Kings expressions, against the doings of the Irish, which (as they apprehend) this his consent to agree with them did contradict: His words (say they) once, were these: We hope the lamentable Condition of Ireland, wil invite us to a fair in∣telligence, and unity, that we may with one heart intend the relieving and recovering of that unhappy Kingdome, where those barbarous Re∣bels, practice such inhumane, and unheard-of outrages upon our mi∣serable people, that no Christian eare can hear without Horrour, nor Story parallel. And at another time (say they) thus the King speaketh: We conjure all our Subjects, by the bonds of Love, Duty, and Obedience, that are precious to good men, to joyn with us, for the recovery of that Kingdom. Also in July (say they) at the Siege of Hull, He conjures both Houses, as they wil Answer the contrary to Almighty God, to unite their force or recovery of Ireland. And in December the King answers some Irish Protestants thus, Since the beginning of that monstrous Rebellion, I have had no greater sorrow, then for the bleeding Condition of that Kingdom. Truly their bare repetitions of these pathetical expressions, and desires of their Soveraign, (with which themselves were no whit mo∣ved, to unite with him in so pious and Charitable a work) doth plainly discover them to be none of that number of good men whom the King conjured, nor to have any fear in their hearts of Almighty God. And doing the same to this end, viz. (as they hope) to disgrace the King, who at the end of their relation, they blush not to tax for his laying the blame of the Irish miseries

upon the Parliament, (i. e. upon the faction so called) which if he should not do, he would sin highly against God and the Truth. I say to repeat those his expressions to this end, (as they do) doth witnesse them to be given up to Reprobate sense, and to re∣main in the most hardened condition of impenitency: And thus have I done also with the fourth particular.

There remains now only to observe the other Circumstances* 2.2 annexed to this their Charge for aggravation; taken from the manner of working, whereby these things are said to be effected in a close trading way: and from the end; for meer particular ad∣vantage. I shal answer both these together, in a word, thus;

The King writes Letters to his Wife, and his Wife to him again, wherin they communicate their hearts and minds to each other: Now because they did not shew those their Letters to the faction at Westminster before they sent them, and crave their approba∣tion of what they had written; therefore they are here accused to go in a close trading way, and to ayme at their own particular advantage, by certain men, who (as must be supposed) did never do any thing covertly in their lives, nor seek themselves in any matter. But how close and selfish they have (indeed) been, in their proceedings, I have hinted already, and the world hath too sharp a sense of it. Had the King from the beginning bin more close and reserved; perhaps ere this, he had quite blown them up: at least (as by a counter-mine) had given a check to their proceedings, and therein done no other, then what became a po∣litick General, whose wisdome 'tis to out-go his Enemies in their own way, and to beat them at their own weapons: But the Kings sincere and plain dealing hath added much (through their wic∣kednesse) to his own undoing: and yet now at length, writing but a few words in private to his own Wife, about his own ne∣cessary preservation, because he did not acquaint them with it before-hand, he is inveighed against, and cried out upon, for tra∣ding in a close way, for meer particular advantage.

But the thing they intend chiefly by these words, is to perswade the world, (which is also the main drift of their whole Libell) that the design which the King drives at, is to advance Popery; & to this end he useth clandestine proceedings, against them at West∣minster, (the only supporters as must be believed of Protestant Re∣ligion

and condemneth (as they say) all that be in any degree Pro∣testants at Oxford: granteth tolleration of Idolatry to Papists, and indemnity to the murderous Irish; which (in regard of his many Protestations to the contrary) he being ashamed to own openly, is fain to betake himself to a close trading way, to pursue and ac∣complish.

In Answer to which grand Calumny, I shal only set down the extract of a Letter closely sent indeed, (that the world may most truly discern the Kings close trading way) by his Majesty to the Commissioners in Ireland, immediately after Nazeby Battail, when he was in Wales, and in a most low condition, written by the hand of the Lord Digby, his Majesties Secretary, I wish I had the ful Letter it self to set it down verbatim, for I confesse this to be but the abstract of it, which I received from a Gentle∣man of most approved truth and Candour, as he did only bear the same in memory; which notwithstanding he is confident is but little (if at all) differing from the Original.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

HIs Majesty hath Commanded me to let you know, that accor∣ding to your promise and agreement with him, he long since ex∣pected your aide, and doth much wonder you should neglect him and your selves so much as to retard it; because immediately after His, your ruine must necessarily follow: but He is informed, that taking the advantage of His low Condition, you insist upon somthing in Re∣ligion, more then formerly you were contented with. He has there∣fore commanded me to let you know, that were his condition much lower then it is, you shal never force him to any further concessions, to the prejudice of his Conscience, and of the true Protestant Religion, in which He is resolved to live, and for which He is ready to die, and that He wil joyn with any Protestant Prince; nay, with these Rebels themselves, how odio••s soever, rather then yeild the least to you in this particular.

I refer it to all mens Consciences, whether this be not a suffi∣cient evidence of his Majesties sincerity and affection to the Pro∣testant Religion, considering the estate wherein his affairs stood when this Letter was written; and also whether it doth not fully

confirm the truth of what I said in effect before, viz. That what ever concessions were made to the Papists and Irish, were rather by the inforcement of the Puritan Rebels, then by any inward affection of His Majesty to their Religion.

But indeed it was needlesse to have alleaged any other of his secret Letters for this Evidence: For these which the Adversaries have here published, and declared to be Evidences of truth, do manifestly speak to this purpose; we read in the eighth Paper, how the King tels the Queen, that He differs from Her in no∣thing but Religion. Are not these the Kings own Words which themselves have published? Was not this Letter sent (as wel as the rest) in a close trading way, as they call it? Do they think the King ever intended it should come into their hands? And when they laid aside many other Papers, as not fit for publica∣tion at this time, was not this thought fit to be divulged by their own wise selves? Is not this one of those Evidences of Truth (they speak of in the beginning) which to have concealed, would have bin a great sin against the mercies of God? Truly I dare boldly say, that neither the King for himself, nor any of his friends in his behalf, could possibly have given a better evidence to the abused Subjects of this Nation, that His Majesty is a true Protestant, then this is which his Enemies have given by their publication of that Letter: Surely the Finger of God was in it.

For peoples more clear understanding and notice of it, I wil set down the Kings Words as they stand in the Letter: Writing to his Queen, about that businesse of Ireland fore-mentioned, he speaketh thus,

I need not tel thee, what secres••e this businesse requires, yet this I wil say, that this is the greatest point of confidence I can expresse to thee; for it is no thanks to me, to trust thee in any thing else but in this which is the only thing of diffe∣rence betwixt us; and yet I know thou wilt make as good a bargain for me, even in this; I trusting thee (though it con∣cern Religion) as if thou wert a Protestant.

O what a discovery is here made of the Kings sincerity in his profession! When for an obligation upon his Queen, to make a

good bargain for him, he tels her in his most bosome expressions, that he trusts her to do it for him a Protestant, as if her self were one. The world may here see, though these Observatours them∣selves (who have helped us) wil not; that in the closest way of tra∣ding (according to their own phrase) which the King useth, he tradeth as a Protestant, and acknowledgeth in his most secret Letters to his Queen, that there is a difference (though it be the on∣ly difference) between Him and Her in matter of Religion.

And thus have I vindicated my Soveraigns Honour, against* 3.1 this particular Charge also of his enemies; and do expect that I have hereby procured to my self, (though not deserved) from these men and their Faction, (whose basenesse I have in part de∣tected) the imputation and Title, of the falsest of men, a Papist; yea, of the falsest of Papists, a Jesuite, for it was voted and con∣cluded before hand, that whosoever should do as I have done, should be so accounted.

But notwithstanding all that I have said in the Kings behalf, yet this I confesse to these men, so much as concerns the position in general, I am wholly of their opinion, viz. that whoever is guilty of those four things, scil. Of Clandestine proceedings against the Honour and being of Parliament; Of condemning all that be Pro∣testants in any degree; Of granting a Tolleration to Idolaters; And of indempnity to Murderers; or that goes in a close trading way (to effect those things) for meer particular advantage, cannot be defen∣ded by any, but such as deserve the imputation of the worst men. And therefore I am of opinion that all those, who take upon them to defend the men now above-board, who under the name of Par∣liament, have not only undermined the King their Soveraign, but also the Parliament it self, in destroying its Priviledges, which they pretend to stand for: who have condemned all, to be Po∣pishly affected, that are in any degree Protestants at Oxford, cal∣ling them by the odious names of Malignants, Papists, Devils, and Dogs; who have not only granted a Tolleration of Idolatry, but set it up, and persecuted with fire and sword, banishment and confiscation, all that wil not commit the same: (themselves whom they call the Parliament are the Idol, whom all the peo∣ple of the Kingdom must fall down unto and worship) who have also granted indempnity to the murderous Irish. For I would

have them but speak out and say, of what Nation and Religion their Plunket is of; Nay, let them tell the world (if they dare) what promises have been made from them, by their Instruments, (in a close trading way) unto that Plunket and Muskerry, (whom they Tax their King, for shewing countenance unto) upon con∣dition they would but sit still, and not helpe their Soveraign. Who also have further yet, in a close trading way, cozened us their fel∣low Subjects of all we had, that was dear unto us, our Religion, Liberty, Peace, Wealth, and Friends, for their own meere par∣ticular advantage, that themselves might rule alone, and bear the sway over our Soveraign, and our selves; over our Con∣sciences and Estates; which they spoile and sell away accor∣ding to their pleasures: I say, I doe verily beleeve that who∣ever they be, that shall take upon them, to defend these men, under what colour and pretences soever, are as bad as the worst of men, yea, falser then the Papists, then the Je∣suites. But we will listen now to what these men adde farther; they say,

Hitherto the English have had Commission to Chastize the Irish,* 3.2 and the Irish have had the like to Chastize the English; both have spilt each others bloud by the Kings Warrant, yet as both hath been in part owned, so both hath been in part disowned, and the King himself hath not appeared with open face in the Businesse.

SECT. XIX.

1. The Enemies malitious devises to Scandalize the King with favouring the Irish Rebellion detected and confuted. 2. The Kings requiring secresie of the Queen and Or∣mond in the matters writ to them Justified. The Libel∣lers Blasphemy against Gods Providence, ••and in as king Gods Blessing upon their Libell noted.

THe English have had Commission to Chastize the Rebellious* 3.3 Irish, and the Irish have had the like to Chastize the Rebel∣lious English, both have spilt each others bloud, by the Kings

warrant; and what harm is there in all this? The King is the Minister of God, and bears the sword (sayes the Apostle) to exe∣cute* 3.4 wrath upon them that do evill: and therefore so far forth, as the same hath been managed to the punishment of Rebellion, whether by English or by Irish, under his command and Autho∣rity, the King hath with open face owned it: But in as much, as the same hath been used by the one or other, against himself, His Crown and Dignity, against the Law, against His Loyall Prote∣stant subjects, to the hurt or damage of them and their Religion; the King hath both secretly and publikly disowned ever, and still doth: For why should he sinne against God, His own Consci∣ence, and honour in taking upon himselfe the scandall of others doings; as those that call themselves his great and wise Councell desire he should; who themselves commit the sinne, and would have him beare all the * 3.5 blame, (for this is their way of Honouring their Soveraigne in the eyes of His people) And to this purpose, when at first by decolation of Strafford, the Irish Governour, they had put that wild and unruly people into a fit Capacity, and proximate potentia of Rebelling: and perhaps too in their close trading way, (wherein for their own particular advantage, they are of all men living most skilfull) had helped to draw that power in∣to Act; to the end the people of this Kingdom, (whom they were to use to another purpose) might not so soon suspect them guilty of so much evill; they published abroad that the Rebells in Ireland had the Kings warrant for all their bloudy doings; & to put some co∣lour upon this devilish slander, they printed certain examinati∣ons, (as they cal'd them) of certain inferior men & women; who reported (as they tell) that they heard some say, they heard from others, who received it (perhaps from 3. or 4. persons) that some Commanders among the Irish Rebells had affirmed that them∣selves had the Kings Commission for what they did: Which thing if any of the Irish Rebells did say, or affirme, what wonder is it? do not all Rebells use to pretend the best authority, for their own wicked doings? have not even they of Westminster themselves, rais'd all their forces of men and monies against the Kings per∣son, under the Kings own name? was not the King and Parlia∣ment the onely word in use with them at the first, though now the Kings name is left out? for they apprehend the people to be

so deeply lock'd with themselves in guilt and bloud, that they dare not leave them: I dare boldly affirme it, that many thou∣sands of our English, had never been ingulpfed in those Rebel∣lious wayes wherein they are, had they at first but been ac∣quainted with the devises of Rebellious Heads; but now things are come to that height, that they know not how to disingage themselves, without a present ruine from them who have en∣gaged them. But hence (I say) it plainly appeares to be no won∣der, if the Irish Rebels did pretend the Kings Authority also, in the beginning of their accursed undertaking, (though whether they did or no, I cannot tell, for I did not hear them;) only this I am sure of, that they who published and printed those reports in this Kingdome, did hope thereby to work (as indeed they did) a disaffection in many people against their Soveraigne, that so themselves might be strengthned with their concurrence in their intended project against him, and all his friends that sided with him; with whom I may affirme they have even dealt as the Cyclops in Homer did with Ulisses and his Associates; who finde∣ing no reason to misuse them, yet having a great desire to feed upon them, would needs perswade that they were Pyrats: So these not knowing any sufficient reason to quarrell with the King and his friends, or to stir up the people against them; yet having a great hunger after the Authority, places, Rights, and profits which they possessed, they would needs perswade they were Popishly affected, and were approving and consenting to the Irish Rebellion: And because the King would never be perswaded (as the people were) to yeeld himselfe guilty of those evils and miseries which (as themselves quote his words) He could never hear nam'd but with a bleeding heart; therefore they are pleased here to adde and say, that the King himselfe has not appeared with an open face in the businesse.

But (say they) now by Gods providence the tr••verse curtaine is* 3.6 drawne, and the King writing to Ormond and the Queen, what they must not disclose is presented upon the stage.

Their meaning is, that now the King is made to shew his face, whether he will or no, and to appeare (as they think) such a one, as they have reported him: For those secrets which he would have to be kept close, (for feare they should discover him) are

here presented to publik view, by the direction and Authority of his Great Councell, who in their faithfulnesse and Loyalty to him, have opened all unto the world, yea and set it forth with an ad∣ditionall Advantage.

But (indeed) this act of theirs, speakes those men of that Great Councell, to have no great acquaintance with that Precept of Christ, Do to others, as ye would have others do to you; For cer∣tainly themselves have sometimes writ to their wives and friends such particulars, as they would not have all the world to know of: For though perhaps they may not be hurtfull rightly taken, yet (they'l say) ill constructions may be made of good meanings, or a good design may be obstructed, if the meanes intended for accomplishment be divulged, and therefore if they require se∣cresie of those entrusted, they beleive they have reason for it, and no man ought to cavill at it; But the King it seemes (of all men) must not be▪allowed this Priviledge; he is here exclaimed upon, to be as culpable as they have voiced him, meerly for his requi∣ring silence in a case of like nature. His experience had taught him too well, that they studied to crosse him in all he did, and to mistake him in all he said; yea, so they might prejudice him in his Affaires, and in his peoples hearts, they cared not to go in the way of perversnesse, which (as the Apostle saies) doth lead unto their own destruction: which to prevent if possible, He gives the Queen and Ormond this Caveat, not to disclose some particulars mentioned to them in his Letters. But (as the saying is) no man can avoid his proper destiny, for they being (as it seemes) ordai∣ned to stumble, and made to be destroyed (as S. Peter saies some be) shall not escape their meanes of ruine: these very Papers (notwith∣standing the Kings care) shall miscarry, and fall into their hands; whereby is administred to them, an occasion of falling, and so of perishing in their own Corruptions by their evill speaking; and perversely interpreting the things they understand not. And themselves say, there was a Providence in this, which notwith∣standing they seeme to blaspheme, by making it the Author of their Evills: by Gods good providence (say they) the traverse Cur∣taine is drawne, yea but that, what ever the King would have Or∣mond and the Queen conceale, is presented upon the Stage toge∣ther with their own malicious conceits upon the same; they en∣title

all to be the Act of Gods Providence (as if themselves had not had so much as a finger in the busines) but 'tis no marvail, that they, who begun their reproachfull Prologue, with an abusive men∣tioning of Gods Mercies; should also conclude the same with a speaking evilly of Gods good Providence.

Indeed I confesse there was a Providence, and a better Provi∣dence too, then they will acknowledge in their surprizall and publication of these Papers, for hereby 'tis come to passe, that they who before (Lapwing-like) cryed furthest off from their own nest, are detected and discovered. They who formerly (Janus-like) looked two wayes, are made to have but one face. They who pretended love and Loyalty to their Soveraigne, are unmuffled, and have the traverse Curtaine so drawn from before them, that their malice and hypocrisie is presented upon the Stage, and made transparent to every Eye: insomuch that those people, who did before by their meanes, transire ab ignorantia ad prejudicium, leap from ignorance to prejudicate opinion of their King; without taking a good Judgement in the way; have now gained, such a full view of the Hearts and true dispositions of their seducers, that they may conclude of them, as Thomas Whit∣tle* 3.7 the Martyr, did of the Enemies of his daies: That in them ap∣peareth so lively, the very image and shape of Satan, that a man (if it were no prejudice to Gods Word) might well affirme them to be De∣vills incarnate: Which very thing also, that little of theirs which followes, doth seem further yet to evidence, 'tis their Conclusion, and in these words.

God grant that the drawing of this Curtain may be so fatall to Pope∣ry,* 3.8 & Antichristian Heresie here now, as the rending of the vaile was to the Jewish Ceremonies in Judea, at the Expiration of our Saviour.

That which they here call Popery, and Antichristian Heresie, can be no other then the true Protestant Christian Religion, for that only was it, which was here established, which the King pro∣fesseth and maintaineth, and which themselves were formerly of, (as they pretended) to the same now, under those odious names of Popery and Antichristian Heresie, they wish such a finall conclusion, as the Jewish Ceremonies had, (which were never to endure but for a season:) and according to their wish, hath their endeavours been, even quite to ruinate and destroy the

same, which in a great measure they have already effected, as to wofull experience is too manifest; and to bring this their wicked work to a more speedy end, they have by these their scandalous notes endeavoured to blast the honour and dignity of that Prince, who hath been, and is, the chiefest defender of it under Heaven: and the Publication of them they call the drawing of the Curtaine, which they are bold to ask Gods blessing upon, that the same (through his help) may be as fatall a fore-runner of the ruine of verity, (which themselves only call Antichristian Heresie) as the rending of the vaile was to the Jewish Ceremonies: they▪ would have this Act of theirs as affectuall to the one, as that of our Sa∣viours expiration was to the other: and this time of their owne breathing, to be of like account with that of our Saviours expi∣ring: now what may be thought (at the present) of these men, let all that have reason and Conscience Judge. Ile conclude with a prayer too; and it shall be this.

God grant that this my drawing the Curtain from the faces of these Libellers, may not only prove fatall to all Hypocrisie, Rebellion, and Antichristian disloyalty: but also instrumentall to work such a shame of themselves in the hearts of these very men, and of their Ma∣sters at Westminster, that they may look with better eyes then ever yet they have done, upon Charles their Soveraign, whose honour they have pierced; and may have better breathings then ever they have had, after Christ their Saviour, whose Gospel they have scandalized.

Amen.

SECT. XX.

What good use might have been made of these Letters. Of the faults laid unto the Queenes Charge, specially in loving her Husband.

I Have done with their Prologue to the Kings Letters, and in a* 3.9 manner with their Annotations upon them too, which (for the most part) containe but the same over againe, with the mix∣ture of more malice, therefore in examining the one, I have also in a sort dispatched the other. Nor doe I love any more then

needs must, to busie my selfe in repetitions.

There are (I confesse) a few particulars in these their Anno∣tations, which (as I remember) have not been touched upon, in the discussion of the former Generall; these I shall cull out, and only shew them (which will be enough) and so leave them to the world to be judged of. They begin at the end of the Kings Papers, their Observations thus.

Much use may be made of these Precedent Papers, and many* 3.10 things therein will appear very worthy our notice.

In which they speak truth, and had not themselves been of too spiderous a nature, they might have made much good use of them indeed; and have noted from them, such dexterity of understan∣ding; such undantednesse of resolution; such fortitude of spirit in adversity; such conjugall faith and affections; such paternall care and pitty to his people, and such true Christian patience and piety to be in their Soveraigne; as cannot be altogether Para∣lell'd at this day, in any Prince of Christendome. In a word, these Papers speak our King to be compleatly a Councellour, a Soul∣dier, a Gentleman, and a Scholler, and had he but trusted to himself more, and lesse to the advice of others, in the management of his Affaires; thousands of his Subjects from these his Letters, are most confident, that his enemies had not now been trium∣phant.

But the notice of such mattters, serveth not the turnes of these men, nor can their coloured eyes, see any thing of this nature in these Letters; faults and errors, only are thought worthy their ob∣servance, of which they fancy, they have espied great plenty, in the King and Queen both.

The Queens faults, though (for shew sake) they have branched them out into many particulars, may all be reduced to one, and that is Loving of her Husband. Indeed they begin their Com∣plaints against Her, with saying, She is implacable to our Religion, Nation, Government, but they can instance neither in word or action, to make the same appear conjecturall; only they tell us afterward, of her great care, that our Bishops be provided for, (and the blessing of God be upon her for it:) they hope that people doe still beleeve, that Bishops were enemies to all good, and therefore if the Queen doth but manifest any respect to them, in

their present affliction and persecution, it doth sufficiently speak her implacablenesse to our Religion, Nation, Government. Well, I wish with my soul, that the men of Westminster had proved themselves no worse affected, to our Religion, Nation, and Go∣vernment, then the Queen hath done; for then I am sure, they had all still been in a most flourishing and happy Condition. But the Queen being the Kings Wife, must help to bear her Husbands Burden of blame as well as Sorrow; even as it shall please these His vassalls to cast it on Her.

Indeed they tell us also afterward, out of Paper 27. that the Queen desires the disbanding of the Parliament: in which perhaps they would have her thought an Enemy to our Religion, Nation, Government: But we shall first read Her words, and then we may judge whether they import such an interpretation: the Queen writing to the King from York saith: I understand to day from London, that they will have no cessation, and that they treat at the beginning of the two first Articles, and afterward of the disbanding of the Army; certainly I wish a peace more then any, and that with greater reason, but I would the disbanding of the perpetuall Par∣liament first; and, certainly the rest will be easily afterwards: I doe not say this of mine own head alone, for generally those that are for you, and against you in this Country wish an end of it. These be the Queenes words entirely. She desires a peace more then any, and in order to that, she wisheth a disbanding of the perpetuall Par∣liament, because otherwise, peace is never likely to be had; and this is not the judgement of herselfe alone, but of all in generall: that are both for and against the King, in that Country: where∣fore if this be an Argument of the Queenes enmity against our Religion, Nation, Government, then all those that are both for, and against the King, in that County of York-shire are Ene∣mies as well as she, because they joyne with her in wishing an end to the Warre, and restoration of peace unto the King∣dome.

But (by the way) I wonder why they should Tax the Queen with implacablenesse to our Government? is not that of our nati∣on Monarchiall, and that of our Church Episcopall? and her Husband the Head and upholder of both? can the Queen then be beleeved to be disaffected to either of these? the men (doubt∣lesse)

have lost their senses, together with their Loyalty.

* 3.11 Concerning her Majesties affection to our Religion and Na∣tion, let me be bold (though one of the meanest) upon this occa∣sion, to give a Testimony unto my Country-men, from mine own experience: Those English Protestants who have been in France, in these times of persecution, cannot but witnesse the same with me: and say, That the Queen hath been to the uttermost of her power, a most tender carefull nursing Mother, both to our Religion and Nation, in that her Native Kingdome; for by her sole meanes and great industry, we had places allowed us, to meet together to serve God in (even publickly) after the Eng∣lish manner, in each of which, Gods Word was faithfully Prea∣ched on the Lords Day, and truly read, together with Divine Service twice a day throughout the week; wherunto she was care∣ful that her own Servants of our Nation and Religion (whereof she hath many) should duly and constantly resort; which great priviledge and favour to us, was looked on with much regret and spleen by some Jesuited Papists, who wickedly reproached Her Majesty for the same, exclaiming upon her for a Luthe∣ran, and a Protestant, even because she had manifested such love to our Nation and Religion, in providing for us these Sina∣gogues: which rebukes and reproaches she (good Princesse) was content for our sakes, to bear with meeknesse and patience; un∣doubtedly it may be easily believed from this sweetnesse and goodnesse of her nature, (after her receipt of so many abuses from some amongst us) that had our deportments towards her been such as our Religion commandeth, she might ere this, in all probabilities have preferred the same before her own; even as she hath done our Nation; many have heard her at a wel fur∣nished Table say, one of these Dishes in England, with my Husband and Children (might I but enjoy it there in peace) would please me better, and be sweeter to me, then all this plenty in this place. So great is her affection to our Nation; (whose great ingratitude and un∣kindnesse to her, so unbecoming the Gospel, the Lord par∣don.)

Let the Reader pardon this digression: her Majesties wrong∣ed Innocence, and the truth did extort it from me: I return now to her Accusers: from whom I learn,

That her Majesties main and proper fault is Loving her Hus∣band, and this (I confesse) they Evidence at large, from many quotatious out of her several Letters, as first (they say) she per∣forms the office of a Resident for him in France, and is restlesse even to the neglect of her own health, to assist him (against them his Ene∣mies.) 2. She vows (they say) to die by famine, rather then fail him, in her faithful endevours. 3. She confines not her Agency to France, but sollicites other Princes also for shipping in his aid. 4. She sends Armes into Scotland to Mountrosse; and many such like particu∣lars they alleage, which doth abundantly evidence this her fault of loving her Husband: Nay, and the most heinous matter of all is the Counsels which she gives him, namely, to be suspicious in his Treaties with them (who have deceived him so much already▪) to take heed of his own safety amongst them; and not to think himself safe any longer, then he defends his friends that have served him: for which they quote, Pap. 31. these they call Counsels of very pernici∣ous Consequence, of which nature also, is that manifestation of her Judgment, that peace cannot be safe to the King, without a Regiment for his Guard, (a la mode de France) (say they) they might as wel have said, a la mode du Parliament; and of all this, they alleage their punctual proofs out of these Letters: wherefore 'tis very plain, that the Queen is guilty of a most dear and tender affe∣ction to the King her Husband, and in order to him, she desires the welfare of all his friends: and for this cause, is deemed by these men, a fit object of abuse and hatred.

But truly, if I did not evidently see them to be given up to blindnesse of mind, by reason of that malice which is in them; I should much admire, at their folly in these their exceptions, a∣gainst the Queen. I dare say, that Henry Burtons Wife, or John Basticks Wife, might have done ful as much for their husbands, when time was, (had they bin in a like capacity) and bin no whit blamed by these men for the same: Nay, they should have been commended rather for such Testimonies of their faith∣fulnesse and affection. O but the Queens fortune is to be the Kings Wife, and therefore she must not look to find such grace and favour in the eyes of these jolly men; as to have that in her not censured for a fault, which in mean women is entitled virtue.

Nay, I am further confident, that if this truly royal Mary, Wife to our Soveraign Charls, had like that Queen Isabella, wife to our Edward the 2^d. joyned issue with some of the Enemies against the King her Husband, she should have bin in as high account with these, as that other was with the Rebels of those days: her diffe∣rence in Religion should have bred no dis-affection at all in them towards her; for 'tis not so much an unity in that which they desire and aime at, (as to all is plainly apparent, from that mul∣tiplicity of Religions allowed amongst them) if there be but a facile community another way, in things more sensible: it wil a∣bundantly serve the turn, to give satisfaction to these blessed Re∣formers.

But because the Queen is Chara fida{que} marito, dear and faith∣ful to her Lord and Husband: therefore must she be exclaimed upon, and hated; yea, hunted and forced out of the Kingdom, by certain wise and wel-bred Gentlemen, (as they would be ac∣counted) that rule the rost at Westminster: who, if they could but lay hands upon her, would also murder her, for with open mouth they have charged her already with no lesse then Treason, (Treason against the New-state forsooth) even for her affectio∣nate adherence, unto the King her Husband, in these times of his affliction. Observe it (I beseech you) and consider well of it, O all ye Princes and Nobles of the world, and all you that are true Gentlemen of what Nation and Kingdome soever, and say, whether you ever read or heard of the like! Behold, here a most Royall Lady, of most noble and high Vertues, and incompara∣ble parts; Great Henries Daughter, Sister to the late French King, and Aunt unto the present, and Queen of England, who hath been defamed, sclandered, reviled, railed upon, shot at, persecu∣ted, and driven to banishment; brought upon the publick Stage for a Traitour, condemned and threatned with death, and for∣ced to fly into other Countries, to preserve her selfe in being, (like that woman in the Revelation, from the face of the Dragon) and all this onely for her faithfulnesse and loyal affections to her Hus∣band in his distresse: consider of this thing I beseech you, and speak your minds.

And you my Country-men of England in general, examine your thoughts, and then say, Hocci••e est Humanum factum aut

inceptum? Is there any Generosity, nay, any Humanity in such dealings? Can you imagine that such demeanours towards such a personage, will be ever chronicled to our Nations praise, or read by posterity with approbation? Was ever such harsh, and hel∣lish usage offered by the hands of English men before now, to a daughter of France? Duke Reiners Daughter, (Wife to that good, though most unfortunate King Henry▪ the 6.) was used much better by Richard the third, she had no such despights offe∣red to her person, because a woman, and though she brought much forrein aid into the Kingdome, yet was she not (as I read) ever accused of Treason for the same; she was ra••her interpre∣ted to have done thereby, her proper duty to her Husband: no man (I am sure) can say that our Protestant Religion allows of this behaviour; or that our holy Mother Church, did ever feed any of her Children with such nourishment, as should cause them to break out into such exorbitancies; Her milk was alwaies seaso∣ned with the Doctrines of Humility, Reverence, Civility, Gentle∣nesse, Affability, and gratiousnesse of conversation to people of all sorts, even to inferiours and to enemies. Much more to supe∣riours and to friends.

Surely if this our (once most generous and courteous) Nation, had not now (in too great a measure) layed aside common Hu∣manity, as well as grace: were there but this one reason, which I shall name, it would be abundantly enough, to make this Queen most dear and precious in all our apprehensions, scib. for that she hath been, tam partu potens, & ••tero toties enixa gravi pignora pacis, she hath so highly enriched this Kingdome from her fruit∣ful and chast womb, with so many sweet and Royal pledges of fu∣ture happinesse, as few Queens before her have done ever the like. But O my dear Country, thou art fallen, thou art fallen from thine ancient glory; for thou hast brought forth in this thine un∣happy Age, a generation of vipers, who have laboured to destroy both Religion and good manners in thee, and by whose operation Stigii profundi claustra & obscuri specus laxantur, Hels own self is broak loose into thee: The Lord in mercy yet once again vouchsafe a gracious look upon thee.

But (by the way) who can choose but admire the strength of malice? because these men themselves do hate the King, they

cannot abide that so much as his Queen should love him: they have robbed him of the hearts of his People; the Comforts of his Crown, and it grieves them they cannot alienate from him the Affections of his Wife, the comforts of his bosome; they grutch him the enjoyment of her love at a distance. How have they by their spightfull promulgation of the 34 Paper, (which was written twenty years before, and no whit concerneth them at all) endevoured to work in her, an alienation from him: and by that they say upon Pap. 11. to weaken the duty of his Son towards him: but praised be the majesty of Heaven for it; those that are most neerly his own, cannot be loosened from him: though of all Princes he is most unhappy, in too ma••y of his people, yet is he most blessed of all men, in his Wife and Progeny: never had Hus∣band a more loving Spouse; never had Parent more sweet condi∣tioned and respectfull Children, then our Soveraign hath of the Prince of Wales, and * 3.12 Duke of York; and as our prayers, so our hopes are, that Gods grace wil so preserve and keep those other Princes, whom the Rebels have got into their bondage, that not all the temptations they can use, shall ever make them decline from duty.

But further, (as if there were no cause of fear at all on her part) they tax the Queen for being jealous of her Husbands safe∣ty, if He should venture himself to go amongst them: Truly considering the spirit they are of, if She should, in her tender∣nesse fear, they might entertain him, Thyestaeis dapibus, seeing they have wherewithall to do it, I should not think Her worthy to be blamed: which thing how horrid and incredible so ever, the hear-say of, may seem to people, before it is done; yet should the same be acted by Order from the Lower House, and Voted meet in that manner to torment the King: many of the Vulgar are in such a Captivity of Judgement to them, that they would quickly cry it up for a most remarkable and comely Act of Justice.

And let Reason speak in the Queens case; She hath had ample experience of their inveterate malice against her Husband; full Testimonies of their bloudy dispositions, both against him, and her self: besides her own Father was Murdered by an Assassi∣nate of theirs, who hold the Principle of King-killing, as these

men do: May not she therfore being a tender Lady, and ful of af∣fections be excused by all men, if she fears the like may befall her Husband? and for prevention thereof, desireth he should have a Regiment for his Guard, (which themselves onely interpret should be, a la mode de France. Yea,* 3.13 and why may he not have a Regiment of Scots, for his Guard a la mode France? (the Scots are his Country-men) to defend him from them and their Assas∣sinates, who have Authorized this Pamphlet against him, for the ends aforesaid.

But to conclude this particular; let these virulent men speak their pleasure against the Queen: I hope (by this time) the world hath sufficient knowledge of them to her Honour; she being the object of their Hate, cannot but be a Map of goodnesse.

And most Noble Queen, (if one of the meanest, and most obscure of your Majesties subjects, may presume to speak to so great a Princesse) let me assure your Highnesse; however these English Catalines have censured your virtues▪ and abused you for them: yet there be many thousands of true Protestant Eng∣lish hearts, who (according as our Religion teacheth) have you in the most high esteem of all earthly women, for your tender Care, and constant fastnesse to our Soveraign, in these times of trouble; your zealous endevours to assist him, hath so increased the flame of our Loyal affections towards you, that we are con∣fident the whole floud of waters which the many-headed Dragon throws out of his mouth, shal never be able to extinguish it in us: Yea, and by the strength of that grace, which our holy Religion hath wrought in us, we shal never cease night and day, to make you the special subject of our prayers, until we see you restored with honour to your Throne amongst us; or hear that you are advanced with glory to your seat in Heaven: And let your ex∣cellent goodnesse (I beseech you) pardon your Vassal this great boldnesse.

SECT. XXI.

Of the Kings fault in loving his Wife: The manifest and malicious falsifications and perversions of divers of the Kings expressions to his Queen noted.

THus have I examined the Queens faults; and (notwithstan∣ding the ponderous aggravations, which these enemies of Honour and virtuous Ladies, do set them forth withall) have found them light and easie: I come now to see what they say fur∣ther against the King, whom they do accuse in the first place, for loving his Wife again; as wel (it should seem) as she loves him. It is manifest that (notwithstanding their late extraordinary great successe) these mens hearts are not yet freed from jealousies and fears: they are suspicious stil of Conspiracies; yea, that the King and Queen have entred into a Covenant to love each other, for to spight them, in giving them a good Example in cases of like Nature.

They tel us, that He communicates his thoughts and affairs unto Her, and though She be the weaker sex, yet he makes her privy to his secrets, and takes advise and counsel from her; yea, and more then this they say, He professes to prefer Her health before His worldly affairs, for which they bid us see Paper 14. which we have done, and the world shall hear what we have there seen. That Letter was written by his Majesty to the Queen, Janua∣ry 8. 1645. immediately after his taking of Leicester, wherein he hath only (to this purpose) these words,

I Must tel thee, that 'tis thy Letter by Fitz Williams as∣suring me of thy perfect recovery, with thy wonted kind∣nesse, which makes me capable of taking contentment in these good successes: for as divers men, propose several re∣compenses for themselves▪ for their pains and hazard in this Rebellion: So thy company is the only reward I expect and wish for.

These two last lines were scraped by Miles Corbet the Exami∣ner, for the Printer to put into a different Character, that the Reader might the better observe, the Kings fault in them: But fearing the dulnesse of mens Capacities, (if let alone to them∣selves) these quick-scented Note-mongers have put too their helping hand, and Collected from them, that the King professes to prefer the Queens Health, before the Exigence, and importance of his own publick Affaires; and they hope that people will from hence believe, that he prefers his private Affections to his Wife, before the care of the whole Common-wealth; and therefore will judge it very fit, that he be not onely put by his Office, (for that he is already by his new Masters at Westminster) but also kept out for ever, and never trusted more, with any Affaires of importancy.

And further they accuse him, for avowing Constancy to his Wife, and (as they expresse it) to Her grounds and documents: which they would have the Reader apprehend to be, to whatsoever the Queen had already, or hereafter should propound unto him, concerning Religion, and the Government of the Common∣wealth: to which purpose also, they say; that His Counsels are wholly managed by the Queen, though She be of the weaker Sex, born an Alien, bred up in a contrary Religion; yet nothing, great or small (say they) is transacted without her privity and Consent. And for this they quote Paper 38. by all which it is apparent, they would have it believed, that as divers mens Wives, (being of Masterly dispositions) do take upon them, to command their Husbands, so the Queen doth take it upon her, to rule the King, and all his Affaires: and as many men have submitted themselves to their Wives yoake, so hath the King yeilded up himself to his Queens direction: and therefore they hope that people have wit enough, to conclude from hence; that it is not fit the Government of this Church and Kingdom, should remain in such hands as heretofore; but rather in the hands of his Great and Wise Counsel, who are men, all of this Nation, and bred up in the Protestant Religion, and so fitter in all respects, then the Queen is, Who is one of the weaker sex, born an Alien, and bred up in a contrary Religion.

This mischievous suggestion, (if swallowed for a truth) may be of dangerous consequent: and therefore I hold it necessary, to

shew the falsity of it, which I shall plainly do, both from these letters which these Calumniators have published for their own pernitious purpose, and also from their own very words and confessions in another place of these their Annotations.

1. The Queen is far from that disposition, to take upon Her to rule Her Husband, wholly, and in all things, (as they would have it beleeved:) for the direct Contrary is most apparent in Paper 29. where She submits Her self, wholly to His direction, and desires Him to send Her His commands, concerning a particular business, that She was requested to write about, affirming that She neither would, nor durst, do any thing in it without His direction: Her words are these.

I thought it to be a matter of so great ingagement, that I dare not do it, without your Commnad; therefore if it please you, that I should do so, send me what you would have me write, that I may not doe more then what you appoint.

Had She been of such an imperious spirit, towards Her Hus∣band, as these Her back-friends report Her, and would have Her supposed, surely, She had never writ, so like an obedient Wife for His Commands, and particular directions: Thus the Queen is cleared.

Secondly, Neither is the King, (as they suggest) of so sub∣jective a Nature, as to submit His affaires wholly to His Wives guidance, (were She, as She is not, ambitious of the same) He is more a man, then to forget himself to be an Husband; if the 34. Paper be observed, it will be clearly Evident, that the King was never so weakly uxorious, no not the first year of His marri∣age, (when in most men affection prevaileth over judgement) as to lose any whit of His Husbandly Authority in matters of Hous∣hold Government, He would not consent to any thing, (though of private concernment) which was either unfit for Her as a Wife to undertake, or for himself, as an Husband to permit: and is there any liklyhood, He should now have submitted all His publick Affaires, and Kingly Councells, wholly to Her manage∣meet, and disposall? no man of wisdome or reason can beleeve it.

If that which is intimated in the said Letter concerning the Queens disposition, when She was young, and yet unacquainted with Her Husbands instructions, be compared with Her present dependance upon his Commands (already proved) and that abundant readinesse now in Her, to do Him service, (which these men so tax and blame Her for:) there will appeare to every Eye, not onely the Kings Pious discretion, and the Queens Godly obedi∣ence, but also Gods gratious blessing, of his endeavours upon Her spirit: and doubtlesse this inward benefit received from him, is a ground of Her more strong, and fervent affection towards him: and makes Her resolve, rather to neglect her own health, yea to die by Famine, then to be failing in Her Negotiations for Him.

A full compliance in all things, but rarely found, between man and wife at their first meeting; nor is the same so perfectly effected afterward, in many persons, as is evident to be in this Royall paire; for either the Husband wants that Wisdome and care to work it, which the King had; or the Wife that goodnesse of disposition to be wrought upon, as was in the Queen: I could name some Lords and Gentlemen too, amongst the Kings ene∣mies, who were never so notable for wit or honesty, as to seek their Wives Conformity in this Christian way, as their Prince hath done: But I spare them now, and return to the thing in hand.

It is probable (at least) by this time, that the Kings Councels, rule the Queen, and not the Queens Him: (as these slanderers say) but to put the matter quite out of doubt; let us listen to what these very men say themselves, to this purpose, in the next Page, where among other railing expressions against the King, (forget∣ting what they had said before) they affirm, that as He surpasseth the Queen in Acts of Hostility, so in the way of managing the same, scil▪ with more close and deep secresie: and a little after they tell us, that He urgeth the Queen to make personall friendship, with the Queen of France, (they do not like the word friendship) and (say they) He doth furnish the Queen, with dexterous polli••ies, and Arguments to work upon the Ministers of State in France: All which, (as I apprehend)▪ puts the plain lie, upon that their for∣mer Charge, which they had took such paines about to col∣lect from the fifth and 38. Papers, which now also, wee

will looke into, for the further manifestation of their Ho∣nestie.

The fifth Paper, (from whence they collect, that the King vows Constancy to the Queens grounds and documents) was written Jan. 2. 1645. when there was a way making for the Treaty at Uxbridge; And a Rumor of somewhat the King would do, had beed presented to the Queen (as appears by the Letter) in the ugliest form, which also Her love to Her Husband might make more affrightfull, (perhaps it was that, He would trust his person among them.) But what ever it was, it seemes the Queen had writ thereof unto the King, in Her former Letter, and receives his Answer in these words.

IF thou hast not Patience to forbeare judging harshly of my Actions, before thou hearest the reasons of them, from me, thou mayest be often subject to be doubly vexed, first with slanders, then with having given too much eare unto them: To conclude, esteeme Me as thou findest Me, constant to those grounds, thou leftest Me withall.

Now from hence they gather, that The King vowes Constancy to the Queens grounds and documents: as if at Her going away, She had left certain Grounds and Documents, as rules of dire∣ction, for the King to go by: whereas the words are not, to the Grounds Thou leftst with Me, (as then they ought to have been;) but to those Thou leftst Me withall, that is, which I had for∣merly resolved upon, thou shalt finde me constant in my ways and purposes: I am still the same I was, when thou leftst Mee, and thou shalt never find Me swarving from the Grounds of Conscience, Justice, and Honour, which Thou knowest Me to be balanced withall. Let the world now judge of the Honesty and truth of these observatours, by this their manifest forge∣ry; and of the Honour which the Parliament have purcha∣sed to themselves, in publishing this Observation by Speciall Order.

The 38. Paper, (from whence they conclude, that the Kings Councels are wholly managed by the Queen, and nothing small or great is transact without her privity and consent) begins thus.

Deare Heart,

I Never till now knew the good of Ignorance, for I did not know, the danger thou wert in by the Storme, before I had an assurance of Thy happy escape.—I think it not the least of my misfortunes, that for my sake Thou hast run so much Hazard, in which thou hast expressed so much Love to Me, that I confesse it is impossible to repay by any thing, I can doe, much lesse by words, but my Heart being full of Affections to Thee, admiration of Thee, and impatient passion of Gratitude to Thee, I could not but say something, leaving the rest to be read by Thee out of thine owne Noble Heart.

By which words (we see) that the Letter was writ to the Queen, after She had lately been in a great danger by Sea, even to the hazard of Her life, for the Kings sake▪ and had thereby, as also by Her discreet and faithfull management of affaires for Him beyond the Seas, given the largest testimonies of Her true Affection, as in his judgement could possibly be given. Now (therefore) if in his Passion of Gratitude, (to use his own phrase) he had professed to make Her of His Councell in all His Affaires; yea and that He would thenceforth, think it a wrong to Her, to do any thing without Her: I beleeve it would have been, (with men not disposed to quarrell) a very excusable errour. Some more expressions then ordinary, or Con••ugall indulgence are allowable to any wife, after so great an affright, and danger, (as must needs be supposed the Queen was in) to revive and lighten Her Spirit again: But to a Queen, to a Kings daughter, to a Lady of such splendour and parts; that had run so great an Hazard, as a greater could not be imagined, for the love of Her Husband: what wel-bred Gentleman under the Sun, but will blush to say, that any expression of esteem, can be too Honourable, or too High to be used unto Her?

But if we look further yet into the Paper, unto the words which they ground their observation upon; we shall find them ••ttered upon another particular occasion: for when His Majestie

had testified his joy, in gratulating His Queens deliv••••ance, He discourseth to Her of another matter, scil. of His being persecuted (it is his own word) for places with importunity of suitors, where∣by He was put to a kind of distresse, for an evasion, that he might not (if possible) offend any, by granting to some, what others also gaped after: (for, alas, such hath been the Condition of our good King, that He hath been forced to feare to offend: and such hath been his infelicity, that too many of those that served him, did more seek themselves then him, proposing, (as himself saies in another place) severall recompences to themselves, for their paines and Hazard in this Rebellion, and if to one was granted, what others expected, and sued for, these being frustrate of their expectations, conceiving themselves slighted, have grown sullen upon it, and no more service would they do; Nay peradventure dis-service rather, to revenge themselves upon him: and happy had it been if all Suitors for places, had been discarded, at their first appearance: For doubtlesse those of best desert, and most faithfulnesse, have had more modesty and wisdome, then to per∣secute and torment the King with any such selvish motions, in these times of distraction, as might any way tend to his disad∣vantage: But the King tells the Queen in that his Letter of those his straits, and how he delivered himselfe: I answered, (saies he) that having professed to have thy advise, it were a wrong to thee, to do any thing before I had it. This is all; yet from hence these nimble-witted, spacious conceited fellows, make shift to collect all this long matter, and that plainly too, (as they think:) It is plain (say they) here, that the Kings Councels, are wholly (or altogether) managed by the Queen, though She be of the weaker Sex, born an Alien, bred up in a contrary Religion, yet nothing great or small is trans-acted without Her privity, and consent, and for this see Paper 38. Truly (I hope) all the world sees, that this adds but little more to the credit of the Authorizers of this Pamphlet, then the former observation did. And thus have I al∣so discovered the vanity of their exceptions against the King, for his loving the Queen.

SECT. XXII.

Of the Kings fault in labouring to uphold Monarchy. His soliciting the King of Denmark to this purpose, no whit Contradictive, to his former resolutions of not cal∣ling in forrein aid.

ANother Grand particular (beside this) they have against Him, and that is, His imploying Collon••ll Cockram, to solicite the King of Denmarkes assistance: Whence they Conclude thus, He makes not onely Papists our Enemies for Religion sake, but all Princes (though Protestants) for Mo∣narchy sake. From whence all people must learne and beleeve three things.

1. That 'tis onely Religion, and nothing but their Religion, which the King doth oppose these men for; yea, and for their pure Religion it is, that he makes Papists their Ene∣mies.

2. That 'tis an heinous crime, and sin in the King, to endeavour to maintain Monarchy; or to solicite any Princes, though Prote∣stants, and of his owne nearest bloud and Alliance beside, to aide him therein.

3. That all Princes are contained, and included in the King of Denmarke, for in the Kings soliciting him, he solicites all them: Whence by the way, we may also observe; how provident these times are, in providing for the credit of their future Clergy: for 'tis (doubtlesse) for their sakes, that an Argument à sin∣gularibus ad universalia, is here (amongst other like stuffe) made pa••••able and good, by Authority and speciall Order of Parliament.

Concerning the Religion of these men, it hath been made apparent already, that the fruits and effects of it, speake it to be such a one, as deserves the hatred of all men, though it cannot under any proper name be the object of the Kings opposition; for no man can directly say what it is; themselves are not yet resolved

upon it, nor what to call it; But whatever is the ground of the Kings opposing them, 'tis evident that the Cause of their resisting him, (which I hope all Christian Princes will take speciall notice of) is for Monarchy sake, he would maintaine Monarchy; He will not tamely admit the downfall of Monarchy, in this noble Kingdome; which these men (as appears by their owne words) would faine effect, and therefore they thus persecute him, and ex∣claim upon him: nor are they either ashamed or affraid to inti∣mate the same to the whole world; let all the Monarchs of the Earth, take it as an open defyance if they please, they thinke themselves able to grapple with them all, yea, they and their faction, (where ere they prevaile) are resolved not to leave a Monarch standing.

I desire of all you, His Majesties Subjects of Great Brittain and Ireland, who have unfortunately been seduced by this faction, but to observe well this discovery which themselves have made (by this passage) of their own intentions: they have told you oft, and perhaps may tell you againe, by some impudent speech or declaration, that they intend still to maintaine true Religion, and Monarchy in this Kingdome, to have a King over them, and that they be only ill tongues & Enemies to Parliaments, that say otherwise, &c. But I beseech you, beleeve not a word they say to this pur∣pose, for God hath here made their owne tongues and pens to betray their Hearts for your sakes, that you might speedily with∣draw your selves, from their seduction; and not be their Instru∣ments to embrew your hands in the bloud of your Soveraigne; and to take from him, his Inheritance, who hath alway defended you in yours, with peace and plenty; till by their fraud and violence, he was disabled, and how have you enjoyed your selves, and comforts since, let your experience speak it to your owne Hearts. Be you assured (from what you have felt) that Monarchy is the Protection of this Nation, and of you the good people in it: call but to minde the daies past, when a Monarch only had the Militia in his disposing, quàm placide po••ens domi∣nusque vitae, how pleasingly powerfull was he in the use of it? with what innocent hands did he sway the Scepter? How un∣bloudy was his whole raigne? How tender and sparing of the lives of his Subjects? Populus iste non bella nôr••t, non tubae fermitu••

truces, non arma gentes cingeres assuêrant suas muris nec urbes, we knew not what Warres or Alarums meant, nor did we need weapons to protect our selves, nor Walls to defend our Cities, pervium cunctis iter, every man might travaile safely, & commu∣nis usus omnium rerum fuit, there was a common use of all Com∣mon blessings, yea, and every man beside without disturbance, enjoyed the comfort of his own Labours.

But since Monarchiall Government hath been obscured by these mens introduction of themselves, upon the Stage of Action, what hath been in practise amongst us, but all kind of Oppression, Tyranny, Injustice and Villany? whereof I heartily wish that your Experience did need my further information; wherefore I pray take speciall notice of this passage, 'tis published you see, to the world by Authority of Parliament, yea, by their speciall Order, and therefore you have reason to beleeve it, to be the true intent of their Hearts: and the rather, because 'tis so agreeable to all their Actions; (yea, though the contrary should be told you here∣after by the same Authority.)

Be it known (I say) unto you all, and remember it well, the end of all these warres and fightings against the King, is to destroy Monarchy in this Kingdome, and to keepe you the free-borne Subjects of it, in this turbulent, slavish, and underly con∣dition whereunto a few of your Tyrannicall fellow-Sub∣jects have already brought you: they tell you sometimes, that 'tis the Militia of the Kingdome onely▪ which they would have settled in good hands, and the King shall be King still; but your experience have taught you, that no hands are so good as his; neither can the Kings bare Title be able to defend you in your possession. They tell you that they will defend you; but you have payed for so much wit, as to judge of what you shall have, by what you have had already from them: therefore as no man having tasted old wine, straightway desireth new, (viz. if he be also acquainted with the relish of the new) for he saies the Old is better; so you having had a sufficient tast of both Govern∣ments, the Monarchicall, and the other new one (which we cannot yet tell by what name to call) have no reason by any meanes, to allow of this, since you are so sure that the old is better. In a word, let this Conclusion be rooted in your Hearts, which experience

hath in part confirmed unto your senses, that as the Moone and Starres would fall infinitly short of that bright Lustre, which now they have, if the Sunne were stripped of his abundant shining; so take from the King, his Royall Prerogative, let him be as a King and no King, and all the people great and small will quickly feel, that from his flourishing Condition proceeded all their happinesse.

I shall not here need to spend time in shewing the Excellency of Monarchy above all other Governments, and the fitnesse of it for this Nation; abler Pens have done that abundantly, since the beginning of this unreasonable Rebellion; only this I say, to in∣troduce any other forme into this Kingdome, is a new thing ne∣ver yet in being here, and therefore I apprehend such an Act to be a perfect opposition unto Gods revealed will, whosoever be the Agents in it; for as the saying is, Qui mala introducit, voluntatem Dei oppugnat revelatum in verbo, qui nova introducit voluntatem Dei oppugnat revelatum in rebus, and therefore I advise all States∣men consulere providentiam Dei cum verbo Dei, to take Councell of Gods Providence, as well as of his Word, in cases of this Na∣ture. But I returne again to these men.

Who would have us, by these their words, (of His Maj. soliciting the King of Denmark, and in him all other Princes) to take notice that he calls in forraign Aide: which fault they amplifie over and over in other places, for though themselves may, without offence or sinne, call in another Nation, and hire them (with I know not how many 1000. Pounds a moneth) to help them cut the throats of their Country-men; yea, and may make use of any forreiners in the world, of what Nation, Religion, or Spirit soever they be to help them to destroy and pull down Monarchy; yet the King may not without exclamation, desire the aide of a Prote∣stant Prince, no not of his neerest Kinsman, the King of Denmark to uphold the same. But what is the reason that the King must be confined to this restraint, & themselves walk so much at Liberty?

Why they tell us, at the end of their notes, that the King had made resolutions and promises, that he would never bring in forreine forces. Which themselues indeed never did, nor ever intended, for doubtlesse they resolved at first, to bring their defignes to passe by any meanes, and rather then faile, to get assistance

Flectere si superos nequeunt Achero••••a movere, and therefore them∣selves are free, and do as they please, whereas the King is entan∣gled in his own promises.

They say Pag. 58. As to the bringing in of forrain forces, The King, Mar. 9. 1641. in his Declaration from Newmarket saith,

Whatsoever you are advertised from Rome, Venice, Pa∣ris, of the Popes Nuncios soliciting, Spain, and France, for forrain ••ydes, We are confident no sober honest man, can beleeve Us so desperate or senselesse, to entertain such designes, as would not onely bury this Our Kingdome in sod∣dain destruction and ruine, but Our Name and Posterity in perpetuall scorn and infamy.

Also they tell us of other words, which the King spoke some three weeks after, to the same purpose, which indeed (as I take it) do expresse the inward ground and Motive, that caused him to speak the former, viz.

We have neither so ill an opinion of Our own Merits, or the Affections of Our Subjects, as to think Our self in need of forraigne force.

Also August the 4. in his speech to the Gentry of York-shire the King acknowledgeth (say they) that

He is wholly cast upon the Affections of his people, ha∣ving no hope but in God, His just cause, and the love of his Subjects.

Now these observators having quoted these three expressions of the King, do conclude, saying, What distinction can now satisfie us, that neither Irish, French, Lorrai••ers, Dutch, Danes, are for∣reiners? To which I answer;

First for the Irish, they are no more forreiners then the Scots are, nor in some respect so much; for Ireland hath been a depen∣dant unto the Crown of England, many hundred yeers before Scotland was: and then for French, Lorrai••ers, Dutch, and Danes, I shall answer concerning them, when they are landed, for the Kings assistance: and in the meane time it would be but just, that they should satisfie us, that neither the Irish, Scots, French, Bur∣g••ndi••••••, Dutch, Wall••ns, Itali••ns that are already in their Ar∣mies,

are neither Papists nor Forreiners, as I said before, the time and place is known to many, where neere 30. of their men being taken were * 6.1 examined, and found to be of six severall Nations, all forreiners, and all Papists.

But these words of the King alleadged by these men against Him, do plainly discover to every honest eye, that His Majesties designe was, never to use any but His own Subjects; nor did He think it possible, (and the rather in regard of His own good me∣rits) that people so long instructed in Protestant Religion, should ever prove so ungratefull, as to force Him (their Prince) to stand in need of forreigne assistance: and therefore the Heads of the faction, having in their malicious policy, (to work feares and jea∣lousies against Him) told the people, that the Popes Nuncio (that great Bulbegger) was soliciting both in Spain and France the Kings businesse for forreigne aides: and of this they said they were advertized, from Venis, and Paris, yea, and from Rome it self; (with which it seems they held intelligence even from the very beginning.) * 6.2 Now to remove this foolish vanity, and to retaine a clearnesse in His peoples hearts, the King expressed him∣self in that sort unto them; assuring them that they were all for∣geries against Him; and that he did wholly cast Himself upon the Affections of His people, and was confident that no sober man, could beleeve Him so senselesse, as to entertaine such a designe, which would have been so detrimentall both to Himself and His Kindom; and in ve∣ry deed, if before he had tryed his own people, he had called in such Armies of Forreiners, as they reported, it must needs have been confessed a desperate part in him, & a mean to have brought a suddain Destruction upon his Kingdome, and a perpetuall Infamy upon His Name.

But if after three yeares, (as long as was allowed to the fig∣tree in the Gospell) the King finding his Subjects unfaithfull and cold in their affections towards him: Nay more, perceiving by so long experience, that their endeavours were to take from him both his Life, and his Inheritance, yea, and his Honour too, and that they abused his good opinion of them, by mis-interpreting his professions unto them; and conceiving him tyed thereby, from using others help, for defence of himselfe and Monarchy: I beleeve if he had or should alter his Resolution, and call in any

Prince in Christendome to his assistance, in the maintenance of Regall Authority, which God hath intrusted him withall: and of that Government, (which as the most absolute) God esta∣blished among his own people, and hath alway blessed this Na∣tion under; (He being utterly disabled to do it otherwise) it should be reckoned by the Almighty, at the great day, (if any fault at all) but among his infirmisies: Yea and if destruction thereby, should fortune to come to the whole Kingdome, the whole infamy and guilt thereof, should be charged upon the Heads of these his most perverse and injurious people; even as that of Jerusalem by Titus Vespasian is laid upon the seditious, that were therein, even unto this day. But my humble prayer to the Almighty is, that he would yet please to spare us, and to be∣stow his grace at length upon the people of this land, that they might cease provoking his Divine Majestie, to punish that way, this so Horrid a sin, and so High abuses to his own Annointed. And thus I have done also with this particular.

SECT. XXIII.

1. The Libellers Cavills at the word Mongrill Parlia∣ment: At the Commissioners for the Treaty at Ux∣bridge: At the Kings pawning His Jewels, answered. 2. His Majesties Affection and Goodnesse to His Sub∣jects (for want of other matters) objected as a fault against Him by these Libellers.

IN the third place they accuse the King, for a slight esteem of his friends at Oxford, whom they would fain seduce from him: to which purpose they take great advantage, from a word they finde in one of his Letters (scil. in Paper 13.) which they dresse up for their own purpose, with 2. more of their own ad∣ding, (according to their wonted honesty) and affirm them to be spoken by the King, and applyed to the persons of his friends. But in answer to this matter, (or word rather) I shall alleadge the Copie of a Letter writ by His Majesties own hand, to Secre∣tary

Nicholas about the same, I received it also from the mouth of the forementioned Gentleman, of whom I had the former, which to another purpose I have set down: He had the perfect Copies of both, though at a great distance, but he had so well ob∣served them, that he was confident, he failed but little (if at all) in remembring the very words, Which to this particular were thus,

I Am very sorry, that I have been so unfortunate to have my private Letters taken by the Rebels, but if all mens private thoughts were seen as mine are, I beleeve I should appeare as innocent as any: it may be that many ex∣pressions in those Letters, might have been prudently omit∣ted, but if one be well understood, I care not although the rest take their fortune, and that is concerning the Mungrell Parliament at Oxford; indeed when I was disturbed in mine Affaires, by Sussex and his faction, in my passion I writ so to my Wife, but both by the precedent, and subsequent clauses of that Letter, it may easily be understood, that I meant it of him and his adherents.

And indeed let the Letter be read, and to an equall eye, it can appeare no otherwise to be intended then his Majestie hath ex∣pressed: Yet these lyers in wait, do collect from thence, and tell the Lords and Gentlemen at Oxford, that the King despiseth them all, and that onely for their retaining some little Conscience to Religion; and because they be not wicked enough to serve his purpose fully; that is, (as they say afterward) to think and act the same things, which the inhumane Irish Rebels, or the worst forreigne Enemies of our Religion and State could wish to be done: and thereupon they compare their Soveraigne, (the most Religious and Gratious Prince that ever this Nation had) to Richard the third; who first rejected and then beheaded the Duke of Buckhingham, because when he had furthered him, in deposing and dis-inheriting the two Princes, he was not wicked enough (say they) to consent also to the Murther of them; and to advise the Lords and Gentlemen to take warning by the Dukes example, and timely to turn away from the King unto goodnesse, that is, to their society: it is sufficient only

that I have related what they say; that villany needs no further discovery or Confutation: Onely I adde this, those Lords and Gentlemen whom they labour to seduce; and whom love and Conscience hath ingaged to their Soveraigne, are not capable to be drawn from him by these mens insinuations, or driven from him by their violence: How cheerefully have they all Hazarded (yea many of them sacrificed) their lives for Him? How joyfully have they endured the spoyling of their Goods for His sake? With what admiration do inferiour men behold the cheerfullnesse and contentednesse of great persons in great afflictions? and are rea∣dy daily to cry out unto them, O Christians most truly Noble, How much better have you learned Christ then we have done? Assuredly as never Prince was more unhappy in many of His people then ours is, so never was any more Happy in others of them, then He hath been, more truly beloved, more sincerely affected, (even by some of all sorts) and this Himself hath so well acknowledged, and merited from us; that our grief is, that we have no more Fortunes and Estates to lose, nor more lives then one to adventure for Him: The Libellers doe but labour in vaine, if they think to draw us from our obedience.

Another thing they lay to His Charge in these words; He seekes Treaties in shew, and wins upon the people by that shew, yet chooseth such Commissioners, and binds them up, with such instructions, that all accommodation is unpossible: The Rancour of this Accusati∣on needs no Confutation neither: for how reall His Majesty hath been in his endeavours for Peace, Heaven and Earth can witnesse; yea, the very choice of his Commissioners, (as these men well know, notwithstanding their perverse Cavills) sufficiently proves it, being persons of such approved Honour, and candid affections to their Country; that none in the Nation goes beyond them: and let the Directions which the King gave them, be viewed by all men, and judged of; whether they be such as speak all accommodation impossible; unlesse with the most unreasonable men living, who will have no Peace: O how oft (as the world knowes) hath His Majesty tendred them pardon for all their un∣repairable wrongs done against him! if they would but let Him and his People live in quiet? yea, How oft hath he been heard in secret to say: O that I knew what I might doe to satisfie these men!

In very deed, what these Libellers are pleased to report of the Kings Commissioners; was true of those that were sent from the men of Westminster; they were tyed up, (as themselves in open conference at Uxbridge did not stick to acknowledg) whereas the King declared openly, that he meant not his Directions to his Commissioners should be obligatory, only by them, he did acquaint them with his sense, and left them free to themselves to doe that which became men of Honour: and all this the Au∣thors and Authorizers of this Libell, knew well enough, therefore from this their Accusation we onely learne, of what great use sometimes to some men are brasse browes and hard fore∣heads.

They accuse him also for pawning the Jewels of the Crowne, their Anger is, because they escaped their fingers; they can see no Er∣rour in themselves for robbing him of all things el••e, and bring∣ing him to such a distresse, as he was forced to part with them, for supply of his necessities, but they observe a great fault in him, for not suffering himselfe to perish, rather then Pawne his owne Jewels; that these men want nothing but matter, appears by this, and will be more evident by and by.

For having vented as much Poyson, as their venemous skill would serve them, to suck out of the Kings inoffensive Letters: to lengthen the Catalogue, and make the heap shew bigger, they begin to object as faults against him, diverse of his former most affectionate expressions, and desires for the good of his people: hoping that now, they have imbittered mens hearts against him, with their virulent lies and perversions, even his greatest indulgen∣cies will appear distastfull.

The first of which they instance in, is his profession, Dec. 2. 1641. which they say, was in these words.

I am so farre from repenting of any Act done this Sessi∣on, for the good of my people, that if it were to doe againe, I would doe it, and will yet grant whatelse can be justly de∣sired.

And he concludes (say they) with a recommendation of the business of Ireland, and (finding the preparations for ••he same slow) againe (say they) on December 14. He is patheticall in quickning them thereunto: thus they.

Then they are not ashamed to relate the whole story of their own unchristian and currish behaviour towards him: and his most meek and gentle carriage towards them. I need not baulk to re∣peat, what themselves blush not to set down, which I shall doe as briefly as I can, and with a better heart then they have done it: let the Reader but afford patience.

SECT. XXIIII.

The Story of the Rebels unchristian behaviour toward their Soveraigne, and his meeke and gracious Carri∣age towards them, since the beginning of these trou∣bles related by themselves, and their impudency therein noted.

THey begin thus: Notwithstanding all this (scil. the gratious profession forementioned, and patheticall quickning them for the reliefe of Ireland) the Parliament out of their Jealousie, did open the indisposition of the whole State, in a plaine and sharp Remon∣strance; to which the King Answers, (most mildely indeed, as them∣selves witnesse, by alleadging his words to be these:)

For the preserving the peace and safety of the King∣dome, from the designes of a Popish party, we have and will concur with all the just desires of our people, in a Parlia∣mentary way. For Ireland we thank you for your care and cheerefull ingagement, for the speedy suppression of that Rebellion, the Glory of God in the Protestant Profession, the safety of the Brittish there, our Honour, and this Nations so much depending thereupon, &c. your promises to apply your selves to such courses as may support our Royall Estate with Honour and Plenty at home, and with Power and Re∣putation abroad, is that which we have ever promised our selfe, both from your Loyalties and affections.

Now mark these men: because the King had not answered

their rude Remonstrance, with a like stile and spirit as they did write it, they quarrell at him, and begin thus: Here are words that sound nothing but grace, and here is a cleare Testimony from the Kings owne mouth, concerning the merit of this Nation unto this day: the King had too good an opinion of them, and gave better words of them, then they deserved, and this was his fault; or else their thirst was strong for bloud, their fingers itched to be fighting with him; and because by his soft answer to their wilde and unparaleld provocation, they were delayed, and put off from doing mischief, therefore they open the mouth against him: their Consciences told them, that the words imported more Grace, then belonged unto them, therefore they cry, They are but bare words: and to perswade others thereunto, they adde, But notwithstauding these promises and Testimonies, the King discovers more and more regret for Straffords execution, (as if it were impos∣sible the Kings regret for that, and these promises should be con∣sistent) Yea and (say they) He sticks closer to the Councells of the same faction, (but who were of that faction, could never be na∣med unto this day, onely all in generall, that were Loyall and lo∣ved the King, or hated Rebellion, Sedition and Bloud, since Straf∣fords death, have been esteemed of Straffords faction.)

Then they tell us of a Businesse, which they had published to the world, at least an hundred times before, and repeated over, (for want of other matter) nine severall times in one of their particular Declarations; and for peoples better observance of it, lest happily we had forgot it, they again relate it, scil. The Kings Charge of Treason against the six Members: His comming to the House to require Justice against them: (though they never menti∣on, how the King was provoked thereto, by their neglect, and contempt of his Messages, sent formerly unto the House to the same purpose:) And this (say they) was the fatall commencement of the Warre (now they had that occasion of quarrell so long thirsted after) for the House declares the next day, that themselves could not sit in safety any longer at Westminster, and thereupon adjourne for some dayes, and retire into the City, require a Guard, which the King dislikes, with these expressions.

We are ignorant of the Grounds of your apprehensions, but protest before the face of Almighty God, had We any know∣ledge or belief, of the least designe in any, of violence ei∣ther formerly, or at this time against you, We would pursue them to condigne punishment; with the same severity, and detestation, as We would the greatest attempt upon Our Crown: And We do ingage solemnly the word of a King, that the security of every one of you from violence, is, and shall be ever, as much Our care as the preservation of Us and Our Children.

These words of the King (they confesse) were sweetly tem∣pered, but (say they) won no beli••f, (for they were resolved to go on in their way, and a Guard they would have against His will, if not with it: Yea, and the Tower of London, rendred up into their Hands to boot) wherefore the Major, Aldermen, and Common-Councell of the City, are set awork to move for it, that the same may be disposed of to persons of trust. The King answers,

That his reception of such an unusuall request, is a suffici∣ent instance of his singular estimation he hath of the good Affections of the City, which He beleeves in Gratitude will never be wanting to His just Demands and service.

From which they gather: That the King speakes nothing hither∣to, but in justification of the Parliament and Peoples Loyaltie: it seemes he had not yet learned to amend his Errour, in speaking better of them, then they deserved.

Then they go on and mention the Tumults about White-Hall, of which they speak very sparingly, as if they had been raised neither by the rabble, as (they say) the King imputed them, nor yet by the Kings party, (as they had formerly af∣firmed) but by their owne very selves, saying, They a∣mounted to no Warre, viz. to no such bloudy Warre yet, as they intended.

Then they declare us two more of his faults. 1. The Kings declining the pr••secution of the six Members, as if themselves had offered them to the tryall of law, but He having nothing to charge them withall, declined the Businesse. 2. His departing

the City, which was because * 7.1 His great Councell, would take no order upon his earnest request, to suppresse those unlawfull Tumults. He might well think, they desired to have him Murde∣red by the hands of the Rabble▪ and therefore had reason to pro∣vide for his safety by departing; wherein he did according to Christs example, when they would have thrown him down head∣long. * 7.2 He departed from among them, (sayes the Text) and went his way: and according to Davids Example, who thought it no safe staying for Him in Jerusalem, when Absolom had stollen away the hearts of the people. 2 Sam. 15.

Yet soon after (they tell us) the King sent them a message to state the differences between them on both sides, promising that when they shall be digested into a body fit to be judged of, it shall appeare what He will do. In this (sure) the King was in a great errour, thus to send to them about composing differences, when their intended work, was to make, and widen them rather: where∣fore wholly neglecting that particular, The House of Commons, (say they) the Lords refusing to joyne, did onely in Answer thereto requi••e the Tower of London to be at their disposing, and withall, (for the King ever saved as little, by delaying to grant their first demands, as by yeelding to them) they require now, that the Mi∣litia of the whole Kingdome, be put into such hands, as they should recommend: to which the King makes a reply, (which is also to be reckoned among the rest of his faults) in these words as them∣selves testifie.

That the Militia by Law is subject to no Command, but His owne, which He will reserve to Himself as a principall and inseparable Flower of His Crowne, and professes to take care of peace, and the rights of the Subject, equally with His life, or the lives of His dearest Children. He fur∣ther also conjures them, by all Acts of Duty and favour re∣ceived, by hopes of future mutuall happinesse, by their love of Religion, the Peace both of this Kingdome, and Ireland, not to be transported with feares and jealousies.

Surely here was enough from the mouth and hand of a Reli∣gious King to have prevailed with any, that had not before en∣tred

into a Covenant with Hell: But (say these men) the Par∣liament could not (because they would not) beleeve themselves secured by these professions, and asseverations: and the King would not (because He could not) understand, that the setling the Mi∣litia at this time in confiding Hands, to prevent Civill War, was any other, then the taking the Crown from his Head. Hinc illa Lacrymae (say they.) So they are resolved (it seemes) at the very first, to raise a Civill War, unlesse the King would beleeve that he might put more confidence, in other men, then in himselfe, and that he might maintain his Crown and dignity, without having any Command over the Militia: Well yet notwithstanding all these affronts, put upon His Majesties faithfulnesse, and these con∣tempts of His gratious Asseverations: The King (say these men) neverthelesse persists to declare his abhorrence of the Irish Rebellion, frequently inciting the Parliament to send succours, (which made them more averse thereto, lest the King should please himself, in thinking they regarded Him, or his desires in any thing, which (indeed) would have been, a very Grand errour in him.)

Then they relate, How the King abjures any privity to plots and designes against the Laws, and makes strict Proclamation for put∣ting them in execution against Papists, (who were reported to be the plotters) that so if possible He might give satisfaction. But the Parliament being resolved, do still pursue their own designe, and (as if it had been the onely Businesse, for which the King by his Writ did call them together) they still urge Him to settle the Militia upon them, And (as they remember us) upon his re∣fusall so to do, (thoughts of peace being laid aside) they seazed upon the Towne of Hull, (His Magazine of Armes) without his leave, and held it out against Him, and so taught him to seize upon New-Castle: And now (say they) the Warre being thus far advanced, yet it is not agreed, which part was put to the Defensive, and (as it seemes) to resolve this, the 19 Propositions were dispatched to the King: which indeed were the meanes of Light to thousands in this Kingdome, of discovering the scope of their intentions, namely to be, to ruine the King, and to bring him into a worse Condition then his meanest vassals. Many men (whereof my self was one) did conceive from the grosnesse of them, that they had been divulged, by the speciall endeavo••rs of the Kings

friends in the House; for to discover to the world the unreason∣ablenesse of the then growing turbulent faction; to the end that peoples spirits might be awakened to appear generally against the same, in the defence of the Honour, the Rights and Liberty of their Soveraign.

SECT. XXV.

1. Their Pretences of bringing Delinquents to punishment made a ground of the Warre: The King acknowledged by his Enemies to be on the defensive part. 2. His Majesties good opinion (a long time) of the Parliament objected as a fault against Him by themselves. 3. The King makes no Warre against His Parliament Eviden∣ced. This Conspiracy of Traitours at Westminster no true Parliament fully proved: The Conclusion of the Answer to the Libell.

BUt the maine thing in those 19. Propositions, (say these men) were Reformation of Church-Government: that power Mili∣tary and Civill might be put into confiding Hands: and that Ju∣stice of Parliament might passe upon Delinquents; We grant they were; for these three containe all the rest. But here I must beg leave of the Reader to digresse a little, to speake a word of this last particular, having discussed at large of the two first already.

They had, or have two Reasons, for their requiring of the King, that Justice of Parliament might passe upon De∣linquents.

1. To punish the Kings Errour in his requiring the Justice of Law against six of their Members; it shall cost Him the Estates and lives of all his friends, (if they can bring it to passe) that He may the better remember hereafter to do no more so: His fault was so great and high, in desiring that half a dozen of them, might be tryed by Law, that it cannot be expiated, without

His yeelding up many thousands of his friends, yea, of all that love him, to be condemned without Law, by bare Vote, which they call Justice of Parliament, from which, Good Lord deli∣ver us.

2. To out-voice the Kings demand forementioned: for if they should not shew zeal against sinne, in calling themselves for pu∣nishment to be done upon Delinquents, the world would think that the six Members (whom they rescued from a legall triall, which the King would have had them unto) might be very faulty, and that His Majesty had just reason to take Armes to bring both them, and their abetters to it; but to prevent this, they (by af∣firming, they take up Weapons to bring Delinquents to punishment) do avow the War to begin on their side, and so leave the King to be Defender. Although I must tell the world that this devise of bringing Delinquents to Punishment, was resolved upon, to be a chief ground of the Warre, some certaine moneths after the War was begun: I beleeve I could name the place and time, when it was first taken into Consideration, and upon what occasion; and though I nominate not the Persons, yet I may tell the story.

Upon a time, diverse of the Members were met together at a certaine easie Lords House in the Kingdome, (who was also in his Country, one of the maine Pillars of this rank faction) where in like sort were present, some of their Chaplaines, and amongst them, there was one Scholler; who I think (truly) was an honest man at that present, (and verily I beleeve, doth stil so continue) he being (like that Disciple which was known to the High Priest) well* 7.3 acquainted with the Company, and therefore might speak more freely to them, and amongst them, then another man could be suffered to doe; and indeed so did: He moved them to this pur∣pose, while they were at Supper, or sitting at Table.

Gentlemen, you have begun a Civill Warre in this King∣dome and you are come bere into the Country, to draw us further to your assistance, by requiring us to Associate with you: You shall doe well to declare what it is, that you doe bottome your Warre upon, and what is the cause of this your undertaking, that Seeing your Grounds to be lawfull and good,

we may with the better Conscience concur with you: for though we take you to be wise, and honest men, yet it doth not become us to yeild you our blind obedience, in a matter of so High concernment as this is. Say therefore (I pray) for what cause doe you wage this Warre? Is it for Religion? Can you complaine of any restraint in that? Are not the Temples open? Have we not Liberty to Preach and professe the whole Truth of God? Is true Religion so freely exercised in any Nation under Heaven as here? Is not the King himselfe a Protestant •• Hath he not granted you a power to devise for its continuance, and a promise of his concurrence with you, to establish and set∣tle it as strongly as you please? What can you hope to get more by Warre, concerning this thing, then you may have, nay, then is offered to you in a way of Peace? Wherefore declare (I be∣seech you) whether it be for Religion that you fight: and if so, what Particular in Religion it is, that you would have us joyne with you to maintaine and defend.

One of the Members that thought himselfe the best speaker, undertooke to Answer the Schollar, (for the Chaplaines (poor soules) were posed, they sat stil and said nothing: though some of them had been as far as Edge Hill.) And at length, did (after some shuffling) fairly confesse, being thus urged, that in very deed, it was not Religion they fought for; the Doctor asks, Why do you then pretend it to be so unto the people? His answer was, we shall never else win the people to us. Well, but what is it then? (replyed the Doctor) Is it the Abolition of Episcopacy, that you so contest about? You know God hath sufficiently mani∣fested his approbation of this Government, by his so abundant blessing of this Church and Nation under it: none in the world hath thrived better, nor so well under any, as ours hath done under this: you know also, that the King hath given you leave to punish, or to see punished in a regular way, all persons, that have miscarried themselves in the execution of that Govern∣ment (without exception of any.) He hath given you power to see that all abuses in Discipline be removed, yea, and what ever is liable to exception in our Canons and Lyturgie to be al∣tered, for the ease and satisfaction of tender Consciences: yea▪ He hath yeilded to you, for prevention of injustice afterward,

the taking away the High Commission, and hath left it to you to purge all Ecclesiasticall Courts beside; and as a pledge of Assurance against all growing Corruptions; he hath enacted a Trienniall Parliament, for the calling of ill officers, and faulty Church Governours to an examination, every three yeares be∣fore your selves. Now do you think that notwithstanding all these particular Considerations, that the Abolition of Episcopacy is a thing of that grand necessity, as to imbroile this whole Na∣tion and Kingdome in its own Bloud?

The Member (being convinced also by these Reasons of this particular) answered, Truely it was not; but as the former, so this pretence also was to be used, to winne and hold the * 7.4 people. Why then (sayes the Doctor) will you tell us, what is the cause, why you fight? The Wiseman answered, to bring Delin∣quents to punishment: and so (for ought I know) the disputati∣on ended, for this is all that I heard of it.

But I would have any of them all, to name six Delinquents if they can, that were so declared to be▪ when they raised their first Forces; some 3. or 4. persons perhaps fled the Kingdome, but must the whole Nation bleed for that reason? 'Tis true (indeed) they fell afterward to make Delinquents apace, and all that would not renounce the Doctrine of Christs Gospell, which is a Doctrin of Loyalty and obedience, and which they had alwayes been in∣structed in; all that would not abjure their Oath of Allegeance, & break that Protestation lately imposed by these very men, (which was to maintaine & defend the Kings Person, Honour, and Estate) are looked upon as Delinquents, and persecuted as such, with fire and sword: yea, divers of the Members of both Houses who had (to speak in these mens owne phrase) so much Consci∣ence and goodnesse in them, as not to desert their trust in Parliament, to their King and Country, by giving up themselves to their wills, are all become Delinquents too upon the suddaine, and to bring all these to punish nent, (that Justice of Parliament may passe unto them) are these Warres said to be undertaken and pursued: and when they have by their Votes, put all them to death, whom they have done wrong unto, perhaps they will sit still and be quiet, but not before. Well fare the good King yet, He named six notorious Delinquents, (whereas these men

never named any) and when he saw he could not have the Justice of Law against them, rather then make any further disturbance, he declined their prosecution; indeed he is blamed for his so doing by these men (as was noted before) but O that they had had the grace to have been guilty of such an errour! And thus much by way of digression in the case of Delinquency: I now return to their Story.

They tell us that the Answer returned to the foresaid Proposi∣tions was, That if these things were granted, the King should remain but the out-side, but the picture, but the sign of a King: which very Answer (they say) was the Trumpet of War, and the sound of defi∣ance, scil. in their ears; who had a great lust to quarrel, now they had got weapons: but their misery was, the King stil crosses them, for He would not permit it to be so owned, Stil (say they) He saies, He intends not to fix any disloyal design, upon both or either House of Parliament: He is rather most confident of the Loyalty, good Affections, and integrity of that great Bodies good intentions; but the malignity of the design (He saies) hath proceeded from the subtile informations, mischievous practices, and evil Counsels of ambitious turbulent Spirits, not without a strong influence upon the very Actions of both Houses. Thus they of the King.

And the Result which they make of this their whole relation is two-fold.

1. To justifie themselves; which they would do from the Kings expressions of them: He did not give them such ill language as they gave him, Ergo, they would conclude themselves to be as In∣nocent as they make him Faulty: to his words last alleaged they adde, this was the utmost Charge that could be then brought against the Parl. they argue a non velle ad non posse: He did not, or would not, Ergo, He could not: Let the Reader judge of this Argument.

2. To cast further blame upon the King, scil. for having a worse opinion of them now, then (by these expressions) he seemed to have had then, when he returned that answer to their 19. Pro∣positions: Our Propositions (say they) at Uxbridge in Feb. 1644, being no other in effect then those of June 1642. This inference may be truly made, that the King hath no cause to look upon us now, other∣wise then as he did then: and if he have varied since from those Vows and Asseverations which He made then, the blame wil not remain on

this side, but on His; so that the bare calling to mind what hath been said by the King, is now sufficient for our purpose. These be their di∣rect words: But how ill a consequent they make, and how false an inference this is: how truly little to the purpose, I have shewn already, and to what is there said, I refer the Reader.

They then fall to reckon up the Vows and Affeverations, made by the King, which they would have apprehended to be broken by him, which I have opened the nature of, and answered already also, yea and manifested evidently, that if the King hath swerved any thing from his primitive purposes, it hath been full sore a∣gainst his will, and only by their inforcement. I adde but this, we find in the 11 Paper, these words of the King to his Queen, The breach of my Word, is that I hate above all things: and we remem∣ber that the publishers of these Letters have told us, that what we find in them are Evidences of truth, and therefore we are abun∣dantly satisfied concerning the Kings truth in his promises, what ever can be said by them to the contrary. Indeed we do believe that as Gods promise to the sons of Aaron did not bind him to the sons of Belial, no more doth the Kings promises to his Great Councel, tie him to his Grand Enemies. I said indeed (saies the Lord to Eli) that thy house should walk before me (scil. in the Priests* 7.5 office) for ever: But now (I say) they that Honour we wil I Honour, and they that despise me, shal be lightly esteemed: If holy Priests turn filthy Adulterers, or if good Subjects turn impudent Traitors, nei∣ther doth God, nor the King swerve from their former selves if they break with them: Hophni and Phineas might with as much justice have taxed God, as these men do their King.

But there remains yet one particular, and only one not replied unto, which I shal also now do, and so conclude.

They accuse the King of making War against his Parliament: Having (not only spoke so well of them, as before, but) renoun∣ced all intentions of War: to which purpose they alleage chief∣ly his Declaration at York, June 16. 1642. wherein (they say) are these words: We assure the World, in the presence of Almighty God, our Maker and Redeemer, We have no more thought of making War against Our Parliament, then against our Children: yea, and again in July the same year (after the date of Essex his Commission from them to War against him) He desires (say they) no longer the pro∣tection

and blessing of Almighty God upon himself, and his Poste∣rity, then He and they shal solemnly observe the Laws in defence of Parliaments: Also in August 12. He acknowledgeth that the King and Parliament are like the Twins of Hypocrates, which must laugh and cry, live and die together.

These were the Kings words (say these men) It is true indeed (say they) afterwards, He was driven (by their making Wars up∣on him) to save himself by distinctions, saying, He had not disclaimed all War in General, but all invasive War; all War, but what was in order to his own defence: which distinction they scorn at, and say, it was not thought of, or fore-seen before: perhaps so, for it was be∣yond the imagination or fore-sight of man, that any Subjects pre∣tending as they did, being so dealt withall, as they were, should bring their Soveraig•• to such a strait, or drive Him ever to use any Distinction at all.

Then they deride Him also for another, which they did put him upon, scil. That the King may defend himself, against a Parliament, but not fight against it; or He may assail a Malignant party in Par∣liament, and yet not touch the Parliament it self. And surely so He may: For as there may be a Malignant party in a Church or fa∣mily, that may be assailed and corrected, and yet the Church or family it self, be no way damnified or hurt thereby, but bettered rather: So also in a Parliament; for as the whole Church of God, consisting of Head and Members, is said not to Erre in matters of God, though there be many wicked men in the Militant part thereof: so in matters of State, a compleat, and whole Parlia∣ment, consisting of Head and Members, may be said not to Erre, though there be many wicked ones amongst them, that deserve punishment. And they are not ashamed to say, that the distin∣ction which they deride the King for, is good when themselves use it, but not when the King useth it: it wil hold (say they) on our side, but not on His. All things are lawful to them, but unto the King nothing is allowable.

But (say they) by what distinction wil the King put a period to this pertual Parliament without violence? Or how can He deny it the name of a Parliament without hostility? As if they had said more fully out thus,

We are sure we have posed him in one thing, and put him to a non-plus: We had him on the hip, when by

feigning our selves honest men, we got Him to sign the Bil of continuation of the Parliament, which we resolve shall be per∣petuall, and last for ever in despight of him: All his distinctions shal not serve his turn to put a period to that; He must do it by open force and violence, if he do it at all; but we by that fine Christian Policy of ours, in getting him to passe that Act, have got possession of so much strength and power, that we are able to keep it in being, for all the violence that he can use to the contrary: we have fastned him now upon the Crosse, wherefore if he be the Anointed of God, and would be so ac∣counted, let him loosen himself (if he can) and come down; (but let him be sure he shal never do it without violence, if he can do it that way, and we are able to hold it out against him no longer) then we wil believe him, and acknowledge him. Confident we are, that he cannot, (at least he shal not) deny us the name of a Parl. without hostility: secretly indeed we under∣stand by his Letters, that he doth not acknowledge us to be a Parl. though he doth it publickly: He imparts unto us the name, but not the thing; yea, but we having got all the Militia, by Land and Sea into our Hands, we are resolved to fight it out with him, in maintenance of our selves, and of our Title: we are a Parl: and we wil be a Parl. yea, and a perpetual Parl. too, in de∣spight of him, let him say and do the best he can to the contrary.

These are pretty men (we see) every Age cannot shew their fellows: But (truly) if there was no othet reason for the King to desire and seek to put a period to their Parliament, this were alone sufficient, in that they call it perpetual, and intend so to make it, for the Kings Office and duty is, not only to give his people good Laws, but also to see, they have the use and comfort of them; now I would have these men, with all their wisdome, shew the world, how we shal ever enjoy the benefit of the Try∣ennial Parliament (which was the highest Act of Grace ever gran∣ted, and the most likely foundation of future happinesse, that was ever layed for the Subjects of this Kingdom) wherein all corrupt instruments and enemies of their Countries welfare, of what rank soever, are to be called to answer for their demerits, and to be censured accordingly. I say, let them shew how possibly we can enjoy the benefit of this Act, unlesse a Period be first put to

this perpetual Parliament (as they call it) which indeed is rather a Combinanion of Tyrants Covenanted together, to enthrall their Country-men in perpetual bondage, a very Confederacy of Con∣spiratours against the Realm and Church: therefore 'tis undoubt∣edly the Kings office and duty, as he wil answer it to Almighty God, to do his utmost to disband them, and to bring them to their Legal tryals, and this he may do without making War a∣gainst his Parliament; nay, (in order to his solemn observance of the Laws) in defence of Parliaments. Yea, and all those that have taken the General Protestation, are bound by the same (as wel as by their Oath of Allegiance) to aid and assist the King and His Friends, in the bringing to condign Punishment these dishonourers of Parl. who under the name thereof, have scandalized and defa∣med its reverend esteem and dignity: and by Force, Practice, Councels, Plots, Conspiracies, and all other waies have done things contrary to every thing in the said Protestation contained: let all men read over their Protestation, and withall consider wel of these mens doings; and then speak their Consciences in this particular.

But further, to answer these men, though they think they have posed the King, when they say, How can he deny them the name of a Parliament? Yet let them know, that not only his Majesty, but all men else too of reason and judgement, may both deny them the name, and also prove that (in the truest and best sense) it* 7.6 doth in no sort appertain to them; for as S. Paul said, All are not Israel, that are of Israel; so may we say, All are not the Parlia∣ment, that are of the Parliament. As there was of old, a malignant party, that stood more upon the Title of Israel, then the true Is∣raelites did: so is there now a like company, that make more ado about the Title of Parliament, then those who are the true Mem∣bers of it, whose endevours rather are (as they ought to be) to ap∣prove themselves, by their actions, worthy of the name: our Sa∣viour* 7.7 in the Gospel, disputes the matter at large, with those false Israelites, who pleaded lustily against him, (as these do a∣gainst the King) that they were Abrahams Children, which our Saviour denies to be true, in the right and best sense, for, (saies he) You do not the works of Abraham, you go about to kill me, a man who hath told you the truth, (your Saviour and your Soveraign) so did not Abraham. I desire that these men would but seriously

in their consciences, consider whether this be not the very case: and if so, then let them be content, that the King should imitate the Son of God, in his thinking and speaking of them; and deny them to be a Parliament in the truest & best sense, or some time (as they say he doth) yeild them a Parliament in publick, and yet se∣cretly not acknowledge them so to be: for as S. Paul yeilds the Jews to be Israel, and yet not Israel; and as Christ yeilds them to be Abrahams Children, and yet not Abrahams Children: so the King may yeild them to be a Parliament, and yet no Parliament.

Again, as the Councel of Trent is denied by all the Reformed Churches of Germany and other Countries, to be a true Councel, because it was not free for all persons to come unto, with their Appeals, their Complaints, and their Reasons, (as Councels ought to be) for the honest Protestant party were not admitted a safe conduct, but in danger of their lives, if they did adventure to come, by the Maglignant and Popish faction, who bare all the sway, and were both Accusers and Judges; so upon the very same Ground may this Parliament be denied to be a true Parliament, for a Parliament ought to be free ('tis the special Priviledge of it) for all men, specially for its own Members, all of them ought to have liberty to speak their minds and consciences, and all the Kingdome beside to bring their grievances and petitions thither: But in this particular Assembly, which they call the Parliament, there is no such thing; for as at Trent, so at Westminster, the Malig∣nant and rebellious Faction alone, bear all the sway, they are both Accusers and Judges, they imprison, murder, persecute the honest side; yea, many of their own Members they have forced and driven away from thence, whereby in very deed, themselves have dissolved the very being of the Parliament, and made it to be no Parliament at all: indeed as that Assembly at Trent, is customa∣rily called a Councel, and therefore (perhaps) hath that appella∣tion also, even among the Protestants: So the King may happily somtimes call that Assembly at Westminster a Parliament, but 'tis only fo•• custome sake, and because 'tis so fancied by the Malig∣nant party.

Once more, upon the very same grounds, that Rome is denied to be a true Church, by the men of this faction, (which we are troubled with) may themselves be denied to be a true Parlia∣ment;

they say, Rome was once a true Church, at its first instituti∣on; but now so many corruptions have crept into it, that it hath un-Churched it self, and is become no true Church of Christ: but even the very Throne of Antichrist, thus they: And thus may we say of them, they were once a true Parliament, at their first con∣stitution and meeting, but now they swarm so much in evils, are guilty of acting and authorizing so much wickednesse, that they have plainly un-Parliamented themselves, and are become no true Parliament, but even the Throne and Synagogue of Satan.

Besides, a true and compleat Parliament, (as every one knows) consists of Head and Members, of King and People; and as a man without an Head, is no true man; so a Parliament without the King, is no true Parliament. Indeed if the King should come to Westminster, and sit amongst them, and they behave themselves towards him (yet at last) as becometh Christians and Members of that Honourable Court, I know no reason but they may (by the Kings mercy and favour) recover again that truly honourable Name and Title.

Though some affirm, when both the Speakers fled* 7.8 from them (in regard of these late tumults) that accor∣ding to Law, the Parliament was dissolved; The true Parliament, (they say) ran away, and that which now re∣maineth is an Adulterous Parliament, a very Junto, and there must of necessity be a new Writ from the King, to the making of a true Parliament. (But I leave that to be ar∣gued by the Lawyers) My observation only shall be, of Gods Hand in that businesse: First, that themselves were driven away from the Houses, in the same manner, as by their procurement, the King and His friends were for∣merly. Secondly, that the Almighty by his permissive Providence hath exposed them, (who thought and cal∣led themselves a perpetuall Parliament) to be denied to be any Parliament at all, by their own Adorers, and to become a publick scorn and derision, by the means or as∣sistance of those that had so many years together paid

their devotions to them: Let all the world admire Gods wisdom: And let all that fear the Lord, praise his holy Name.

And thus all may see whither I have brought these men, or ra∣ther more properly whither they have brought themselves, by this their impertinent and peremptory question, How can the King deny us the name of a Parliament? They are proved to be no true Parliament, by the witnesse of Jesus Christ, (who is Truth it self) by the testimony of S. Paul in a like case, by the judgment of all Reformed Churches in Christendome, and by the evidence of their own dear selves and faction, in their way of opposition unto other parties: Wherefore stil may His Majesty in truth, and with a good Conscience say, as He did at first, We again in the presence of Almighty God, Our Maker and Redeemer, assure the world, We have no more thought of making War against Our Parliament, then against Our own Children. And He may desire stil no longer to en∣joy the Protection of Almighty God, upon Himself and His Posterity, then He and They shal solemnly observe the Laws in defence of Par∣liaments: for as yet He hath done nothing against His high Court of Parliament, nor ever wil He; for according to His owne ac∣knowledgment, He, and that are like Hypocrates twins, they wil live and die together.

And let them not die, but live, O Lord our God; Let the King live, that Parliaments may not die; save thou Him, that this Kingdome may still be blessed with them; and in thy pitty to this poor Nation, break thou in pie∣ces this confederacy of rebellious men, who do so earnestly en∣devour the destruction of both. Put thou a period to this false Parliament, (which they resolve shal be perpetual, in despight of Thee; O God, and of thine Anointed) that we may have the benefit of a true one, for the mending up of those great brea∣ches (which have been made by these Conspirators) upon our Religion, our Laws, and natural Liberties; yea, and upon our high Court of Parliament it self: This grant (O thou mighty Majesty of Heaven an Earth) for thine own Honour and Justice sake, and for the sake of Christ our Saviour.

Amen.

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Notes

• * 1.1

  §. 1.
• * 1.2

  Esay 8. 20.
• * 1.3

  §. 2.
• * 1.4

  §. 3.
• * 1.5

  Rom. 1. 32.
• * 1.6

  §. 1.
• * 1.7

  Jer. 20. 7.
• * 1.8

  1 John 2. 16.
• * 1.9

  Mat. 24. 24.
• * 1.10

  1 John 4. 1.
• * 1.11

  Mat. 7. 20.
• * 1.12

  Libell.
• * 1.13

  §. 2.
• * 1.14

  Acts 23. 5.
• * 1.15

  1 Sam. 22.
• * 1.16

  2 Sam. 16.
• * 1.17

  Esay 36. 11.
• * 1.18

  Psal. 50. 16, &c
• * 1.19

  1 Sam. 24. 4.
• * 1.20

  1 Sam. 26. 8. &c.
• * 1.21

  1 Sam. 26. 25.
• * 1.22

  Libell.
• * 1.23

  §. 4.
• * 1.24

  Gen. 9. 22.
• * 1.25

  Gen. 9. 23.
• * 1.26

  Rom. 7. 7.
• * 1.27

  §. 5.
• * 1.28

  Gen. 3. 1.
• * 1.29

  Esay 47. 10.
• * 1.30

  Mat. 23. 15.
• * 1.31

  Joh. 5. 3.
• * 1.32

  Gen. 3.
• * 1.33

  Mat. 24.
• * 1.34

  Libell.
• * 1.35

  §. 6.
• * 1.36

  Judge, ver. 8, 9.
• * 1.37

  Libell.
• * 1.38

  §. 1.
• * 1.39

  2 Pet. 3. 16.
• * 1.40

  1 Cor. 4. 3.
• * 1.41

  §. 2.
• * 1.42

  2 King. 18. 28.
• * 1.43

  Gen. 10. 9.
• * 1.44

  Mat. 21. 38.
• * 1.45

  §. 3.
• * 1.46

  Mat. 5. 3.
• * 1.47

  Jer. 3. Ezek. 16.
• * 1.48

  Libell.
• * 1.49

  §. 4.
• * 1.50

  Basilic. Doron. Lib. 2.
• * 1.51

  Libell.
• * 1.52

  §. 1.
• * 1.53

  Libell.
• * 1.54

  Eccles. 1. 9, 10.
• * 1.55

  Rev. 3. 9.
• * 1.56

  Rev. 2. 9. 3. 9.
• * 1.57

  John 7. 20.
• * 1.58

  §. 3.
• * 1.59

  Prov. 22. 1.
• * 1.60

  Prov. 16. 10.
• * 1.61

  Canon Alius causa 15. de∣••••••t. quest. 6.
• * 1.62

  Object.
• * 1.63

  Answer.
• * 1.64

  §. 1.
• * 1.65

  Job 34. 18.
• * 1.66

  Act. 23. 5.
• * 1.67

  2 Cor. 5. 20.
• * 1.68

  Esay 49. 14.
• * 1.69

  Vers. 15.
• * 1.70

  Esay 50. ••.
• * 1.71

  Mat. 13. 58.
• * 1.72

  Mar. 6. 5, 6.
• * 1.73

  §. 2.
• * 1.74

  Psa. 123. 4.
• * 1.75

  Psal. 2. 2, 3, 4.
• * 1.76

  Psal. 73. 11, 12
• * 1.77

  Prov. 3. 34.
• * 1.78

  Prov. 24. 9.
• * 1.79

  Numb. 16.
• * 1.80

  1 Kings 18. 17.
• * 1.81

  Jud. 16.
• * 1.82

  Psal. 123. 4.
• * 1.83

  Psal. 31. 20.
• * 1.84

  Prov. 3. 34. 19. 29.
• * 1.85

  §. 1▪
• * 1.86

  Pag. 49.
• * 1.87

  Libell. p. 49.
• * 1.88

  Yet should God incline the Heart of Sr Thomas Fair∣fax to adhere unto his Lord and Soveraign, no doubt but some of them would as much revile him in their language, as now they seem to honour him, with the title of Victo∣rious: Which indeed they have sufficient∣ly done since the Kings de∣liverance from Holmeby.
• * 1.89

  Libell. pag. 49.
• * 1.90

  §. 2.
• * 1.91

  Luk. 23. 23.
• * 1.92

  Mat. 27. 25.
• * 1.93

  Libell p. 49.
• * 1.94

  §. 3.
• * 1.95

  Libell. p. 49.
• * 1.96

  §. 4.
• * 1.97

  Prov. 1. 10.
• * 1.98

  Libell.
• * 1.99

  §. 1.
• * 1.100

  See the look∣ing-glasse of Schisme, by that Learned Mini∣ster of Christ M. Peter Stud∣ley.
• * 1.101

  §. 3.
• * 1.102

  §. 2.
• * 1.103

  Sands, Europae Speculum, pag. 119.
• * 1.104

  Exod. 12. 24. 25, 26.
• * 1.105

  §. 1.
• * 1.106

  §. 2.
• * 1.107

  §. 3.
• * 1.108

  §. 4.
• * 1.109

  Libell.
• * 1.110

  Thes. 2. 10, 11.
• * 1.111

  James 2. 18.
• * 1.112

  Verse 26.
• * 1.113

  Libell.
• * 1.114

  §. 1.
• * 1.115

  1 Cor. 4. 4.
• * 1.116

  Mat. 19. 30.
• * 1.117

  John 8. 39.
• * 1.118

  Vers. 40.
• * 1.119

  §. 2.
• * 1.120

  Libell.
• * 1.121

  Libell.
• * 1.122

  §. 1.
• * 1.123

  Psal. 64. 6.
• * 1.124

  Jer. 11. 18.
• * 1.125

  Luk. 6. 7.
• * 1.126

  Dan. 6. 4.
• * 1.127

  This hath oft been related to me (with tears of affection to him) by diverse Inhabitants of that poore Loyall Town, who heard the expression from His Ma∣jesties Lips.
• * 1.128

  Libell.
• * 1.129

  §. 2.
• * 1.130

  Libell.
• * 1.131

  Libell.
• * 1.132

  Mat. 7. 1.
• * 1.133

  Rom. 14. 4.
• * 1.134

  Jam. 3. 1.
• * 1.135

  1 Thes. 4. 11.
• * 1.136

  That free & famous City cannot say that the King in all his time did e∣ver imprison so much as one Lord Major.
• * 1.137

  The abun∣dance hath ap∣peared by the many millions of treasure which they have ••ent with∣in these six yeares.
• * 1.138

  Tho. Case in his Sermons of waiting on▪ God.
• * 1.139

  §. 3.
• * 1.140

  Committee∣men and S••∣questrators were not yet known.
• * 1.141

  26. Children taken at once by the Turkes from off the Coasts of Cornwall, July Anno 1645.
• * 1.142

  §. 1▪
• * 1.143

  Libell.
• * 1.144

  §. 2.
• * 1.145

  Isa. 1. 19, 20.
• * 1.146

  2 Cor. 15. 2.
• * 1.147

  Mat. 13. 58.
• * 1.148

  Mark 6. 5.
• * 1.149

  2.
• * 1.150

  Ps. 13. 1, 2. &c.
• * 1.151

  Mat. 14. 30.
• * 1.152

  1 Sam. 21. 7.
• * 1.153

  Gen. 12. 12.
• * 1.154

  Gen. 20. 2▪
• * 1.155

  Psal. 125. 8.
• * 1.156

  In Cornwall when Essex his Army was there defeated by his Majesty.
• * 1.157

  Libell.
• * 1.158

  2 King. 21. 16.
• * 1.159

  2 Cor. 23. 12.
• * 1.160

  And now of late they have been payd home in their own coyn so many wayes (even as them∣selves have dealt with their Soveraigne,) that they would confesse with that Heathen King, Jud. 1. 7. (had▪ they but as much sence of the Deity as He) and say, As we have done, so God hath rewarded us.
• * 1.161

  2.
• * 1.162

  3.
• * 1.163

  4.
• * 1.164

  Mat. 18.
• * 1.165

  Calumny ar∣raigned & cast: Or, answer to Prins rank pas∣sages, in his book intituled, Truth Tri∣umphing over Falshood. Pag. 14. Pag. 13. ejus∣dem.
• * 1.166

  Pag. 12.
• * 1.167

  §. 2.
• * 1.168

  This reason I received lately from the judg∣ment of others and therefore thought fit to insert it in the first place with these that fol∣low.
• * 1.169

  In the daily Collects or prayers for the King.
• * 1.170

  Stet pro ra∣tione voluntas.
• * 1.171

  Bas. Dor. p. 42.
• * 1.172

  §. 1.
• * 1.173

  Rom. 13. 4.
• * 1.174

  1. Sam. 13. 2.
• * 1.175

  2 Sam. 23.
• * 1.176

  1 Chro. 11.
• * 1.177

  Pap. 1.
• * 1.178

  Micah 3. 9, 11.
• * 1.179

  Vers. 10.
• * 1.180

  Vers. 12.
• * 1.181

  I am not cer∣tain which of them it was: and I want Books to help my memory.
• * 1.182

  Maerentia te∣cta Caesar h••∣bet, vacuasque domos leges{que} silentes, clau∣soque justitio tristi foro.
• * 1.183

  Lucanus.
• * 1.184

  Mic. 2. 1, 2.
• * 1.185

  Rom. 13. 5.
• * 1.186

  1 Pet. 2. 23.
• * 1.187

  §. 2.
• * 1.188

  4.
• * 1.189

  Amos 6. 17.
• * 1.190

  §. 3.
• * 1.191

  Ezek. 16. 51.
• * 1.192

  Vers. 54.
• * 1.193

  Vntill the sword be resto∣red into that hand where God did put it, and he whom God hath appointed, be the orderer and disposer of the affaires in Ireland: we must never expect Gods continued blessing upon our Forces that are sent thither, there∣fore in their desiring the sole management of the Irish affaires, (with exclusion of the King,) they doe but oppose God (whose Vice-gerent the King is,) and indeavour in vaine to doe a great work without him: I desire the English Protestant Nation to think seriously of this.
• * 1.194

  1. Sam. 11. 2.
• * 1.195

  2 King. 20.
• * 1.196

  2 King. 18. 29, 30.
• * 1.197

  Libell.
• * 1.198

  §. 1.
• * 1.199

  2.
• * 1.200

  Gen. 4.
• * 1.201

  Gen. 10.
• * 1.202

  1 Sam. 19. 2••
• * 1.203

  Act. 9. 1.
• * 1.204

  2 Sam. 16.
• * 1.205

  Mic. 7. 4.
• * 1.206

  §. 3.
• * 1.207

  And I hope through Gods mercy to them in Gods time they may, to their own eter∣nall comfort & honour; & the recovery of the Kingdoms lost glory.
• * 1.208

  Nemo parere gnarus, nemo imperare.
• * 1.209

  Strenui lingua multi, ignavife∣re omnes opera.
• * 1.210

  Deni{que} in du∣ribus ipsis non consilium non fides. Lips.
• * 1.211

  2.
• * 1.212

  3.
• * 1.213

  Jer. 5. 4.
• * 1.214

  Rev. 13.
• * 1.215

  John 19. 11.
• * 1.216

  1 Pet. 4. 17.
• * 1.217

  Jer. 8. 6.
• * 1.218

  Isay 26. 11.
• * 1.219

  §. 4.
• * 1.220

  Psal. 73.
• * 1.221

  Jeremy 12.
• * 1.222

  Jer. 5. 26, 27.
• * 1.223

  Hab. 1. 13. 15, 16.
• * 1.224

  Rev. 12. 14.
• * 1.225

  Rev. 13. 13, 7.
• * 1.226

  Dan. 11. 36. &c.
• * 1.227

  Esay 53. 4.
• * 1.228

  Luke 24.
• * 1.229

  Act. 28. 3, 4.
• * 1.230

  Lu••e 13. 2, 3.
• * 1.231

  §. 5.
• * 1.232

  Isai. 36. 10, 19.
• * 1.233

  Fox Marty••ed.
• * 1.234

  ••ypr. d•• Valer. in his Book, cal∣led, The lives of Popes.
• * 1.235

  Stulius ab even∣tu sacta notanda p••••at.
• * 1.236

  •• Sam. 4.
• * 1.237

  Heb. 10. 39.
• * 1.238

  Libell.
• * 1.239

  §. 1.
• * 1.240

  1 Thes. 5. 21.
• * 1.241

  §. 3.
• * 1.242

  Pag. 80.
• * 1.243

  1 Sam. 26. 19.
• * 2.1

  1 King. 2.
• * 2.2

  §. 2.
• * 3.1

  §. 3.
• * 3.2

  Libell.
• * 3.3

  §. 1.
• * 3.4

  Rom. 13. 4.
• * 3.5

  Yea all the bloud that hath been shed, by them and by▪ their meanes, in this unnatu∣rall war (which themselves for no cause have raised not only against the Kings will but also against his person and his friends) must, and is by them, laid to the Kings Charge, their Militia & successe per∣swade them to it.
• * 3.6

  Libell.
• * 3.7

  Fox Martyr.
• * 3.8

  Libell.
• * 3.9

  §. 1.
• * 3.10

  Libell.
• * 3.11

  This parti∣cular digressi∣on was inserted from my own observance of her Majesties goodnesse in France.
• * 3.12

  This was written when the Duke of Yorke was ei∣ther in Oxford, or supposed to be there.
• * 3.13

  It was gene∣rally believed when this was inserted that the Kings tru∣sting the Scots with his Person could not possibly but make them ashamed to prove unfaithful, but their late Act hath given all men to understand, that though Judas (for the love of money) may keep touch with the Pharisees, yet he is no fit or safe man, to be of the Guard unto his Master.
• * 6.1

  At Perin in Cornwal, when the King defea∣ted Essex and his Army.
• * 6.2

  My selfe did heare (in A∣vignion) a Gentlemen, be∣longing to the Cardinall Bar∣barine menti∣on by name one of their Agents, at Rome: and how many thousand pounds a yeare (he beleeved) he did there spend in his Negotiation, for them.
• * 7.1

  Had His Great Councel shewn but half that zeal in their Master the Kings be∣half, as of late they have done in their owne, (concerning a like tumultuous businesse) He had not depar∣ted from them.
• * 7.2

  Luke 4. 30.
• * 7.3

  John 18. 16.
• * 7.4

  Let the peo∣ple observe by this, how they have beene cheated.
• * 7.5

  2 Sam. 2. 30.
• * 7.6

  Rom. 9. 6.
• * 7.7

  John 8.
• * 7.8

  This was in∣serted be rea∣son of the late Accident.