Memorials of the Most Reverend Father in God, Thomas Cranmer sometime Lord Archbishop of Canterbury wherein the history of the Church, and the reformation of it, during the primacy of the said archbishop, are greatly illustrated : and many singular matters relating thereunto : now first published in three books : collected chiefly from records, registers, authentick letters, and other original manuscripts / by John Strype ...

THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer.

NUM. I. Account of Mr. Pool's Book by Dr. Cranmer.

To the Ryght honorable, and my syngular good Lorde, my Lorde of Wylshire.

IT may please your Lordeshipe to bee advertised, that the Kynge his grace, my Lady your wyfe,* 1.1 my Lady Anne, your doughter be in good helth, whereof thankes be to God. As concernynge the Kinge hys cause, Mayster Raynolde Poole hath wrytten a booke moch contrary to the kinge hys purpose, wyth such wytte, that it ap∣pereth, that he myght be for hys wysedome of the cownsel to the kinge hys grace. And of such eloquence, that if it were set forth and knowne to the commen people, I suppose yt were not possible to persuade them to the contrary. The pryncypal intent whereof ys, that the kinge hys grace sholde be con∣tente to commyt hys grete cause to the jugement of the pope: where∣in me semeth he lacketh moch jugement. But he swadeth that with such goodly eloquence, both of words and sentence, that he were lyke to persuade many: but me hee persuadeth in that poynt no thynge at al. But in many other thynges he satysfyeth me very wel. The som wherof I shal shortly reherse. Furst, he sheweth the cause, wher∣fore he had never pleasure to intromytte hymself in this cause. And that was, the trouble, which was lyke to ensue to this realme therof by dyversitie of tytles. Wherof what hurte myght come, we have had exsample in our fathers dayes by the tytles of Lancaster and Yorke. And where os god hath gyven many noble gyfts unto the kinge hys grace, as wel of body and mynde, os also of fortune: yet this excedeth al

other, that in hym al tytles do mete and come togyder, and this Realme ys restored to tranquillitie and peace: so oweth he to provide that this londe fal not agayne to the forsaide mysery and troble, which may come aswel by the people within this realme, which thynke surely that they have an hayre lawful al••••ady, with whom they al be wel contente, and wolde be sory to have any other. And yt wolde be harde to persuade thaym to take any other, levynge her: os also by the Emperour, whych ys a man of so grete power, the quene beying hys awnt, the Princes hys nece, whome he so moch doth, and ever hath favored. And where he harde reasons for the kynge hys party, that he was moved of god hys lawe, which doth straytly forbed, and that with many gret thretts, that no man shal mary hys brother hys wife. And os for the people, yt longeth not to thayr judgement, and yet yt ys to be thought, that thay wil be contente, whan thay shal knowe, that the awncyente Do∣ctores of the Chyrch, and the determinations of so many grete vniver∣sities be of the kynge hys sentence. And os concernynge the Empe∣rour, if he be so unryghtful, that he wyl mayntene an unjust cause, yet god wil never fayl thaym, that stonde opon his party, and for any thynge wyl not transgresse hys commawndments. And besyde that, we shal not lacke the ayde of the Frenshe kynge, whyche partely for the Lege, whych he hath made with us, and partly for the dyspleasure and olde grutch, which he bereth toward the Emperour, wolde be glad to have occasion to be avenged.

Thies reasons he bryngeth for the kyngs party agaynst hys owne opynyon. To which he maketh answer in this maner. Fyrst, os towchynge the Lawe of god, he thynketh that yf the kinge were plea∣sed to take the contrary parte, he myght os wel justifie that, and have os good grownde of the scripture therfore, os for that parte which he now taketh. And yet if he thought the kyngs party never so juste, and that this his mariage were undowtedly agaynst godds pleasure, than he cowde not deny, but yt sholde be wel done for the kynge to refuse this mariage, and to take another wyfe: but that he sholde be a doar therin, and a setter forwarde therof, he cowde never fynde in hys harte. And yet he grawnteth, that he hath no good reason therfore, but only af∣fection, which he bereth, and of dewty oweth unto the kyngs parson. For in so doing he sholde not only wayke, ye and utterly take away the Princes Title, but also he must neds accuse the most, and cheife parte of al the kyngs lyfe hiderto, which hath bene so infortunate to lyve more than xx yers in a matrimony so shameful, so abominable, so bestial and agaynst nature, yf it be so os the books which do defend the kyngs par∣ty do say; that the abomination therof ys naturally wrytten and graven in every mans harte, so that none excusation can be made by ignorance. And thus to accuse the noble nature of the kyngs grace, and to take away the title of hys succession, he cowde never fynd in hys harte, were the kyngs cause never so good. Which he doth knowlege to be only affection. Now os concernynge the people, he thynketh not possible to satisfye thaym by lernynge or prechynge; but os thay now do begyn to hate preists, this shal make thaym rather to hate moch more both lerned men, and also the name of lernynge, and bryng them in abomi∣nation of every man. For what lovynge men towarde their prynce wolde gladly heare, that eyther thayr prynce sholde be so infortunate,

to lyve so many yers in matrimony so abominable, or that thay sholde be taken and cownted so bestial, to approve and take for lawful, and that so many yeres, a matrimony so unlawful; and so much agaynst nature, that every man in hys harte naturally doth abhorre yt. And that ys more, whan they heare this matrimony dyspraysed, and spoken agaynst, neyther by thayr own minds, nor by reasons that be made agaynst this matrimony, can thay be persuaded to grutge agaynst the matrimony, but for any thynge thay do grutge against the divorse. Wherin the people sholde shew thaym selfes no men, but bests. And that the people sholde be persuaded herto, he cannot thynke yt. And os for the autoritie of the Vniversities, he thynketh and sayeth, that many tymes thay be led by affections, which ys well known to every man, and wyssheth that thay never did erre in thayr determinations. Than he sheweth with how gret difficultie the Vniversities were brought to the kyngs party. And moreover agaynst the autoritie of the Vniversities, he setteth the autoritie of the kyngs grace fath••r, and hys cowncel, the quenes father, and hys cowncel, and the pope and hys cowncel. Than he cometh agayn to the pope and themperour, and French kynge. And fyrst the Pope, how moch he ys adversary unto the kyngs purpose, he hath shewed diverse tokens alredy, and not without a cause. For yf he sholde consent to the kyngs purpose, he must neds do against hys predecessores, and also restrayne hys owne power more than yt hath bene in tyme past, which rather he wolde be glad to extend, and moreover he sholde set gret sedition in many realmes, os in Portugal, of which kynge themperour hath maried on suster, and the Duke of Savoy the other. Than he extolleth the power of themperour, and diminish the ayd of the Frensh kynge towarde us, sayinge that themperour without drawynge of any sworde, but only by forbyddynge the course of marchandise into Flawnders and Spayne, may put this realme into gret dammage and ruyne. And what yf he wil therto draw hys sworde, wherein ys so moch power, which beyng of moch lasse power than he ys now, subdued the Pope and the French kynge? And os for the French men, they never used to kepe leage with us but for thayr own advantage, and wee can never fynde in our harts to trust thaym. And yet yf now contrary to thayr olde nature thay kepe thayr leage, yet our nation shal thynk thaymselfes in miserable condi∣tion, yf thay shal be compelled to trust opon thayr ayde, which al∣wayes have be our mortal enemyes, and never we loved thaym, nor thay us. And yf the French men have any suspicion, that this new matrimony shal not continue, then we shal have no succur of thaym, but opon such conditions os shal be intolerable to this realme. And yf thay followynge thayr olde nature and custome, than do breake leage with us, than we shal loke for none other, but that Englonde shal be a prey betwene themperour and thaym. After all this he commeth to the poynte to save the kyngs honour, sayinge that the kynge stondeth evyn opon the brynke of the water, and yet he may save al hys honour; but yf he put furth hys fote but on steppe forwarde, all hys honour ys drowned. And the meanes which he hath devised to save the kyngs honour ys this.

The reste of this mater I must leave to shewe your Lordshippe by mouth, whan I speake with you, which I purpose, god Willynge,

shal be to morow, yf the kyng's grace let me not. Now the berer maketh such hast, that I can wryte no more; but that I heare no worde from my benefice, nor Mayster Russel's servunte ys not yet re∣tourned ageyn, whereof I do not a lytle marveil. The kynge and my Lady Anne rode yesterday to Windsower, and this nyght they be loked for agayne at Hampton Courte: god be their guyde, and preserve your Lordshippe to hys most pleasure. From Hampton courte this xiij. day of June.

Youre most humble beideman, Thomas Cranmer.

NUM. II. Dr. Cranmer, Ambassador with the Emperor, his letter to the King.

To the Kings Highness.

* 1.2PLeasith it your Highnes to understande, that at my last sollicitacion unto Monsieur Grandeveile for an answer of the contracte of Mer∣chandize betwene the Merchaunts of your graces reaulme, and the Merchaunts of themperors Low-Countreys; the said Monsieur Grande∣veile shewed me, that forsomoch as the Diate concernynge the said Contracte was lately held in Flaundres, where the Quene of Hungary is Governatrice, themperor thought good to do nothynge therein with∣out her advice, but to make answere by her, rather than by me. Where∣fore it may please your grace no further to loke for answere of me her∣in, but of the Quene, unto whome the whole Answere is commytted. Morover, whan the said Monsieur Grandeveile enquered of me, if I had any answere of the aide and subsidy, which themperor desyered of your grace, I reported unto hym fully your graces answere accordyng•• unto myn instructions sent unto me by your graces servant William Pa∣get. Which answere he desyered me to delyver hym in wrytynge, that he myght referre the same truly unto themperor, and so I dyd. Never∣theles themperor, now at his departynge, hath had such importune busynes, that Monsieur Grandeveile assigned me to repaire unto thempe∣ror agayn at Lintz, for there, he said, I shal have an answere agayn in wrytynge. The French Ambassador, and I with al diligence do make preparacion to furnish our selfs of wagans, horses, shippes, tents, and other thynges necessary to our viage; but it wil be at the lest viij or x dayes before we can be redy to depart hens. Yet we trust to be at Lyntz before themperor; for he wil tary by the way at Pas∣saw x or xij dayes.

As for the Turke, he resideth stil in Hungary, in the same place, en∣vironned opon al parties, whereof I wrote unto your Highnes in my last letters. And themperor departed from Abagh toward Vienna the

seconde day of this month by lande, not commynge by this towne: but the same day the kynge Ferdinando departed from this Towne by wa∣ter, and at Passaw xiiij myls hens thay shal mete, and so pase furth unto Lyntz, which is the mydds way from hens unto Vienna. And there themperor wil tary to counsel what he wil do: and there al the Am∣bassadours shal know his pleasure, as Monsieur Grandeveile shewed me.

I have sent herewith unto your grace the copy of themperors Procla∣mation concernynge a general Councel, and a reformation to be had in Germany for the controversyes of the faith. Also I have sent the taxe of al the stats of thempire, how many Souldiers every man is lymitted unto, for the aide agaynst the Turk. Wherein your grace may per∣ceyve, that the greatest Prince in Germany (onely the Duke of Bur∣gondy and Austry except) is not appoynted above 120 horsemen and 554 fotemen. Thus our Lorde evermore have your highnes in his preservation and governance. From Regenspurgh the iiij. day of Sep∣tember.

Your graces most humble subjecte, Chaplain, and beidman, Thomas Cranmer.

NUM. III. A parcel of Iewels sent from Greenwich to Hampton Court to the King. To the receipt of which he set his hand.

Henry R.

SENT unto the King's Highnes fro Grenewiche to Hampton courte,* 1.3 by Master Norrys the xxist day of Septembre in the xxiiijth year of his graces Reigne thies parcelles ensueing. Which parcellex his grace doth knoledge him self to have receyved by this present bylle, signed with his most gracieux hand the day and yere above expressed.

• Furste, One carkeyne of gold antique warke, having a shielde of gold, set with a great Rose, contenyng xij Dyamants. One fayer table Dyamant. One poynted Dyamant. One table Rubye. One table Emerawde. And iij fayer hinging perles.
• 2. Item, Another Carkeyne of golde of harts with ij hands holding a great owche of golde, set with a great table balasse. One pointed dya∣mant: Two table dyamants: Whereof one rising with Lozanges, and the other flat. And one other long lozanged diamant. And iiij perles, with one longe perle pendaunt.
• 3. Item, Another Carkeyne of golde enameled with blac and white, with an owche of golde enameled white and blew: Set with a great rockey Rubye: One rocky Emerawde: One pointed Dyamant. One table Dyamant. A harte of a Dyamant, rising ful of Lozanges. And one fayer hinging perle.
• ...

• 4. Item, Another Carkeyne of lynks of gold. The one enameled blac, the other gold: having an owche of golde, set with a great rockey ba∣lasse: two smal table Dyamants; and one Lozanged Dyamant. Five slight perles, and one long perle pendaunt therat.
• 5. Item, Another Carkeyne of gold, garnished thorowly with xxij co∣letts of dyamants, contening in al lxxvij diamant smal and great: and xliij perles, with an owche of Antique, set with xiiij dyamants, one rockey Rubye, and one rockey Emerawde; and a flat round hinging perle.
• 6. Item, Another Carkeyne of golde, enameled blac, with an owche, set with a fayer table balasse, and three smal tryangled dyamants, and five perles.
• 7. Item, A George on horse back; garnished with xvj smal Dyamants. And in the belly of the Dragon a rockey perle.
• 8. Item, Another Carkeyne of golde: al blac, having a George on horse∣back; garnished with xviij smal Dyamants. And in the belly of the Dragon a perle ragged.
• 9. Item, A cheyne of golde, of Spaynishe facion, enameled, white, red and black.

NUM. IV. The King to Dr. Boner, his Majesty's Agent, to declare to the Pope his Appeal from him, and his Sentence.

By the King.

Henry R.

TRusty and Welbeloved, we grete ye well. Signifying unto the same,* 1.4 that we have appelled from the Popes's Sentence, lately gevyn against us; whiche Appele ye receiving herewith, with a Proxy devised for that intent, Our mind and pleasure is, that if it is thought to you good and beneficial, for conservation of the same, ye intimate the same to the Pope after the order and forme of Lawe, and according to our said proxy sent unto you. And if not, to advertise us of your mind and opynyon in that behalf. Geven under our Signet at our Castell of Windessour, the xviij day of August.

To our Trusty and Welbeloved Mr. Doctor Bonner.

NUM. V. Cranmer's Protestation at his Consecration.

IN Dei nomine Amen.* 1.5 Coram vobis autentica persona & testibus fide dignis, hic presentibus, Ego Thomas in Cant. Archiepiscopum electus dico, allego, & in hijs Scriptis palam, publicè & expressè pro∣testor: Quod cum juramentum, sive juramenta ab Electis in Cant. Ar∣chiepiscopos summo Pontifici praestari solita, me ante meam Consecra∣tionem, aut tempore ejusdem pro forma potius quam pro esse, aut re obligatoria ad illam obtinendam oporteat; non est, nec erit meae Vo∣luntatis aut intentionis per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta, qua∣litercúnque verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur, me obligare ad ali∣quod ratione eorundem posthac dicend. faciend. aut attemptand. quod erit aut esse videbitur contra legem Dei, vel contra illustriss. Regem no∣strum Angliae, aut Remp. hujus sui Regni Angliae, legesve aut praeroga∣tivas ejusdem. Et quod non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum aut juramenta, quovis modo me obligare, quominus libere loqui, consulere & consentire valeam, in omnibus & singulis, Reformationem religio∣nis Christianae, Gubernationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae; aut Praerogativam Coronae ejusdem, Reipublicaeve commoditatem, quoquomodo concer∣nentibus, et ea ubi{que} exequi & reformare, quae mihi in Ecclesia Angli∣cana reformanda videbuntur. Et secundum hanc interpretationem & intellectum hunc, & non aliter, ne{que} alio modo, dicta juramenta me praestiturum protestor & profiteor. Protestor{que} insuper, quodcum{que} juramentum sit, quod meus Procurator summo Pontifici meo nomine antehac praestitit, quod non erat intentionis aut Voluntatis meae sibi ali∣quam dare potestatem, cujus Vigore aliquod juramentum meo nomine praestare potuerit contrarium aut repugnans juramento per me praestito, aut imposterum praestando praefato Illustriss▪ Angliae Regi. Et casu, quod aliquid tale contrarium aut repugnans juramentum meo nomine praestitit, Protestor, quod illud me inscio, & abs{que} mea authoritate praestitum, pro nullo & invalido esse volo. Quas Protestationes in om∣nibus clausulis & sententijs dictorum juramentorum repetitas & reitera∣tas volo. A quibus per aliquod meum factum vel dictum quovismodo recedere non intendo, nec recedam. Sed eas mihi semper salvas esse volo.

NUM. VI. Cranmer's Oath taken at his Consecration to the Pope.

EGO Thomas Electus Cantuariensis ab hac hora, ut antea,* 1.6 fidelis & obediens ero B. Petro▪ Sanctae Apostolicae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Domino meo D. Clementi VII. suisque Successoribus canonicè intran∣tibus. Non ero in consilio aut consensu, vel facto, ut vitam perdant,

vel membrum, seu capiantur mala captione. Consilium verò quod mihi credituri sunt per se aut nuncios, ad eorum damnum, me sciente, nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum, & Regalia S. Petri adjutor eis ero, ad retinendum & defendendum, salvo meo ordine, contra omnem hominem. Legatum Sedis Apostolicae in eundo & redeundo honorifice tractabo, & in suis necessitatibus adjuvabo; Vocatus ad Synodum Ve∣niam, nisi praepeditus fuero Canonica praepeditione. Apostolo∣rum limina Romana Curia existente citra Alpes singulis annis, ultra vero montes singulis biennijs Visitabo, aut per-me, aut per meum nuntium, nisi Apostolica absolvat Licentia. Possessiones vero ad mensam mei Archiepiscopatus pertinentes non vendam, ne{que} donabo, ne{que} impignerabo, ne{que} de novo infeudabo, vel ali∣quo modo alienabo, inconsulto Romano Pontifice. Sic me Deus ad∣juvet, & haec Sancta Dei Evangelia.

NUM. VII. Cranmer's Oath to the King for his Temporalties.

I Thomas Cranmer renounce and utterly forsake al such clauses, words, sentences,* 1.7 and grants, which I have of the Popes Holines in his Bulls of the Archbishopric of Cant. that in any manner was, is or may be hurtful, or prejudicial to your highnes, your heires, Successors, Estate, or Dignity Royal. Knowing my self to take and hold the said Arch∣bishopric immediately, and only, of your Highnes, and of none other. Most lowly beseeching the same for restitution of the Temporalties of the said Archbishopric; Professing to be faithful, true and obedient subject to your said Highnes, your Heires and Successors, during my life. So help me God, and the holy Evangelists.

NUM. VIII. The King's Proclamation for bringing in Seditious Books.

IT set forth, that sundry contentions and sinister opinions had by wrong teaching and naughty printed Books encreased among his Subjects,* 1.8 contrary to the true faith and reverence, and due observation of the Sacraments and Sacramentals, rites and ceremonies heretofore used. And as the Books are blamed, so the additions and Annotations in the margents, the Prologues and Kalendars to them made by sundry strange persons, called Anabaptists and Sacramentaries, lately comen into the Realm, and by some other his Majesties Subjects. Wherby many of the Kings loving, but simple Subjects were induced arrogant∣ly and superstitiously to dispute in open places and tavernes upon Bap∣tism, and upon the holy Sacrament of the Altar, not only to their own

slander, but to the reproch of the whole realm, and his Graces high discontentation and displesure, with the danger of the encrease of the said enormities. Therfore the King did streitly charge and command by his present Proclamation, as wel al his subjects, as al others whatso∣ever resiant within his Realm, that from henceforth they observe and keep these Articles following.

First, That no person shal without his Majesties special leave, trans∣port and bring from foreign parts, any Books printed in the English tongue, nor sel, give and publish such books, upon pain that the Offen∣ders forfeit al their goods and chattels, and have imprisonment during his Majesties plesure.

Item, None to print any book in the English tongue, unless upon exa∣mination made by some of the privy Councel, or other appointed by his Highnes, and shal have Licence so to do. Nor shal print, or bring ••n any books of the holy scripture in the English tongue with any Anno∣tations in the Margin, or any Prologue, or Addition in the Kalendar or Table, except such annotations, &c. be first duely examined and al∣lowed by the Kings Highnes, or such of his Councel, as shal please his Majesty to assign therto: but only the plain Sentence and Text with a Table or Repertory, instructing the Reader to find readily the Chap∣ters contained in the said Book, and the effects thereof. Nor to print any Book of translations in the English tongue, unles the plain name of the translator therof be contained in the same book, or else that the Printer wil answer for the same, as for his own privy deed: and other∣wise to make the Translator the Printer to suffer imprisonment, and make a fine at the Kings Wil.

Item, None using the occupation of printing, shal print or cause to be published any book of Scripture in the English tongue, unles his books be first viewed and examined by the King, or one of his Privy Councel, or one Bishop of the Realm, upon pain to loose and forfeit all their goods and chattels, and suffer imprisonment during plesure.

Item, The King declared concerning Anabaptists and other Sacra∣mentaries lately comen into the realm, that he abhorred and detested their errors, and intended to procede against them, that were already apprehended, according to their merits; to thintent his subjects should take example by their punishments not to adhere to such false and dete∣stable opinions, but utterly to forsake and relinquish them. And that whersoever any of them be known, they be detected, and his Majesty or Councel be enformed with al convenient speed, with al maner▪ Abet∣ters and printers of the same opinion. And his Majesty charged the same Anabaptists and Sacramentaries not apprehended or known, that they within eight or ten dayes depart out of the Realm, upon pain of los of their life, and forfeiture of their goods.

Item, Forasmuch as the holy Sacrament of the Altar is the very body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, and so hath and ought to be taken upon peril of damnation, his Majesty minded to continue his Subjects in this true and just Faith, and that they be not beguiled away from it, charged that none should henceforth reason or dispute upon the said blessed Sacrament, or of the Mysteries therof, upon pain of los of life and forfeiture of goods. Except to learned men in holy scri∣pture

instructed, and taught in the Universities, their Liberties and privileges in their schools and places accustomed concerning the same; and otherwise in communication without slaunder of any man, for the only confirmation and declaration of the truth therof.

Item, And forasmuch as many brooked divers and many laudable ce∣remonies and rites heretofore used and accustomed in the Church of England, not yet abrogated by the Kings authority; Whereby arose different strifes and contentions; as for and concerning holy bread, holywater, processions, kneeling and creeping on Good Friday to the Cros, and Easter day, setting up lights before the Corpus Christi, bear∣ing of Candles on the day of Purification, Ceremonies used at the Pu∣rification of women delivered of child, and offering of their Chry∣somes, Keeping of the four offering dayes, Payment of tiths accord∣ing to the old custom of the Realm, and other such like ceremonies; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Majesty charged and commanded al his subjects to observe and keep them; so as they shal use and observe the same without supersti∣tion, and esteem them for good and lawful ceremonies, tokens and signes to put us in remembrance of things of high perfection, and none otherwise. And not to repose any trust of salvation in them: but take them for good Instructions, until such time as his M. change or abrogate any of them, as his Highnes upon reasonable consideration both may, and intendeth to do.

Finally, Whereas a few Priests, as wel Religious as others, have ta∣ken Wives and married themselves, contrary to the wholsome moni∣tions of S. Paul to Timothy and Titus, and to the Corinthians, and con∣trary to the opinion of many of the old Fathers and Expositors of scri∣pture, not esteeming also the promise of chastity, which they made at the receiving of Holy Orders; his Highnes, minding in no wise, that the Generality of the Clergy should, with the example of such a few light persons, procede to mariage without a common consent of his H. and the Realm, doth streitly charge and command, that al such as have attempted mariage, as also such as wil presumptuously pro∣cede in the same, not to minister the Sacrament or other Ministery m••∣stical, nor have any office, cure, privilege, profit or commodity, here∣tofore accustomed, and belonging to the Clergy of the Realm: But shal be utterly after such marriage expelled and deprived, and be held and reputed as Lay persons to al purposes and intents. And that such as after this Proclamation shall of presumptuous minds take wives and be maried, shal run into his Graces Indignation, and suffer further punishment and imprisonment at his Graces will and plesure.

NUM. IX. Bishop Fisher to Secretary Crumwel, declaring his willingness to swear to the Succession.

AFTER my most humble commendations.* 1.9 Whereas ye be con∣tent, that I shold write unto the Kings Highnes, in good faith I dread me, that I cannot be so circumspect in my writing, but that some word shal scape me, wherewith his Grace shalbe moved to some further displeasure against me, wherof I wold be very sorry. For as I wil answer before God, I wold not in any maner of point offend his Grace, my duty saved unto God, whom I must in every thing prefer. And for this consideration I am ful lothe, and ful of fear to write unto his Highnes in this matter. Nevertheless sithen I conceive, that it is your mind, that I shal so do, I will endeavour me to the best I can. But first here I must beseech you, good Master Secretary, to cal to your remembrance, that at my last being before you, and the other Commissioners, for taking of the othe concerning the Kings most no∣ble succession, I was content to be sworn unto that parcel concerning the Succession. And there I did rehearse this reason, which I said moved me. I doubted not, but that the Prince of any Realme, with the assent of his Nobles and Commons, might appoint for his Succes∣sion royal soche an order as was seen unto his Wisdom most according. And for this reason I said that I was content to be sworn unto that part of the othe as concerning the Succession. This is a very truth, as God help my soul at my most nede; albeit I refused to swear to some other parcels, because that my Conscience wolde not serve me so to do.

NUM. X. Lee Bishop Elect of Litchfield and Coventry to Secretary Crum∣wel concerning Bp. Fisher.

PLeasyth you to be adverted,* 1.10 that I have been with my Lord of Ro∣chester, who is as ye left him: that is to say, ready to take his othe for the Succession, and to swear never to meddle more in dispu∣tation of the validity of the Matrimony, or invalidity, with the Lady Dowager; but that utterly to refuse. For as for the case of the prohi∣bition Levitical, his conscience is so knit, tha•• he cannot send it off from him, whatsoever betide him. And yet he wil, and doth profess his Allegiance to our Soveraign Lord, the King, during his life. Tru∣ly the man is nigh going, and doubtless cannot continue, unles the King and his Council be merciful unto him. For the body cannot bear the clothes on his back, as knoweth God. Who preserve you. In hast scribbled by your own most bounden.

Roland Co. & Litch. electus & con∣firmatus.

NUM. XI. The Archbishop to Secretary Crumwel, in behalf of Bp. Fisher, and Sr. Thomas More.

Right Worshipful Master Crumwel,

* 1.11AFTER most hearty Commendations, &c. I doubt not but you do right wel remembre, that my Lord of Rochester and Master More were contented to be sworn to the Act of the Kings Succession, but not to the Preamble * 1.12 of the same. What was the cause of thair refusal thereof, I am uncertain, and they wold by no means express the same. Nevertheless it must nedis be, either the diminution of the authority of the Bushop of Rome, or ells the reprobation of the Kings first pretensed Matrimony. But if they do obstinately persist in thair opinions of the Preamble, yet, me semeth, it scholde not be refused, if they wil be sworne to the veray Act of Succession: so that they wilbe sworne to maintene the same against al powers and potentates. For hereby shalbe a great occasion to satisfy the Princess Dowager and the Lady Mary, which do think they sholde dampne thair sowles, if they sholde abandon and relinquish thair astates. And not only it sholde stop the mouths of thaym, but also of th' Emperor, and other thair friends, if thay geve as moche credence to my Lord of Rochester, and Master More spekyng and doinge against thaym, as they hitherto have done, and thought that al other sholde have done, whan they spake and did with thaym. And peradventure it sholde be a good quieta∣tion to many other within this reaulm, if such men sholde say, that the Succession, comprized within the said Act, is good and according to Gods lawes. For than I think there is not one within this reaulme, that would ones reclaim against it. And whereas divers persones, ei∣ther of a wilfulness, wil not, or of an indurate and invertible consci∣ence cannot, altre from thair opinions of the Kings first pretensed mariage (wherein they have ones said thair minds, and percase have a persuasion in thair heads, that if they sholde now vary therefrom, thair fame and estimation were distained for ever,) or ells of the au∣thority of the Busschope of Rome: yet if al the Reaulme with one ac∣cord wolde apprehend the said succession; in my judgment it is a thing to be amplected and imbraced. Which thing, although I trust surely in God, that it shalbe brought to pass, yet hereunto might not a little avayl the consent and othes of theis two persons, the Busschope of Ro∣chester, and Master More with thair adherents, or rather Confederates. And if the Kings pleasure so were, thair said othes might be suppres∣sed, but whan and whare his Highness might take some commodity by the publyshing of the same. Thus our Lord have you ever in his conservation. From my maner at Croyden the xvii day of April.

Your own assured ever Thomas Cantuar.

NUM. XII. Nix Bishop of Norwich to Warham Archbishop of Cant. for suppressing such as read books, brought from beyond Sea.

AFter most humble recommendations,* 1.13 I do your Grace to under∣stand, that I am accumbred with such as kepyth and readyth these arroneous books in English, and beleve and geve credence to the same, and techyth others, that they shold so do. My Lord, I have done that lyeth in me for the suppression of soch persons; but it passeth my power, or any spiritual man for to do it. For divers saith openly in my Diocess, that the Kinges grace wold, that they shold have the said arroneous books, and so maintaineth themselves of the King. Wherupon I desired my L. Abbot of Hyde to show this to the Kinges grace, beseching him to send his honorable Lettres, under his Seal, down to whom he please, in my Diocess. That they may show and publish, that it is not his pleasure, that soche bookes should be had or red; and also punish soch as saith so. I trust before this letter shal come unto you, my said L. Abbot hath done so. That said Abbot hath the names of some, that crakyth in the Kings name, that their false opinions shold go forth, and wil dy in the quarrel, that their un∣gracious opinions be true, and trustyth by Michaelmas day, there shal be more that shal beleve of thair opinion, than they that beleivyth the contrary▪ If I had known, that your Grace had been at London, I would have commaunded the said Abbot to have spoken with you. But your Grace may send for him, when ye please, and he shal show you my whole mynd in that matier; and how I thought best for the suppression of soch as holdyth these arroneous opinions. For if they continue any time, I thynk they shal undoe us all. The said Abbot departed from me on Monday last: and sith that tyme I have had much trouble and business with others in like matters: And as they say, that whersomever they go, they hear say, that the Kings pleasure is, the N. Testament in English shal go forth, and men sholde have it and read it. And from that opinion I can no wayes induce them. But I had greater authority to punish them, then I have. Wherfore I be∣seech your good Lordship, to advertise the Kinges grace, as I trust the said Abbot hath done, before this letter shal come unto your grace; that a remedy may be had.

But now it may be done wel in my Diocess: for the Gentlemen and the Communalty be not greatly infected; But merchants, and soch that hath their abiding not far from the Sea. The said Abbot of Hyde can show you of a Curate, and well learned in my Diocess, that exhorted his Parishioners to believe contrary to the Catholic faith. There is a Colledg in Cambridg, called Gunnel haule * 1.14, of the founda∣t••••n of a Bp. of Norwich. I hear of no clerk, that hath commen out lately of that Colledg, but savoryth of the frying pan, tho he speak never so holily. I beseech your grace to pardon me of my rude and tedious writing to you: the zeal and love that I owe to Almighty God

cawse me this to do. And thus Almighty God long preserve your Grace in good prosperity and health. At Hoxne the xiiijth. day of May, 1530.

Your obediensary and dayly Orator.

NUM. XIII. Archbishop Cranmer to King Henry, Complaining of a Prior in Canterbury, that had preached against him.

* 1.15PLesyth it your Grace to be advertised, That wher as wel by your Graces special letters, dated the third day of Iune in the xxvijth. year of your Graces most noble reign, as also by mouth in Wynchester at Mich. last past, your Grace commanded al the Prelates of your Realm, that they with al acceleration and expedition shold do their di∣ligence every one in his Diocess, fully to persuade your people of the Bp. of Rome his authority, that it is but a false and injust Usurpation, and that your Grace of veray right and by Gods law is the Supreme Head of this Church of England, next immediately unto God: I to accomplish your Graces Commandment, incontinent upon my return from Wynchester, (knowing that al the Country about Otford and Knol, where my most abode was, were sufficiently instructed in those matters already) came up into these parts of East Kent onely, by preaching to persuade the people in the said two Articles, and in mine own church at Canterbury. Because I was informed, that that Towne in those two points was least perswaded of al my Diocess. I preach∣ed there two Sermons my self. And as it then chaunced Dr. Leighton was present at my first Sermon, being then your Graces Visitor. Of whom if it so please your Grace you may heare the report what I preached.

The scope and effect of both my Sermons stood in three things. First, I declared, that the Bp. of Rome was not Gods Vicar in earth, as he was taken. And although it is so taught these three or four hun∣dred years, yet it is done by means of the Bp. of Rome, who compel∣led men by oaths so to teach, to the maintenance of his authority con∣trary to God's word. And here I declared by what means and craft the Bp. of R. obtained such usurped authority. Seconde, Bycause the See of R. was called Sancta Sedes Romana, and the Bp. was called Sanctissimus Papa; and mennys consciences peradventure could not be quiet to be separated from so holy a place, and from Gods most holy Vi∣car: I shewed the people, that this thing ought nothing to move theym. For it was but a Holines in name. For indeed there was no such holines at Rome. And hereupon I took occasion to declare his glory, and the Pomp of Rome, the Covetousnes, the unchast living, and the maintenance of al vices. Thirde, I spake against the Bp. of R. his lawes. Which he calleth Divinas L••ges and Sacros Canones, and makes them equal with Gods Law. And here I declared, that many of the Laws were veray contrary. And some of theym, which

were good and laudable, yet they were not of such holines, as he would make theym; that is, to be taken as Gods laws, or to have re∣mission of sins by observing theym. And here I sayd, that so many of his laws as were good, men ought not to contemne or despise them, and wilfully to break theym. For those that be good your G. hath re∣ceived as laws of your Realm, until such time as others shold be made. And therfore as lawes of your realm, they must be observed, and not contempned. And here I spake as wel of the Ceremonies of the Church, as of the foresaid lawes; that they ought neither to be re∣jected or despised, nor yet to be observed with this opinion, that they of themselfes make men holy, or that they remit sins. For seeing, that our sins be remitted by the death of our Savior Christ Jesus, I sayd, it was too moch injury to Christ, to impute the remission of our sins to any Lawes or ceremonies of mans making. Nor the Laws and ceremonies of the Church at their first making were ordeined for that intent. But as the common lawes of your G's realm be not made to re∣mit sins, nor no man doth observe theym for that intent; but for a com∣mon commodity, and for a good order and quietnes to be observed among your Subjects; evyn so were the laws and ceremonies first in∣stituted in the Church for a good order, and for remembrances of ma∣ny good things, but not for remission of our sinns. And though it be good to observe theym wel for that intent they were first ordened; yet it is not good, but a contumely unto Christ to observe theym with this opinion, that they remit sins; or that the veray bare observation of theym, in it self, is a holines before God: Although they be remem∣brances of many holy things, or a disposition unto goodness. And evyn so do the lawes of your G's realm dispose men unto justice, unto peace, and other true and perfect holines. Wherfore I did conclude for a general rule, that the people ought to observe theym, as they do the laws of your G's realm, and with no more opinion of holines or re∣mission of sin, then the other common Laws of your G's realm.

Though my two Sermons were long, yet I have written briefly un∣to your Highness the sum of theym both. And I was informed by sun∣dry reports, that the people were glad, that they heard so much as they did; until such time, as the Prior of the black frears at Canterbu∣ry preached a sermon, as it was thought and reported, clean contrary unto al the three things, which I had preached before. For as touch∣ing the first part, which I had preached against the erroneous doctrin of the Bp. of R. his power; which error was, that by God's Law he should be Gods Vicar here in earth; the Prior would not name the Bp. of R. but under color spake generally, That the Church of Christ never erred. And as touching the second part, where I spake of the Vices of the Bishops of R. And there to the Prior said, that he would not sclawnder the Bishops of Rome. And he said openly to me in a good Audience, that he knew no vices by none of the Bishops of Rome. And he said also openly, that I preached uncharitably, whan I said, that these many years, I had daily prayed unto God, that I might see the power of Rome destroyed: and that I thanked God, that I had now seen it in this realm. And yet in my sermon I declared the cause wherfore I so prayed. For I said, that I perceived the See of Rome work so many things contrary to Gods honor, and the wealth

of this realm, and I saw no hope of amendment, so long as that▪ See reigned over us. And for this cause onely I had prayed unto God con∣tinually, that we might be separated from that See: and for no private malice or displesure, that I had either to the Bp. or See of Rome. But this seemed an uncharitable prayer to the Prior, that the power of Rome should be destroyed.

And as for the third part, where I preached against the Laws of the Bp. of Rome; that they ought not to be taken as Gods Lawes; nor to be esteemed so highly as he would have them: the Prior, craftily lea∣ving out the name of the Bp. of Rome, preached, that the Lawes of the Church be equal with Gods lawes. These things he preached as it is proved both by sufficient witnes, and also by his own confession.

I leave the judgment hereof unto your G. and to your Councel, whether this were a defence of the Bp. of Rome, or not. And I onely, according to my bounden duty, have reported the truth of the Fact. But in mine opinion, if he had spoken nothing else; yet whosoever saith, that the Church never erred, maintaineth the Bp. of Rome his power. For if that were not erroneous, that was taught of his power, That he is Christs Vicar in earth, and by Gods law Head of al the World, spiritual and temporal, and that al people must believe that De necessitate Salutis, and that whosoever doth any thing against the See of Rome is an heretick: and that he hath authority also in Purga∣tory, with such other many false things, which were taught in times past to be Articles of our Faith: if these things were not erroneous, yea, and errors in the Faith, then must nedis your G's Laws be erro∣neous that pronounce the Bp. of Rome to be of no more power by Gods Law than other Bishops; and theym to be Traitors that defend the contrary. This is certain that whosoever saith, that the Church never erred, must either deny, that the church ever taught any such errors of the Bp. of Rome his power, and then they speak against that which al the world knoweth, and al books written of that matter these three or four hundred years do testifie; or else they must say, that the said errors be none errors, but truths. And then it is both treason and heresy.

At my first Examination of him, which was before Christmas, he said, that he preached not against me, nor that I had preached any thing amiss. But now he saith, that I preached amiss in very many things, and that he purposely preached against me. And this he re∣porteth openly. By which words I am marvellously sclawndered in these parts. And for this cause I beseech your G. that I may not have the judgment of the cause: for so moch as he taketh me for a party: but that your G. would commit the hearing therof unto my L. Privy Seal: or else to associate unto me some other persons at your G's ple∣sure, that we may hear the case joyntly together.

If this man, who hath so highly offended your G. and preached against me openly, being Ordinary and Metropolitane of this Pro∣vince: and that in soch matters as concerne the misliving and the laws of the Bp. of Rome; and that also within mine own church; if he, I say, be not looked upon, I leave unto your G's. prudence to expend what example this may be unto others with like colour to maintain the Bp. of Rome his authority: and also of what estimation I shal be repu∣ted

hereafter, and what credence shal be given unto my preaching, whatsoever I shal say hereafter.

I beseech your G. to pardon me of my long and tedious writing. For I could not otherwise set the matter forth plaine. And I most heartily thank your G. for the Stag which your G. sent unto me from Wyndsor Forest. Which if your G. knew for how many causes it was welcome unto me, and how many ways it did me service, I am sure you would think it moch the better bestowed. Thus our Lord have you Highness alwayes in his preservation and governance. From Ford the xxvj day of August.

Your Graces most humble Chaplain and bedisman, T. Cantuarien.

NUM. XIV. The Archbishop to Mr. Secretary Crumwel, concerning his styling himself Primate of al England.

RIght worshipful in my most harty wise I commend me unto you.* 1.16 Most hartily thanking you for that you have signified unto me, by my Chaplain Mr. Champion, the complaint of the Bp. of Winche∣ster unto the Kings Highnes in two things concerning my Visitation. The one is, that in my style I am written Totius Angliae Primas, to the derogation and prejudice of the Kings high power and authority, being Supreme Head of the Church. The other is, that his Dioces not past five years agone was visited by my Predecessor, and must from henceforth pay the tenth part of the Spiritualties according to the Act granted in the last Sessions of Parlament. Wherfore he thinketh, that his Diocess should not be charged with my Visitation at this time.

First, as concerning my style, Wherein I am named Totius Angliae Primas, I suppose that to make his cause good (which else indeed were naught) he doth mix it with the King's cause; (As ye know the man lacketh neither learning in the law, neither witty invention, ne craft to set forth his matters to the best) that he might appear not to maintain his own cause, but the Kings. Against whose Highnes he knoweth right wel, that I wil maintain no cause, but give place, and lay both my cause and my self at my Princes feet. But to be plain what I think of the Bp. of Winchester, I cannot persuade with my self, that he so much tendereth the Kings cause, as he doth his own, that I should not visit him. And that appeareth by the veray time. For if he cast no further then the defence of the Kings G's authority, or if he intend that at al, why moved he not the matier before he re∣ceived my Monition for my Visitation. Which was within four miles of Winchester delivered unto him the xxii. day of April last, as he came up to the Court. Moreover I do not a little mervayl, why he should now find fault rather then he did before, when he took the Bp.

of Rome as chief Head. For though the Bp. of R. was taken for Su∣preme Head, notwithstanding that, he had a great number of Pri∣mates under him. And by having his Primates under him, his Su∣preme authority was not less esteemed, but much the more▪ Why then may not the Kings Highnes, being Supreme Head, have Pri∣mates under him, without a diminishing, but with the augmenting of his said Supreme Authority. And of this I doubt not at all, but the Bp. of Winchester knoweth, as well as any man living, that in case this said style or title had been in any poynt impediment or hindrance to the Bp. of Rome's usurped authority, it would not have so long been unreformed as it hath been. For I doubt not, but all the Bushops of England would ever gladly have had the Archbushops both autho∣rity and title taken away, that they might have been equal together. Which well appeareth by the many contentions against the Archbu∣shops for jurisdiction in the Court of Rome. Which had be easily brought to pass, if the Bushops of R. had thought, the Archbushops titles and styles to be an erogation to their Supreme authority.

Al this notwithstanding, if the Bushops of this realm pas no more of their names, styles and titles, then I do of mine, the Kings High∣nes shal soon order the matier betwixt us al. And if I saw, that my style were against the Kings authority (whereunto I am especially sworn,) I would sue my self unto his G. that I might leave it; and so would have done before this time. For I pray God never be merci∣ful unto me at the general judgment, if I perceive in my heart, that I set more by any title, name or style, that I write, then I do by the paring of an apple, further then it shal be to the setting forth of Gods word and will. Yet I wil not utterly excuse me herein. For God must be judge, who knoweth the bottome of my heart, and so do not I my self. But I speak for so much as I do feel in my heart. For many evil affections ly lurking there, and wil not lightly be espied. But yet I would not gladly leave any just thing at the pleasure and suite of the Bp. of Wynchester, he being none otherwise affectionate unto me, than he is.

Even at the Beginning of Christs profession Diotrephes desired gerere primatum in Ecclesia, as saith S. Iohn in his last Epistle. And since he hath had mo successors than al the Apostles had. Of whom have come al these glorious titles, styles and pomps into the Church. But I would, that I and al my Brethren, the Bushops would leave al our stiles, and write the style of our Offices, calling our selves Apostolos Ie∣s•• Christi: so that we took not upon us the name vainly, but were so even indeed. So that we might order our Diocess in such sort, that nei∣ther paper, parchment, lead nor wax, but the very Christian Conver∣sation of the people might be the letters and seals of our offices. As the Corinthians were unto Paul, to whom he said, Literae nostrae & signa Apostolatus nostri vos estis.

Now for the second, Where the Bp. of Winchester alledgeth the Vi∣sitation of my Predecessor, and the tenth part now to be payd to the King. Truth it is, that my Predecessor visited the Dioces of Winche∣ster after the decease of my L. Cardinal [Wolsey] as he did al other Diocesses Sede Vacante. But else I think, it was not visited by none of my Predecessors this forty years. And notwithstanding that, he him∣self,

not considering their charges at that time, charged them with a new Visitation within less then half a year after: and that against al right, as Dr. Incent hath reported to my Chancellor: the Clergy at that time paying to the King half of their benefices in five years. Which is the tenth part every year, as they payd before, and have payd since, and shal pay stil for ever by the last Act. But I am very glad, that he hath now some compassion of his Diocess, although at that time he had very smal, when he did visit them the same year, that my Predecessor did visit. And al other Bushops, whose course is to visit this year, kept their Visitations, where I did visit the last year, notwithstanding the tenth part to be paid to the Kings G. Howbeit I do not so in Winchester Dioces. For it is now the third year since that Diocess was Visited by any man. So that he hath the least cause to complain of any Bushop. For it is longer since his Dio∣ces was visited then the other. Therfore where he layeth, to aggra∣vate the matier, the charges of the late Act granted, it is no more against me then against al other Bushops, that do visit this year; nor maketh no more against me this year, then it made against me the last year, and shal do every year hereafter. For if they were true men in accounting and paying the Kings Subsidies, they are no more charged by this new Act, then they were for the space of ten years past, and shal be charged ever hereafter. And thus to conclude, if my said L. of Winchesters objections should be allowed this year, he might by such arguments both disallow al maner Visitations, that hath bee done these ten years past, and that ever shal be done hereafter.

Now I pray you, good Master Secretary of your advise, whether I shal need to write unto the Kings Highnes herein. And thus our Lord have you ever in his preservation. At Otteford the 12 day of May.

Your own ever assured Thomas Cantuar.

NUM. XV. The Appeal of Stokesly Bishop of London to the King, against the Archbishops Visitation.

Contra Visitationem Archiep. Cant.

FIrst,* 1.17 That the Archbp. of Canterbury in al his Monitions and Wri∣tings, sent to the Bp. Abbots, Prior and Archdeacon of London, concerning this his Visitation, called himself Apostolicae Sedis Legatum: and that therefore the Bp. of London, with the Chapter, did not only advertise the Archbp. therof by their Letters before the day of Visita∣tion: But also the same day of the Commencement th••reof in the Chapter house of Powles, the said Bp. and Chapter, before the deli∣very of the Certificate to the ABp. made there openly a ••rotestation,

reading it in writing, signifying, that they would neither accept him as such a Legate, or admit or obey his Visitation, jurisdiction, or any thing, that he would attempt by the pretext or color of that name of Legate, or otherwise, against the Crown of our Soveraign, his Rega∣lity, Statutes, or customes of his realm. And required the said Archbp. to command his Register there present to enact the said Prote∣station. Which he refused utterly to do; shewing himself not wil∣ling to admit the said Protestation.

Item, That the Archbp. in his said Monition to the Bp. did expresly intimate and signify to him▪ that he would in his Visitation suspend al the jurisdiction of the Bp. the Dean and Archdeacons from the begin∣ning thereof to the ending. In such wise, that the Bp. nor his Offi∣cers, Dean nor Archdeacon, should or might at that time, (which he would not determine how long it should endure) use no jurisdiction, whatsoever causes or necessities should chance of correction, instituti∣ons of benefices, Confirmations of Election, Consecrations of Churches, Celebrations of Orders, or Probation of Testaments, with many other things mo appertaining ad forum contentiosum. But al and every of these the Archbp. and his [Officers] would have, and suffer none other to use and exercise the same, unto the end of his Visitation. Which he hath now continued until the first day of December: pre∣tending, that then he may likewise continue it other six months, and so forth without end at his plesure during his life, from time to time. So that by this means he only, and none other, should be Bp. but Titu∣laris, in all his Province during his life, but at his plesure. Which were an inconvenience intolerable, and such as never was read nor heard of, that ever any Metropolitan, private Legate or Bp. of Rome, in the most Tyranny had usurped the semblable.

Item, That al men learned, and Books of the Canon Law doth ag∣gree, that no Metropolitan or Primate, may thus, by any law writ∣ten, suspend al the jurisdiction of the Bishops, for the time of their Visitations, or exercise the premises during the same Iure Metropoli∣tico. And this the Councel of the Archbishop doth not deny, nor cannot.

Item, Where the said AB. doth pretend, that his Predecessors times past hath put in use and exercise al the premises: And so, though the Common law doth not favor him, yet he may lean to prescription: First, it is to be considered and remembred, that the suspension of al jurisdiction of al the Bishops in maner aforesaid seemeth to be against holy scripture, and the authority given unto them by God; and as it was said before, that Suspension were a thing pernitious, not read, nor heard of, to have bee attempted by the most tyranny of al the Bi∣shops of R., without the great offence of the Bishop. And as for the rest, considering, that none of his Predecessors this hundred years did visit thus his Province; and therfore no man Living can know this by experience, it had been necessary for the Archbp. to have shew∣ed books for the proof of these his sayings and pretences. Which he and his Officers, being therunto desired, as wel before the Visitation, as sithence, ever did refuse and deferr to do.

Item, It is to be remembred, that in case it shal appear in any Book of the AB. that his Predecessors have attempted any of the Premisses;

First, that his Predecessors were Legates, and though they did visit jure Metropolitico, yet they might peradventure, as Legates, attempt some things, which they had had no right nor colour to do, if they had be only Metropolitans and Primates. Secondarily, In this behalf and case it is to be remembred, that many of those Archbps. of Canterbury, were not only Legates, but also Chancellors of England. By the which authority they peradventure did enforce and maintain many things at∣tempted against the Law, as the late Cardinal did. And therfore it is to be dissevered what they did as Legates, and what as Metropoli∣tans, and what by force after repealed, and what by right peaceably enjoyed. And not to now jure Metropolitico such things as were done by his Predecessors, as Legates: nor to chalenge prescripti∣on, now the authority of the See of Rome is repealed and here extin∣guished in such things, as were attempted only by the pretext of the authority of that See; or else after were appealed, repealed or resisted. Thirdly, In This cause it is to be remembred, that it appears by the ancient Registers of the Bishops, and their Churches, that when the Predecessors of the AB. did attempt any of these causes aforesaid, the Bishops and their Clergies did appeal to the See of Rome. And divers times they obtained sentences and executions against him: and some remained undecided by the reason of the death of the AB. or Bp. com∣plainant for remedy and redress of the same. In like maner as we, your faithful Subjects have now for this our grief appeled unto your Majesty.

Item, It is to be considered, Whether any Metropolitan in other Christen realmes, being now Legate, doth exercise the premisses after the form now here pretended, in his Visitation. And in case they do not, as it is said they do not attempt any such things, but only, in their Visitations Provincial, useth that the Common Law giveth them, then here to be repealed and extinguished for ever. To the intent that the Bishops of R. hereafter shal have no color to maintain and justify, that they keep here yet, and continue the possession of their authority, and of our subjection by their Legate. Saying, that although the AB. doth relinquish the name of a Legate, yet nevertheless he exerciseth such jurisdiction as the Laws never gave to Metropolitans, nor no AB. in Christendome doth exercise (Legates of the See of R. only excepted.) And therfore it is to be provided, that no sparks remain, wherby he might suscitate any such flame, if the matter should come in question.

Finally, It is to be remembred, that the Bishops, nor their Clergies do not refuse to accept and obey the Visitation of the AB. as Metro∣politan, and to pay to him proxies due and accustomed. But where the Bishops hath not only the common Laws, but also Bulls and Sen∣tences executed against his Predecessors, and that long before the ma∣king of the Statutes against Provisions, declaring what sums he shal not pass for the Proxies of their Churches, the Officers of the AB. demandeth much more: neither shewing the Law, (for there is none to bear them) nor yet precedent or example in any ancient books, wherby they might be satisfyed. Which done he should without dif∣ficulty or grudge, have forthwith al his Proxies upon the conclusion of his Visitation. Unto the which time it is not due in mony. Many

other things and considerations there be, to be alledged concerning the premisses: which may be spoken in time and place, as the debating of the matter shal require.

And for a conclusion, it may please your Majesty to be advertised, that if my Lord of Cant. can shew by antient precedents, that any his Predecessors have used peaceably the premisses without interruption, and so have enjoyed the same, those precedents shewed and brought in presence, allowed also by your learned Councel in the lawes spiritual, to be precedents sufficient, and of authority in this behalf, We shal then immediately in al the premisses, obey the said ABp. without any further contradiction: In this our so doing, whether we offer him rea∣son or not, we refer us only unto your Majesty, and unto your graci∣ous judgment. Humbly beseeching the same, that for as much as al the Lawes be for us, and this hundred years past: and now also in our dayes we have not heard nor seen the contrary used to the said Lawes: We now most lowly, as your poor and true subjects, desire your Ma∣jesty, that with your gracious favour and license, we may use such de∣fence, as your Lawes, and your high Court of your Parlament, hath politicly provided for us, and other your Subjects.

NUM. XVI. An Inventory of the Cathedral church of S. Swithins in Winche∣ster, as it was given in, by the Prior and Convent, to Crum∣well Secretary of State, and the Kings Vicar general over al Spiritual men.

* 1.18And first of the things that are abroad in the Church.

• IMprimis, the nether part of the high Altar, being of plate of gold, garnished with stones. The front above being of brodering work and pearls, and above that a Table of Images of silver and gilt, gar∣nished with stones.
• Item, Above that Altar a great Cross, and an Image of plate of gold, garnished with stones.
• Item, Behind the high Altar S. Swithens shrine, being of plate silver and gilt, and garnished with stones.
• Item, In the body of the Church a great Cros, and an Image of Christ and Mary and Iohn, being of plate silver and partly gilt.
• Item, A cros of plate of silver and gilt with an Image over the Iron dore. And the two Images of Mary and Iohn are but Cop∣per gilt.

The Inventory of the Sextre.

Iewels of Gold.

• Imprimis, There are in the Sextre five Crosses of gold, garnished with precious stones. And one of the five is but of plate of gold fixed upon Wood.
• Item, One shrine of plate of gold garnished with precious stones.
• Item, One little pair of Candlesticks of gold.
• Item, One little box of gold with his cover to bear the H. Sacrament.
• Item, Three chalices of gold, and one of them garnished with precious stone.
• Item, One little pax of gold.
• Item, One little sacring bel of Gold.
• Item, Four Pontifical rings of gold with precious stones.
• Item, One pectoral of gold set with stones.
• Item, One Pectoral, partly gold, partly silver, and gilt, set with stones.
• Item, Two Saints armes of plate of gold, garnished with stones.
• Item, S. Philips foot, covered with plate of gold, and with stones.
• Item, A book of the four Evangelists, written al with gold; and the utter side is of plate of gold.

Iewels of Silver.

• Imprimis, One Table of our Lady, being of silver and gilt.
• Item, Nine crosses of silver and gilt, and one of Cristal.
• Item, One and twenty shrines, some al silver and gilt; and some part silver and gilt; and part copper and gilt; and some part silver and part ivory, and some copper and gilt, and some set with garnished stones.
• Item, Twelve chalices of silver and gilt, belonging to the Sextre, and to the Altars, and chauntries founded in the Church.
• Item, Four Paxes of silver and gilt belonging to the Sextre, and other Altars.
• Item, Six casts of Candlesticks belonging to the Sextre, and the Chauntries, being of silver and gilt.
• Item, One Candlestick of silver, belonging to S. Swithens shrine.
• Item, Six pair of Cruits of silver belonging to the Sextre and Chauntries.
• Item, Seven Censers of silver and gilt.
• Item, Two Sarys, one of silver and gilt, and the other only of silver.
• Item, Three pair of Basins of silver and gilt.
• Item, Two Ewers, one of them silver and gilt, and the other only silver.
• Item, Six Images of silver and gilt.
• Item, One and thirty Collars, six of them garnished with plate of silver, and gilt, and stones; the residue of brodering work and pearls.
• Item, Six pectorals of silver and gilt, garnished with stones.
• Item, Three pastoral staves of silver and gilt.
• ...

• Item, One Pastoral staf of an Unicorns horn.
• Item, Three standing Mitres of silver and gilt, garnished with pearls and precious stones.
• Item, Ten old Mitres, garnished with pearls and stones, after the old fashion.
• Item, One Rectors staf of Unicorns horn.
• Item, Four Processional staves of plates of silver.
• Item, Four sacring bells of silver and gilt, belonging to the Sextre and Altars.
• Item, Nine pixes of Christal, partly garnished with silver and gilt.
• Item, Seven tables with Relicks fixed in them; and four of them are of plate of silver and gilt, and the three other of copper and gilt.
• Item, Five Saints heads, and four of them of plate of silver and gilt, and the first painted.
• Item, Three Saints armes, two of them covered with plate of silver and gilt, and the third is painted.
• Item, Seven books, the outer parts of them being plates of silver and gilt.
• Item, One Book of K. Henry the Sevenths foundation, covered with velvet, and garnished with bosses of silver and gilt.

Copys.

• Imprimis, One principal Cope of needle work, wrought with gold and pearles.
• Item, One Chysible. Two Tymasyles, and parel of the Albes of the same work, of my L. Cardinal Beaufords gift.
• Item, Eight and twenty other Copys of divers other works and co∣lors, and divers mens gifts.
• Item, Forty two Copys of tisshew: the one half of them blew, and the other of red.
• Item, Twenty Copys of red bawdkyne, wrought with Connes▪
• Item, Eight white Copys. Four of them of White Velvet, and the other four of White Damask, brodered with white red roses.
• Item, Eight and twenty Copys of White Bawdkyne, woven with copper gold.
• Item, Nine and twenty Copys of blew silk, woven with rayes of gold.
• Item, Thirty other Copys of divers colors and works; and many of them perished.

Chysybils, Tynnikyls [Tunicles] and Stolys.

• Item, Imprimis, Eleven principal Chysybils with Tynnikyls, of di∣vers sorts, and suites.
• Item, Six and thirty old Chysybils of divers colors and works, and bene commonly used, and some of them perused.
• Item, Fourteen stolys of needle work.

Hangings for the Altars.

• Item, Eight divers hangings for the high Altar, some of them pre∣cious, and some of them of les value.
• Item, One and twenty pair of Hangings for the Altars of the Church.

Vestments, Albes, &c.

• Item, Twelve Albes of silk.
• Item, Of linnin Albes, belonging to the Sextre and other Altars 326.
• Item, Vestments belonging to the Altars and Chauntries are of di∣vers Values and works, to the number of twenty six.
• Item, Corporows cases, and Corporaws thirty six.
• Item, Altar cloths of Diaper, and linnin One and twenty.
• Item, Mas books thirteen, belonging to the Sextre and Altars.

The Inventary of our Ladies Chappel.

• Imprimis, Five little shrines of copper and guilt.
• Item, Three chalices of silver and gilt.
• Item, Two Paxes, the one of silver and gilt, and the other of silver.
• Item, Two pair of Beads, and silver and gilt, being but of ten stones a piece.
• Item, Three chappels of divers suites.
• Item, Two Copys of silk.
• Item, Thirteen Albes, and three of them white silk.
• Item, Three Collars for the three Altars of silk, garnished with plate of silver and gilt, and with stones.
• Item, Four Altar cloths of linnin.
• Item, Two Altars of silk for the Altar.

The Inventory of the Priors house.

• Imprimis, Six salts, with three covers of silver and gilt.
• Item, Six spoons of silver and gilt.
• Item, Five and twenty other spoons of silver.
• Item, Three standing Cups; one plain, and other two swaged with their Covers of silver and gilt.
• Item, Seven bollis of silver and gilt with one Cover.
• Item, Six silver cupps with one Cover.
• Item, Four nuts with three covers.
• Item, Two Masers with one cover.
• Item, Two silver Basins with their Ewers.
• Item, Two Gallon pots of silver and gilt, to serve Peter and Paul.
• Item, Two smal silver pots.
• Item, Two chalices of silver and gilt.

The Inventary of the Subpriors house.

• Item, Two salts of silver and gilt with a Cover.
• Item, One little salt of silver with a Cover.
• Item, Three silver peeces.
• Item, Eighteen silver spoons.
• Item, Three old Masers perused.

The Inventary of the Hordars house.

• Item, Two Salts of silver and gilt with a Cover.
• Item, One standing Nut with a Cover.
• Item, Three silver peeces.
• Item, Eighteen silver spoons.
• Item, Three old Masers perused.

The Inventary of the Fratrie.

• Imprimis, One standing Cup of mother pearle, the foot and Cover being of silver and gilt.
• Item, Two great bollys of silver.
• Item, One standing Cup of silver and gilt with his Cover.
• Item, One standing Massar with a Cover of Wood.
• Item, Three great bollis of Wood with bonds of silver and gilt.
• Item, Seven and thirty silver spoons of divers fashions.
• Item, Four old Massars perused.

NUM. XVII. A Reply to the Archbishop, against his Court of Audience.

* 1.19TO the first, His Protestation sheweth no more, but that he is not to be suspected to keep that Court of his Audience by the authority of any Legacy from Rome, as by the name of Legate of Rome. But forasmuch as no ABp. within Christendom hath, nor never had, any authority to keep any such Court by the reason of the ABric, but only Legates of the See of Rome. Which Legates what vexations and oppressions they have done by the pretence thereof, not only to Or∣dinaries, but also to the Layfee, by calling of poor men from the fur∣thest parts of the realm to London for an halfpeny candle, or for a little opprobrious word, as was declared and proved plainly in this Parlia∣ment: Which was a great cause of making of a Statute to remedy that, before the Statute of the abolishment of the Bishops of Romes authority within this realm: Insomuch that this execution of Legacies in other jurisdictions and realms, hath been one of the greatest and in∣tolerablest usurpations of the Bp. of Rome these many years among the Commonalty, and therfore a thing most necessary of reformation: in

consideration of the premises no ABp. can exercise this authority, ex∣cept he implyeth to al the world (tho he speak it not, nor write it not) that he is a Legate of the See of Rome. And in case it shal please the Kings Grace to give like authority, notwithstanding so ma∣ny incommodities to his Graces Subjects by the use therof, and not one commodity at al to be abyden by, it should seem better to give it to some other by special Commission at his Grace's pleasure. Wherby it shal be known certainly to come from his Grace rather than to join it to the ABps See: Wherby the old poyson might stil lurk and break out one day again, if it should chance some to be ABp. of Cant. that would change their copy, as hath been in times past.

And moreover, if his Grace should make his Legate, it should per∣adventure derogate the power of his Graces General Vicar. And if both should occupy, then shall the people so much the rather take oc∣casion to think and say, that his Graces Vicar exerciseth the power of a Legate by his Graces authority, and the ABp. of Canterbury, by au∣thority of the Bp. of Rome.

And where the ABp. saith, that he seeth no cause, why he should not keep that Court, at the lest, by authority of the Act of Parla∣ment, as al others enjoy by that Act al things, that they had before from the See of Rome; it seems that he never read the said Act; nor yet can discern betwixt a thing absolute, that may endure without a Dependence, and an Advouson in gross, and a thing that standeth in a continual Dependence, as Service to the Seignory. For Exemptions and Dispensations, and such others be Absolutes, depending nothing of the Grantor after his Grant. But Legacies be but respectives: And as no longer Lord, no longer Service, so no longer Bp. of Rome Lord here, no longer his Vicar, which was but his Servant: as appeareth by the text of his Legacy▪ whereof these be the words in the Chapter, Quum non ignoretis De officio Legati, qui in Provincia sua vices nostras ge∣rere comprobatur. And the Act of Parlament which he allegeth is so plain to every Reader, that it cannot be drawn with twenty team of Oxen to stretch to the continuance of this Court of his Audience. It is in the xxjth. Chapter of the Session Anno xxv. and in the xxvjth. leafe in the latter end. The words therof there be these:

Provided al∣wayes that this Act, or any thing therin contained shal not hereafter be taken, nor expounded, to the derogation, or taking away, of any Grants or Confirmations of any Liberties, Privileges or Jurisdicti∣ons of any Monasteries, Abbies, Priories, or other Houses or Places exempt; which before the making of this Act, have been obtained at the See of Rome, or by the authority thereof.

Loo, this Act speaketh only of Exemptions, which is a thing absolute: and that on∣ly of Houses exempt, and of their Jurisdictions. Which might be suf∣fered upon their few Parochians and neibours; as Prebends have in their Cathedral churches. But this Act speaketh not of no jurisdicti∣on universal of Archbishops, Bishops, or other person. Legacy is of that other sort, and universal jurisdiction depending on him, that usurp∣ed an universal authority through the world.

And considering, that the Bp. of Cant. beside al the Courts within his own Diocess, keepeth in London a Court at the Arches, sufficiently authorized to hear and to determine al causes and complaints apper∣taining

to a Metropolitane; why should he require this other Court of the Audience, to keep it in London, within the Church and jurisdi∣ction of another Bp. except he m••nded to call other Bps. obedientially out of their jurisdiction, contrary to the Act? Or else at the lest, foras∣much as this Court is kept within the Church and jurisdiction of Lon∣don, and the Arches Court within the city, but not within the jurisdi∣ction, if he may not vex the Citizens and Diocesans of London at the Arches, without an Appele first from the Ordinary immediately, be∣cause of the Canon Lawes, yet he might pul them to his Audience at Pauls, as he did heretofore by his Legacy, and yet offend not that Act made anno xxiij. That no man shall be called out of his own Diocess.

And where the ABp. saith, that the Kings Grace bad him continue that Court stil, it is to be marvelled, that he then hath not, in his Ci∣tations and other wrirings of that Court, expressed or signified the same, as he did cal himself in al his Writings Legatum Apostolicae Sedis long after that Act of the Abolishing.

NUM. XVIII. Archbishop Cranmers order concerning the Proctors of the Court of Arches, shewn to be inconvenient, by a Paper presented to the Par∣lament, as followeth.

* 1.20ALthough it be expedient, that every thing, which any way may be noyful unto the common wele, be duely reformed; yet is there nothing that should be rather looked upon for Reformation, than such abuses as may be occasion of not indifferent ministration of ju∣stice. Wherfore among so many things, as heretofore hath been wel and condignely reformed, touching other the Spiritualty or the Tem∣poralty, there is nothing that requireth speedyer Reformation, than a certain Ordinance Lately procured in the Court of the Arches at Lon∣don, by the means of the Proctors there, for the advancement of their singular wil only. By which may and do come divers abuses in the said Court, and occasion not indifferent ministration of justice, and chargeable and prolix process there. The effect whereof is this.

The Proctors of the said Court of Arches hath of late, upon feign∣ed suggestion, surmised unto the most reverend Father in God, my Lord Archbp. of Canterbury, President and Head of the said Court, to have been for the common wele and ease of his Provincialls, indu∣ced his Grace to make such an Ordinance or Statute in the said Court of the Arches, That wher heretofore, there were in the same twenty or four and twenty Proctors, and my said Lords G. at his liberty al∣wayes to admit mo or fewer Proctors there, as should be seen expedi∣ent to his G. for the sufficient attending of the causes there depending for the time; there shuld be from thenceforth no mo admitted Proctors

there, until the said nombre of Proctors, than being there, were de∣creased, and come down to the nombre of Ten: and than the said nombre of Ten Proctors never after to be exceeded. And further∣more lest my said Lords G. might be advertised afterwards, upon bet∣ter causes and considerations, to dissolve the said Statute, as his Prede∣cessors did alike other Statutes, made in semblable cause long before: the said Proctors knowing, that his G. would, as alwayes did, apply himself to that thing that shuld be most profitable for the Common wele; and intending to take away that liberty from him, abusing also his G's benignity and good zeal, to the restraint of his liberties, and ••ulfilling of their covetous intent; incontinently upon the obtaining of the said Statute, procured the same to be confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's church in Canterbury. So that by reason of the same confirmation, my said Lords G. ne his Successors cannot, as the said Proctors do pretend (though they see never so good a cause ther∣to) infringe, ne dissolve the same. And so therby made in maner an Incorporation among them, tho they call it not so.

Wherin be it considered, whether they have first offended the King's Laws, which do prohibit such Incorporations to be made without li∣cence had of the King's Highness first thereunto. And though all In∣corporations in any mystery or faculty be not lightly to be admitted, in this case, wherupon depends good or evil ministration of justice, most of al such Confederacies are to be eschued.

Also the said Statute is divers wayes noyful to the Commonwele of this Royalm, and prejudicial to the King's G. Subjects in the same, and occasion of divers abuses in the said Court hereafter to be declared.

But because the said Proctors are persuaded, that my said Lord of Can∣terbury cannot himself Dissolve the same, and seeing that no man wil lighty contend alone with al the said Proctors for the Dissolving there∣of, (For though it touch every man generally, no man singularly wil suppose the same to touch him so moche, that he should for the impug∣nation of the same put himself in business against so many and so rich a company, as the said Proctors be) it were not only expedient, but al∣so necessary, for the indifferent and speedy ministration of justice in the said Court, that his said unreasonable Statute were infringed and dis∣solved by the authority of this present Parliament, (where al other abuses and excesses noyeful to the Commonwele ought to be reform∣ed,) for these causes following.

First, The said Statute is prejudicial unto the Commonwele, because it is occasion of prolix sutes and superfluous delayes in the said Court, else more necessary to be restrained than augmented. For the said nombre of Ten Proctors appointed by the said Statute is unsufficient for the speedy and diligent attending of mens causes in the said Court, tho al Ten were procuring there at once: as it is not like but that three or four of the same shal bee alwayes impotent or absent▪ For such they ac∣count also with the nombre of Ten. And besides that the same Ten or fewer, that shal be onely procuring, shal serve not onely for the said Court of the Arches, but also for my said Lord of Canterburies Audi∣ence (wherein be as many causes as in the Arches) and for the Consi∣story of the Bp. of London. For by the Statutes of both the same Courts

of Audience and Consistory, there is no man admitted to procure in the same, unless he be a Proctor admitted first in the Arches. So that so few Proctors, appoynted for so many causes as shal be under travayl in al the said Courts, can never be able to speed their business without great delayes taking.

For heretofore when there were in the said Court twenty Proctors continually occupying, and more, it hath been seen, that divers of theym hath been than so overlayd with causes, that they were driven to take oft and many delayes and Prorogations ad idem, for to bring in their matiers, libells and plees. Than moche more must they do the same now being but Ten of theym. And most of al, when of the same Ten there shal be, (as like it is alwayes to be,) three or four absent or impotent, Undoubtedly they must needs use infinite delayes. Which had else rather more need to be restrained, then that any occasion shuld be yet given of more using the same. For by reason of the same the King's Subjects, called to the same Court, are put to great expences, tedious Labour, and loss of time. And therefore divers, that have good right to many things pleadable in the said Courts, had lever re∣nounce and forgoe their interest in the same, than enter so desperate a Sute in the said Courts therefore.

Also mens causes cannot be diligently attended by so few Proctors. And men shalbe destitute of councel (whereof shuld be alwayes plen∣ty in every Court.) And through the negligence of the Proctors, that they must be than of, whan they shal have so much busines, divers good causes must needs perish, for lack of good looking unto; as likely may be: for the forgetting one houre, or mistaking of a word, doth in the said Courts other whiles marr the best matier.

And it is impossible, that the said Ten Proctors only shal be able to apply accordingly al the causes, that shalbe depending in al the said Courts, as Proctors of duty shuld. For a Proctor's office is Laborious, and requireth much business. First, a Proctor must take sufficient instructions of his Clients, and keep every Court-day, remember eve∣ry hour, that is appointed him to do any thing at; solicite and instruct his Advocates; write and pen every Instrument that shalbe requisite to be made in the matiers. And whosoever of the Proctors, that shal be negligent or forgetful in doing any of these his matiers, must needs de∣lay. But so few Proctors as be appoynted by the said Statute are not able not only to do so in each matier, but also scant able to remember their Clients names, for so many that they shal than have. Each ma∣tier, if it were exactly applied, and men able so to do, would require a Proctor alone. But because every man is not able to find a Proctor for every one matier, it were best, next the same, that there were so many Proctors appoynted, as might most easily apply their causes, as they shuld. And though that were less profit to the said Proctors, whose wele is best, when they are most charged with busines: yet it shuld be more profit for the Common wele, whose interest were to have causes speedily and diligently applied in the said Courts.

Also, the fewer that there be of the said Proctors, the sooner may they agree among theymselves to give delayes each to other: because that one may have the same leave, that he gave the other: as they do in termes to Prove. Where, to each of the three termes, which they

cal Terminos ad proband. a month would suffice, though they dwelled never so far from the Court within this Royalm; they take now by cross sufferance of each other of theym a quarter of a year commonly for each of the same three termes. Which were enough and too moche, though the parties dwelled in Paris. Which delayes though they be nothing profitable, ne commodious for the poor Suitors, be both profi∣table to the said Proctors; by reason that the causes are kept thereby the longer in their hands. And also commodious by reason, that they, being greatly occupied, should have the longer time to do their busi∣ness in.

And for like consideration the said Proctors do omit commonly in every matier a certain oath ungeven, called Iuramentum Calumpniae, which is the best provision ordained in al the said Law of Civil and Ca∣non, for the restraint of unlawful Suites and prolix processes. The ef∣fect wherof is this. Both parties being in suite, or their Proctors, shal by the same oath swear, first the Plaintiff, That he believeth himself to have a just cause to sue; and the Defendant, a just cause to defend. Secondarily, That neitherof them shal use any unlawful delayes, where∣by justice may be deferred or letted. Thirdly, That either of theym, whan they shal be asked by the Judge, shal answer truly to every thing, that is asked of theym according to their belief. Fourthly, That there is nor shal be nothing geven, ne promised, to the Judge, or any other Officer, but only the Fees and duty permitted by the Law. And fiftly, That neither of them shal use, ne procure, any false witnes wittingly in the matier.

Which Oath, if it were given in every matier, as it shuld be, there shuld not be so many wrongful causes attempted and kept in the said Courts, nor so many delayes, as in the same. But because that neither of both standeth with the profit of the said Proctors, by common assent and cross sufferance of each another of theym, they omit the same most commonly not only ungeven, but also not spoken of. And if they say, that they do so, because that oft accustoming of oaths maketh men to set less by an oath; Truth it is that it doth so. And therefore the said oath ought to be chiefly commended. For the geving of the same but once in any matier shuld excuse them from geving of many other oaths requisite. And where one shuld serve for al, better it were for avoyd∣ing of too oft swearing, that the same alone shuld be given, and al others omitted, than that it alone shuld be left, that al the other doth supply.

Also, The said Statute of Ten Proctors may be occasion, that the same shal wax hault, arrogant, negligent, and loth to take paines, and excessive in taking, by reason that they shuld be so few. As we see experiently in al other faculties, where fewest Occupiers be of the same trust, they be most dangerous, and hardest to be gotten to do their faculties, and most excessive in taking for the same: as scarcity or ra∣rity of any thing else maketh the same dear. For whan there be few of a faculty, they know than that be they never so excessive in taking, or negligent in their doing, they shal be occupied wel enough: whan men can have no other choice but of a few, that be al alike agreed upon the price of every thing; as they may soon do, whan they be but a few. Where if they were many, al shuld be contrary.

Moreover, the said Statute of Ten Procters may be occasion, that justice shuld not indifferently procede in the said Courts for lack of lawful defence. As if the Juges of the said Courts, or any of theym, be affectionate in any matier depending before them (as it may be that the Juges there shal not be alwayes of such integrity as they be of, that be there now,) the said Proctors dare not be retained on his part, that the Juge doth not favor: or if they be retained, they dare not purpose [propose] their Client's best Interest and remedy, if the same do any thing offend the said Juges affection. By reason that the said Proctors be removeable from their Proctors offices at the said Juges plesure, and the same made so beneficial unto theym by reason of the said Statute.

Than, whan the said Proctors shalbe in such fear of the said Juges, to speak in matier of Instance, where the Juge doth bear but a light af∣fection to another man: moch more wil they be so in cases of office, where the Juge is party himself, and hath his own matier in hand. And no mervail, if they dare not speak in such. For it hath not been sel∣dome seen, and heard there, that it hath been spoken unto such Pro∣ctors, as hath spoken any thing constantly, or freely, in their Clients causes, by the Juges aforesaid, Non es amicus Curiae: and that they were threatned of expulsion from their Offices, and put to silence. Yet no law forbiddeth the contrary, but that every man shuld have his lawful defence, yea, against the Juge himself.

But if there were many Proctors in the said Courts, the Juges could not so lightly keep them al in such subjection and fear of theym. Nor than the said Proctors shuld not have so great cause to fear theym so moche, seeing their offices shuld not be so beneficial unto theym than. And less shuld they yet fear to purpose their Clients right duely, if it were ordeined, that the same Proctors shuld not be removeable from their Offices, at the said Juges plesure, (as heretofore they were; and now are) but only for certain great offences proved afore indif∣ferent Juges, to be committed by theym after their admission. And by reason, that the said Proctors be so abandonned unto the said Juges, where men had most need of trusty Councillors, there they be most de∣stitute of the same, as when the Juge is not indifferent. For the par∣tiality of a Juge is more to be feared, than the manifest malice of an Adversary. For the tone hurteth privily, and is able to execute his malice: and the tother doth apertly al that he goeth about. And a man may provide for the avoiding of the intent. And he is not so able to execute his purpose as the tother is. And though partiality of any Juge is to be greatly feared, yet most of al in the Courts spiritual: where al depends upon the Juges hands, and that one man's com∣monly. For which partiality the remedy of appeal was first invented. Which remedy, like as it was at the first most wholesomely provided for the avoyding of the iniquity of partial Juges; so it is now most wick∣edly abused for the maintenance of evil doers in their wrongful causes and avoyding of due execution of justice, by reason that they be infi∣nite: especially, after the Canon law. For by Civil, there is but ap∣pellation permitted; and that not without penalty on him that shal than appeal without cause: and that is more reasonable.

For like as it is dangerous to abide one mans jugement, so it is unrea∣sonable that a man should abide the jugements of never so many. And therfore it were very expedient, that the same Appeals were restrain∣ed somewhat. For of theym it is chiefly long, that matiers be in ma∣ner infinite in the said Courts. And that may be the better done, by rea∣son that there be two Legates within this Royalm. Which were so appoynted, because that they might determine al matiers spiritual within this Royalm, without moche recourse to Rome, being so far from this Country.

To the foresaid inconveniences may come also, through the same sta∣tute, this abuse following: that is to wit, if there be a mightier or a richer man, that do sue a poorer man in the said Courts; the richer man may the sooner, by reason that there be so few Proctors, retain the most part and the best learned of theym. And the other Proctors, by reason that they shal be than so wealthy through their great occu∣pying, which they shal have, whan they be so few, wil rather set more by the same great mens favor, than the poor mans fee. And therfore wil ether refuse to be retained of the poor mans party; or whan they be retained they wil be slack in doing their duty, for fear of displeasing the same great men. Where if there were many Proctors, their Offi∣ces would not be excessive gainful, but that they set as moche by their fees, as by any mans plesure lightly.

Also, the said Statute is a great discourage to young men to leave their Studies in the Law. For by the same the reward of Study is ta∣ken away, and possest by a few. And the fewer that be promoted for their Learning, the fewer wil study to attain the same.

And to this, it may be occasion, that the said Proctors be not so wel learned, nor so diligent, whan they are so few, as they would be, if they were many. For whan there is choise enough of theym, they that are best learned, and most diligent shal be alwayes most resorted. And than shal they study every man to excel other in learning and di∣ligence, whan they se such chiefly resorted unto. And so no man wil la∣bour than to be a Proctor, unles he be wel learned, seeing that learned men shuld only have al the most resort. And they that be unlearned wil away, and provide theym Livings elsewhere, whan they see theym∣self nothing frequented with causes.

Furthermore, the said Statute is plain contrary to their own law of Civil and Canon. For by the same it is permitted for every man to be Proctor for other; but only a few, which are especially and justly excepted by the same, as a Woman, a child, a madd man, and such other. And by the said statute it is prohibited, that no man shal pro∣cure in the said Court for other, but only a few, that are especially admitted therto, and that within a precise and incompetent nombre. The said Law doth except and repel very few; and that of theym that are not meet to procure: and the said statute doth yet admit fewer, and that of theym that are sufficiently qualified to procure. So that White and Black can be no more contrary together, than the said Law and Statute be each to other.

And though any man would rather prefer the said Law before the said Statute, if he did but only consider, how that the Law is made so long ago by the concord and discrete opinion of so many great and wise

Clerks and holy men, and afterward approved by continual usage of divers countries, and long succession of time, and experiently known to be wholsomely ordeined for the common wele. And of the tother side, how that the said Statute is but lately made by the procurement of a few private persons for their singular advantage; approved by no tract of time to be profitable for the Common wele; but experiently known to be contrary. Yet beside that, if al that were set apart, the Law is grounded upon better reason, then the said Statute is. For see∣ing a Proctor represents him that he is Proctor for, and may make or marr his Clients matier by one word speaking wel or il; and that the office of a Proctor was first invented for men, that might or would not intend to their own business theymself; it were more consonant with reason, that a man were suffered to take to his Proctor such as he lusteth, and may best trust unto of his matier, than be driven to com∣mit the order of his cause, being mefortune of great weight, to such a one as he never knew, ne saw before. For whan a man is at his choise to choose him what Proctor he lust best, if his matier do delay through the default of his Proctor, than, he can blame no body but himself. For that that he would not take better heed, to whom he should have committed his matier unto. And whan a man is compelled to take one that he knows not, if his matier do than delay, he may put the blame therof to that Statute, that constrained him to take such a Proctor.

Nevertheles though the tone of both those ways, that is the same that is taken by the same Law, be moche better than the tother; yet the mean way betwixt both (as of al other Extremes) were best. That is to say, that nother every man unlearned, or unexpert, shuld forthwith be admitted to procure for every man in the said Courts, lest of that there shuld be no good order, but a confuse tumult there: Nor yet that there shuld be so few admitted therunto, that they were not able, ne sufficient, for the due exercise of causes there depending. But most reasonable and highly expedient for the Common wele it is, that it were enacted by the authority of this present Parlament, that there should be as many of such as were sufficiently learned, and exercised in the experience and practise of the said Courts, admitted to procure there, as shuld be seen convenient to my said Lord of Canterbury his Grace, or other Presidents of the said Courts, for the due exercise and expedition of causes there depending; as it was used heretofore, til the obtaining of the said Statute, without prefixion of any precise nombre, which for no cause may be exceded. For how can a precise nombre of Proctors be prefixed, when the nombre of causes can never be ap∣poynted? For causes doth grow and encrease, as the nature of seasons and men doth require.

And therfore it were expedient, that there were mo Proctors than shuld suffice admitted, than fewer. For better it were, that some of theym shuld lack causes, than causes shuld want theym. And that such ones, so admitted, shuld not be removeable from the same their Offices at the said Juges, or any other mans, plesure, as they were heretofore: but only for certain great offences proved to be committed by theym after their admission, and juged so to be of indifferent Juges, chosen to examine the same by the consent of the Proctors, that shalbe

accused therof. And because that the Proctors aforesaid are al sworn [at the] time of their admission, that they shal never after be against the Liberty, jurisdiction and prerogatives of the said Courts: but shal maintain and defend the same to their power: And that there may be in the said Courts otherwhiles such causes depending, as shuld ap∣pertaine to the Kings Gs. determination by his Royal Prerogative, or such other as may be there attempted against the Juges or Presidents of the said Courts: It were highly expedient as wel for the Conserva∣tion and soliciting of the Kings interest there, as for the faithful and bold assistence of Proctors there to the Kings Subjects, that were called thither at the instance of the said Juges, or their fautors, or any other person; That like as his Grace hath, in other his Courts temporal, his Solicitors and Atturneys, he shuld also have in his said Courts two Proctors, or so admitted by his G. and his councel, which shuld be sworn to promote and solicite his Gs. interest there, and to advertise the same of any thing, that shuld appertain to his Gs. prerogative, and to defend such of the Kings subjects, as shal desire their assistance, boldly and without fear or affection of the said Juges. And that the same Proctors so admitted be not removeable from the same their offi∣ces by any man, but the Kings G. or his Councel.

Which so enacted and established shuld be the readiest means, that the foresaid abuses, with divers others here not rehearsed, caused through the occasion of the said statute, shuld be utterly taken away, and justice more plainly and speedily proceed in the said Courts, than heretofore hath been seen to do. And the Kings subjects called thither from al parts of England shuld have plenty of counsil, faithful assi∣stance in their matters, and speedy process in the same. Which ought to be tendred affectantly of every man, that regardeth the encrease of the Common wele, and true execution of justice.

NUM. XIX. The Archbishop to the L. Crumwel giving him some account of his Visitation of his Diocess.

THese shalbe to advertise your Lp. that since my last coming from London into Kent,* 1.21 I have found the people of my Diocess very obstinately given to observe and keep with solemnity the hali dayes late∣ly abrogated. Wherupon I have punished divers of the Offendors; and to divers I have given gentle monitions to amend. But inasmuch as by examination I have perceived, that the people were partly ani∣mated therto by their Curates, I have given streit commandment and injunction unto al the Parsons and Vicars within my Diocess, upon paine of deprivation of their benefices, that they shal not only, on their behalf, cause the said hali dayes, so abrogated, from time to time not to be observed within their Cures: but also shal from henceforth pre∣sent to me such persons of their Parishes, as wil practise in word or deed contrary to that Ordinance or any other; which is, or hereafter

shalbee, set forth by the Kings Graces authority, for the redress or or∣dering of the doctrine or ceremonies of this Church of England. So that now I suppose through this means all disobedience, and contempt of the Kings Graces Acts and Ordinances in this behalf, shalbe clearly avoyded in my Diocess hereafter. Not doubting also, but if every Bp. in this realm had Commandment to do the same in their Diocess, it would avoyd both much disobedience and contention in this said realm. I would faine, that al the enmity and grudge of the people in this matter should be put from the King and his Councel; and that wee, who be Ordinaries, should take it upon us. Or else I fear lest a grudge against the Prince and his Council, in such causes of religion, should gender in many of the peoples hearts a faint subjection and obe∣dience.

But, my Lord, if in the Court you do keep such hali dayes and fasting dayes as be abrogated,* 1.22 when shal we persuade the people to cease from keeping of theym? For the Kings own House shalbe an example unto al the realm to break his own ordinances.

Over this, whereas your Lp. hath twice written for this poor man William Gronnow the bearer hereof to my L. Deputy of Callis, for him to be restored to his room; as far as I understand, it prevayled nothing at al. For so he can get none answer of my L. Deputy. So tha•• the poor man dispaireth that your request shal do him any good. If your Lp. would be so good to him, as to obtain a bil signed by the Kings Grace to the Treasurers and Controlers of Callis for the time being, commanding theym to pay to the said W. Gronnow his accustomed Wa∣ges yearly, and to none other, your Lp. should not only not further trouble my L. Deputy any more, but also do a right meritorious deed. For if the poor man be put thus from his Living, he were but utterly undone. Thus, my Lord, right hartily fare you wel. At Ford the xxviij day of August.

Your Lordships own ever T. Cantuariens.

NUM. XX. Richard Grafton the Printer of the Bible to the Lord Crumwel, complaining of some that intended to print the Bible, and thereby to spoyl his Impression.

✚ 1537.

* 1.23MOST humbly beseeching your Lp. to understand, that accord∣ing as your Commission was, by my servant to send you certain Bibles, so have I now done, desiring your Lp. to accept them, as though

they were wel done. And whereas I writ unto your Lp. for a privy Seal to be a defence unto the enemies of this Bible, I understand that your Lps. mind is, that I shal not need it. But now, most gracious Lord, forasmuch as this work hath been brought forth to our most great and costly labors and charges: Which charges amount above the sum of five hundred pounds; and I have caused of these same to be printed to the sum of fifteen hundred books complete: Which now by reason that of many this work is highly commended; there are that wil and doth go about the printing of the same work again in a lesser letter: to the intente that they may sel their little books better cheap then I can sel these great; and so to make that I shal sel none at al, or else very few, to the utter undoing of me your Orator, and of all those my Creditors, that hath been my Comforters and helpers therin. And now this work, thus set forth with great study and labors, shal such persons, moved with a little covetousnes, to the undoing of others for their own private wealth, take as a thing done to their hands. In which half the charges shal not come to them, that hath done to your poor Orator. And yet shall not they do it as they find it, but falsify the text; that I dare say, look how many sentences are in the Bible, even so many faults and errors shalbe made therin. For their seeking is not to set it out to Gods glory, and to the edifying of Christs Congregation▪ but for covetousnes. And that may appear by the former Bibles, that they have set forth; which hath neither good paper, letters, ink, nor correction. And even so shal they corrupt this work, and wrap it up after their fashions, and then may they sel it for nought at their pleasures. Yea, and to make it more truer then it is, therfore Dutch men; living within this realm, go about the print∣ing of it: Which can neither speak good English, nor yet write none. And they wilbe both the Printers and Correctors therof. Because of a little covetousnes, they wil not bestow twenty or forty pounds to a Learned man to take pains in it, to have it wel done.

It were therfore, as your Lp. doth evidently perceive, a thing un∣reasonable to permit, or suffer them, which now hath no such busines, to enter into the labors of them, that hath made both sore trouble and unreasonable charges. And the truth is this, that if it be printed by any other, before these be sold, which I think shal not be these three years at the least, that then am I, your poor Orator, undone.

Therfore by your most godly favor, if I may obtain the Kings most gracious privilege, that none shal print them till these be sold, which at the least shall not be this three years, your Lordship shal not find me unthankful, but that to the uttermost of my power I wil consider it. And I dare say, that so wil my L▪ of Canterbury, with other my most special friends. And at the last God wil look upon your merciful heart, that considereth the undoing of a poor young man. For truly my whole Living lyeth hereupon. Which if I may have sale of them, not being hindred by any other men, it shalbe my making and wealth, and the contrary is my undoing. Therfore most humbly I beseech your Lp. to be my helper here, that I may obtain this my request. Or else, if by no means this privilege may be had, as I have no doubt through your help it shal; and seeing men are so desirous to be printing of it again, to my utter undoing as aforesaid: that yet forasmuch as it hath

pleased the Kings Highnes to Licence this work to go abroad; and that it is the most pure religion, that teacheth al true obedience, and reproveth al schisms and contentions: and the lack of this word of Almighty God, is the cause of al blindnes and superstition: It may therfore be commanded by your Lp. in the name of our most gracious Prince, that every Curate have one of them, that they may learn to know God, and to instruct their Parishens. Yea, and that every Ab∣by should have six, to be layd in six several places; and that the whole Covent, and the resorters therunto, may have occasion to look on the Lords Law. Yea, I would have none other, but they of the Papistical sort, should be compelled to have them. And then I know there should be ynow found in my L. of Londons Diocess to spend away a great part of them. And so should this be a godly act, worthy to be had in remembrance while the world doth stand.

And I know, that a smal Commission wil cause my Lords of Cant. Salisbury and Worseter, to cause it to be done through their Diocesses▪ Yea, and this should cease the whole schism and contention, that is in the realm. Which is, some calling them of the Old, and some of the New. Now should we al follow one God, one Book, and one Learn∣ing. And this is hurtful to no man, but profitable to all men.

I wil trouble your Lp. no lenger, for I am sorry I have troubled you so much. But to make an end I desire your most gracious answer by my servant. For the sickness is bryme about us, or would I wait upon your Lp. And because of coming to your Lp. I have not suffered my servant with me, since he came over. Thus for your continual preser∣vation, I, with al that truly love God, do most heartily pray, that you may overcome al you adversaries of the Papistical sort.

Your Orator Rychard Grafton.

NUM. XXI. Archbishop Cranmer to the King for a Suffragan of Dover.

EXcellentiss. & potentiss. in Christo Principi & Dno. nostro Dn. Henrico Octavo Dei gra. Angliae & Fr. regi,* 1.24 Fidei Defensori, & Dno. Hiberniae, ac in terris Supremo Ecclesiae Angl. capiti, Vester hu∣milis Orator & Subditus Thomas permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepi∣scopus, totius Anglie Primas & Metropolit. Omnimod. Reverentiam, & Observantiam tanto principi debit. & condignas cum omni subjectionis honore. Ad sedem Episcopalem de Doveria infra Cantuar. Dioc. exi∣sten. Dilectos michi in Cto. Richardum Yngworth Priorem Domus sive Prioratus de Langley Regis, & Iohannem Codenham, Sacrae Theolog. Professores, juxta & secundum vim, formam & effectum Statuti Parla∣menti hujus inclyti regni vestri Angliae in hoc casu editi & provisi, ve∣strae Regiae Majestati per has literas meas nomino & praesento; ac ei∣dem Majestati vestrae humiliter supplico, quatenus alteri corum, (cui vestra Regia Majestas id munus conferend. praeoptaverit) titulum,

nomen, stylum{que} & dignitatem episcopalem ac Suffraganeam ad Se∣dem praedictam misericorditer conferre. Ipsumque mihi prefato Ar∣chiepiscopo infra cujus Dioc. & Provinciam Sedes antedicta consistit, per literas vestras Patentes regias intuitu charitatis punctare, michique mandare dignetur vestra regia Majestas, quatenus ipsum sic nomina∣tum & praesentatum, in Episcopum Suffraganeum Sedis praedict. juxta formam Statuti praedict. effectualiter consecrem & benedicam▪ caeteraque faciam & exequar in ea parte, quae ad effectum meum Ar∣chiepiscopale spectaverint, seu requisita fuerint in praemissis. Vivat denique & valeat in multos annos vestra regia Celsitudo praelibata in eo, per quem reges regnant, & Principes dominantur. Dat' apud Lambeth primo die mensis Decembr. Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo septimo: & regni vestri florentiss. vicesimo nono.

NUM. XXII. The Archbishops letters of Commission to Richard Suffragan of Dover.

THomas permissione divina Cant. Archiep. tot. Angl. Primas & Metropolitanus,* 1.25 Venerabili confratri nostro Dom. Richardo Dei gra. Sedis Doveriae nostrae Diocesios Cant' Suffraganeo, Salutem, & fraternam in Domino charitatem. De tuis fidelitate & circumspe∣ctionis industria plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes, ad confirman∣dum sacri chrismatis unctione pueros quoscúnque infra civitatem & Diocesin nostras Cant', & jurisdictiones nostras, & ecclesiae nostrae Christ. Cant. immediatas, ac jurisdictionem nostram villae Calisiae, & mar∣chias ejusdem sub obedientia Excellentiss. Principis, & Domini nostri, Domini Hen. Oct. Dei gratia Angl. & Fr. regis, fidei Defensoris, & Domini Hib. ac in terris sub Christo Ecclesiae Anglic. Capitis Supremi ubilibet constitut. Necnon altaria, calices, Vestimenta, & alia Eccle∣siae ornamenta quaecunque & ea concernen. benedicend. locaque profana siquae inveneris, de quibus te inquirere Volumus, a divinorum celebra∣tione ultime suspendend, Ecclesias etiam & coemiteria sanguinis vel se∣minis effusione polluta forsan vel polluend. reconciliand. Ecclesias & altaria noviter aedificat. consecrand. Omnes ordines minores quibuscun∣que civitatis, Diocesios, & jurisdictionum nostrarum praedictarum ip∣sos ordines a te recipere volentib & ad hoc habilibus ad jurejurando de renuntiando Rom. Episcopo & ejus auctoritati ac de acceptando Regi∣am Majestatem pro Supremo Capite Ecclesiae Anglic. juxta Statuta hu∣jus regni in hac parte edita ab eisdem ordinand. & eorum quolibet per te primitus recepto, conferend. Ac etiam oleum sanctum chrismatis & sacrae unctionis consecrand. Caeteraque omnia & singula, quae ad offici∣um Pontificale in praemissis, vel aliquo praemissorum quovis modo per∣tinent, vel pertinere poterunt, faciend. exercend. & expediend. tibi te∣nore praesentium committimus vices nostras, & plenam in Domino po∣testatem. Téque quoad praemissa Suffraganeum nostrum ordinamus & praeficimus per praesentes; donec eas ad nos duxerimus revocand. Et ut officium tuum hujusmodi possis in praemissis liberius exercere,

Vniversis & singulis Decanis, Rectoribus, Vicarijs, Capellanis, Cu∣ratis, & non Curatis, Clericis & Apparitoribus quibuscunque in virtu∣te sacrae [suae] obedientiae firmiter tenore praesentium injungendo mandamus, quatenus tibi in praemissis & quolibet praemissorum sint obedientes, assistentes, & intendentes in omnibus, prout decet. In cu∣jus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum praesentibus est appensum. Dat. in Manerio nostro de Lamehith, Decimo die Decembr. Anno Domini mill▪ quin. xxxvij. & nostrae Consecrationis anno quinto.

NUM. XXIII. A Declaration to be read by al Curates upon the publishing of the Bible in English.

* 1.26WHeras it hath pleased the Kings Majesty, our most dread Sove∣reign, and Supreme Head under God of this Church of Eng∣land, for a Declaration of the great zeal he beareth to the setting forth of Gods word, and to the virtuous maintenance of the Common∣wealth, to permit and command the Bible, being translated into our Mother tongue, to be sincerely taught by us the Curates, and to be openly layd forth in every parish church: to the intent, that all his good subjects, as wel by reading therof, as by hearing the true explana∣tion of the same, may be able to learn their duties to Almighty God and his Majesty, and every of us charitably to use other: And then ap∣plying themselves to do according to that they shal hear and learn, may both speak and do christianly; and in al things, as it beseemeth christen men: Because his Highnes very much desireth, that this thing being by him most godly begun and set forward, may of al you be re∣ceived as is aforesaid; his Majesty hath willed and commanded this to be declared unto you, that his Graces pleasure and high command∣ment is, that in the reading and hearing therof, first most humbly and reverently using and addressing your selves unto it, you shal have al∣ways in your remembrance and memories, that al things contained in this book is the undoubted Wil, Law, and Commandment of Al∣mighty God, the only and streit means to know the goodnes and bene∣fits of God towards us, and the true duty of every christen man to serve him accordingly. And that therfore reading this book with such mind and firm faith as is aforesaid, you shal first endeavour your self to conform your own livings and conversation to the contents of the same. And so by your good and vertuous example to encourage your wives, children and servants, to live wel and christianly according to the rules therof.

And if at any time by reading any doubt shal comen to any of you touching the sense and meaning of any part therof; that then, not gi∣ving too much to your own minds, fantasies and opinions; nor having therof any open reasoning in your open tavernes or alehouses, ye shal have recourse to such learned men, as be, or shalbe authorized to preach and declare the same. So that avoyding al contentions and dispu∣tation

in such alehouses and other places, unmeet for such conferences, and submitting your opinion to the judgments of such learned men as shalbe appointed in this behalf, his Grace may wel perceive, that you use this most high benefit quietly and charitably every one of you, to the edifying of himself, his wife and family, in al things answering to his Highnes good opinion conceived of you, in the advauncement of vertue, and suppressing of Vice; without failing to use such discrete quietnes, and sober moderation in the premisses, as is aforesaid; as you tender his Graces pleasure, and intend to avoyd his high indigna∣tion, and the peril and danger that may ensue to you and every of you for the contrary.

And God save the King.

NUM. XXIV. The Answer or Declaration of Richard Bishop of Chichester, in the presence of the Kings Majesty, against the sixth Reason or argument of John Lambert, concerning the most holy and blessed Sacrament of the Altar.

THese are the words of his sixth Article.* 1.27

Paul doth take it for a sore inconvenince, Deducere Christum ex alto, Rom. 10. And yet must the Priests do so, bringing his natural body into the Sacrament. Or else they cannot bring the same body into the Sacrament: Which I believe rather.

The Answer of the Bishop.

BY this reason you may evidently perceive the Vanity, and also the malice of this man. So that you may judg by what spirit he is led, to make such an argument against so high and precious a mystery as this is.

What christen man is so ignorant, that knoweth not this to be evi∣dently true, that this most holy Sacrament hath not his Vertue of the Priest, which is a mortal man, and many times a sinner. For he is but a minister, and a very instrument, by whom God worketh. S. Chryso∣stome saith, that the minister is as it were the Pen, God is the hand. The grace, the vertue is of God. In the 27th. Hom. in the second Tome. So doth teach the Apostle to the Corinthians, in the third chapt. of the first Epistle. What is Apostle, saith he, What is Paul? Ministers of him, in whom ye believe; and as he hath given to every one. I have planted, saith S. Paul, Apollo hath watered: but God hath given the encrease. Wherfore neither he that planteth, nor he that watereth, is ought, but he that giveth the encrease. For men must esteem us as Ministers of Christ, saith he in the next chapter. By these words he proveth, that the minister gives no ef∣fect or virtue, but only God.

S. Augustin ad Cresconium Grammaticum saith also expresly, That if there be among good ministers one better then another, the Sacrament is no better given by the better; and it is no worse given by an evil man. There is for this purpose a goodly saying of Eusebius Emissenus, which was much persecuted by the Arians. These are his words. Invisibilis Sacerdos visibiles creaturas in substantiam corporis & sanguinis sui, verbi sui secreta potestate, convertit. No Christen man doubteth who is this invisible Priest; which is our Savior, the high Priest, the perpetual Priest, as the Apostle saith Ad Heb. 7. Which to our carnal eyes is invisible, and otherwise may not be seen, but by the eyes of our soul, and faith one∣ly. This invisible Priest, saith Eusebius, converteth and turneth the visible creatures of bread and wine not only into his body and bloud, but into the substance of his body and bloud.

It is not then the Priest, that worketh this work, nor bringeth Christ out of heaven, as this man mockingly and scornfully writeth in this Article, but it is Christ himself. For as S. Austin saith, Idem est Mediator, qui offert, & qui offertur.

And what spirit this man hath towards this most holy sacrament, you may wel conjecture, and evidently perceive his malignity, which not only gathereth a certain number of vain arguments together, to the number of eight; that it might appear to the simple ignorant peo∣ple, as though it were a great foundation, which he hath for his dete∣stable purpose: and yet as I say, they are al vain, and grounded only upon gross natural reason, which can in no wise attain to this high my∣stery: but also in so grave, weighty, and most reverend cause, as this is, he dallieth, mocketh and scorneth in this fond reason, without any reason; saying, that the Priest must bring the body of Christ out of heaven. But it is little to be weighed in this man, though that he scorn∣eth the ministration of the Priest, sith that he so depraveth his very Lord and Master.

But in case that he should say, that he doth not scorn the ministrati∣on of the Priest, then must he needs be very ignorant, to suppose in any wise, that the Priest worketh any thing in this, or any other Sacra∣ment, more then as I have before said.

In this argument also he alledgeth one part of scripture in the tenth chapter to the Romans, to blind also the simple people, that they should think al that he speaketh is the very scripture. And surely this place of scripture maketh evidently against him, and such as he is. For it is written against Infidels, such as wil not believe the word of God writ∣ten, but would yet have knowledge from heaven. And so the Apostle there maketh example of him, that would not believe that Christ is ascended, but notwithstanding the testimony of scripture, he demand∣eth, Quis ascendet in coelum? Hoc est, Christum de coelo deducere, saith the Apostle. Wherefore the Apostle monisheth every Christen man in this maner, Nè dixeris in corde tuo, Quis ascendet, &c. That is to say, Think not in thy mind, Have no such doubt to ask, Who ascended, or how: but believe the scripture. For as Moses in the 30th. Chap. of Deuteronomy saith, Thou shalt not need to seek into heaven for the knowledg of these things: it is not set, nor left in heaven; it is not above thee; it is not far from thee; but the Word of God is nigh thee, even in thy mouth, as it were, and ready at hand: Believe that, and do according to that.

For so it was answered to the rich man in the 16th. Chap. of Luke, Thy brethren have Moses and the Prophets, let them hear them. And, If they wil not hear nor believe them, they wil not believe any one, that shal come from hence.

Whersore Chrysostom in the former tenth Chapter of Paul, teacheth even Christen men in these things of the Faith, in no wise to ask or search, how it may be; but leaving this infirmity and weaknes of our thoughts and reasons, let us receive with a certain undoubted faith the promises of God by his word.

S. Cyprian also, in a work De coena Domini, hath these words, The fleshly man is not to be admitted to this feast of the Table of God. Whatso∣ever the fllesh and the bloud, that is to say, the natural reason of the mortal man, esteemeth or judgeth, needs must be excluded from this mystery. For it savoureth nothing to this matter, or in any wise helpeth, whatsoever the subtilty of mans wit attempteth to search. Such are wise men of this world, that whatsoever is above their wit, they think it otherwise then the truth. But the truth, saith he, cannot be comprised by mans wit, which is erroneous and many times deceived. Wherfore they that are faithful and poor in spirit, and not arrogant of their own wits, by their faith, do se perfectly this Sacrament.

We have the expres words of Christ, Hoc est corpus meum, This is my body. The words are plain not only in Matthew, but the same plain words are in Luke and Mark, without any figurative speaking. Wher∣fore we may not add, diminish, change nor alter these words, that are so manifest and plain; but certainly believe these words to be true in the same sense, that they are clearly spoken, howsoever they are im∣possible to mans wit. For as it is impossible for God to make a ly, as the Apostle saith in the sixth Ad Heb. so every thing is possible to him, howsoever it is thought impossible to men.

We must therfore leave al our carnal reasons, and only receive, with∣out any doubt, the teaching, the words, the promises of God, howso∣ever they seem impossible to our natural and fraile reason. Or else we should not believe the power of God to be so high and absolute as it is: to whom is nothing impossible.

NUM. XXV. Tho. Cranmeri Archiep. Cant. Epist. super Controversia de coena Domini ortam.

Illustri & erudito Viro Joachimo Vadiano, Consuli apud Sanctum Gal∣lum in Helvetia.

TAndem a Negotijs Consilijsque publicis missionem, vel verius re∣spirationem nactus, & inter caeteros doctos viros,* 1.28 quorum epi∣stolis responsa jam diu debueram, tibi quoque, Vadiane, Vir illustris doctissiméque, nunc demum vertente anno respondere incipiens, (ut∣pote cujus Literas superiore hyeme acceperim, una cum munere Litera∣rio,

Quod genus quidem soleo vel inter preciosissima numerare) il∣lud imprimis mecum reputare pudebundus occoepi, vererique, ne for∣te suspicionem, aut etiam opinionem mihi allquam sinistram apud ani∣mum tuum, silentio meo tam diuturno, contraxerim; qui sciam apud vulgus hominum fieri plerumque solere, cum hospes hospitem salutat, ut in primo maxime aditu responsum solicite exspectent. Quod si diffe∣ratur, ut superbiam aliquam vel neglectum sui, vel, ut minimum, oblivionem, intervenire suspicantur, qualémque in primo illo accessu invenere, talem in universam reliquam vitam erga se fore praejudicant. Cum qui cito respondet, libenter & gratanter id facere judicatur, eum∣que proinde humanum, facilem gratúmque interpretantur. Contra, qui tarde, fastuosus, difficilis, & incivilibus ac inamoenis moribus pre∣ditus existimatur. Vsque adeo bis facit, quod cito facit, quicquid quis cito facit. Verum ego de tua neutiquam vulgari prudentia, & huma∣nitate meliora mihi polliceor, confidóque te hanc meam non sponta∣neam tarditatem aut cessationem, sed necessariam dilationem benigne accepturum, eamque non tam moribus quam negotijs meis imputatu∣rum. Quae qualia & quanta fuerint, puto rumores ad vos usque jam∣pridem pertulisse, & ego de eisdem nonnihil ad Grynaeum meum, imo nostrum, scripsi, cum quo pro amicitiae jure omnia, sibi communia futura esse non ambigo. Ad illum igitur te remitto, siquid hac re offen∣deris, qui me tibi reddat excusatiorem.

Tuam erga me Voluntatem & promptitudinem animi ad contrahen∣dam mecum Sanctiorem necessitudinem, in Literis tuis perspicio, & libens amplector osculórque. Virum enim dignum te judico, quem ego propter eximiam eruditionem, qua me quoque adjutum profecisse neu∣tiquam dissimulavero, & propter morum probitatem, multorum gra∣vissimorum virorum testimonijs comprobatam, omni amore, favore ac veneratione prosequar. Veruntamen ut animi mei sensum (sicuti in∣ter bonos viros fieri oportet) ingenue tibi profitear, argumentum quod tractas in sex illis libris * 1.29, quos mihi dono dederas, in totum mihi dis∣plicet, vellémque vigilias tuas tantas felicius collocasses, & mecum jucundae amicitiae melioribus, aut certè minus improbatis, auspicijs fuisses usus. Nam ego nisi certiora afferri video, quam hactenus videre po∣tui, sententiae illius vestrae nec patronus nec astipulator esse volo. Et plane mihi vel ex eo maxime persuasum est, causam esse non bonam, quod eam viri tam ingeniosi, tam diserti, támque omnibus artibus & disciplinis instructi, non videamini satis validè tueri ac sustinere. Vidi pleraque omnia, quae vel ab Oecalampadio, vel a Zuinglio scripta sunt & edita, didicique omnium hominum omnia cum delectu esse Legen∣da. Et fortasse illud D. Hieronymi de Origene elogium in illos quóque non absurde aliquis detorserit, Vbi bene, nemo melius, &c. Nosti enim quod sequitur. Quatenus quidem Papisticos & Sophisticos errores & abusus indicare, convincere, corrigeréque sunt conati, Laudo & ap∣probo. Atque utinam intra fines illos constitissent, neque fruges una cum zizanijs conculcassent, hoc est, veterum doctorum, primorúmque in ecclesia Christi scriptorum authoritatem, una violassent. Nam ut in∣genia vestra quantumcunque versaveritis, mihi tamen certe nunquam approbaveritis, ne cuiquam, opinor, aequo Lectori, Veteres illos au∣thores in hac controversia pro vestra facere sententia. Fuistis nimirum in investigandis erroribus plus fatis curiosi, & dum omnia purgare stu∣detis,

illic quoque errorem subesse putavistis, ubi nullus fuit. Quando hic certe si error est, jam inde a primordio Ecclesiae, ab ipsis Patribus & viris Apostolicis, nobis fuit propinatus. Quod quis pius sustinuerit vel audire, nedum credere? Ut n••quid interim dicam, quod bonus Do∣minus noster unice dilectam sponsam suam nunquam in tam pudenda caecitate tamdiu dereliquisset? Quamobrem quum haec, quam tene∣mus, Catholica fides de vera presentia corporis tam apertis ac manife∣stis scripturis fuerit Ecclesiae ab initio promulgata, & eadem postea, per primos Ecclesiasticos scriptores, fidelium auribus tam clare, tamque stu∣diose commendata, ne quaeso, ne mihi pergatis eam tam bene radica∣tam & suffultam velle amplius convellere aut subruere. Satis jam satis tentatum est hactenus. Et nisi super firmam petram fuisset firmiter aedificata, jam dudum cum magnae ruinae fragore cecidisset. Dici non potest, quantum haec tam cruenta controversia, cum per universum orbem Christianum, tum maxime apud nos, bene currenti verbo Evan∣gelij obstiterit. Vobis ipsis affert ingens periculum, & caeteris omnibus praebet non dicendum offendiculum. Quo circa si me audietis, hortor & suadeo, imo vos oro, obsecro, & visceribus Iesu Christi obtestor & adjuro, uti concordiam procedere & coire sinatis, in illam confirman∣dam totis viribus incumbatis, pacémque Dei tandem, quae superat omnem sensum, Ecclesijs permittatis, ut Evangelicam doctrinam unam, sanam, puram, & cum primitivae Ecclesiae disciplina consonam, junctis viribus quam maximè propagemus. Facile vel Turcas ad Evan∣gelij nostri obedientiam converterimus, modo intra nosmetipsos con∣sentiamus, & pia quadam conjuratione conspiremus. At si ad hunc modum pergimus ad invicem contendere, & commordere, timendum erit, ne (quod dicens abominor) juxta comminationem Apostolicam, ad invicem consumamur.

Habes, Optime Vadiane, meam de tota controversia illa neutiquam fictam sentent••am, una cum admonitione libera ac fideli. Cui si ob∣temperaveris, non modo inter amicos, sed etiam vel inter amicissimos mihi nomen tuum ascripsero. Bene vale.

T. Cantuariens.

NUM. XXVI. Part of a Letter from a Member of Parlament, concerning the transactions of the House, about passing the Act of the Six Articles.

AND also news here,* 1.30 I assure you never Prince shewed himself so wise a man, so wel learned, and so Catholic, as the King hath done in this Parlament. With my pen I cannot express his mervailous goodnes, which is come to such effect, that we shal have an Act of Parlament so spiritual, that I think none shal dare say, in the blessed Sa∣crament of the Altar doth remain either bread or wine after the Con∣secration: Nor, that a Priest may have a wife: Nor, that it is necessary [to receive] our Maker sub utraque specie: Nor▪ that private Masses

should not be used, as they have bee: Nor, that it is not necessary to have Auricular confession. And notwithstanding my L. of Canterbury, my L. of Ely, my L. of Salisbury, my L. of Worcester, Rochester, and St. Davyes, defended the contrary long time: Yet finally his High∣ness confounded them all with Gods learning. York, Durham, Winche∣ster and Carlile have shewed themselves honest and wel learned men. We of the Temporalty have be al of one opinion. And my L. Chan∣cellor, and my L. Privy Seal, as good as we can devise. My L. of Cant. and al his Bishops have given their opinion, and come in to us, save Salisbury, who yet continueth a leud fool. Finally, al in England have cause to thank God, and most heartily to rejoyce of the Kings most godly procedings.

Without any name subscribed.

NUM. XXVII. The Solution of some Bishop to certain Questions about the Sacra∣ments.

The King's Ani∣madversions,* 1.31 of his own hand.	The Questions.	The Answers.
Why then should we cal them so?	1. What a Sa∣crament is?	1. Scripture useth the word, but it defineth it not.
2. What a Sa∣crament is by the antient Au∣thors?	2. In them is found no per∣fect definition, but a general Declaration of the word, as a token of a holy thing.
	3. How many Sa∣craments be there by the Scripture?	3. So named onely Matri∣mony: in effect moo: and at the least seven, as we find the Scripture expounded.
Why these Seven to have the name, more than al the rest?	4. How many Sa∣craments be there by the antient Au∣thors?	4. Authors use the word Sacrament to signify any My∣stery in the old or new Testa∣ment: But especially be no∣ted Baptism, Eucharist, Ma∣trimony, Chrism, Impositio ma∣nuum, Ordo. [Here is omitted Penance.]

Then why hath theChurch so long erred, to take upon them so to name them?	5. Whether this word Sacrament be, and ought to be, at∣tribute to the Se∣ven only?	5. The word bycause it is general is attribute to other than the Seven. But whether it ought especially to be ap∣plied to the Seven only, God knoweth, and hath not fully revealed it so as it hath been received.
Whether the Se∣ven Sacraments be found in any of the old Authors, or not?	The thing of al is found, but not named al Sacraments, as afore.
	6. Whether the de∣terminate number of seven Sacraments be a doctrin either of the scripture, or the old Authors; and so to be taught?	6. The doctrine of Scri∣pture is to teach the thing, without numbring, or naming the name Sacrament, saving only Matrimony.Old Authors number not precisely. Twelve Articles of the Faith not numbred in Scripture, ne Ten Command∣ments, but rather one, Dile∣ctio, Seven petitions, Seven Deadly sinns.
* Then Pe∣nance is chan∣ged to a new term, i. e. Abso∣lution. Of Pe∣nance I read, that without it, we cannot be sa∣ved after re∣lapse: but not so of Absoluti∣on. And Pe∣nance to sinners is commanded, but Absolution, yea, in open crimes, is left free to the Ask∣ers. † Laying of hands, being an old ceremony of the Church, is but a small proof of Con∣firmation.	7. What is found in scripture of the matter, nature, effect, and vertue of such as we cal the seven Sa∣craments. So although the name be not in Scripture, yet whe∣ther the thing be in Scripture, or no, and in what wise spoken.	7. First of Baptism mani∣festly Scripture speaketh. Se∣condly, Of the holy commu∣nion manifestly. Thirdly, Of Matrimony manifestly. 4. Of Absolution * manifestly. 5. Of Bishops, Priests and Deacons ordered per impositionem ma∣nuum cum Oratione expresly. 6. Laying † of the Hands of the Bp. after Baptism, which is a part of that is done in Confirmation, is grounded in Scripture. 7. Unction of the sick and prayer is grounded on scripture.

This answer is not direct: and yet it pro∣veth nother of the two poynts to be grounded in scripture.	8. Whether Con∣firmation cum Chris∣mate of them that be baptized be found in Scripture?	8. The thing of Confirma∣tion is found in scripture, though the name Confirmation is not there.
Of Chrisma Scripture speak∣eth not expressly, but it hath been had in high veneration, and observed since the begin∣ning.
	9. Whether the A∣postles lacking higher power, and not ha∣ving a Christen King among them, made Bishops by that neces∣sity, or by authority given them of God?	9. The calling, naming, appointment and preferment of one before another to be Bishop or Priest, had a neces∣sity to be done in that sort, a Prince wanting.
	The Ordering appeareth taught by the holy Ghost in the Scripture per manuum im∣positionem cum oratione.
	10. Whether Bps, or Priests were first: And if the Priests were first, then the Priest made the Bi∣shop?	10. Bishops, or not after.
	11. Whether a Bi∣shop hath authority to make a Priest by the Scripture, or no: And whether any o∣ther, but only a Bp. may make a Priest, or no?	11. Scripture warranteth a Bp. (obeying high powers as the Prince christianed) to or∣der a Priest per manuum impo∣sitionem cum oratione. And so it hath been from the begin∣ning: of others scripture speaketh not.
	12. Whether in the N. Testament be re∣quired any Consecra∣tion of a Bp. or Priest, or only appointing to the office be suffici∣ent?	12. Manuum Impositio cum oratione is required. Which is a Consecration. So as only Appointing is not sufficient.
	13. Whether if it fortune a Prince Chri••stian learned, to con∣quer certain Domi∣nions of Infidels, ha∣ving none but tempo∣ral learned men with him, it be defended by Gods law, that he and they may preach and teach the Word of God there, or no; and also make and in∣stitute Priests, or no?	13. It is to be thought, that God in such cases, assist∣ing the perfection of such an enterprize, would sometime teach and inspire the Con∣science of such a Prince, what he should and might do, more then is yet openly taught by the Scripture. Which in that case were a good warrant to follow. For a secret Vocati∣on supplieth where an open wanteth.

	A reason: Necessity, in things absolutely necessary, containeth in it order, law and authority.
	14. Whether it be forefended by Gods law, that if it so for∣tuned, that al the Bi∣shops and Priests of a realm were dead, and that the Word of God should remain there unpreached, the Sa∣crament of Baptism, and others, unmini∣stred, that the King of that Region should make Bps and Priests to supply the same, or no?	14. This Question is with∣out the compas of Scripture.
	Since the beginning of Christs church when Christ himself made distinction of Ministers, the order hath a de∣termination from one to ano∣ther per manuum impositionem cum oratione. How it should begin again of another fashi∣on, where it faileth by a case, Scripture telleth not, ne Do∣ctors write of it, that I have read.
	15. Whether a man be bound by autho∣rity of this Scripture Quorum remiseritis, &c. and such like, to confes his secret dead∣ly sins to a Priest, if he may have him, or no?	15. Bound ordinarily.
	16. Whether a Bp. or a Priest may ex∣communicate?	16. They may, being be∣fore of their Prince authori∣zed to minister.
	For what crime?	For open, public, deadly sins.
	And whether only by Gods Law.	Of Excommunication by others we read not in the new Testament.
	17. Whether Un∣ction of the sick with oyl to remit venial sins, as it is now used, be spoken of in the Scripture, or in any ancient authors.	17. The thing is in Scri∣pture, and in antient Authors, according wherunto the use should be.

How it is indeed used is a matter of fact, and not of learning.

NUM. XXVIII. The judgment of another Bishop upon the aforesaid Questions.

* 1.32I. TO the first, Scripture sheweth not what it is, but useth the word Sacramentum in Latin for the word Mysterium in Greek.

II. Sacrament by the Authors is, Sacrae rei Signum, or Visibile Signa∣culum, Sacrosanctum Signaculum. Visibile Verbum, Visibilis forma invisi∣bilis gratiae; and perfect definition we find none.

III. In Scripture we find no determine number of Sacraments.

IV. There be very many in the most general signification: and there is no precise or determinate number of Sacraments in the ancient au∣thors.

* 1.33V. Not only to the Seven, but to many mo. We find in old Au∣thors Matrimony, holy Communion, Baptism, Confirmation, Or∣der, Penance and extreme Unction. It is doubted of the number of Sacraments.

VI. As touching the determine number of Seven only, we find nei∣ther in the Scripture, ne antient authors, any such doctrine, that should be seven only.

VII. Of Baptism Scripture speaketh, that by it sins be remitted. Of Eucharistia, that we be united by it to Christ, and receive spiritual nourishment to the comfort of our souls, and remission of our sins. Of Matrimony, that the act of it is made lawful, and without sin; and Grace given wherby to direct ordinately the lusts and appetites of the flesh. Of Penance, that by it we be restored again to the favor of God, from which we did fal by sin. Of Orders, that by it Grace is given to Ministers effectually in preaching of the word of God,* 1.34 and Ministration of the Sacraments. Of Confirmation, which is con∣tained in Scripture,* 1.35 speaking De impositione manuum post baptisma, it appeareth by Scripture how therby encrease of grace is given. Of In∣unction of the sick,* 1.36 Scripture speaks, that by Unction of the sick, and prayer of the Priests, comfort is given to sick, and sins be forgi∣ven him.

* 1.37VIII. Impositionem manuum post Baptisma, which we cal Confirmation, we read in the Scripture. But that it was done Chrismate, we find not in the scripture expressed. But in the old Authors we find, that Chrisma hath been used in the same Confirmation.

* 1.38IX. Making of Bps hath two parts. Appointment and Ordering * 1.39 Appointment; which the Apostles by necessity made by common ele∣ction, and sometime by their own several assignment, could not then

be done by Christen Princes. Because at that time they were not. And now at these dayes appertaineth to Christen Princes and Rulers * 1.40. But in the ordering, wherin Grace is conferred (as afore) the Apostles did follow the rule taught by the holy Ghost, Per manuum impositionem cum Oratione, & jeju••io † 1.41

X. Christ made the Apostles first; which were of his making both Priests and Bps. But whether at one time some doubt.* 1.42 After that the Apostles made both Bps. and Priests. The names whereof in the Scri∣pture be confounded.

XI. A Bp. having authority of the Christen Prince to give orders,* 1.43 may by his ministery given to him of God in Scripture ordain a Priest. And we read not, that any other, not being a Bp., hath since the begin∣ning of Christs church ordained a Priest.

XII. Onely Appointment is not sufficient, but Consecration;* 1.44 that is to say, Imposition of hands with fasting and prayer is also required. For so the Apostles used to order them that were appointed: and so have been used continually; and we have not read the contrary.

XIII. In that necessity, the Prince and his learned men should preach and teach the word of God, and baptize. But as for making and constituting Priests, the Prince shal and may then do, as God shal then by inspiration teach him. Which God hath promised to do alwayes to his Church, in reveling and teaching every necessary knowledg, where any doubt requiring discussion doth arise.

XIV. The answer to the other Question next before dissolveth this.

XV. He that knoweth himself guilty of any secret deadly sins,* 1.45 must, if he will obtain the benefit of Absolution ministred by the Priest, confes the same secret sins unto him.

• ...
  Absolution to be ministred by a Priest▪ if a convenient Priest may be had, is necessary.
  • ...York.
  • ...Duresm.
  • ...Carelyl.
  • ...Corwen.
  • ...Simon.
  • ...Ogelthorp.
  • ...Eggeworth.
  • ...Day.
  • ...Redman.
  • ...Robynson.
  • ...Wynchestre.
  Absolution by a Priest is the surest way, if he may be conveniently had.
  • ...Cant.
  • ...Hereford.
  • ...Rochestre
  • ...Davye.
  • ...Westminst.
  • ...Layton.
  • ...Tresham.
  • ...Cocks.
  • ...Crayford.

XVI. Bps and Priests, authorized by the Prince,* 1.46 may excommuni∣cate by Gods Law, for public and open crimes. But that others then Bps and Priests may excommunicate, we have not read in scripture. Some Schoolmen say, that other, then Priests or Bps., deputed ther∣unto by the Church, may excommunicate. Because it is an Act ju∣risdictionis, and not ordinis.

XVII. We find it spoken of in Scripture and in old Authors.* 1.47

NUM. XXIX. Archbishop Cranmer to Osiander concerning some abuses in Matri∣mony among the Germans.

Doctissimo D. Andreae Osiandro, Concionatori Norenburgensi.

* 1.48SAlve plurimum. Vix tribus abhinc diebus elapsis, Osiander dilectis∣sime, literas ad te scriptitabam, quas per subitum & sestinatum Tabellarij discessum coactus sum abbreviare. Imo abrumpere plane, praetermisso eo, quod & tunc quam maxime scriptum volui, & nunc otij plusculum nactus, nescio quam nervosè, verbosè certe decrevi pertractare. Res est, ut mihi quidem videtur, non parva, neque leni∣ter animadvertenda, ut quae ad omnium Evangelicam veritatem profi∣tentium sugillationem, ne dicam ignominiam, & culpam manifestè pertineat. Proinde te rogo, ut & scriptum hoc meum legas attentè, & tuum vicissim responsum super eo conficias accuratè, maturéque re∣mittas, quo habeam tandem quod respondeam ijs, qui me interrogant. Nosti enim, opinor, ut soleant homines hic omnium quae istic gerun∣tur, a me rationem exigere: alij quidem bono animo, & communis Evangelicae causae studio soliciti, nequid a vobis fieret, secus quam oporteret. Alijs autem malus est animus, mala mens. Nihil magis cupiunt, aut captant, quam ut justam aliquam, vos & vestra facta dictave reprehendendi, ansam undecúnque apprehendant; & gaudent si mihi in os subinde talia possint objicere. Quibus duobus inter se diversis homi∣num generibus respondeo Ego persaepe, quae vel ipse comminisci possum, vel quae ex scriptis vestris, sive in publicum emissis, sive ad me privatim missis, possimcolligere. Incidunt tamen persaepe nonnulla, quae nec negare possum, nec absque rubore fateri, quae denique quo pacto a vobis honestè aut pie fieri doceantur, rationem ullam saltem excogitare sufficientem nequeo. Nam ut interim de Usuris taceam, a vobis aut vestrum certe non∣nullis, ut apparet, approbatis, déque eo quod Magnatum filijs concubinas habendas permittitis, (videlicet ne per nuptias legitimas hereditates dispergantur) qui Concubinatum in Sacerdotibus tantopere aversati estis: quid poterit a Vobis in excusationem allegari pro eo, quod per∣mittitis, a divortio, utroque conjuge vivo, novas nuptias coire, & quod adhuc deterius est, etiam absque divortio uni plures permittitis uxores. Id quod & tute, si recte memini, in quibusdam tuis ad me literis apud vos factum disertè expressisti, addens Philippum ipsum sponsalibus po∣sterioribus, ut paranymphum credo atque auspicem, interfuisse.

Quae ambo, tum ipsius conjugij rationi, quae non duo, sed unam car∣nem facit, tum etiam scripturis sunt expresse & manifeste contraria. Ut patet Matth. 19. Marc. 10. Luc. 16. Ro. 7. 1 Cor. 7. Quibus locis perspicuum fit ex Apostolorum, atque adeo Christi ipsius institutione, unum uni debere matrimonio conjungi, nec posse sic conjunctos postea, nisi interveniente morte alterutrius, denuo contrahere. Quod si respon∣deritis, hoc intelligi excepta causa fornicationis: An Uxoris adulteri∣um fuerit causa quur Philippus marito permiserit aliam superducere, vos melius nostis. Quod si fuerit, tunc objiciemus, ab ineunte hu∣cusque

ecclesia (cujus exemplis oportet scripturarum interpretationes conformari) nunquam quod scimus hoc sic suisse acceptum. Augu∣stinus, quid ipse de hoc senserit, imo quid ecclesia ante ipsum, & usque ad ipsum, clare docet, li. de adulterinis conjugijs, ad Pollentium. Quid igitur ad haec dicetis, Libenter vellem audire abs te quidem, si & ipse in eadem cum caeteris es sententia. Sin minus, per te saltem vellem cognoscere quid ab illis exploraveris ad talia responsum iri. Nam cum eorum nonnulli, ut audio, statuta nostra Parlamentaria censorie nimis, ac superciliosè: condempnent, quorum tamen gravissimas, justissimas∣que causas ac rationes ignorant, mirum est quod interim ipsi non ad∣vertant apud ipsos plurima designari, quae optimis atque gravissimis vi∣ris jure optimo displiceant. Scire atque aveo, an ista tanquam hone∣sta, & promiscue quibusvis Licita, ac Evangelicae veritati non repug∣nantia defendant: An secundum indulgentiam (ut dixit Apostolus) ad ea, dum à quibusdam fiunt, connivent, nequid gravius contingat, non idem omnibus itidémque permissuri. Illud prius, haud equidem credo illos esse facturos, nisi legis Machometanae potius quam Christianae assertores videri voluerint. Posterius hoc si faciunt, videant quomodo permittant, quae Christus, Apostoli, Evangelistae, atque adeo totius ecclesiae consensus districte ab initio, hu•• usque prohibuit.

Quod si fortè dixerint, ea jam quoque tolerari posse, eo quod ante Christum natum fuerunt, vel approbata vel tolerata; tunc enimvero causam nobis reddant, cur non & caetera toleremus, qu••cunque tunc legimus pari jure usitata; aut definiant quaenam hujus generis, aut qua∣tenus erunt admittenda. Nam in Veteri Testamento expressum habe∣mus olim patrem concubuisse cum filiabus, ut Loth, Socerum cum nu∣ru, ut Iudam, patrem familias, nempe Abraham, cum ancilla pellice, conscia uxore, atque etiam id ultro suadente, nempe Sara, eundem ipsum uxorem suam, adhuc juvenculam, ac formosam, sororem nomi∣nasse, eámque Regibus, Pharaoni & Abimelech, ultro in concubitum per∣misisse. Praeterea, unum saepe hominem plures habuisse uxores, ut Ia∣cob & Mosen ipsum, legis latorem a Deo constitutum. Postremò, Prin∣cipes multos, eosque nec illaudatos, praeter uxorum numerosa contu∣bernia, Concub narum etiam greges aluisse: ut Davidem, Solomo∣nem, &c. Nec Assuero vitio datur, quod singulis paene noctibus concu∣binam novam asciverit. Et Hester foemina Laudatissima, utpote quam ad Salutem populi sui Deus excitavir, quum esset Iudaea, & legi Mosai∣cae obnoxia, Assueri Regis cubiculum ante nuptias intravit. Quid plu∣ribus opus, quum gravissimi autores Ambrosius & Augustimus, disertis verbis affirment, hic Poligamiam, ille concubinatum, peccato tum caruisse, quando nec contra morem, nec contra praeceptum fierent, quae nunc & legibus & moribus pronuntiant esse contraria. Talia, in∣quam, constat apud Veteres fuisse usitata, nec a bonis quidem viris tunc temporis improbata. Quae vel omnia probabunt novi isti homi∣nes, & rerum novarum intro ductores, vel aliqua, vel nulla. Quod si Nulla dicant nobis, cur ista admiserunt? Si Aliqua, quur non & reliqua? Et praescribant nobis regulam, qua sciamus, quae sunt admittenda, quae vero rejicienda. Si Omnia (in qua sententia videtur esse Bucerus) quaeso te, qualem verum faciem, quantumque a priore mutatam in ecclesia Videbimus? Quam erunt confusa, inversa atque praepostera omnia? Sed adhuc proprius urgebimus eos, interrogabimusque: An

non tantum quae sub lege facta sunt, sed etiam quae ante legem, & an non tantum, quae a Iudaeis, sed & quae a Gentibus fuerint usitata, velu∣ti jure postliminij, ad exemplum revocabunt? Etsi illa tantum quur non haec aeque atque illa? Presertim quae a Sanctioribus & Sapientiori∣bus viris, ut Socrate, Platone, Cicerone, &c. fuerint vel facta, vel appro∣bata. Quod si utraque concedent, concedant & nobis Britannis, more majorum nostrorum, denas, duodenasque uxores habere insimul com∣munes, & maximè fratres cum ••ratribus, parentes cum liberis. Quod aliquando in hac insula usitatum fuisse Caesar, non ignobilis author, te∣statur in Commentarijs. Concedant foeminis Christianis, quod Solon suis Atheniensibus concesserat, ut quae viros parum ad rem Veneream idoneos sortita•• fuissent, aliquem ex mariti propinquis impune admit∣terent. Concedunt quod Lycurgus coneessit Viris Lacedaemonijs, ut qui minus esset ad procreandam prolem idoneus, alteri cui vellet suam conjugem impregnandam daret, & prolem precariò sibi natam ut pro∣priam suo nomine nuncuparet. Aut denique quod Romanorum legibus permissum erat, ut qui satis liberorum procreasse••, uxorem suam alteri commodaret prolem desideranti. Id quod & Cato vir gravissimus, sa∣pientissimusque habitus, Hortentio amico suo legitur fecisse. Talia cum probata fuerint antiquitus viris sapientissimis, ac Philosophorum legumque latorum optimis & sanctissimis, ut Platoni, Xenophonti, Ca∣toni, &c. quum eadem fuerint moribus recepta Hebraeorum, Graecorum, Latinorum (quorum populorum Respublicas & Politeias constat opti∣mè fuisse constitutas, & ab omnibus scriptoribus maximè celebratas) age, faciamus, & nos, si deo placet, similia, & Christianis fratribus permittamus facienda. Imo Christus Opt. Max. tam foeda, tamque in∣cestuosa connubiorum portenta a sua sancta ecclesia dignetur avertere, nunc & in diem Domini, Amen.

Haec Ego ad te potissimum, Charissime Osiander, in presentia scri∣benda duxi propter eam, quae inter nos est, & jam diu fuit, summam ne∣cessitudinem & familiaritatem, quamvis putem, atque adeo certo sciam, te ab hujusmodi tam absurdis & moribus & opinionibus quàm alienis∣simum esse. Cum caeteris Vestratibus Doctoribus levior & minus arcta michi intercedit amicitia, cujus ipsius quoque fateor me multum paeniteret, si scirem hos esse fructus novi Evangelij ab ipsis tantopere jactitati, & a vobis quoque hactenus, ut putabamus, non temere ali∣qua ex parte probati. Bene vale. Dat Lambeth xxvij mo. Decembr.

Tui Amantissimus, T. Cantuarien.

NUM. XXX. The French Kings Licence to print the English Bible in Paris.

FRanciscus, &c. Dilectis nobis Richardo Grafton & Edwardo Whit∣church,* 1.49 Anglis, & Civibus Londini, Salutem. Quia fide digna te∣stimonia accepimus, quod carissimus frater noster Anglorum Rex,

Vobis cujus Subditi estis Sacram Bibliam tam Latinè quam Britannicè sive Anglicè imprimendi, & imprimi curandi, & in suum regnum ap∣portandi & transferendi, libertatem sufficientem & legitimam concesse∣rit: Et Vos, tum propter chartam, tum propter alias honestas consi∣derationes, animos vestros in hac parte justè moventes, dictam Bibliam sic imprimendam Parisijs infra hoc nostrum regnum curaveritis, ac in Angliam quamprimum transmittere intenderitis: NOS, ut haec vobis facere liceat potestatem facientes, vobis conjunctim & divisim, ac Pro∣curatoribus, Factoribus, & Agentibus vestris & cujuslibet vestrum, ut in regno nostro apud Chalcographum quemcúnque dictam Sacram Bibliam, tam Latina quam Anglicana lingua, tuto imprimere, & excu∣dere possitis, & possint: necnon excusa & impressa in Angliam dunta∣xat sine ulla perturbatione aut molestia vel impedimento quocúnque, transmittere & apportare: Dummodo quod sic imprimitis & excu∣ditis, sincerè & purè, quantum in Vobis erit, citra ullas privatas aut illegitimas opiniones, impressum & excusum fuerit: Et onera ac offi∣cia mercatoria nobis & ministris nostris, debite in hac parte extiterint persoluta; licentiam nostram impartimur & concedimus specialem per praesentes. Dat. &c.

NUM. XXXI. Three Discourses of ABp. Cranmer, occasioned upon his review of the Kings Book, intitled, The Erudition of a Chri∣stian man.

I. FAITH.

THIS Book speaks of pure Christian Faith unfeigned, which is without colour, as wel in heart as in mouth. He,* 1.50 that hath this Faith, converteth from his sin, repenteth him, that he like Fi∣lius prodigus, vainly consumed his Wil, Reason, Wits and other goods, which he received of the mere benefit of his heavenly father, to his said Fathers displesure: and applyeth himself wholy to pleas him again: and trusteth assuredly, that for Christs sake he wil, and doth remit his sins, withdraweth his indignation, delivereth him from his sin, from the power of the Infernal spirits, taketh him to his mer∣cy, and maketh him his own son, and his own heire. And he hath also the very Christian Hope, that after this life he shal reign ever with Christ in his kingdome. For S. Paul saith, Si filij sumus, & haeredes, haeredes quidem Dei, cohaeredes autem Christi. This is the very pure Chri∣stian Faith and Hope, which every good Christian man ought to pro∣fess, Believe, and Trust: and to say of himself even as Iob said, Scio quod Redemptor meus vivit, &c.

And as for the other Faith, that the Good shal arise unto Glory, and the evil unto pain, or, that those that persevere in Gods precepts and laws, so long as they so do, they be the right Inheritors of his king∣dom,

this is not the commendation of a Christian his Faith, but a most certain proposition, which al the Devils believe most certainly. And yet they shal never have their sins forgiven by this Faith, nor be Inheritors of Gods kingdom. Because they lack the very Christian Faith: and not trusting to the goodness and mercy of God for their own offences. But they hate God, envy his glory, and be utterly in dispair.

For the more large Declaration of the Christian Faith, it is to be considered, that there is a general Faith; which al that be christned, as wel good as evil, have. As to believe that God is; that he is the Maker and Creator of al things: and that Christ is the Savior and Redeemer of the world: and for his sake al penitent sinners shal have remission of their sins: And that there shal be a general resurrection at the end of this mortal World; At the which Christ shal judge al the Good to joy without end, and the Evil to pain without end; with such other like thyngs. And al these things the Devils also believe, and tremble for fear and grievousnes of Gods indignation and torments, which they shal endure, and ever shal do. But they have not the right christen Faith, that their own sins by Christs redemption be pardoned and forgiven; that themselves by Christ be delivered from Gods wrath, and be made his beloved children, and heires of his kingdom to come. The other Faith have al Devils and wicked christen people, that be his Members. But this pure christen Faith have none but those that truly belong to Christ, and be the very Members of his body, and endea∣vor themselves to persevere in his precepts and lawes: altho many pre∣tend to have the same pure Faith, which nevertheles have it not, but only in their mouths. For as there is a ly in the mouth, and a ly in the heart; even so there is a faith in the mouth, and a faith in the heart. Examine every man, if he Trust in God, and Love God above al things. And in word he wil answer, Yea. But examine every mans acts and deeds, and surely in a great number their acts and deeds condemn their words. For they walk after their own Wills and ple∣sures, and not after Gods commandments. And Christ himself saith, Qui diligit me, mandata mea servat. And S. Iohn saith, Qui dicit se nosse deum, & mandata ejus non custodit, mendax est. And therfore al those, that bridle not their own appetites, but follow them, and accom∣plish the wil of their own carnal minds, they trust in God, and trust God no further, then the lips. And if they persuade themselves, that they trust in God, and love God in their hearts, and be of any estima∣tion before God, then be they much deceived; and as S. Paul saith, they deceive their own hearts. Our own flesh and carnal mind is contra∣ry to the Spirit, and motion of God. And they, saith S. Paul, that belong unto Christ, do crucify their flesh with the affections and lusts therof. And contrary he saith, They that follow the lusts of the flesh shal not inhe∣rit the kingdom of God. These be very notable, and fearful sentences unto al such as be not repentant, but live after their own wills, and not after Gods wil: neither have the right faith, nor Love unto God, nor shal be inheriters of his kingdom. And though Christ hath payd a sufficient ransome for al the sins in the World, and is a sufficient Re∣deemer and Saviour of al the World; yet shal they have no part ther∣of.

For they belong not unto Christ, and Christ utterly refuseth them for his, which have Faith and Love only in their mouths, and have not the same engraven in their hearts, and expressed in their actions and deeds.

And so he goes on more largely to illustrate this argument of the necessity of more than a mere faith in the mouth. Afterwards the Discourse thus procedes.

If as treacle, kept only in the mouth, doth not remedy poyson in the whole body; but the treacle must enter down into the body; and then it altereth the whole body, and expells al venome and poyson: In like maner, he whose profession of his faith is only in his mouth, and altereth not his evil life, is not forgiven his sins; is not delivered from hel, nor from the power of Devils; is not made the son of God: but continueth stil in his poyson of sin, in the wrath and indignation of God, and in the damnation of the wicked in hell.

But if the profession of our faith of the remission of our own sinns, enter within unto the deepness of our hearts, then it must needs kindle a warm fire of Love in our hearts towards God, and towards all others for the love of God; a fervent mind to seek and procure Gods honor, wil and pleasure in al things; a good wil and mind to help every man, and to do good unto them so far, as our Might, Wisdome, Learning, Counsil, Health, Strength, and al other gifts, which we have received of God, wil extend: And in summa, a firm intent and purpose to do al that is good, and leave al that is evil. This is the very right, pure, perfect, lovely, christian, hearty, and justifying Faith, which work∣eth by Love, as S. Paul saith, and suffereth no venome or poyson of sin to remain within the heart: (Acts 15. Fide Deus purificans corda.) But gendreth in the heart a hatred unto al sin, and makes a sinner clean a new man; and is the Faith which every christen man ought to pro∣fess in his Creed. And of this Faith runneth al our Paraphrasis upon the same. For as for the other fained, pretended, hypocritical and adul∣terate Faith in the mouth, it is but only a painted visor before men▪ but before God it is hollow within, dead, rotten, and nothing worth.

II. JUSTIFICATION.

AND for a further Declaration, to know how we obtain our Ju∣stification, it is expedient to consider first, how naughty and sinful we are al, that be of Adam's kindred: and contrariwise, what Mercifulnes is in God, which to al faithful and penitent sinners, par∣doneth al their offences for Christs sake. Of these two things no man is lightly ignorant, that ever hath heard of the fal of Adam, which was to the infection of al his posterity: and again, of the inexplicable mercy of our heavenly father, which sent his only begotten Son to suffer his most grievous passion for us, and shed his most precious blood, the price of our Redemption. But it is greatly to be wished and desired, that as al Christen men do know the same, so that every man might acknowledg himself a miserable sinner, not worthy to be called his son; and yet surely trust, that to him being repentant Gods mercy is ready to forgive. And he that seeth not these two things ve∣rified

in himself, can take no maner of emolument or profit, by know∣ledging and believing the said things to be verified in others. But we cannot satisfy our minds, settle our conscience, that these things be true, saving that we do evidently see, that Gods word so teacheth us. The Commandments of God lay our faults before our eyen; which putteth us in fear and dread, and maketh us se the wrath of God against our sins. As S. Paul saith, Per legem agnitio peccati. Et, Lex iram operatur. And maketh us sorry and repentant, that ever we should come into the displeasure of God, and the captivity of the Devil.

The gracious and benign promises of God, by the mediation of Christ, showeth us, and that to our great relief and comfort, when∣soever we be repentant and return fully to God in our hearts, that we have forgiveness of our sins, be reconciled to God, and be accepted and reputed just and righteous in his sight, only by his grace and mercy, which he doth grant and give unto us for his dearly beloved Sons sake, Jesus Christ, who payd a sufficient ransome for our sins; whose bloud doth wash away the same; whose bitter and grievous passion is the only pacifying oblation, that putteth away from us the wrath of God his Father: Whose sanctified body, offered on the Cross, is the only Sacrifice of sweet and pleasant Savour, as S. Paul saith; that is to say, of such sweetnes and pleasantnes to the Father, that for the same he accepteth and reputeth of like sweetnes al them, that the same offer∣ing doth serve for. These benefits of God with innumerable others, whosoever extendeth and wel pondereth in his heart, and therby con∣ceiveth a firm trust and feeling of Gods mercy, wherof springeth in his heart a warm love, fervent heat of zeal towards God: It is not possible, but that he shal fal to work, and be ready to the performance of al such works, as he knoweth to be acceptable unto God.

And these works only, which follow Justification, do please God; forasmuch as they procede from a heart endued with pure faith and love to God. But the works which we do before our Justification, be not allowed and accepted before God, although they appear never so great and glorious in the sight of men. For after our Justification only begin we to work, as the law of God requireth: then we shal do al good works willingly, although not so exactly as the Law requireth, by means of the infirmity of the flesh, nevertheles by the merits and benefits of Christ, we being sorry, that we cannot do al things no more exquisitely and duely, al our Works shalbe accepted and taken of God as most exquisite, pure and perfect. Now they that think they may come to Justification by performance of the Law, by their own deeds and merits, or by any other means, than is above rehearsed, they go from Christ, they renounce his grace. Evacuati estis a Christo, saith S. Paul, Gal. 5. Quicunque in lege justificamini; a gratia excidistis. They be not partakers of his justice, that he hath procured, or the merciful benefits that be given by him. For S. Paul saith, (a general rule for al them, that will seek such by-paths to obtain Justification,) Those, saith he, that wil not knowledg the justice, or righteousnes, which cometh by God, but go about to avaunce their own righteousnes, shal never come to that righteousnes, which we have by God, which is the righteousnes of Christ. By whom only al the Saints in Heaven, and al others that have been saved, have been reputed righteous, and

justified. So that to Christ our only Savior and Redeemer, of whose Righteousnes both their, and our Justification doth depend, is to be transcribed al the glory therof.

III. FORGIVENES of Injuries.

THese two may stand both wel together: that we as private per∣sons may forgive al such as have trespassed against us with al our heart, and yet that the public ministers of God may se a redres of the same trespasses that we have forgiven. For my forgivenes con∣cerns only mine own person, but I cannot forgive the punishment and correction, that by Gods ordinance is to be ministred by the superior power. For in so much as the same trespas, which I do forgive, may be the maintenance of vice, not only of the offendor, but also of others taking evil example therby, it lyes not in me to forgive the same. For so should I enterprize in the office of another, which by the ordinance of God be deputed to the same. Yea, and that such justice may be ministred to the abolishment of vice and sin, I may, yea and rather, as the cause shal require, I am bound to make relation to the superior powers, of the enormities and trespasses, done to me and others: and being sorry, that I should have cause so to do, seek the reforma∣tion of such evil doers, not as desirous of vengeance, but of the amend∣ment of their Lives. And yet I may not the more cruelly persecute the matter, because the offence is peradventure done towards me: but I am to handle it as if it were done to any other, only for the use of the extirpation of sin, the maintenance of justice and quietnes: Which may right wel stand with the ferventnes of charity, as the Scripture te∣stifieth. Non oderis fratrem tuum in corde tuo, sed publicè argue eum, ne habeas super illo peccatum. Levit 19. So that this may stand with cha∣rity, and also the forgiveness that Christ requireth of every one of us.

And yet in this doing, I must forgive him with al my heart, as much as lyes in mee; I must be sorry, that sin should have so much rule in him; I must pray to God to give him repentance for his misdeeds; I must desire God, that for Christs sake he wil not impute the sin unto him, being truly repentant, and so to strengthen him in grace, that he fal not again so dangerously. I think I were no true christen man, if I should not thus do. And what other thing is this, than as much as lyeth in me, with al my heart to remit the trespas? But I may by the Lawes require al that is due unto me by right. And as for the punish∣ment and correction, it is not in my power to enterprize therin: but that only belongeth to the superior powers, to whom, if the grievous∣nes of the cause shal require by the Commandment, which willeth us to take away the evil from among us, we ought to shew the offences, and complain therof. For he would not that we should take away the evil, but after a just and lawful means, which is only, by the ordinance of God, to shew the same to the Superior Powers, that they may take an order in it, according to Gods judgment and justice.

NUM. XXXII. Other Discourses of Archbishop Cranmer.

I. De Consolatione Christianorum contra metum mortis. Ex Doctoribus Ecclesiasticis.

IF death of the body were to be feared, then theym, which have power to kil the body should we fear,* 1.51 lest they do their exercise over us, as they may at their pleasure. But our Saviour forbids us to fear them, because when they have killed the body, then they can do no more to us. Wherfore it is plain, that our Savior would not that we should fear death. To dy, saith S. Iohn Chrysostom, is to put off our old garments, and death is a pilgrimage of the spirit from the body: (He means, for a time) And a sleep, somewhat longer than the old custome. The fear of it, saith he, is nothing else, than the fear of Buggs, and a childish fear of that thing that cannot harm thee. Remember holy S. Ambrose's saying, which S. Augustin, lying on his death bed, ever had in his mouth, I do not fear to dy; for we have a good and merciful Lord and Master. Lactantius, the great learned man confirms the say∣ing of Cicero to be true, which said,

that no man can be right wise, which feareth death, pain, banishment or poverty: and that he is the honest and vertuous man, which not regardeth what he suffers, but how wel he doth suffer.

Sedulius, one of disciples, defineth death to be the gate, by the which lyeth the strait way unto reign and kingdom. Basilius, who as in name, so both in vertue and learning was great, thus he exhorteth us:

O! man, saith he, shrink not to withstand your Adversaries, to suffer labors; abhor not death▪ for it destroyes not, nor makes not an end of you, but it is the beginning and occasion of life. Nor death is the destruction of al things, but a departing, and a translation unto honors.

And S. Hierom, the strong and stout champion of Almighty God, saith, declaring this saying of holy Iob, the day of death is better than the day of birth;

that is, saith he, because other [either] that by death it is declared what we are, or else because our Birth doth bind our liberty of the soul with the bo∣dy, and death do loose it.

The holy Martyr Cyprian saith,

he ought to fear death, that would not, nor hath no lust to go to Christ: and that he hath no wil to God, the which believeth not, that by death, he shal begin to reign with Christ, as it is written, The right wise man liveth by faith. Wherfore, saith he, do not ask that the Kingdom of God may come, if this earthly bondage do delight us, &c.

With a great deal more: al upon allegations.

II. An Exhortation to take sicknes wel, and adversity patiently: drawn out of Cyprian.

THis misliketh some men, that disease of sicknes cometh to the Christen, no less then to the Heathen. As who should say, that therfore the Christian believeth, because he should be quiet from danger of Adversity, and might have the fruition of this world at his own pleasure: and not because that after he hath suffered adversity here, he shalbe reserved for the joy to come, &c.

III. An Exhortation to take the pain of sicknes patiently; Translated out of S. Augustin. Lib. 1. De Visitatione Infirmorum.

THou wilt say, I love God: God grant, saith S. Augustin, that it be so indeed as thou promisest in words. The proof and trial of the love of God is the fulfilling of his Commandments, the fulfil∣ling of his works, willingly to love that God loveth, with a fervent desire to embrace that, the which God worketh. Then if thou lovest God, thou lovest that that God doth, and if thou love that that God doth, then thou lovest Gods disciplin. When thou art chastened, thou lovest Gods rod. Thou art pained with the cough, the lungs fail∣eth thee: thy stomack abhorres his meat: thou pinest away with a Consumption: thou tastest not thy drink: thou art vexed within thy body: thou art grieved with many sundry and divers kinds of diseases. But al these, if thou have an eye to perceive, if thou reckon God, al these, I say, are the gifts of God. Son, cast not away the discipline of the Father. There is no child, which the Father doth not cor∣rect, &c.

NUM. XXXIII. Interrogatories for Dr. London.

WHether he commanded Serles upon Palm-Sunday Even,* 1.52 to write such Articles or Sermons, as had been preached in Kent: [by those of the New learning: Which Serles would have to be done by the Countenance of Cranmer.]

Whether Serles brought the Articles upon Palm-Sunday.

Whether he required Serles to go with him to the Councel, to pre∣sent the said Articles, or else to subscribe them with his hand. And Serles refused so to do, because they were not proved by Witnesses, but only by hear-say.

Whether he threatned Serles, because he would not set to his hand; notwithstanding that Serles knew them not, but by hear-say.

How Dr. London did find out Serles; and how long he had enquired for him before he could find him.

Whether in the presence of Serles Dr. London did pen the Articles anew, otherwise then they were presented.

Whether Serles said then to Dr. Willoughby, whom Dr. London had persuaded to go with him to the Councel; Beware what you do: for you shall never be able to prove of this sort, that Dr. London doth now pen them.

Whether beside the Book subscribed by divers Prebendaries and others of Cant. Dr. London made another great book of many more articles. Where that book is, and of whom he had his Instructions.

What matters he knew against the ABp. of Cant. or others in Kent, before Palm-Sunday last past, when he had Articles of Serles. And of whom he had such knowledg before the said day.

Dr. Willoughbies Confession and Submission; as to his medling in the ABp. of Canterburies busines, under his own hand.

HE declared, that he first met Serles at Dr. Londons house at Lon∣don, on Palm-Sunday, coming to London to speak with the Chamberlain of London. And then they opened the busines first to him. That he was not able to say any thing against any one person mentioned in these Articles, more then by hear-say. That he and Gardiner had been gathering of matter a quarter of a year before. That he knew nothing that they minded any thing towards his Grace, til he saw it in writing: By whom, and whose devise God, the Devil and they know; he knew nothing for his part. And that it was the most deceitful and disobedient country in the world. As concerning their preferment of their Articles at the Sessions, he knew nothing of that neither. Nor was in Kent at that time, nor knew of no Sessions, as God should be his help. Nor that he spake with any Justices of Peace in this matter; or that he was privy, that any of them did. That he told Mr. Moyle, and Mr. Thwaite [two eminent Justices] what Mr. Lon∣don said to him, that the Justices al would be shent, because they suf∣fered such preachings and contentions without doing any thing therin. That he only consented to bear the name of putting up of these mat∣ters [that is, of preferring the Articles to the Sessions.] He acknow∣ledged, that he said, he heard that it was in the Country in many pla∣ces: lying upon himself like a fool: and yet that he never came be∣fore the Councel, nor never minded. But to avoyd the suspition, he made much babling, bringing himself into much slander.

And for this doing he submitted himself to God, and my Lords Grace. That, by his Father, [a sort of oath] he had no dealing with Pettit; nor any other Lawyer, or did know what they did, as to in∣dictment, or any other thing thereunto belonging: nor ever reasoned with Pettit about any such matter. What effect or head they intend∣ed to bring this matter unto, God knoweth: Most likely to subdue his Graces power. That they had good hope to have had other Commis∣sioners, than his Lordship. So London promised them at the beginning, or else they would not have medled so much, as they did: and espe∣cially

against his Grace. That as concerning their authority, he su∣spected they took it of Londons presumption, seeing him go forward against such men of Worship [meaning the late Indictments of so many eminent persons at Winsor] and of the rigor in handling and fetching up of Persons.

Another Confession of Dr. Willoughby.

MR. Serles manitimes resorted home to me, and stil lay upon me to put up Articles that he and they should devise, because I was the Kings Graces Chaplain. Wherupon I granted, so they might be proveable and true. And so it fortuned in Passion week, He and I on Friday in the same week rode to London, and on Saturday he had be with Dr. London, and put up his Articles, (nothing to my knowledg, that he had any) and promising him, that he would put them up him∣self. And on Palm-Sunday in the morning he sent for me, and pray∣ed me to go with him to Mr. London: and so I did. And there (wo worth them both, London and Serles, who is ordained to cause much trouble) He told London that I would put up the articles: and so asked me the Question. And I bad him read them, for I never saw them before, nor knew whether they were true or false: and so I told him. And Serles said, ye know, it is openly spoken. And I said, though I hear such things, I am not sure they be true: and also here is no re∣cord to affirm them true: Which methink were row [rough] mat∣ter, knowing neither party nor record. And therfore seeing Serles hath put them to you, let him present them himself. Then Mr. Lon∣don said, I have shewed them to part of the Councel already: and chid sore with Serles, saying, that he would shew the truth, who brought them. Then said Dr. London to me, pu•• ye them up, knowing such shameful Articles presented here before your own face, it shal be hard for you to byde the danger hereof, knowing the Kings wil is to have it so. And also fear not; for I have set such a spectacle before you at Winsor, in bringing to light abominable heresies: at the which the Kings Majesty was astonied, and wondred, angry both with the doers and bearers. And therfore if ye shrink herein, ye shal shew your self not to be herein the Kings true subject. Therfore seeing ye be his Chaplain, ye did him never such service, as ye may do herein, to pre∣sent them for your discharge. For now ye shal not be rid of them, and ye would. [Having heard them read, and so being privy to them.]

And with this threatning and fear I was content. And so Dr. Lon∣don wrot them new, and added to them at his pleasure: wherwith both Serles and I were vexed. Meaning, as he said, to bring the mat∣ter into the Justices hond, and certain of the spiritualty; whose names Serles recited at his request: Saying to us, it would never be known to be our doing. And so was I fain to take the old Copy with me into Kent, to get them recorded. And he sent his Copy to my L. of Win∣chester. And so when I came down into Kent, remembring this Arti∣cle to be put up in my name, and neither had record, nor knew them

to be true, I came to the Prebend of Christschurch, and brought with me the Articles, being al of Serles hand, and gathering of him, and them among themselves: and bad me ask for one Salisbery that had the key of his chamber, for certain other writings, and copy al in one, and set their hands to them: and Mr. Gardiner to sign for himself, and Serles to boot. I could get neither writing nor sign. And so I went up again: and told London of it with a heavy heart. Then Mr. London told me, I should tel Mr. Moyle, that the Councel said to him▪ that the Justices of every shire should be shent, that such things should be, and not brought to knowledg. For if every Justice had done his duty, accord∣ing to the Kings Injunctions, such enormities need not to have been. And I told Mr. Moyle and Mr. Thwaites both, what I heard of London. Also Mr. London came to Mr. Moyles Lodging one day, and talked with him his mind, as may fortune he hath better in remembrance then I. But then I heard him tel Mr. Moyle, how he took up my L. of Cant. before the Councel. Then the next day I came to Mr. Moyle again; and because he heard, that the Councel should say so, and also had other Commandments for his discharge, sent certain letters to Mr. Thwaites, Mr. Walter Moyle, Mr. Green and Mr. Norton, to search out any Priest that lacked a crown with such Articles as the Country rumoured of. Wherupon each of them sent up some: And then the Prebendaries wrote up apace. And Mr. Moyle brought al that came to his hand to my L. of Cant. And therwith Mr. London was angry, and said he would mar al.

Then I went down into Kent again, and brought up the Articles, wherin was matter against my L. of Cant. and received them of Mr. Gardiner on Good-Friday or Easter-Even. Mr. Shether copied them again. Which Articles they prayed me to carry to my L. of Winche∣ster. And I kept it, and let Dr. London see it. And he caused me to send it down to be signed with the hands of them. And so I did, and kept the Copy. And then, when I had it signed, I kept it stil, til their coming. And they took it of me, and carried it to the Councel them∣selves. And Dr. London had a copy of them, or else before. And they told me, they had great comfort of my L. of Winchester, and of Mr. Baker both

Also Dr. London brought me by commandment of mine allegiance, to go with him to the Councel chamber door; meaning to have me in before the Councel. But he went in, and told them of my being there; giving me this lesson, that I should say.

My Lords al; It is so, that the Kings Majesty and his Honourable Council hath been at great charges, and taken great paines, to set a good and a godly way among us. And for al that, in Kent among us we have the most enormous heresies, that may be. And because I heard of this graci∣ous tydings, that his wil and pleasure is, that every man in pain of his Allegiance to bring in what he knoweth, or else hereafter we know, and would not speak it, our damage would be thence. And because of this, I come for my discharge to shew this.

But I came not in, nor spake with none: their busines was so much.

Also the next day after Dr. London carried me to my L. Privy Seals chamber, and the Articles with us. But he had no leisure to se them.

Also the next day after that I had been with my L. Privy Seal, Dr. London carried me to my L. of Winchester. And there he was carried in to my Lords secret chamber: and tarried there an hour, and had his Articles new copied with him. And in the next day, in the morning betimes, I went there to speak with my L. of Winchester my self. And I spake with him, and prayed him, that the Articles that Mr. London brought, should not be put up in my name, for I knew not the matter; but in the names of them that sent them. And he said, he would. And another time I came to my L. of Winchester, and brought a roll from Mr. London: and then I prayed him again, that he would not put them up in my name, and had him recommended from Mr. Gardiner, that he would be good Lord to him for a busines of for he had taken great paines in this matter. But he made me no promise. And also my L. of Winch. bad me not fear to do my duty. And the matter were not to be byde by, the doers should bear the blame, and not the presenter. It is al our duties to stand in such things, as are contrary to the Kings Injunctions.

And here is al that ever I did in this matter, as I can remember: and al the Council that ever I came before in this matter, or any other. But thus by the comforting in this matter of my L. of Winchester, and Dr. London's threatnings, have brought my self in great dangers with other mens matters Nothing of my self, that I can either se or prove, nor never did. But busied my self with other mens Articles: Yet had I never done it, and London had not been, that threat me to be no true subject. Wo worth them both, he and Serles: for by their false inventions I am shamed. If their Articles be false, punish the Inven∣tors with shame: for shameful matters, and many have been gather∣ed among them.

Also Mr. London commanding both Serles and me, that in ony wise wee should get as much matter as could be devised: for it would be the goodliest deed, and the most bounden duty to our Prince, that ever we did.

Also Mr. Shether sent his man to me on Sunday before Al-Solne day, bidding me in any wise not to be known of nothing: for that they had uttered nothing themselves. And that I should go to his brother Par∣son, and I should know more. But he was sworn not to write to me: but he had written to his brother al his mind; and of him I should knowal. For Mr. Dr. Cockes, and Mr. Hossy, as he thought, was sent to catch me. And therfore he sent his man to be afore. And if I did speak with them, I should say, that I received no letter, but of Cockson, which is dead. And this was but to bring me in danger, and skuse themselves. And if I come before the Councel, I will byde by al this: for it is true. But it is impossible for a man, to have eve∣ry day or time in remembrance, that hath been done or said in a year. But I put al to Gods grace, and the Kings, and to your Lordship.

Also, I asked Shethers man, whether he had been with my L. of Winch. since the coming down of my Lords Grace. And he said, Yea: and told my Lord, how al was handled here among us. And my L. of Winch. answered and said, My Lord of Cant. could not kil them. Ther∣fore suffer. For al was against himself that he did. And he should se, what would come of it.

Also, at the coming up of the Prebendaries to London, Mr. Shether put the Articles and Writings to Mr. Ford, that married his Sister; that he should write them. Which was a great book of two dayes la∣bour. What was the Contents therof I know not. I think al the whole Articles compiled together.

Also Mr. Dr. Thornton in the Ale [Alley] before my door in London, I desired him to speak to my L. of Cant. or some of his Officers, to instruct him, that I never put up Articles against any man in my life. And he bade me stick to it, and be not afraid. For he had spoken to the Councel his mind therin, as he was bound: and so be yee, being the Kings Chaplain: or else hereafter it would be laid to your charge.

By me Iohn Willughby.

Another Writing of Willoughby.

ABout Avent Mr. Serles preached at home with me at Chillam, and there he talked of his trouble: Saying, he had put up certain Articles to the Kings Majesty: And yet they were so cloaked, that his Grace never saw them. Whereupon at his return he was layd in prison. And so he lay upon me, and moved me, to put up such Articles, as he and his company should devise. Whereupon I granted, so they might be true and proveable. So I heard no more of this, til Passion-Sunday. For that day he preached with me again. At which time he told me, he would to London that week, and so to Oxford. And I promised to ride with him. And so I did, meaning no more of this matter, than the child unborn. Mine errand was to speak with the Chamberlain of London. So on Palm••Sunday in the morning, he sent his man for me to come meet him in Pauls. And so I did meet him there. And so he prayed me to go to Dr. London with him. Which man I never saw before, of my faith. But he had been with him the night before, and put up his Articles: promising him, that he would go on Monday in the Morning with him to the Court, and put them up before the Coun∣cel; as Mr. Lond. said before his face. And in the morning he was clean changed; saying to Mr. London, that there was one Willoughby, that came to the Town with him, which had promised him, that when∣soever we wil bring our Articles unto him, he wil present them. And so Dr. London told me, that Serles said so unto him; and here∣upon he moved me. And I desired to hear them: And so they were read unto me. Which things methought were but trifles. And I said, they were of no effect, to present before the Councel: and also neither knew, nor could affirm none of them to be true: Saying, let Serles put them up, that brought them hither. For here is no record to affirm none of these to be true. Then said Serles, ye know that al the Coun∣try doth speak of these. And I said, though I did hear part of them, yet I am not able to say, that one of them is true. And because ye know them perfect, and the doers of them, and have also brought them hither, it is most meet for you to answer to them. And then

Mr. London said, that he had shewed them to part of the Councel, and to my L. of Winchester. For I see the Copy that was sent to my Lord, was of Londons own hand. For he that copied them out before us, was a Gentleman of my L. Winchesters, or to him belonging, Mr. Lon∣dons Copy lying before him. This appeareth, that this matter was consulted before: Serles can tel what the man was; (and so cannot I,) that did write them. But as I now remember, it was German. [that is, German Gardner.]

By me Iohn Willoughby.

Gardiners penitent letter unto the Archbishop.

GEntle father. Whereas I have not born so good, so tender a heart towards you as a true child ought to bear, and as you never gave unto me occasion otherwise, but rather by benefits provoked me unto the contrary, I ask of you with as contrite a heart, as ever did David ask of God, mercy. And I desire you to remember the prodigal Child: Which although from his father swarving, yet into favour re∣ceived again, to receive me, although unkindly now by folly I did for∣sake you, and not born my heart so lovingly, so truly towards you, as in dutifulness I should have done. I am ful sorry for my fault. And yet, Good father, be you wel assured, as I opened my conscience unto you at my last communing with you, that I never did bear malice against you. But the greatest cause, that ever occupied my heart against you, and for the which I did bear my heart so little towards you, was, as God shall save the Soul of me, that I saw so little quiet∣ness among us, and so great jars in Christs religion: Supposing, that by your permission and sufferance, (which was not so, as I do now per∣ceive) That it did arise unto the great grief of my conscience. I con∣descended the sooner unto the making of the book against your Grace, when I was thereunto moved by that same suggester, Willoughby: Where and of whom he took occasion to bring his bills unto Canterbury, I know not. Good father, for my setting forth the same book, partly by me made, heartily confessing my rashness, and indeliberate doings, I ask of you mercy. Requiring of you, of your charity, to impute the great fault of it unto those, which ministred unto me occasion; and to remit unto me my lightnes. For of truth I was greatly seduced. Remember, Good father, that our Parent was seduced, and yet of God forgiven. Forgive me, Good father. By whom I was seduced, my Confession doth declare. And, Father, if it shall please you now, more of your goodness then of my deserving, (punishment and that sharp I have deserved) to forgive unto me this my fault and unkind∣ness: You shal never hereafter perceive in me, but that at al times I shal be as obedient, and as true unto you, as ever was child unto his natural father. If otherwise at any time you find of me, never trust me, never do for me; but utterly without al favor cast me into pain, as possible is for a wretch to suffer. Gentle Father, ponder my grief, which is at my heart not little. And through your good∣ness

remitting unto me my unkindness, and granting mercy with li∣berty, I desire your Grace to set me into ease, both of heart and body. I am yours, aud shal be yours; and that truly, while I live.

God prosper your Grace per me William Gardiner.

Good father, I have given my self unto you, heart, body and service; and you have taken me unto you. Now remember me, that I am your true servant.

Another letter of Gardiner to the Archbishop.

MOst Honourable Prelate. Due commendations premised, These be to give thanks unto your Grace, for that that you did yesterday, so favourably, as my sending for unto your presence: Whom I thought that I should never (pensiveness lay so sore at my heart) have seen again. And among al your Communications, that your Grace had unto me, I noted these words of highest comfort. Your Grace did note that I did cal you father in my Writings, you said unto me yester∣day, You cal me father: In good faith I wil be a Father unto you indeed. Words of high comfort unto me. Besides this, Most honorable Lord, you promised that I should have a book of al Articles layd in against me, to make answer unto them. I beseech your Grace that I may so have. For there is nothing that I have done or known to be done, but if I can cal it into remembrance, I wil truly open it. God prosper your Grace.

By yours, and ever shal be, William Gardiner.

Shethers letter of Submission to the Archbishop.

MY duty always remembred unto your gracious Lordship. I most humbly beseech the same to have compassion upon me your prisoner. And for as much as I think, by the Articles, which Mr. Ioseph mentioned, that your Grace hath not only the Articles subscribed with the Witnes hands, but also other Articles: Which I noted since that time; as I heard by Mr. Gardiner, Coxton, Morice and others. So that your Gracious Lordship knoweth al, that ever I have heard. Pleaseth it your Lordship to understand, that many of those Articles last noted were of the Book, that was presented to my L. of Winchester, as unperfect and not proved: as indeed many could never be justified, as far as ever I heard. And therefore my L. of Winchester sent it again, as I have said in my first declaration. And it was never willed to be shewed as true. But, Gracious Lord, whether I have offended in that, that I noted those Articles, after that I was willed by Mr. Baker, to mark the chiefest fautors of new opinions, I refer

it to your gracious judgment: and whatsoever shal be thought (as nothing can be hid, nor I would should not, of any my life, from any of you both,) that I have offended in; I beseech you both of your mercy and favor, and to be good to me, Instantly and briefly (for I am loth to trouble you, or to seem to mistrust your goodness) desiring you to have in remembrance my weak nature, and the long and solato∣ry durance I have suffered, with grievous vexation of mind. And for refreshing thereof to Licence me to eat and drink at meals with company: and being so nigh my chamber, that I may remain in the same: to the intent I may pas the time with my own Books. Hear∣tily desiring your Good Lp. that notwithstanding any thing heretofore done, or how ever I have before wandred, not conformably to your gra∣cious advertisement or expectation: yet Gracious Lord, accept a poor heart, which would gladly be received into your fatherly favor again, to declare his faithful mind, he hath conceived towards your Goodness, upon such pity as your Gracious Lp. hath shewed, and I trust now wil, in his extreme need. Assuring your Grace that my whole confidence and only trust is reposed in your goodness only, and gentle Mr. Doctors;* 1.53 Whose native merciful hearts, as they have be declared oftentimes towards many, so I most meekly beseech you both mercifully to in∣terpretate my acts, and declare your pity in releasing my sorrows as shortly as shal seem convenient to your Wisdomes. For whom I wil not cease to be a perpetual Orator to Almighty God. I most heartily desire to know your Gracious pleasure in the premises, and especially whether your Lordship hath the Book subscribed with the Witness hands or no. For although that, in the Copy of my brothers book, it appeareth who hath subscribed to other Articles of Mr. Drom and Mr. Scory and others, which I do not remember.

Your Gracious prisoner Edmond Shether.

Milles letter of submission.

MOst Reverend Father in God, My humble duty remembred unto your Grace. And I know right wel in that I subscribed unto certain articles (though unadvisedly) have shewed great unkindness unto your Grace in so doing. And again, for that have deserved little kindness at your Graces hand, and do now suffer cold imprisonment at your Graces pleasure. Which is very tedious painful unto me, and as I fear, great danger might ensue unto me, by augmenting that cold and cough, that I have taken before, and now increaseth. Besides the inward pensiveness of heart taken, for this my rash fact, at other mens light motion, as others of my company did: Which now I think lamenteth them much: yea so much, that at such time as I have been in company with them, I have heard them say, that they could not sleep, neither eat that thing, or drink, that did do them much good, as I am one of them. Wherefore, most gracious Lord, these premisses and others considered, by the which sickness of body may not the heart wast, this shal be to humbly beseech your Grace to mercifully intreat

me, and that now I may find some drop of mercy at your Graces hands, for this my imprisonment. Assuring your Grace that I shall take this punishment for my Learning; and not at any time hereafter to be so lightly allured at any mans motion to put so unadvisedly my hand, or consent to any such matter hereafter. Now, Gracious Lord, shew pity and mercy unto me, which I do ask of your Grace, and do heartily desire it with weeping ey, and sorrowful heart, as knoweth God.

By your Iohn Myllys.

NUM. XXXIV. A letter prepared for the King to sign, to ratify certain Ecclesiastical lawes.

HENRICUS octavus Dei gratia, Angliae & Franciae Rex, Fidei Defensor, & Dorhinus Hiberniae, ac in terris Anglicanis sub Deo Caput supremum: Omnibus Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abba∣tibus, Clericis, Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, Generosis, ac alijs cujuscunque generis hominibus, subditis & Legiis nostris, per Regnum nostrum, & Dominia nostra ubilibet commoran∣tibus, Salutem, & Evangelicae Veritatis incrementum.

Cum VOS optimi cives mei mihique charissimi, me nunc unum atque solum hujus Regni Principem, in terrisque secundum Deum, hujus Ecclesiae Anglicanae unicum supremúmque Caput, quemadmo∣dum divini atque humani juris ratio postulat, potestatémque tam Ec∣clesiasticae quam Mundanae politiae mihi Majoribusque meis, ipso jure divino concessam (verum multis seculis unius Romani Episcopi mali∣tia, fraude, dolis atque astutia ereptam) ad Me & Successores meos pertinere una voce, uno omnium assensu agnoscitis, non possum in dies magis magisque, muneris atque officij mei rationem non habere, deque illustranda Dei gloria, de Christianae pietatis vera doctrina pro∣paganda, de imperij hujus incolumitate, & quiete tuenda, summa animi cura atque cogitatione non esse solicitus. Occurrant enim subin∣de animo meo verba illa, quae Sapientiae Cap. septimo habentur ad hunc modum: Audite Reges & intelligite, quoniam data est a Domino potestas Vobis, & Virtus ab Altissimo; qui interrogabit opera vestra, & scrutabitur cogitationes. Ad vos ergo, Reges, sunt hij Sermones mei, ut discatis Sapientiam, & ne excidatis. Qui enim custodit justitiam, justè judicabuntur, & qui didicerunt justa, invenient quid respondeant, &c. Hinc facile perspici potest exactissime a regibus potestatis suae redden∣dam esse rationem, illosque gravissimas manere poenas, si non, ut oportuit, in Rep. administranda sese gesserint.

Quod si tanta cura, ac solicitudine quibuscunque regibus opus est, quam anxios igitur ac solicitos Christianos reges esse debere censendum est, quibus non politia modo Civilis, sed Ecclesiastica etiam potestas da∣ta est? Hos enim non tantum quae ad Humanam societatem pertinent, sed etiam quae divinae Christianaeque religioni maximè consentanea sunt,

curare necesse est. Praesentem hujus saeculi faelicitatem principes Chri∣stianos ita metiri convenit, ut hac potestate sua ad Dei cultum dilatan∣dum utantur, & in hoc incumbant, ut recta doctrina propagetur, or∣neturque Dei gloria.

Cum igitur a Christianis Regibus justitiam in Imperio, pacis tuendae curam, pietatem, studium juvandae & ornandae religionis Christianae exigi animadverterem, nihil mihi potius esse debere judicabam, quàm ut omnes inirem rationes, quo minus in hoc meo regno haec a me desi∣derentur, & quo ad possem, muneri imposito satisfacerem. Hoc ut fa∣cilius, expeditiusque praestare valeam, non ignoratis vos, quantam cu∣ram adhibuerim in illis rebus promovendis tuendisque, quae huic nego∣tio maximè conducere, atque adjumento esse videbantur; quae contra impedire atque obesse visa sunt, quanto studio tollere ac delere conatus s••m, assiduéque conor. Abunde enim vobis declaratum hactenus fuit, quam in hac nostra Britannia, multis retro saeculis, Episcopi Romani vis injusta, ac non ferenda, sacro sancto divino numini inimica fuit; quantopere religioni Christianae, verae doctrinae propagandae adversata est, quantum hujus Reip. pacem ac tranquillitatem saepissimè intertur∣bavit, potestatémque Regiam divinitus constitutam labefactando, de∣bitam omnium obedientiam, a vero ac justo Principis sui imperio, contra o••ne jus divinum & humanum, ad se transferre ausus est. Hu∣jus potestatem huic cum divino munere sublatam esse manifestum est, & nequid superesset, quo non planè fractam illius vim esse constaret, leges omnes, decreta atque instituta, quae ab authore Episcopo Roma∣no profecto sunt, prorsus abroganda censuimus. Quorum loco, ut fa∣cilius imposterum Dei Opt. Max. gloria illustretur, & vera Philoso∣phia Christiana regnumque Christi vigere possit, & quo omnia decen∣ter & ordine in Christi hac ecclesia gerantur; en Vobis authoritate nostra editas leges damus, quas a Vobis omnibus suscipi, coli & observari volumus, & sub nostrae indignationis poena mandamus, ut vestra in Deum pietas, amor erga patriam, principemque Vestrum obedientia, non sine immensa divini Nominis gloria omnibus conspicua sit, ac vosmet∣ipsos non minus de vestris rationibus solicitos ostendatis, quam ego vestra causa de officio fuerim meo, stricte praecipientes, ut his nostris constitutionibus vos omnes & ••inguli, tam in judicijs, quam in gymna∣rijs utamini, severè prohibentes. ne quisquam vestrum alias, praeter has, & regni nostri leges admittere praesumat. Valete.

NUM. XXXV. The Bishop of Winchester to Archbishop Cranmer: relating to the Reformation of Religion.

AFter my duty remembred to your Grace.* 1.54 Your letters of the third came to my hands the of the same. And, upon the reading, and advised consideration of the mat∣ter in them, have thought requisite to answer unto them: and at length to open my mind frankly in some points of them. Tempering my words so, as I shal not be seen to have forgotten your place and

condition ne such familiarite, as hath been between your G. and me. The remembrance of which familiarite maketh me speke as frely, as on the other side your astate brydeleth me to be more moderate in speech, then sum matier I shal herafter speke of, wold ells suffre and permit.

It greveth me moch to rede wryten from your G. in the begynning of your lettres, how the King our late Soveraign was seduced, and in that he knew by whom he was compassed in that I cal the Kings Maje∣sties Book. Which is not his Book, bicause I cal it so, but bicause it was indede so acknowledged by the hol Parliament, and acknowledg∣ed so by your G. thenn, and al his life; which, as you afterwards write, ye commaunded to be published and red in your Diocese, as his book: Against which by your G's spech ye commaunded Ioseph he shuld not prech. Al which I think your G. would not have doon, if ye had not thought the book to have conteyned truth. And in the truth can be no seducyng to it, as the Kings book conteyneth; but from it. Which if it had been so, I ought to think your G. would not for al the Princes christened, being so high a Bishop, as ye be, have y••••••••ed unto. For Obedire oportet D••o, magis quam hominibus. And therfore after your G. hath foure yere continually lyved in agrement of that doctrine under our late Soveraine Lord, now so sodenly after his death, to wryte to me, that his Highness was seduced, it is, I assure you, a very straunge spech. Which if your G. shuld bring in to open conten∣tion, as I know your G. of your Wisedome, wyl not; But in that case wyl I, as an old servaunt of my late Soverayne

Much wanting.

it self so many Calamities besides, wherof I have more laysor to think on, thenn your G. as my chance is now, which I reckon in this respect very good; After so many yeres Service and in such trouble without daunger passed over, to aryve in this haven of quyetnes without losse of any notable takel, as the Marryners say, (Which is a great matier as the wynds hath blowen) And if the present astate in this world wer to be considered, I have many times alleged for confirmation of thopinion of some in religion And the Protestants take it for a gret ar∣gument, to establish ther procedyngs, that themperor was ever letted, when he went about to enterprize any thing against them, as Bucer declareth at gret length in a letter written to the World. And whenne Sledanus was here in England, he told me the like at Windesore: and then Tanquam praedixit of the effect of certain eclypse: Adding▪ that I shuld see magnas mutationes. And so I have seen, and have heard mer∣velous chaunges synnes that; but otherwise than Sledanus toke it, and to destroy ther fancies, if that were to be regarded. But for my self, I have seen my Soveraine Lord, with whom I consented in opinion, make the honourable conquest of Bolen, and honorably in his life main∣teyne it. And after in honorable peace made, leave this world over soon to us: but that was due by him to be payd to na••ure, discharged it honora••ly; buried honorably with sorrow and lamentation of his servants and subgetts; and my self his poor servant, with a litel fl••e∣byting

of this world, conveyed to an easy ast••te, without diminution of my reputation. And therfore whenne I hear fondly alleged, or rede more fondly wryten, the favor toto, that is by B••l••, Ioye and Io∣seph, or such like, newly called the Word of God, to be embraced for preservation of the worldly astate, I se the clere contrary in experi∣ence, and conclude with my self, that it proveth nought before man; and take it before God to be abomination. Which causeth me to spend some of my laysor to wryte so long a letter to your G. who hath lesse laysor: Wyshing that our laysor, gret or litel, may be spent otherwyse then to trouble this Realm in the time of our Soveraine Lords Minority, with any novelte in m••tiers of religion: being so many other matiers, which, for that I was so late a Counsellor, cannot out of my memo∣ry: Requiring the hol endeavour of such as have charge, and silence in the people, who shuld serve and obey, without quarelying among themself for matiers in religion. Specially considering it is agreed our late Soverain is receyved to goddes mercy. And though some wold say, he had [his errors] and saw not perfitely Gods truth: Yet for us, it were better to go to heven with oon yie after hym, thenne to travayle here for another yie with daungier to lose both. There was good humanite in him that said, M••lim errare cum Platone, quam cum alijs vera sentire. Which affection were to the world plausi∣ble towching our Soveraine Lord, that made us: But we christen men may not teach so, but esteme God above al, and his true divinite. In which case nevertheles, whenne the divinite pretended is so rejected of many, and utterly reproved: So doubted of many other, as it is su∣spected and confessed among us, it is not necessary. For our Soveraine Lord is gone from us to heaven, in his way.

It is a mervelous matier what a certain loss it is aforehand to entre∣prize to serch, which among a very few hath the name of Divinite, and of al the rest is so named * 1.55 as I wil not reherse. And this I write not, because your G. entendeth any such thing soo far. For I may not, and wil not so think of you. But this I take to be true, that the way of error is let in at a little gappe. The vehemence of novelty wil flow further thenne your G. wold admitte. And when men hear of new gere, every man maketh his request, sum new hose, sum new robes, sum newe cappes, sum new shirtes. Like as in religion we have seen attempted, where the people thought they might pre∣vayle. Which caused the commotion in Germany in bello civili Rustico∣rum, and hath made the same stir there now in bello civili Nobilium. It was a notable act of our late Soverain Lord, to reform and thenne moderate religion, as he did. Which he did not without al trouble. And how safe we be in religion, when al quietnes is acquired you Wisdome canne consider. Our late Soveraine Lord was wont to say, which I never forget, speaking of himself man had not looked to the Pacification. He saw men d••sirous to set forth their own fancies, which he thought to have excluded by his Pacifi∣cation.

If your G. would say to me now, that I wasted moch speche in vaine, and declared therby, I had to much laysor to write so moch in this ma∣tier, as though I feared that nedeth not to be feared: for your G. hath commaunded our late Soveraine Lords book * 1.56 to be redde, and mind∣eth

nothing now, but oonly Omylies, wherin your G. wold, I shuld write. Which to do wer neyther gret payne, ne hardnesse to me: and I might as soon wryte an Homilie, as these letters. As for the facilite of the matier of wryting, or wryting by not tra∣verse. But then I consider what contraversie may arise in wryting. As for example (for seing I have laysor to wryte, I wil forget what lay∣sor your G. hath to rede) if I should make an Homily De vita per∣fecta, I wolde note two parts, Oon of life, Another of perfiteness. For the grownde of the oon, I wolde take S Iohn, Misit Deus silium suum, ut vivamus per eum. And for the other, Estote perfecti, sicut pater vester, &c. In Declaration of Life, I wolde take occasion to speke of Faith the gift of entre to life, and of Charite the very gift of Life; which who hath not remaineth in det••e. And therfore S. Iames said, Fides sine operibus mortua est. Not expounding that so, as though Faith without Charite were no Faith, as we say a dead man is no man. For I wolde wish the people in any wise to beware of that fashion of teaching, and such a sophistical understanding of S. Iames; and for detection therof, declare, that deth conteyneth not alwayes a denyal of the thing dead not to be, but oonly wher the name of the thing noted now dead, conteyned before in it a signification of life. As the word man signifyeth a body living: and thenne it is truly said, that a dead man is no man, no more thenne a paynted man. But Faith signifieth not alwayes a Life in it. For Devils have Faith without life. And when we speke of ded faith, it is like as when ye speke of a body indeed without life, but apt and mete to receyve life. As spawne is a body without life, and dead, but mete to receyve life with convenient circumstance. And then we say not, that a body dead is no body. And therfore we may not say, that a dead Faith is no Faith. After which understanding, we shuld make S. Iames to treate, whether no faith might justify a man, or no: Which were a cold matier. And yet so must we say, if we wil expound this saying, that a dead faith is no faith.

And in this poynt I wold, in my Homily De Vita, be most ernest to shew, that in charity is life, wherunto Faith is thentre. Which faith without charite is not noo faith, but dead. And therfore God, that ge∣veth al life, geveth with faith charite: Wherof I wold make the moo words in the Homily, bicause the handling of S. Iames in the other sophistical interpretation is an entre to unwholsome doctrine. And if your G. wold say, What of this, or to what purpose shuld it be wry∣ten to you, that myndeth no such matier: Surely for nothing but bi∣cause I have plenty of leasour, and wryte as though I talked with you. And that not al in vaine, for that I have hertofor harde of other, whom I have harde moch glory in that exposition, to say S. Iames meaneth, that dead faith is no faith, even as a dead man is no man. Which, by my saye, is overfar out of the way: and yet myn Omylie might in such an Homiler, and company of Omylies, encontre with oon of the trade I have spoken of; and bring forth matier of contention and altercation, without al frute or edification. And thus much for example of trouble in Homylies: Which these five yeres have rested without any busines, and the people wel doon their dueties, I trust, to God in heven, and know wel, to ther Soverain Lord in yerth. And our Soverain Lord,

that governed them without these Omylies goen to heven, whether, I trust, we and the people shal go after, although we trouble them with noo Homilies. Which shal hardly be so accumulate ex diversis tractati∣bus, with diverse fashion of wryting, diverse phrase of speches, diverse conceits in teachings, diverse ends per case entended, as some wil construe.

The rest is wanting.

NUM. XXXVI. Gardiner Bishop of Winton to the Duke of Somerset, concerning the Book of Homilies and Erasmus Paraphrase, englished.

AFter my most humble Commendations unto your Good Lp. with hearty thanks that it hath pleased you to be content to hear from me. Wherein now I have liberty to write at large to you.* 1.57 I cannot find the like gentleness in my body to spend so much time as I would. And therfore I shal now desire your G. to take in good part, tho I ga∣ther my matter in brief sentences.

The Injunctions in this last Visitation contain a commandment to se taught, and learned two books. One of Homilies, that must be taught; another of Erasmus Paraphrasis, that the Priests must learn.

These Books strive one against another directly. The Book of the Homilies teacheth Faith to exclude charity in the office of Justifica∣tion. Erasmus Paraphrasis teacheth Faith to have charity joyned with him in Justification.

The Book of Homilies teacheth how men may swear. The Para∣phrasis teacheth the contrary very extremely. The Book of Homilies teacheth how Subjects owe tribute to their Prince, and obedience very wel. The Book of the Paraphrase in a place upon S. Poule violently, and against al truth, after it hath spoken of duties to Heathen Princes, knitteth the matter up untruly; that between the Christen men at Rome, to whom he writeth, which is a Lesson to al, there should be no debt, or right, but mutual charity, * 1.58 Which is a marvailous mat∣ter. The Book of Homilies in another place openeth the Gospel one way. The Paraphrase openeth it clean contrary. The matter is not great, but because there is contrariety.

Now to consider each of the aforesaid Books. The Book of H. in the sermon of Salvation teacheth the clean contrary to the doctrin established by the Act of Parlament * 1.59; even as contrary as [Includeth] is contray to [Excludeth.] For these be the words of the Doctrin established by Parlament; where in a certain place Faith doth not ex∣clude. The doctrin of the Parlament speaketh how they be joyned in Justification. The Homilies speak the vertues to be present in the man justified, and how Faith excludes them in the office of Justifica∣tion. Which can never be proved; and is in the mean time contrary to the Act.

The Book of H. hath in the H. of Salvation, how remission of sins is taken, accepted and allowed of God for our perfect Justification. The Doctrin of the Parlament teacheth Justification, for the fulness and perfection therof, to have more parts then Remission of sins, as in the same appeareth. And tho Remission of sins be a justification, yet it is not a full and perfect.

The Book of H. numbreth the hallowing of bread, Palmes and Can∣dles among Papistical superstitions and abuses. The Doctrin of the Parlament willeth them to be reverendly used. And so do the Injuncti∣ons now set forth. Which made me think the Printer might thrust in an Homily of his own devise.

The book of H. hath words of S. Chr••s••stom a••ledged untruly, and not after su••h a sort, as might scape by over sight, but of purpose. As calling that Faith which Chrysostom calleth Hope. And in place of one Sentence putteth another, which should better serve the purpose of the Maker of the Homilies. Now if one would reason with me, that Chrysostom meant this, I would deny it him, as I may. But I may af••••rm, that Chrysostom saith Not. It is but a defamation of the tr••th: And under such a Princes name as our Soveraign Lord is, whose tongue, in this so pure innocency, hath not been defiled with any untruth; I assure you, I thought there was not so great hast in Homilies, but they might have tarried the printing even for that only cause. Truth is able to ••aintain it self, and needeth no help of untrue allegations. It serves only for enemies to take advantage. All which [i. e. Enemies] use to be c••rious to know what they may reprove.

And now al the eyes and ears of the World be turned towards us. And as they shal have cause to talk honorably of your valiantness in the wars, so they talk otherwise of that, that is done in your absence, if any thing be amis••.

Now I shal shew your Grace what author Er••smus is, to be, by name and special Commandment, had in credit in this realm. If he be to be believed, the doctrin of Only Faith justifieth, is a very po••son. And he writeth by expres termes, and calleth this another po••••on, to d••ny punishment in Purgatory after this life. And another poison, to deny the Invoc••tion of Saints, and worshipping of them. And this he cal eth a poison, to say, We need no satisfactory works, for that were to mistrust Christ Erasmus in another place conferring the state of the Church in the beginning, and now, he concludeth, that if S. Paul were alive at this da••, he would not improve [i. e. disallow] the pre∣sent state of the Church, but cry out of mens faults. This is Erasmus judgment in his Latter da••es.

His Work, the Paraphrasis, which should be authorized in the Realm: Which he wrot above six and twenty years ago, when his pen was wanton, the matter is so hauled, as being abroad in 〈…〉〈…〉 were able to minister occasion to evil men to subvert, with religi••n, the policy and order of the Realm.

These be the general words, the uttering whereof to your Grace in the place you occupy, were a great fault, unless I would shew ye good ground and truth, why to say so. And therefore I am glad I do rather write to you, then to have come and spake with you, because my words in number might fly away; whereas written words remain to be read again.

First, as concerning the Policy and state of the Realm, Whersoever Erasmus might take an occasion to speak his pleasure of Princes, he payeth home as roundly, as Bishops have been of late touched in pleas. And such places of Scripture as we have used to allege for the state of Princes, he wresteth and windeth them so, as if the people read them and believed him, they would afterward sma•• regard that allegation of them. And if Erasmus did truly, and that the Scripture bound him so to say, it were more tolerable, (For truth must have place) but when it is done in some place untruly, and in some pl••ce wantonly, to check that estimate, it can be no good doctrin among people, that should obey. And this book of Paraphrasis is not like the other expositions of Scripture, where the Author speaketh in his own person. For Erasmus taketh upon him the Evangelists persons and Christs person, and enterpriseth to fit up Christs tale and his words. As for example where the Gospel rehear∣seth Christs speech, when he said, Give to the Emperor, that is the Emperors; (By which speech we gather and truly gather, that Christ confessed the Emperor to have a duty;) Erasmus writes it with an IF, after this sort. IF there be any thing due to them. Which condition Christ put not to it, but spake plainly, Give to Cesar the things which are Cesars, and unto God the things that are Gods. And I write the very words of the Paraphrasis, as they be in English, for I have the book with me. And so shal no man say, that I misreport the book. The words be these. Render therfore unto Cesar, if any things appertain unto Cesar. But first of al, render unto God the things, that appertain unto God. Meaning that it is no hurt unto Godlines, if a man being dedicate unto God, do give tribute unto a prophane prince, altho he ought it not. These be the words in the book ordered to be set forth. Wherin what needeth Eras∣mus to bring in doubt the duty, when God putteth no doubt at al. It were too long to write to your Grace every fault. This one I put for example, where Erasmus doth corrupt Christs words, with a condition, which Christ spake not.

The other places of raylings would encumber your Grace overmuch. But as I write, your Grace shal find true, that whatsoever might be spoke to defame Princes government, is not left unspoken. Bishops be more gently handled. Erasmus maketh them very Kings of the Gospel, and calleth the true Kings of the World Profane Kings. Bishops have the sword▪ he saith, of God given, that is to say, the Gospel. Profane Princes, as he calleth them, have a sword commit∣ted unto them, and by Homer, he saith, be called Pastors of the people. This matter is within the compas of the Paraphrasis, if it be not left out; with a commendation also of Thomas Becket of Canterbury, in ex∣communicating the King of the realm, that then was, by implication, for the manor of Oxford, which the King, as he rehearseth, then withheld It may be the Translator would have left this out. But Erasmus pen in those dayes was very light.

Moreover them, Erasmus teacheth, that between Christen men is no debt, or right, but Charity. It is a mervailous matter towards the dissolution of laws and duties. And therin Erasmus doth violate Gods scripture, and saith not true.

Thus far is the doctrin pernitious for common policy. Neverthe∣les if he had said true, let the truth prevail, but the truth is not so.

As touching Religion in this work of Paraphrasis, it is so wantonly, (I beseech your Grace note my words) and therwith untruly handled, as if we should use to read it, there should ensue a marvelous confusi∣on. Some specialties I wil note, but not al.

The Sacrament of the Altar is wantonly talked of by him, that as the wor••d is now, the reading of him were the whole subversion. Erasmus in his latter dayes, hath for the Sacrament of the Altar spoken as reverently, and said as much for confirmation of it, as may be, and cryeth out of them, that would take him otherwise. But this in the end, when age had tempered him.

In this Paraphrasis, which he wrot in his wanton age, the words and termes were able to subvert, if it were possible, as Christ saith, the elect.

If this Paraphrasis go abroad, people shal be learned to cal the Sacra∣ment of the Altar holy bread, and a Symbol. At which new name many wil marvail. And they be wanton words spoken of Erasmus without necessity.

By the doctrin of the Paraphrasis, whosoever had done away his wife for advotrie might mary again. By the Paraphrasis al men may mary, Bushops and Priests. Wherin Erasmus took his pleasure to un∣derstand S. Poul, as tho he should describe, of what quality Priests wives should be, Wherin he forgat himself. For S. Poul knew, that if a Bushop or Priest were once married, his Wise must pas with al her faults; and it would be too late to tel what she should be. For other∣wise then she is, she wil not be, neither for S. Poul, nor S. Peter. And if Bushops had that privilege, that they might change til they found such one, as Erasmus saith S. Poul would have them, their estate would be wonderfully envied. But S. Poul did not speak there of Bushops wiues. And so therin he doth violence to the Scriptures undoubtedly. Wherfore I write somewhat merrily to shew the absurdity of the thing.

By the Paraphrasis the keeping of a Concubine is called but a light fault. And that were good for Lancashire. And Erasmus bringeth it so prettily, that a Ruler of a Country, if he be himself the servant of avarice or Ambition, should not browke with his brother, because be∣ing overcome by weaknes of flesh he useth a Concubine. Even thus it is Englished in the book that should go forth. And when to have a a Concubine, it is called a light fault, methinks if the maid can read, it may serve wel, lightly to persuade her. And yet if the man doth it, overcome by the weakness of his flesh, as the book termeth it, is made matter. Wherin Erasmus speaketh over lightly, to cal it a light fault. And the Translator in English wanted speech, when he turn∣ed it thus: That a man overcome with the weakness of his flesh should desire a Concubine. I am bold with his Grace, to joyne here Eras∣mus lightnes with the discretion of the Translator. If to keep a Con∣cubine shal by authority be called a light fault, the multitude of them may make the fault heavy.

By the doctrin of the Paraphrasis, every man must come to the high prick of vertue, or to be extremely naught. Which differeth far from the teaching of the Homilies, and from the truth also.

The Paraphrasis teacheth thus truly;

More glorious it is to dy for the Gospels sake. Which death, tho it shal be violent and sore; yet it shal not come before the day. Whensoever it cometh it shal not come without the providence of God.

And by this it cometh to pas, that if ye endeavor to avoyd it, ye cannot. This is the doctrin which if it were taken for truth, might engender like obstinacy in many, as it hath of late in some. Erasmus teacheth here further, then he hath warrant by Scripture.

The Paraphrasis in another place doth clearly violate the Text, and untruly handle it, in a matter of Tiths, which your Grace desireth, as appeareth by the Injunctions, to have truly payd. Wherin if Eras∣mus had said truth, let truth prevail; but when he handleth it untru∣ly, it is pity it should be suffered.

Thus have I here reckoned your Grace some special faults, that be Erasmus own faults, with a great number, that I have not spoken of.

And further your Grace shal understand, that he which hath taken the labors to translate Erasmus into English, hath offended sometimes, as appeareth plainly, by ignorance, and sometimes of purpose, to put in, leave out, and change, as hee thought best. Wherwith I wil not encumber your Grace, but assure you it is so. And therin I wil grant to your Grace, that for every ly, that I make unto your Grace, set on an hundred pound fine on my head; and let me ly here like a begger, until my revenues pay. My words remain in writing, and be against me matter of record. And so I yield to have me charged, as the Bp. of London was with offering the farm of his Bpric. Which matter I do remember, when I wrot this.

I remit the Reader for the rest of this letter to Winchester's ninth letter in Foxes Acts: This former part of the letter, which is now exposed to view, having been by him omitted.

NUM. XXXVII. Roger Ascham to Mr. Cecyl, giving him an account of a Dispu∣tation in S. John's College, Whether the Mass and the Lord's Supper bee al one.

S.P. in Christo Iesu. Ornatissime Vir. Ante mensem, aut plus eo, disputatum fuit in hoc Collegio more nostro de Missa,* 1.60 ipsáne Coe∣na Dominica fuerit, nécne. Magna sane eruditione haec Questio tracta∣ta fuit a Thoma Levero, & Rog. Hutchinsono, quos opinor nosti. Sunt profecto docti viri. Quidam in Academia hanc rem aegrè tulerunt. Huc tandem res perducta est, vel ego potius pertractus fui hortatu communi multorum in nostro collegio, ut hanc ipsam quaestionem è domesticis parietibus in publicas scholas praeferrem, hoc animo & in∣stituto, ut disceremus libenter & sine rubore a doctis Viris, quid e fon∣tibus sacrae scripturae libari potuerit ad defendendam Missam; quae non

solum summum locum in religione & conscientijs hominum occupat, sed omne fidele propemodum ministerium Verbi Dei & Sacramento∣rum, ex usu & consuetudine Christianorum, abstulit. Rem quietissimè aggressi sumus, communia studia nos inter nos conferebamus, Scriptu∣ram Canonicam nobis proposuimus, cujus auctoritate totam hanc rem decidi cupiebamus: Veteres Canones ineuntis Ecclesiae, Concilia Pa∣trum, Decreta Pontificum, Judicia Doctorum, Quaestionistarum tur∣bam, Recentiores omnes, quos potuimus & Germanos & Romanos, ad hanc rem adhibuimus. Quidam in Academia publicis concionibus no∣tabant hoc factum nostrum, & tandem laborarunt, ut D. Madeûus Vicecancellarius, literis suis hanc Disputationem prohiberet. Nos li∣benter paruimus, ut par fuit; sed aegre tulimus disputandi facultatem nobis intercipi, concionandi vero copiam pro libidine alijs concedi.

Audivimus Cantuariensem nobis iniquiorem fuisse. Nec mirum est, nam adversarij nostri, cogor invitus acerbiori voce uti, Prudentissime Vir, tragicis clamoribus hanc rem illi detulerunt. Quod factum illo∣rum majoríne malitia, aut imperitia institutum fuit dubitari potest. Thomas enim Aquinas probat Missam Dominicam coenam multis praero∣gativis superasse, & longissimè ab ea discrepasse multis notis; Sexu, Missare enim Mulieres non debent: a Coena tamen non excludantur: Aetate, Vitio Parentum, Luxatione Membrorum. Nam pueri, Nothi & Mutilati a Missae dignitate repelluntur, ad Coenae humilitatem reci∣piuntur: & multis alijs modis. Ut siquis affirmaret eandem esse Missam & Coenam, multo magis exclamarent.

Sed quid dicam de hijs nostris? Nihil aliud, nisi quod Herodes tur∣batus est, & tota Hierosolyma cum eo. Dicunt nos esse praecipites. Certe nemo tam praeceps est, quin facile revocari possit; ut calcaribus poti∣us, quam habenis tota Cantabrigia egeat.

Sed quod institui tibi narrare, quanquam disputatio nostra fuerit pro∣hibita, studia tamen nostra in eadem re quodammodo aucta sunt. Scripsimus enim fere justum librum de Missa, quem brevi offerre insti∣tuimus D. Protectori, nisi tibi & magistro Checo aliter visum fuerit.

Quantum ad tractationem rei pertinet, vellem ut judicium tuum, non sermoni aliorum, sed ipsi rei reservare velis. Neque hoc dicimus, quia de nobis aliquid polliceri audemus, sed quia veremur, ne certi homines nimis studeant illud impedire quovis modo, quod ipsi non probant.

Legimus sanctissimas confessiones Reginae nostrae cum tua eloquen∣tissima epistola. Utinam aliquid temporis tui ad excolendam Anglica∣nam linguam impartire velis, ut homines intelligerent & nostram lin∣guam omnes eloquentiae numeros facile admittere. Literae Magistri Checi ad Collegium nostrum fuerunt omnibus nobis gratissimae, ubi minimis verbis maxima benevolentia, & ejus & tua, comprehensa fuit. D. Protectoris literae ad Acad. a te scriptae mirificè nos omnes delecta∣runt. Commune votum est apud nos, ut Cantabrigia aliquando, imò brevissimè, sentiat Ioannem Checum Praepositum Regij Collegij. Epis∣copus ille * 1.61 nihil prodest studijs, vellem ut non obesset. Et hoc non dico ad aucupium cujusvis gratiae, sed ad Commodum totius Academiae. Plurima sunt, quae nos sic sentire cogunt, & plura tua Prudentia videt. Nos sic amici inter nos communicamus, fortasse non prudentissimè, Cautissimè tamen: & quod minimum est, valde amanter. Cogita

de hac re quid vis, promove tamen eam quantum potes. Nimis molestus su••. Vale 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Quinto Januarij, 1548. E Coll. D. Ioan. Cant.

Dignitatis tuae Studiosiss. R. Aschamus.

Ornatissimo Viro Magistro Gulielmo Cicello Supplicum libellorum Magistro.

NUM. XXXVIII. The University of Cambridg to the Archbishop.

ALiquid a te suppliciter petere, cum Tu omnia nobis lubenter tri∣buis, Doctissime Praesul, non inane & supervacaneum negotium,* 1.62 sed gratae voluntatis debitum potius officium esse ducimus. Rogamus igitur te, ut in hoc Senatu vestro, privilegia nostra confirmentur. Quantum Reip. interest, ut doctrinae ratio haberetur, omnes fere intel∣ligunt: quantum verò purae Religionis interest, tu unus plus universis alijs animadvertis. Scis enim tu, quod annis abhinc quingentis, aut plus eo, cognitio literarum, Regum vitio, a quibus ali debuerat, e con∣spectu hominum sese abducere, & in tenebras relabi coepit. In qui∣bus temporibus sic caligine obductis, sic ignorantia involutis, Aper ille singularis de sylva supra modum depopulatus est vineam Iesu Christi: non proculcans solum Reges terrae, & imperium sibi collocans mundi; sed ita invasit erupitque in sanctam sedem, & Templum conscientiae, ut nulli sere nunc sint mores, nulla institutio vitae, nullus caeremonia∣rum ritus, nullum Ecclesiae Sacramentum, nullum Christi vestigium, quod non sit ejus aut fulmine prostratum, aut halitu foedatum; quod non sit (ut mitius, seu significantius cum Divo Paulo loquamur) pru∣dentia humanae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 foedissimè corruptum, & constupratum. Haec nox disciplinarum, & ignoratio vocem Domini nobis abstulit, & humanae doctrinae imperium in illam libidinem evexit; ut pro vero cultu Dei, recto divinissimarum rerum usu, integra & pura vitae con∣suetudine, Hypocrisis, Idololatria, & Adulterium cervicibus hominum astutissimè imponeretur. Hanc inscientiae pestem libentius commemo∣ramus, quod nunc in magnam spem ducimur constituendae de integro dignitatis literarum, in ijs praesertim temporibus, cum omnia ad ve∣ram religionem illustrandam, a qua praeclara doctrina abesse certè non potest, mirificè comparata sunt. Et cum prudentia tua, ad verbum Dei restituendum, divinitus sit & nunc excitata, & diu reservata; non du∣bitamus, quin omnem operam & authoritatem tuam, ad salutem etiam literarum continendam collaturus sis: Commotus aliquid certè vel hac ratione, quod nulla hoc tempore literis vel insperata clades, vel ex∣pectata commoditas accidere potest, cujus tu non aut author ad mag∣nam commendationem; aut particeps ad aliquam reprehensionem, voce ac sermone omnium jactatus eris. D. Iesus, &c.

NUM. XXXIX. Richard Smith D. D. his Recantation of his Books.

* 1.63IN my book of Traditions I sayd and affirmed, that Christ and his Apostles taught and left to the Church many things, without wri∣ting, which we must both beleve stedfastly, and also fulfil obediently un∣der pain of Damnation ever to endure. Among the which I rehersed by name a great number to be obeyed, kept and followed: As the observa∣tion of Lent from flesh or wyne: the keeping of the Sacrament in the pix: the receiving it at the Priests hands: the hallowing of the Water in the Font: the thrice dipping of the child in the water at the chri∣ning: The putting on of the Chrysome: the consecration of the oyl: the anoynting of the christened child: the hallowing of the Altars: the praying toward the East: the censing of the Altar: the washing of the hands: the saying of Confiteor: the lifting up of the Sacrament at Mass: the making of holy water: that the twelve Apostles, every man a piece for his portion, made the Crede; and many mo beside these. And after like sort I spake of Canons, Decrees, and Ordinaun∣ces of Bishops and General Councels. I do now confes the said do∣ctrine, as concerning the observing of the said Traditions, to be false and tyrannical, and unjust, unlawful and untrue, burden of mens consciences, not fit to be taught, preached or defended.

There be many things ascribed to the Apostles, and called Traditi∣ons, deduced from the time of the Apostles, and read in the name of old Authors, and set forth under the pretensed title of their name, which be both feigned, forged and nothing true, ful of superstition and untrueth, fayned by them, which would magnify their power and authority; as is the Epistles of Clemens, Anacletus, Evaristus, and Fa∣bian••s and other, which are set forth by the Bp. of Rome, and his com∣plices, which be forged, fayned and of no authority, nor to be bele∣ved, but counterfeited by them; who by the colour of antiquity would magnify that usurped power of the Bp. of Rome.

And now concerning another book, which I made of the Sacrifice of the Mass. Wher the most chief and principal article of our faith, and most directly pertaining to the redemption of our sins, and to our Salvation, is; That our Savior Christ Iesu, by his most precious death, and effusion of his most precious blood upon the cros, did redeme mankind, taking away our sins, pacifying the indignation of his Fa∣ther, and cancelling the obligation, that was against us. In which Sacrifice-making unto his Father, our said Savior Jesus Christ, as S. Paul saith plainly to the Hebrews, was not a Priest after the order of Aaron, forasmuch as he was of another tribe: and also, that Priest∣hood was imperfect and unprofitable, bringing nothing to perfection. But our Savior Christ made his Sacrifice upon the Cross perfectly, abso∣lutely, and with the most highest perfection that could be, so much, that after that one oblation and sacrifice for sin, made by him but once only, neither he nor any other creature should at any time after, make

any mo oblations for the same. And for that S. Paul saith, he was called an eternal Priest after the order of Melchizedec, and not of Aaron.

This faith ought every man and woman undoubtedly to beleve, and openly to profess upon pain of everlasting damnation; and also to dy in this profession, if case shal so require. The which most wholsome and most necessary doctrin of our Faith, I not diligently considering, as many times to right great Clerks and learned men in much writing in like matters it hath chaunced to say too far, the infirmity and weak∣ness of men being such, that seldome in many words error hath esca∣ped: So in my Book of the Sacrifice of the Mass, I did incircumspect∣ly and rashly write and set forth to the people, that Christ was not a Priest after the order of Melchizedec, when he offered himself upon, the cross to his Father for our sins, but was a Priest after the order of Aaron. And that when Christ did offer his own body to his father after the order of Melchizedec, to appease his wrath, it may not be under∣stand of the Sacrifice of the Cros, but of the Sacrifice, that Christ made at his Maundy in form of bread and wine. To the which in∣dede S. Pauls doctrin is contrary, both in other places, and in the Epistle Ad Hebraeos, very manifestly. Against whom, (who without doubt had the very Spirit of God) neither it becometh, nor I wil not willing••y teach or defend any thing. Wherfore ye shal impute that, Good Audience, to the frailty of mans nature, and to my negligent marking, having at that time rather a respect to a fantasy, that I then had in my mind, than to the true and infallible doctrin of scri∣pture.

And moreover, in the same my book I said not only, that the Sa∣crifice of the Mass is the self same substaunce of Christ, but also the self same oblation or offering of our Savior Christs very flesh and bloud, which himself once offered to his Father on the Cross to appease his wrath. And that the Priests do continually and daily in the Mass offer not only the self same body of Christ, but also to the same effect, that Christ did offer himself to his Father at his Maundy. Of the which words and doctrin, if they be not very warily and circumspectly read, and more favorably taken, then the words as they ly, may wel bear; it might be gathered, that Priests herein be equal with Christ. Priests of the order of Melchizedec, appeasing the wrath and indignation of the Father of heaven, crucifying, or offering Christ to the same effect, that Christ in his own person did upon the cross, is a blasphemy into∣lerable to be heard of Christen ears. For Christ, as S. Paul saith, was but once offered, once gave up himself for the Redemption of our sins on Good-Friday upon the Cross; nor never before, nor after was offered for us, but in a Sacrament, and as a commemoration of the same. And so of the Maundy or Supper of the Lord, Christ himself saith; Haec quotiescunque feceritis, in meam commemorationem facietis. Once he dyed for our sins, and once again he rose for our justification. He dyeth no more. And his Sacrifice was so good, so ful, so pleasaunt, so precious to God, that her neded no more oblations to appease God, not only for the sins past, but also for al the sins to the day of doom. There nede no more Sacrifices, no more Offerers, but as having a respect and a remembrance of that most holy, most perfect, and most entier Lamb, then and for ever offered up for us.

But these things aforesaid, I cannot deny, but they were spoken of me, and written. And as I do not now like them; so at ••he example of S. Austin and other good Doctors, I am not ashamed to retract them, and cal them again and condemn them. For when I followed mine own invention, not directed by Scripture, I began, as the nature of man is, to wander, and at the last went clean contrary to Gods Word. wherfore I heartily exhort every man, as touching matters of Faith, to found the same upon Gods certain, true and infallible word: lest by doing the contrary, they fal into Superstition, Idolatry, and other manifold errors, as my self, and many other have done.

Wherfore these my two books, the one of the Sacrifice of the Mas, and the other of the Traditions unwritten, in those poynts before re∣hersed, and al other, wherin they be not ful consonant to Scripture, I forsake and renounce as false, erroneous, and against the true word of God; requiring thee, good Christian Reader, whosoever shal read them, to give no further credence to them, then I would my self. That is, not to take, as undoubted truth, all that is therin written, but as written of a man, that some time falleth: to be so far true, as they be consonant to Scripture: wher they be not against Scripture, to be humane persuasion, which may either be so, or not so, as the greater reason shal lead: where they be not consonant to Scripture, to be er∣roneous and false. And that I much lament and am sorry, that I wrote them in those poynts. And I desire every man, that hath any of the said books to beware of them, and to give no credence to them in al such things in them written, as be not consonant to the Scripture, as they wil avoyd occasion of error, and tender the truth of Gods word and his glory. To whom be laud, praise and honor. Amen.

NUM. XL. Archbishop Cranmers Answers to the fifteen Articles of the Rebells Devon. Anno 1549.

* 1.64WHen I first read your Requests, O ignorant men of Devonshire and Cornwal, straitwayes came to my mind a request, which Iames and Iohn made unto Christ: to whom Christ answered, You ask you wot not what. Even so thought I of you assoon as ever I heard your Articles, that you were deceived by some crafty Papist, which devised those Articles for you, to make you ask you wist not what.

As for the Devisors of your Articles, if they understand them, I may not cal them ignorant persons, but, as they be indeed, most rank Papists, and wilful Traitors and Adversaries, both to God and our So∣veraign Lord the King, and to the whole realm. But I cannot be per∣suaded so to think of you, that in your hearts willingly you be Papists and Traitors: but that those that be such have craftily seduced you, being simple and unlearned people, to ask you wot not what.

Wherfore, my duty unto God, and the pity that I have of your igno∣rance, move me now at this time to open plainly and particularly your

own Articles unto you, that you may understand them, and no longer be deceived.

In your first Article you require, that al the General Councels and holy Decrees of our forefathers, may be observed and kept, and who∣soever shal againsay them to be holden as Hereticks.

This you al ask, but what you ask I dare say very few, or none of you understand. For how many of you, I pray you, do know certainly which be called the General Councels, and holy Decrees of the Fathers, and what is in them contained. The holy Decrees as they cal them, be nothing else but the Laws and Ordinances of the Bp. of Rome. Wherof the most part be made for his own advancement, glory and lucre; and to make him and his Clergy Governors of the whole world; and to be exempted from al Princes Lawes, and to do what they list. And would you ask, if you knew what you asked, that we should put away the Lawes of our own realm, and be govern∣ed by the Bp. of Romes Lawes? If you mean this, then be you Traitors to the King, and enemies to your own realm. And if you mean it not, consider what persons they be, and how they have deceived you, that make you ask you wot not what.

And as for the General Councels, you say you wil have them al kept: but you be not so destitute of al reason, that you would have spoken such words, if you had known what you had said. For a great number of the Councels repugn one against another. How should they then be al kept, when one is contrary to another, and the keeping of one is the breaking of another. And among your own Ar∣ticles you say, you wil have divers things observed, which be not only contrary to the General Councels, but also contrary to the Law of this realm, and also to Gods Laws, as it shal be plainly declared, when we come to the Articles.

And al reason is contrary that you should have asked such things, if you had known what you had asked. I have this opinion of the great∣er number of you, that you would fain walk in the right way, if you could find it. And forasmuch as I perceive, that wicked and false guides, under pretence to bring you to the high way, have brought you clean out of it, my good wil shal be, seeing you so far wandring out of the way, and so blindfolded with il persuasions, that you can∣not see where you go, to open your eyes that you may see, and to set you again into the right way. And when your eyes be so opened, that you may se, and the right way shewed unto you, wherin you should walk; then if you wil stil wink, and not see, and run headlong in error, and not come to the right way, you may no longer be called simple and ignorant people, but perverse, froward and wicked Papists and Traitors, Enemies to God and your own realm.

But now I wil come to your Articles, particularly opening every one of them by himself, that you may se the bowels therof, and what is contained in the same. That when you shal understand the whole, you may judge whether you knew before what you asked, or you were deceived by subtil and wily Papistical Traitors.

I. Your first Article is this▪ WEE wil have al the General Councels, and holy Decrees of our forefathers observed, kept and performed: and whosoever shal againsay them, we hold them as Hereticks.

First, to begin with the manner of your phrase. Is this the fashion of Subjects to speak unto their Prince; We wil have? Wa•• this ma∣ner of speech at any time used of the Subjects to their Prince, since the beginning of the world? Have not al true Subjects ever used to their Soveraign Lord this form of speaking, Most humbly beseecheth your faithful and obedient Subjects. Altho the Papists have abused your ignorance in propounding such Articles, which you understand not, yet you should not have suffered your selves so much to be led by the nose, and bridled by them, that you should clearly forget your duty of Allegiance unto your Soveraign Lord, saying unto him, This we wil have; and that saying with armour upon your backs and swords in your hands. Would any of you, that be Householders, be content, that your servants should come upon you with harness unto their backs, and swords in their hands, and say unto you, This we wil have? If then you would abhor and detest this in your servants towards your selves, how can you allow your fact? With what conscience can you, being but subjects, do to your King that thing, which you would con∣demne in your servants towards your selves? But answer me this, Be you Subjects or no? If you be Subjects, then I admonish you, as S. Paul taught Titus, saying, Warn them to be subject to Princes, and Rulers, obeying them at a word. But tel me again▪ Pertaineth this to subjection and obedience to say, This we wil have? S. Peter saith, Be subject unto Kings, as unto chief heads, and to other Rulers sent by them. For so is the Wil of God. Gods wil is, that you should be ru••ed by your Prin∣ces. But whether is this to be ruled by your King, or to rule your King, to say, Thus we wil have the Realm governed? Your Servants be by the Scripture commanded, as they fear God, to be obedient to their Masters, whether their Masters be good or evil. And can you think it meet and lawful for you to disobey your undoubted King; being a Prince most innocent, most godly, and most careful for your sorrow and wealth? If any thing can declare disobedience, what can declare it more then Subjects to come with force of armes to their natural King and Prince, and say, This we wil have?

But now leaving your rude and unhansome maner of speech to your most Soveraign Lord, I wil come to the point, and joyn with you in the effect of your first Article. You say, you wil have al the holy Decrees observed and kept. But do you know what they bee? The holy Decrees, as I told you before, be called the Bp. of Romes ordi∣nances and lawes. Which how holy and godly soever they be called, they be indeed so wicked, so ungodly, so ••ul of tyranny and so partial, that since the beginning of the world, were never devised or invented the like. I shal reherse a certain of them, that your selves may see, how holy they be, and may say your minds, whether you would have them kept or no. And at the hearing of them, if you shal not think

them meet to be kept here in this realm, then you may see how they deceived you, that moved you to ask this Article. And if you like them and would have them kept, after you know what they be, then I say assuredly, that you be not only wicked Papists, but also Heretics, and most hainous Traitors to the King and this his realm. And yet how an absolute Papist varieth from an Heretick or Traitor, I know not: but that a Papist is also both a Heretic and a Traitor withal.

One Decree saith, That whosoever doth not acknowledg himself to be un∣der the obedience of the Bp. of Rome is an Heretic. Now answer me to this Question, Whether be you under the obedience of the Bp. of Rome, or not? If you say, that you be under his obedience, then be you Traytors by the laws of this realm. And if you deny it, then be you Heretics by this Decree. And shift is there none to save you from treason, but to renounce this Decree, that commandeth you to be un∣der the Bp. of Rome: and so to confes contrary to your own first Arti∣cle, That al Decrees are not to be kept.

Yet a great many other Decrees be as evil, and worse than this. One saith, That al Princes lawes, which be against a Decree of the Bp. of Rome, be void, and of no strength. Another Decree saith, That al the Decrees of the Bp. of Rome ought for ever to be kept of al men, as Gods word. Another Decree there is, That whosoever receiveth not the law of the Bp. of Rome, availeth neither him the Catholick faith, nor the four Evangelists. For his sin shal never be forgiven. Yet is there a worse, and more detestable decree, That al Kings and Princes that suffer the Bp. of Romes Decrees to be broken in any point, are to be taken as Infidels. Another is there also, That the Bp. of Rome is bound to no maner of Decrees, but he may constrain al other persons, both Spiritual and Temporal, to receive al his Decrees, and Canons. Another is yet more devilish, then any before rehersed, That altho the Bp. of Rome neither regard his own Salvation, nor no mans else, but put down with himself headlong innu∣merable people by heaps unto hell, yet may no mortal man presume to reprove him therfore. But what should I tarry, and make you weary in re∣hersing a number? For a thousand other like Canons and Decrees there be, to the Advancement of the Bp. of Rome his usurped power and authority.

I cannot think of you, that you be so far from al godliness, from al wit and Discretion, that you would have these Decrees observed with∣in this Realm, which be so blasphemous to God, so injurious to al Princes and Realms, and so far from al equity and reason. But here you may easily perceive, what wily foxes you met withal, which per∣suaded you to arme your selves, to make sedition in your own Country, to stand against your Princes, and the laws of your Realm, for such Articles as you understand not, and to ask you wist not what. For I dare say for you, that the subtil Papists, when they moved you to stand in this Article, that al the holy Decrees should be observed, they shewed you nothing of these Decrees, that they would have taken for holy Decrees. For if they had, they knew right wel, that you would never have consented unto this Article; but would have taken them for Traitors, that first moved you thereto.

For now shal I shew you, what miserable case you should bring your selves unto, if the Kings Majesty should assent unto this first Ar∣ticle, that al the Decrees should be kept and observed. For among other partial Decrees made in favor of the Clergy, this is one, That none of the Clergy shal be called, or sued before any Temporal Iudge, for any maner of cause, either for debt, suit of lands, fellony, mur∣ther, or for any other cause or crime: Nor shal have any other Iudge, but his Bp. only. Another is, That a Spiritual man may sue a Tem∣poral man before a Temporal or Spiritual Iudge at his plesure: but a Temporal man cannot sue a Spiritual, but only before his Ordinary. I cannot deny, but these been good and beneficial laws for the liberty of the Clergy. But for your own part, I suppose you do not think it any indifferent Law, that a Priest shal sue you where he list with the li∣cence of his Ordinary; and you shal sue him for no maner of cause, but only before his own Ordinary. Or if a Priest had slain one of your sons or brether, that you should have no remedy against him, but only before the Bp. What mean those Papistical priests, that stirred you to ask, and wil, such decrees and lawes to be observed in this realm, but covertly and craftily to bring you under their subjection: And that you your selves ignorantly asking you wist not what, should put your own heads under their girdles?

For surely if you had known these Decrees, when you consented to this Article, you would have torn the Article in pieces, and they that moved you therto also. For these Decrees ••e not only partial, and against al equity and reason, made only for the favor of the Clergy, and the suppression of the Laity; but also they be, and ever have ••e, clearly contrary to the Lawes and customes of this Realm. And yet by this Article you wil have the old antient Laws and customes of this realm (which have ever been used in al Kings times hitherto) to be void and to cease, and these Decrees to come in their place, and be ob∣served of al men, and againsaid of no man. For whosoever speaketh against them, you wil hold them for Heretics. And in so saying, look what sentence you give of your selves, altho your Article say it, yet I am sure you be not so much enemies to your own Realm, that you would have the old antient Laws and Customs of this Realm (for the defence whereof al the Noble Kings of this Realm have so valiantly and so justly stand against the Bishops of Rome) now to be taken away and give place unto Romish Decrees. And then by your own Article you hold and condemn your selves to be Heretics.

How be you bewitched by these false Papists? Why do you suffer them thus to abuse you by their subtilty, to make you condemn your selves of Heresy? Why do you not send them unto the Kings Ma∣jesty, like errant Traitors, as indeed they be, Saying unto him,

Most mighty Prince, and most drad Soveraign Lord, we present here unto you most heinous Traitors against your Majesty and realm, and greatest Dissemblers and falsest Deceivers of us, your Simple and ignorant people, and yet in our own hearts your true and faithful Subjects. We have erred, We have grievously offended your Ma∣jesty: but by ignorance, being so seduced, and provoked by the crafty persuasions of these most hainous Traitors, that we wist not what we did. But pardon us, Soveraign Lord, have pity upon

our Simplicity and ignorance: and these abominable Traitors pu∣nish, according to their deservings. Have mercy, most merciful Prince, of us, your poor flock, which were ignorantly led out of the way, and strike with the Swords those malicious guides, that purposely would have led us to our utter destruction.

If you did thus, then would you do the parts of true faithful and loyal Subjects, and should declare to the world, that al that you have hitherto done was done by error and ignorance. And I would nothing doubt of the Kings Majestie his Clemency and Mercy towards you.

But yet, to the intent that you may further know how unreasonable your first Article is, I wil yet reherse another sort of the holy Lawes and Decrees. One is, That no Lay man may have a Benefice to farm. Another is, That none of the Clergy may give any thing to the relief of the commonweal, and necessity of their own realm, without the consent of the Bp. of Rome. Another is, That no Lay man may meddle with election, or any other thing, that pertaineth unto any of the Clergy. Another is, That none of the Clergy ought to give any oath of fidelity to their Princes, except they have temporal lands of them. Another is, That Princes ought to obey the Bps, and the Decrees of the Church, and to submit their Heads unto their Bps, and not to be judges over the Bps. Another is, Whoso∣ever offendeth the Liberties of the Church, or doth break any Interdiction that cometh from Rome, or conspireth against the Person or Estate of the Bp. or See of Rome, or by any maner offendeth, disobeyeth, or rebelleth against the same Bp. or See, or that killeth a Priest, or offendeth personally against a Bp. or other Prelate, or invadeth, spoileth, withholdeth, or wast∣eth Lands belonging to the Church of Rome, or to any other Church, imme∣diately subject unto Rome, or whosoever invadeth any Pilgrims, that go to Rome, or any Suitors to the Court of Rome, or that let the devolution of causes unto that Court, or that put any new charges or impositions, real or personal, upon a Church, or ecclesiastical person; and generally, All others that offend in the cases contained in the Bul, which is usually published by the Bps. of Rome upon Maunday thursday; Al these can be assoiled by no Priest, Bp, Archbp, nor by none other, but only by the Bp. of Rome, or by his express Licence. These with an infinite number of like sort, be the godly and holy Decrees, which you long so sore for, and so much desire.

Now would I know, whether you think, that these decrees were made for the common wealth of al realmes, or only for the private weal of the Bp. of Rome, and of his Bps. and Clergy? And whether you like and long for these laws; or now, at the hearing of them, your longing is done? If you like them, Wel, for my part, I would you had them practised among you for a while, so that the rest of the Realm were not troubled, neither with you, nor with your Decrees, unles you repented your selves of your foolish demands. I think within a year you would kneel on your knees to the Kings Majestie, desiring him to take from your necks the yokes and halters, which you had made for your selves.

But to conclude the sum of the first Article in few words. It is nothing else but a clear subversion of the whole State and Lawes of this realm; and to make this Realm to be whole governed by Romish

Lawes, and to crown the Idol and Antichrist of Rome, king of this realm, and to make our most undoubted and natural King his vile Sub∣ject and slave. Oh! what was in your minds to ask such a thing, and so presumptuously to say, that you wil have it? I trust there be not in you so much malice and devilishness, as the Article containeth: but that you were craftily subornate by subtil Papists to ask and demand you wist not what.

If you had asked, that the Word of God might be duly observed and kept every where within this Realm: And whosoever would gainsay Gods word, to be holden as a Heretic: If you had declared your selves to be godly men; al that be godly would have commended and furthered your requests. But forasmuch as you ask Romish Ca∣nons and Decrees to be observed and kept here in England, and whoso∣ever shal againsay them, to be holdon as hereticks, there is neither godly, nor truly English man, that will allow you, or consent to your Articles. But clean contrary to your Articles, a great number of godly persons within this realm, for the very love that they have to God, that his Name may be glorified above al things, be daily humble Suitors to the Kings Majesty, that he following the steps of his Father, wil study, and travail to weed out of this his Realm, al Popish De∣crees, Lawes and Canons, and whatsoever else is contrary to Gods word: and that the speakers against Gods word may be taken, as they be indeed, for Heretics. And is any of you so far from reason, that he thinketh the Kings Majesty ought to hearken to you, that by force and stubbornness say, you wil have Romish Laws and Decrees kept in this realm, and to turn his ears from them, that with al humility be suitors for Gods Word?

But now wil I come to your other Articles, wherein I wil be brief, forasmuch as in the first I have been long and tedious.

II. Your second Article is this, WEE wil have the Law of our Soveraign Lord K. Henry VIII▪ concerning the six Articles, to be used again, as in his time they were.

Letting pas your rude stile, nothing becoming Subjects, to say, You wil have, First, I examine you of the cause of your wilful wil, wherefore you wil have these six Articles, which never were laws in no region, but this: nor in this realm also, until the 31st. year of King Henry VIII. And in some things so enforced by the evil Counsil of cer∣tain Papists against the truth, and common judgment, both of Divines and Lawyers, that if the Kings Majesty himself had not come perso∣nally into the Parlament house, those lawes had never passed. And yet within a year or little more, the same most noble Prince was faine to temper his said lawes, and moderate them in divers points. So that the statute of six Articles continued in his force little above the space of one year. Is this then so great a matter to make these uproars, and to

arise against the whole realm? Wil you take away the present laws of this Realm, which be and ever have been, the laws of al other Countreis also, and set up new Lawes, which never were, but in this Realm only, and were here in force not fully thirteen months? And how chanceth it, that you be so earnest in this Article, which is di∣rectly contrary to your first Article, but you know not what neither of the Articles meaneth; but be persuaded by Papists to ask you wot not what? But now here is the repugnance of the two Arti∣cles: By your First you wil have al General Councels and Decrees observed and kept; and by your Second Article you wil have the six Articles used again. Then let us compare the general Councels and Decrees with the Six Articles; and you shal see them aggree as wel together, as black and white.

First, it is contained in the Canons of the Apostles, that a priest un∣der no pretence of holines may put away his wife; and, if he do, he shal be excommunicate. And the six Articles say, that if any Priest put not away his wife, he shal be taken for a Felon. If he keep her not ••til, he must be excommunicate by the Canon of the Apostles. And if he keep her stil, he must suffer death by the six Articles. You be cunning men, if you can set these together. Also, the Councel of Nice, which was the chief of al the General Councels, and was celebrated more then twelve hundred years past, decreed clean contrary to the six Articles. For where the six Articles command al Priests to be sepa∣rate from their wives, Nicen Councel determined clean contrary, that they should not be separated, confessing such copulation to be holy and godly. And the Councel of Gangrense, which was about the same time, so much allowed the marriage of priests, that they ac∣cursed them that would abstain from the Ministration of priests, be∣cause they were married. These Councels vary so far from the six Ar∣ticles, that either you must put the General Councels out of your Book, or else the six Articles.

Likewise, concerning Private Masses, the law of six Articles far differeth from the Canon of the Apostles, and from the Councels, Nicen and Antioch, as shal be declared in the next Artic••e.

Other things there be divers also in the six Articles, which cannot stand with sundry old Canons, Decrees and Councels. So that if you wil stand to the Canons, Decrees and Councels, you must of force be constrained utterly to put out of your book your second Article, which requireth the usage of the Six Articles. But now for shortnes of time I wil come to your third Article: Which is this,

III. The third Article. WE wil have the Mass in Latine, as was before, and celebrated by the Priest, without any man or woman communicating with him.

Forasmuch as there is nothing with you, but Wil, let your wil be conferred with reason and Gods word; and then you shal se how far your Wil differeth from them both: First as touching the Latine Mas∣ses, Whatsoever the Priest saith in the old Masses, whether he pray

and ask any thing of God, or give thanks to God, or make the true Profession of the Faith, or whatsoever he doth besides, al he doth in your persons and in your names; and you answer unto that which he saith, sometimes Amen, sometimes Et cum spiritu tuo; and sometimes other things, as the matter serveth. For al the whole that is done should be the act of the people, and pertain to the people, as wel as to the priest. And standeth it with reason, that the Priest should speak for you, and in your name, and you answer him again in your own per∣sons; and yet you understand never a word, neither what he saith, nor what you say your selves? The Priest prayeth to God for you, and you answer Amen you wot not whereto. Is there any reason here∣in? Wil you not understand what the Priest prayeth for you? What thanks he giveth for you, What he asketh for you? Wil you neither understand what he saith, nor let your hearts understand what your own tongues answer? Then must you needs confes your selves to be such people as Christ spake of, When he said, These people honor me with their lips, but their hearts be far from me. Had you rather be like Pyes or Parrots, that be taught to speak, and yet understand not one word what they say, then be true christen men, that pray unto God in heart and in faith? The Priest is your Proctor and Atturney, to plead your cause, and to speak for you al; and had you rather not know, then know what he saith for you? I have heard Sutors murmur at the bar, because their Atturneyes have pleaded their cases in the French tongue, which they understood not. Why then be you offended, that the Priests, which plead your cause before God, should speak such lan∣guage, as you may understand? If you were before the Kings High∣nes, and should chuse one to speak for you al, I am sure you would not chuse one, that should speak Greek or Hebrew, French or Italian; no, nor one, that should speak Latine neither. But you would be glad to provide such one, as should speak your own language, and speak so loud, that you might both hear him, and understand him: that you might allow or disallow that that he said in your Names. Why do you then refuse to do the like unto God?

When the Priest desireth any thing of God for you, or giveth thanks for you, how can you in your heart confirm his Sayings, when you know not one word what he saith? For the heart is not moved with words, that be not understand.

But if reason wil not persuade you, I wil prove what Gods word will do unto you. S. Paul, in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, saith, that whosoever shal speak to the people in the Church to their edifica∣tion, must speak such language as the people may understand: or else he willeth him to hold his peace, and speak softly to himself and to God. For he which speaketh in a strange language, which the people understand not, doth not edify them, as S. Paul saith. And he giveth an example of the trumpet in the field, which when it giveth such a sound, that the Soldier understandeth, it availeth much. For every Soldier therby knoweth what to do. But if such a blast be blowen, as no man understandeth, then the blast is utterly in vain. For no man knoweth therby, whether the horsemen shal make them ready, or leap upon horseback, or go to their standard. Or whether the footmen shall make them ready, or set themselves in array, or set upon the

enemy, or retyre to the standard. Even so should the Priests be Gods trump in in his Church. So that if he blow such a certain blast, that the people may understand, they be much edified therby. But if he give such a sound, as is to the people unknown, it is clearly in vain, saith S. Paul. For he speakes to the air, but no man is the better or edi∣fied therby; Nor knoweth what he should do by that he heareth. Fur∣thermore in the same place S. Paul saith, That if a man giveth thanks to God in a language to the people unknown, how can they say Amen to that they understand not? He doth wel in giving thanks to God; but that nothing availeth or edifieth the people, that know not what he saith. And S Paul in one brief sentence concludeth his whole Disputation of that matter: Saying, I had rather have five words spoken in the Church to the instruction and edifying of the people, then ten thou∣sand in a language unknown, that edifieth not. And for this purpose al∣ledgeth the Prophet Esay. Who saith, that God wil speak to his people in other tongues, and in other languages. Meaning therby that he would speak to every country in their own language. So have the Greeks the Mass in the Greek tongue, the Syrians in the Syry tongue, the Armeni∣ans in their tongue, and the Indians in their own tongue. And be you so much addict to the Romish tongue, which is the Latine tongue, that you wil have your Mas in none other language, but the Romish lan∣guage? Christ himself used among the Iews the Iews language: and willed his Apostles to do the like in every country, whersoever they came. And be you such enemies to your own country, that you wil not suffer us to laud God, to thank him, and to use his Sacraments in our own tongue: but wil inforce us contrary, as wel to al reason, as to the word of God?

So many as be godly, or have reason, wil be satisfied with this. But the mere Papists wil be satisfied with nothing. Wherfore I wil no ••on∣ger tary to satisfy them, that never wil be satisfied, but wil procede to the second part of this Article, wherin you say, that you wil have neither men nor women communicate with the Priest. Alas! good simple souls, how be you blinded with the Papists? How contrary be your Articles one to another? You say in your first Article, that you wil have al General Councels and Decrees observed, and now you go from them your selves. You say, you wil have no body to com∣municate with the Priest. Hear then what divers Canons, Decrees and general Councels say clean against you. There is one Decree which saith thus, When the Consecration is done, let al the people receive the Com∣munion, except they wil be put out of the Church. And in the Canons of the Apostles, in the eighth Chapter, is contained, That whensoever there is any Mas, or Communion, if any Bp., Priest, Deacon, or any other of the Clergy, being there present, do not communicate, (except he can shew some reasonable cause to the contrary) he shal be put out of the Communion, as one that giveth occasion to the people to think evil of the Ministers. And in the ninth Chapter of the same Canons of the Apostles, and in the General Council held at Antioch, is thus written, That al christen people, that come into the Church, and hear the holy Scriptures read, and after wil not tarry to pray, and to receive the holy Communion, with the rest of the people: but for some misordering of themselves, wil abstain therfrom, let them be put out of the Church, until by humble knowledging of their fault,

and by the fruits of Penance, and prayers, they obtain pardon and forgive∣nes. And the Councel Nicene also sheweth the order, how men should sit in receiving the Communion, and who should receive first. Al these Decrees and general Councels utterly condemn your third Article, wherein you wil, That the Priest shal receive the Communion alone without any man or woman communicating with him. And the whole Church of Christ also, both Greeks and Latines, many hundred years after Christ, and the Apostles, do al condemn this your Article: Which ever received the Communion in flocks and numbers together, and not the Priest alone.

And besides this, the very words of the Mas, as it is called, shew plainly, that it is ordained not only for the Priest, but for others also to communicate with the Priest. For in the very Canon, which they so much extol, and which is so holy, that no man may know what it is (and therfore is read so softly, that no man can hear it) in that same Canon, I say, is a prayer concerning this; that not only the Priest, but also as many beside, as communicate with him, may be fulfilled with grace and heavenly benediction. How aggreeth this prayer with your Article, wherein you say, that neither man nor woman shal commu∣nicate with the priest? In another place also of the said Canon, the priest prayeth for himself, and for al that receive the communion with him, that it may be a preparation for them unto everlasting life. Which prayer were but a very fond prayer, and a very mocking with God, if no body should communicate with the priest. And the Commu∣nion concludes with two prayers in the name of the priest, and them that communicate with him, wherin they pray thus:

O Lord, that thing which we have taken in our mouth, let us take it also with pure minds, that this Communion may purge us from our sins, and make us partakers of heavenly remedy.

And besides al this, there be an infinite sort of postcommons in the Mas-books. Which al do evi∣dently shew, that in the Masses, the people did communicate with the priest.

And altho I would exhort every good christen man often to receive the holy Communion: yet I do not recite al these things to the intent, that I would in this corrupt world, (when men live so ungodly as they do) that the old Canons should be restored again, which com∣mand every man present to receive the Communion with the priest. Which Canons, if they were now used, I fear that many would re∣ceive it unworthily. But I speak them to condemn your Articles, which would have no body, neither man nor woman, to be commu∣nicated with the priest. Which your Article condemneth the old Decrees, Canons and General Councels, condemneth al the old pri∣mitive church, al the old, antient, holy Doctors, and Martyrs, and al the formes and maner of Masses, that ever were made, both new and old. Therfore eat again this Article, if you wil not be condemn∣ed of the whole world, and of your selves also by your first Article: Wherin you wil al Decrees, and general Councels to be observed. But forasmuch as I have been so tedious in this Article, I wil endeavour my self to be shorter in the next.

IV. Your fourth Article is this, WE wil have the Sacrament hang over the high Altar, and there to be worshipped, as it was wont to be; and they which wil not therto consent, we wil have them dy like Heretics against the holy Catholic faith.

What say you, O ignorant people in things pertaining to God? Is this the holy Catholic faith, that the Sacrament should be hanged over the Altar and worshipped? And be they Heretics, that wil not con∣sent therto? I pray you, who made this Faith? Any other, but the Bishops of Rome? And that after more then a thousand years after the Faith of Christ was ful and perfect. Innocent III. about 1215 years after Christ, did ordain, that the Sacrament and Chrism should be kept under lock and key. But yet no motion he made of hanging the Sacra∣ment over the high Altar, nor of the worshiping of it. After him came Honorius III. and he added further, commanding that the Sa∣crament should be devoutly kept in a clean place, and sealed, and that the priest should often teach the people reverendly to bow down to the host, when it is lifted up in the Mass time, and when the priests should cary it to the sick folkes. And altho this Honorius added the worship∣ping of the Sacrament, yet he made no mention of the hanging therof over the high Altar, as your Article proporteth. Nor how long after, or by what means, that came first up into this realm, I think no man can tel. And in Italy it is not yet used until this day. And in the be∣ginning of the Church it was not only not used to be hanged up, but also it was utterly forbid to be kept.

And wil you have al them that wil not consent to your Article, to dy like heretics, that hold against the Catholic faith? Were the Apo∣stles and Evangelists heretics? Were the Martyrs and Confessors here∣tics? Were al the old Doctors of the Church heretics? Were al chri∣sten people heretics, until within three or four hundred years last past, that the Bishops of Rome taught them what they should do and be∣lieve? All they before rehearsed neither hanged the Sacrament over the Altar, nor worshiped it, nor not one of them al spake any one word, either of the hanging up, or worshiping of the Sacrament. Mary, they speak very much of the worshiping of Christ himself, setting in heaven at the right hand of his Father. And no man doth duely re∣ceive the Sacrament, except he so, after that maner, do worship Christ, whom he spiritually receiveth, spiritually feedeth and nou∣risheth upon, and by whom spiritually he liveth, and continueth that life that is towards God. And this the Sacrament teacheth us.

Now to knit up this Article shortly. Here is the issue of this mat∣ter: that you must either condemn of heresy the Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Doctors, and al the holy Church of Christ, until the time of Innocentius and Honorius, because they hanged not the Sacrament over the Altar to be worshiped; or else you must be condemned your selves by your own Article, to dy like heretics against the holy Catho∣lic faith. Now to your fifth Article.

V. Your fifth Article is this, WE wil have the Sacrament of the Altar but at Easter delivered to the Lay-people; and then but in one kind.

Methinks you be like a man, that were brought up in a dark dunge∣on, that never saw light, nor knew nothing that is abroad in the world. And if a friend of his pitying his ignorance and state, would bring him out of his dungeon, that he might se the light and come to knowledg, he being from his youth used to darknes, could not abide the light, but would wilfully shut his eyes, and be offended both with the light, and with his friend also. A most godly Prince of famous memory K. Hen∣ry VIII. our late Soveraign Lord, pitying to se his Subjects many years so brought up in darknes, and ignorance of God, by the erroneous do∣ctrines and superstitions of the Bp. of Rome, with the counsil of al his Nobles and learned men, studied by al means, and that to his no little danger and charges, to bring you out of your said ignorance and dark∣nes unto the true light, and knowledg of Gods word. And our most dread Soveraign Lord, that now is, succeding his father, as wel in this godly intent, as in his realmes and dominions, hath with no less care and diligence, studied to perform his fathers godly intent and purpose. And you like men, that wilfully shut their own eyes, refuse to receive the light, saying you wil remain in your darknes. Or rather you be like men, that be so far wandred out of the right way, that they can never come to it again without good and expert guides: and yet when the guides would tel you the truth, they would not be ordered by them, but would say unto them, Wee wil have, and follow our own wayes.

And that you may understand how far you be wandred from the ••ight way in this one Article, wherin you wil have the Sacrament of the Altar delivered to the Lay-people but once in the year, and then but under one kind, be you assured, that there was never such law, nor such request made among christen people, until this day. What injury do you to many godly persons, which would devoutly receive it many times, and you command the priest to deliver it them but at Easter. Al learned men and godly have exhorted christen people, (al∣tho they have not commanded them) often to receive the Communi∣on. And in the Apostles time, the people at Ierusalem received it every day, as it appeares by the manifest word of the Scripture. And after, they received it in some places every day: In some places four times in the week: in some three times: some twice: commonly eve∣ry where at the least once in the week. In the beginning, when men were most godly and fervent in the holy Spirit, then they received the Communion daily. But when the Spirit of God began to be more cold in mens hearts, and they waxed more worldly than godly, then their desire was not so hot to receive the Communion, as it was before. And ever from time to time, as the world waxed more wicked, the more the people withdrew themselves from the holy Communion. For it was so holy a thing; and the threatnings of God be so sore against them, that come therto unworthily, that an ungodly man ab∣horreth it, and not without cause dare in no wise approch therunto.

But to them that live godly, it is the greatest comfort, that in this world can be imagined. And the more godly a man is, the more sweet∣nes and spiritual plesure and desire he shal have, often to receive it. And wil you be so ungodly, to command the Priest, that he shal not deliver it to him, but at Easter: and then but only in one kind? When Christ ordained both the kinds, as wel for the Lay-men, as for the Priests: and that to be eaten and drunken at al times.

What enemies be you to al Lay-men, and to your selves also, to re∣fuse to drink of Christs cup, which he commanded al men to drink upon, saying, Take and divide this among you; and, Drink ye al of it?

But need any more be brought for the reproving of this Article, then your own first Article, where you wil have kept al Decrees and Coun∣cels. Now in the Decrees De Consecrat. Di. 2. there is one Decree that commandeth al men to receive the Communion at the least thrice in the year, at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christmas. Another command∣eth every man to receive the same upon Shere-thursday. The Councel Agathense saith, that al Lay-men which receive not the Communion at Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, shal not be taken for Catholics. And the Decree of Gelasius, that the receiving under one kind is great Sa∣crilege. Then by your first Article you do not only condemn your fift Article, but also you shew your selves not to be Catholics, except you receive the Communion at the least three times in the year: and that under both kinds. Which is clean repugnant to this Article. And yet I pray God, you receive it worthily once in your life; which you shal never do, except you wonderfully repent this your misbehaviour: and al your life time study to amend and redress that you have now offend∣ed. Now to your sixt Article.

VI. Your Sixt Article is this. WEE wil that our Curates shal minister the Sacrament of Baptism at al times, as wel in the week day, as on the holy day.

Who letteth your Ministers to baptize your child every day, if any case of necessity so do require? But commonly it is more convenient, that Baptism should not be ministred, but upon the holy day, when the most number of people be together. As wel for that the whole church there present may rejoice together of the receiving of new members of Christ into the same church, as also, that al men, being present, may remember, and the better know what they promised themselves by their Godfathers and Godmothers in their own baptis••••; and be the more earnestly stirred in their hearts to perform the same: And also, may altogether pray for them, that be baptized, that they may have grace to perform their Profession. S. Greg. Nazienz. as great a Clerk as ever was in Christs church, and Master to S. Hierom, coun∣selled, that children should not be christened, until they came to three years of age, or thereabouts, except they were in danger of life. And it was thought sufficient to our forefathers to be done two times in the year, at Easter and Whitsuntide, as it appeareth by divers of their Coun∣cels

and Decrees.* 1.65 Which forbid Baptism to be ministred at any other time than Easter and Whitsuntide, except in case of necessity. And there remained lately divers signes and tokens thereof. For every Ea∣ster and Whitsun-even, until this time, the Fonts were hallowed in every church, and many Collects and other prayers were read for them that were baptized. But alas! in vain, and as it were a mocking with God. For at those times, except it were by chance, none were bapti∣zed, but al were baptized before. For as Vigils, otherwise called Watch∣ings, remain in the Calendars upon certain Saints Evens, because in old times the people watched al those nights; and Vigilantius, because he speaketh against these Watchings, was condemned of heresy; but now these many years those Vigils remained in vain in the books, for no man did watch; Even so until this day, the order and form of chri∣stening was read and kept every year at Easter and Whitsuntide, but none was then christened. Wherin it appeareth how far we be swerved from our forefathers.

And, to conclude this Article shortly, If you wil needs have Bap∣tism ministred no more at one time than another, then must you needs renounce your first Article; Which willeth the Councels and Decrees of the forefathers to be observed and kept. And this briefly sufficeth for the sixt Article.

VII. Your Seventh Article is this. WEE wil have holy bread and holy water every Sunday, Palmes and ashes at the time accustomed; Images to be set up again in every Church; and al other antient, old Ceremonies used heretofore by our Mother holy Church.

Oh! Superstition and Idolatry, how they prevaile among you? The very true, heavenly bread of life, the food of everlasting life, of∣fered unto you in the Sacrament of the holy Communion, you refuse to eat, but only at Easter. And the Cup of the most holy bloud, where∣with you were redeemed and washed from your sins, you refuse utter∣ly to drink of at any time. And yet in the sted o•• these you wil eat often of the unsavoury and poisoned bread of the Bishop of Rome, and drink of his stinking puddles, which he nameth Holy bread and Holy water. Consider, oh! ignorant people, the authors and intents of the makers of them both. The water of Baptism, and the holy bread and wine of the holy Communion, none other person did ordain, but Christ himse f. The other that is called Holy bread, Holy water, Holy ashes, Holy Palmes, and al other like ceremonies, ordained the Bps. of Rome; Adversaries to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and therfore right••y called Anti∣christ. And Christ ordained his Bread and his Wine and his Water to our great comfort, to instruct us and teach us what things we have on∣ly by him. But Antichrist on the other side hath set up his Superstiti∣ons, under the name of Holines, to none other intent, but as the Devil secketh al means to draw us from Christ, so doth Antichrist avance his holy Superstitions, to the intent that we shou••d take him in the

sted of Christ, and believe that we have by him such things, as we have only by Christ. That is to say, Spiritual food, Remission of our sins and Salvation.

First, Our Savior Christ ordained the Water of Baptism to signify unto us, that as the Water washeth our bodies outward y, so be we spi∣ritually within washed by Christ from al our sins. And as the Water is ca led Water of Regeneration, or New birth, so it declareth unto us, that through Christ we be born anew, and begin a New life to∣wards God: and that Christ is the beginning of this New life. And as the body that is new born, altho it have life within it, yet can it not continue in the spiritual life towards God, except we be continually nourished with spiritual food. And that spiritual food is Christ also. For as he is the first beginning of our spiritual life, so is he the Conti∣nuance and ending therof. And for this cause did Christ ordain in the holy Communion, to be eaten bread, and drunken wine, that we should surely believe, that as our bodies be fed with bread and wine in these holy mysteries, so be we out of doubt, that our souls be fed spiritually with the lively food of Christs body and blood; wherby we have remission of our sins and salvation. But the Bp. of Rome invent∣ed new devises of his own making, and by them promised remission of sins and salvation, that he might be set up and honored for a Savior equal to Christ. And so to be esteemed above al creatures, and to set in the Temple of God, that is in the Church of Christ, as he were God.

And to bring this to pas he hath horribly abused holy Scriptures, al∣tering them to his purpose in the sted of Christs most holy bloud, put∣ting in his holy Water. As it appeareth evidently in this Sentence of S. Paul written in the ninth Chap. of the Hebrewes: If the bloud of Oxen and Goats, saith S. Paul, and the ashes of a yong Cow purified the un∣clean, as touching the purifying of the flesh, how much more the bloud of Christ (which through the eternal Spirit offered himself without spot unto God) shal purge your consciences from dead works, for to serve the Living God. And for this cause he is the Mediator of the New covenant. Consider wel this sentence of Paul, and you shal find two purifyings one of the body, and another of the Soul, or Conscience. You shal find also two Mediators; One was the Priest of Moses law, and the other is Christ. The Priests of the old Law, with the bloud of Oxen and Goats, and other their Sacrifices, purged only the bodies of them that were defiled, but the Soul, or Conscience, they could not help. But our Savior Christ by his own bloud purged both body an•• soul. And for that cause he, and none other, is the Mediator of the New Cove∣nant. But the Bp. of Rome, to make himself also a Mediator with Christ, hath taken upon him to purify the soul and conscience with holy water, holy salt, and other his holy creatures of his own devi∣sing, to the intolerable injury of Christs blood, which only h••th the effect. And to bring this to pass, hee hath most shamefully changed the words of the Scripture, and wrested them to his purpose: Some words putting out, and only in the sted of Christs bloud, putting in his own holy water and salt. For wheras S. Paul, if the blood of Oxen and Goats, and the ashes of a Cow purified the unclean, as touching the pu∣rifying of the flesh: here the Bp. of Rome leaveth out these words, As

touching the purifying of the flesh. And where S. Paul, extolling the effect of Christs bloud in comparison of the bloud of Oxen and Goats, saith, How much more the bloud of Christ, which through the eternal spirit offered himself, being without spot, unto God, shal purge your consciences: Here the Bp. of Rome, extolling his water and salt puts out Christs bloud, and in the place thereof puts his holy water and salt; saying, How much more water, which is sprinkled with salt, and hallowed with godly prayers, shal sanctify and purify the people. Oh! intolerable blasphemy against the most precious bloud of Christ! Oh! shameles audacity and bold∣nes, so to corrupt and pervert Gods holy word! If he by his holy wa∣ter presume to purify our souls, as Christ did by his bloud, what is that else, but to make himself equal, and another Mediator with Christ? And what is it, to Tread under foot the Son of God, and to make the bloud of the N. Testament (wherby he was Sanctified) like other common things, and to dishonor the spirit of grace, if this be not? And yet not contented with this blaspheming the bloud of Christ, he preferreth his holy creatures far above the bloud of Christ, promi∣sing by them many benefits, which by the bloud of Christ be not pro∣mised. For in the same place he promiseth by his holy ceremonies to take away from us dearth and scarcity of al worldly things, and to multiply and encrease us with the same. Also to defend us from the assaults of the Devil, and al his deceits, and to give us health both of body and soul. But al men se him so shamefully to ly in these worldly things, that no man, that wise is, wil trust him in the rest. Nor no man, that is godly, wil desire such things to remain stil, which so much have deceived simple people, and dishonored God, and been contumelious to the bloud of Christ.

But now to your Images, which, you say, you wil have set up again in every Church. What moved you to require this Article, but only Ignorance? For if you had known the Laws of God, and the use of godly religion, as wel before the Incarnation of Christ, as four or five hundred years next after, and by whom Images were at first brought into Christs church, and how much Idolatry was every where committed by the means of the same, it could not have been, that ever you would have desired this Article, except you had more affecti∣on to Idolatry, then to true religion. For Almighty God, among the ten Commandments rehearsed this for the Second, as one of the chief, Thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image, nor the likenes of any thing, that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, nor in the water under the earth. Thou shalt not bow to them, nor worship them. This Commandment was diligently kept in the old Testament, so long as the people pleased God. For in their Tabernacle was not one image, less nor more, that the people might se. Although upon the Propitia∣tory were two Cherubins of gold by the Commandment of God. And that was in such a place, as the people never came near, nor saw. But when the people forgetting this Commandment, began to make images, and to set them up in the place of Adoration, by and by they provoked Gods indignation against them, and were grievously punished therfore.

The Church of Christ likewise in the N. Testament, for the space of four or five hundred years after Christ's Ascension, utterly refused to have Images in the Church, a place of Adoration. As it may plainly

appear by al the old, antient Authors, that lived and wrot in that time. In so much, that above four hundred years after Christ, when some Superstitious, and ignorant people, in some places, began to bring painted images, not into the Church, but to the Church doores, the great Clerk Epiphanius, Bp. of Cyprus, finding such a painted Image of Christ, or some other Saint, hanging at the Church door, in a Town called Anablatha, he cutt it in pieces, saying, that it was against the authority of scripture, that in the Church of Christ should hang the Image of a man. And the same Epiphanius wrot unto the Bp. of Ie∣rusalem, that he should command the Priests, that in no wise they shou'd suffer such Images to be hanged in the church of Christ, which were contrary to our religion.

But peradventure you wil mervail, and ask me the question, how it was brought to pas, that of late years al Churches were so ful of Ima∣ges, and so much offering, and pilgrimages done unto them, if it were against the Commandment of God, against the usage of al god∣ly people in the O. Testament, and also against the custom of Christs church in the N. Testament, so long as it was pure and holy, and kept from Idolatry? Who was able to bring this to effect, contrary both to Gods expres Commandment, and the custom of al godly people from the beginning of the world, until four or five hundred years after Christ? No man surely could have wrought this thing so much con∣trary to God, but Antichrist himself, that is to say, the Bp. of Rome. To whom God hath given great power to work wonders, to bring into error those that wil not believe the truth. But by what means did he compas this matter? By such means as were most meet for him∣self, and as he hath commonly practised in al other matters: that is to say, by Sedition and Murder, by Confederacies and Persecutions, by raising the Sons against their Fathers, the childre against their mother, and the Subjects against their Ru••ers; by deposing of Emperors and Princes, and murdering of learned men, Saints and Martyrs. For thus he wrought against the Emperor of the East parties from Grego∣ry II. his time, until Gregory III. who at length, after this condition had endured above five hundred years, in a Councel held at Lions, by feigned promises, persuaded the Emperor of the East to condescend to his purpose, as wel to receive Images into the churches, as to other his requests. But nevertheles the Bp. of Rome failed of his purpose. For yet to this day the Christen men in the East do not allow images to stand in their churches; neither the Greeks; nor the Armenians, nor the Indians, nor none other christen men. And that more is, Search al the world through out, of what religion soever they be, whether they be Iews, Turks, Saracens, Tartaries, or Christen people; and you shal not find an image in none of their churches, but that was brought in by the Bp. of Rome, and where the Bp. of Rome is, or with in these forty years was, taken for the head of the Church, and Christ's Vicar in earth.

And at the beginning the Bps. of Rome, to cloak their Idolatry, pre∣tended to have Images set up, only for a remembrance to Lay men, and to be, as it were, Lay mens books. But after, they defined plain∣ly, that these should be worshipped. And so it encreased at length, that Images were kneeled unto, offered unto, prayed unto, sought

unto; Incensed, and Pilgrimages done unto them, and al maner of superstition and idolatry that could be devised. Almighty God know∣eth our corrupt nature better, then we do our selves. He knoweth wel the inclinations of Man, how much he is given to worship crea∣tures, and the work of his own hands: and especially fond Women, which commonly follow superstition rather then true religion. And therfore he utterly forbad the people the use of graven images; espe∣cially in places dedicated to the honor of God, knowing assuredly, that of the having would follow the worshipping them.

Now, thanks be to God, in this Realm, we be clearly delivered from that kind of idolatry (which most highly offended God,) and we do according to the Councel Elebertyne, which ordained, that no Images should be in Churches. And this is so antient, that it was about the same year, that Nicene Councel was. What should ••hen move you to ask again your Images in the Church, being not only against Gods commandments, and the use of Gods Church evermore, since the beginning of the world, when it was pure from ido••atry; but also being chargeable to the realm, and great occasion of hainous idolatry; But that some Papistical and covetous priests have persuaded you hereto? Which care neither for Gods honor, nor your dam∣nation: so that they may have any commodity or profit therby.

I have been very long in this Article, and yet the matter is so large, that it requireth much more to be spoken therin, which for shortnes of time I am constrained to leave, until a more occasion: and so come to your eigth Article.

VIII. Your Eighth Article is this. WE wil not receive the new Service, because it is but like a Christmas game: but we wil have our old Service of Mattins, Mass, Even∣song, and Procession in Latine, as it was before. And so ne the Cornish men, wh••rof certain of us understand no English, utterly refuse this new English.

As concerning the having of the Service in the Latine tongue, is sufficiently spoken of in the answer to the third Article. But I would gladly know the reason, why the Cornish men refuse utterly the New English, as you cal it, because certain of you understand it not: and yet you wil have the Service in Latin, which almost none of you un∣derstand. If this be a sufficient cause for Cornwal to refuse the English Service, because some of you understand none English, a much grea••er cause have they, both of Cornwal and Devonshire, to refuse utterly the late Service; for as much as fewer of them know the Latine tongue, then they of Cornwal the English tongue. But where you say, that you wil have the old Service, because the new is like a Christmas game, you declare your selves what spirit you be ••ed withal, or rather what spi∣rit leadeth them, that persuaded you, that the Word of God is but like a Christmas game. It is more like a game and a fond play to be laughed at of al men, to hear the Priest speak aloud to the people in Latine, and the people listen with their ears to hear; and some walking up and down in the Church, some saying other prayers in Latin, and none under∣standeth

other. Neither the Priest nor his parish wot what they say. And many times the thing that the Priest saith in Latine is so fond of it self, that it is more like a play, then a godly prayer.

But in the English Service appointed to be read, there is nothing else but the eternal word of God. The New and the Old Testament is read, that hath power to save your Souls: Which, as S. Paul saith, is the power of God to the Salvation of all that believe: The clear light to our eyes, without the which we cannot see; and a Lanthorn unto our feet, without which we should tumble in darknes. It is in it self the Wisdome of God, and yet to the Jews it is a stumb••ing block, and to the Gentiles it is but foolishnes▪ But to such as be called of God, whether they be Iewes or Gentiles, it is the Power of God and the Wisdom of God. Then unto you if it be but foolishness and a Christmas Game, you may discern your selves what miserable state you be in, and how far you be from God. For S. Paul saith plainly, that the Word of God is foolish∣nes only to them that perish: but to them that shal be saved it is Gods might and power. To some it is a lively savor unto life; and to some it is a deadly savor unto death. If i•• be to you but a Christmas game, it is then a Savor of death unto death. And surely persuade your selves, that you be not led by the spirit of God, so long as the word of God Savoureth no better unto you, but seemeth unto you a Christmas pastime, and foolishnes. And therfore the old Service pleaseth you better. Which in many things is so foolish and so ungodly, that it seems rather to be old wives tales and lies, then to sound to any godli∣nes. The Devil is a lyar, and the Author of lyes: and they may think themselves governed rather of his spirit, then of God, when lyes delight more, then Gods most true word.

But this I judge rather of your Leaders then of your selves; who by ignorance be carried away by others, you wot not whether. For when the Service was in the Latine tongue, which you understood not, they might read to you truth or fables, godly or ungodly things, as they pleased: But you could not judge that you understood not. And what was the cause why S. Paul would have such languages spoken in the Church as that people might understand? That they might learn and be edified therby, and judge of that which should be spoken, whe∣ther it were according to Gods word, or not.

But forasmuch as you understand not the old Latine Service, I shal rehearse some things in English, that were wont to be read in Latine, that when you understand them, you may judge them, whether they seem to be true tales, or fables: and whether they, or Gods word seem to be more like playes and Christmas games.

The Devil entred into a certain person; in whose mouth S. Martin put his finger. And because the Devil could not get out at his mouth, the man blew him, or cacked him out behind.

This was one of the tales, that was wont to be read in the Latine service, that you wil needs have again. As tho the Devil had a body, and that so crass, that he could not pas out by the smal pores of the flesh, but must needs have a wide hole to go out at. Is this a grave and godly matter to be read in the Church, or rather a foolish Christmas tale, or an old wives fable, worthy to be laughed at and scorned of every man, that hath either wit or godly judgment? Yet more foolish, erroneous and superstitious things be

read in the feasts of S. Blase, S. Valentine, S. Margaret, S. Peter, of the Visitation of our Lady, and the Conception, of the Transfiguration of Christ, and in the feast of Corpus Christi; and a great number mo. Wherof some be most vain fables, some very superstitious, some di∣rectly against Gods word, and the Lawes of this realm: and altoge∣ther be ful of error and superstition. But as Christ commonly excu∣sed the simple people, because of their ignorance, and justly condemn∣ed the Scribes and Pharisees, which, by their crafty persuasions, led the people out of the right way: So I think not you so much to be blamed, as those Pharisees and Papistical Priests, which, abusing your simpli∣city, caused you to ask you wist not what, desiring rather to drink of the dregs of corrupt error, which you know not, then of the pure and sweet wine of Gods word, which you may and ought to under∣stand. But now have I sufficiently spoke of your eighth Article: I wil go forward unto the ninth.

IX. Your ninth Article is this, WE wil have every preacher in his Sermon, and every Priest at the Mass, pray especially by name for the souls in Purgatory, as our forefathers did.

To reason with you by learning, which be unlearned, it were but folly; Therfore I wil convince your Article with very reason. First, Tell me I pray, if you can, whether there be a Purgatory, or no: and Where or What it is. And if you cannot tel, then I may tel you, that you ask you wot not what. The Scripture maketh mention of two places, where the Dead be received after this life. Viz. of Heaven, and of Hel: but of Purgatory is not one word spoken. Purgatory was wont to be called a Fire, as hot as Hel, but not so long during. But now the Defenders of Purgatory within this Realm, be ashamed so to say: Nevertheles they say, it is a third place. Where or What it is, they confes themselves they can no tel. And of Gods word they have nothing to shew neither, Where it is, nor What it is, nor That it is. But al is fained of their own brains without authority of Scripture.

I would ask of them then, Wherfore it is, and to what use it serveth. For if it be to none use, then it is a thing frustrate and in vain. Mary, say they, it is a place of punishment, wherby they be purged from their sins, that depart out of this life, not fully purged before. I can∣not tel, whether this saying be more foolish, or more contumelious to Christ. For what can be more foolish, then to say, that paines can wash sins out of the Soul. I do not deny but that corrections and pu∣nishments in this life, is a calling of men to repentance and amend∣ment; and so to be purged by the bloud of Christ. But correction without repentance can nothing avail: and they that be dead be past the time of repentance; and so no correction or torments in Purga∣tory can avail them. And what a contumely and injury is this to Christ, to affirm that al have not ful and perfect purgation by his

bloud, that dy in his faith? Is not al our trust in the bloud of Christ, that we be cleansed, purged and washed therby? And wil you have us now to forsake our faith in Christ, and bring us to the Popes Purga∣tory, to be washed theri••: Thinking that Christs bloud is an im∣perfect Lee or Sope, that washeth not clean? If he shal dy without mercy, that treads Christs bloud under his feet, what is treading of his bloud under our feet, if this be not? But if according to the Catholic faith, which the holy Scripture teacheth, and the Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs confirmed with their bloud, al the faithful, that dy in the Lord, be pardoned of al their offences by Christ, and their sins be clearly spunged and washed away by his bloud, shal they after, be cast into another strong and grievous prison of Purgatory, there to be punished again for that which was pardoned before? God hath pro∣mised by his word, that the Souls of the Iews be in Gods hand, and no pain shal touch them: And again he saith, Blessed be they that dy in the Lord. For the spirit of God saith, that from henceforth they shal rest from their pains. And Christ himself saith, He that believeth in him, that sent me, hath everlasting life, and shal not come to judgment, but shal pas from death unto life. And is God no truer of his promises, but to punish that, which he promiseth to pardon? Consider the matter by your own cases. If the Kings Majesty should pardon your offences; and after, would cast you into prison, would you think that he had wel observed his promis? For what is, to pardon your offences, but to pardon the punishment for the same? If the King would pardon you, would you take that for a pardon? Would you not alledg your Pardon, and say, that you ought not to be punished? Who can then, that hath but a crum of reason in his head, imagin of God, that he wil, after our death, punish those things that he pardoned in our life time?

Truth it is, that Scripture maketh mention of Paradise and Abrahams bosome after this life; but those be places of joy and conso∣lation, not of pain and torments. But yet I know what subtil Sophi∣sters use to mutter in mens ears to deceive them withal. David, say they, with many other, were pardoned of their offences, and yet were they sore punished after, for the same, of God. And some of them, so long as they lived. Wel, be it were so. Yet after their lives, they were not punished in Purgatory therfore. But the end of their lives was the end of their punishment. And likewise it is of Original sin after Baptism, which altho it be pardoned, yet after paines therof continue so long as we live. But this punishment in this life time is not to revenge our Original sin, which is pardoned in Baptism; but to make us humble, penitent, obedient to God, fearful to offend, to know our selves, and ever to stand in fear and aw; as if a Father, that hath beaten a wilful child for his faults, should hang the rod con∣tinually at the childs girdle, it should be no smal pain and grief to the child, ever hanging by his side. And yet the father doth it not to beat the child for that which is past and forgiven; but to make him be∣ware hereafter, that he offend not again, and to be gentle, tractable, obedient and loth to do any thing amiss. But after this life there is no such cause of punishment: Where no rod nor whip can force any man to go any faster or further, being already at the end of his journey.

Likewise a Master, that hath an unthrifty Servant, which out of his Masters sight doth nothing but riot and disorder himself, if he forgive his Servant, and for the love he beareth to him, and the desire he hath to se him corrected and reformed, he wil command him never to be out of his sight: This Command, altho indeed it be a great pain to the Servant, yet the Master doth it not to punish those faults, which before he had pardoned and forgiven, but to keep him in stay, that he fal no mo to like disorder. But these examples and cas••s of punish∣ment here in this life, can in no wise be wrested and drawn to the life to come. And so in no wise can serve for Purgatory.

And furthermore, Seeing that the Scriptures so often and so dili∣gently teach us, almost in every place, to relieve al them that be in necessity, to feed the hungry, to cloth the naked, to visit the sick and the prisoner, to comfort the sorrowful; and so to al others that have need of our help: and the same in no place make mention, either of such pains in Purgatory, or what comfort we may do them; it is cer∣tain that the same is feigned for lucre, and not grounded upon Gods word. For else the Scripture in some place would have told us plainly what case they stood in that be in Purgatory, and what relief and help we might do unto them. But as for such as Gods word speaketh not one word of neither of them both, my counsil shal be, that you keep not the Bp. of Romes Decrees, that you may come to Purgatory, but keep Gods laws, that you may come to heaven. Or else I pro∣mise you assured y, that you shal never escape Hel. Now to your next Article.

X. Your tenth Article is this. WE wil have the Bible, and al Books of Scripture in English, to be called in again. For we be informed, that otherwise the Clergy shal not of long time confound the Heretics.

Alas! it grieveth me to hear your Articles: and much I rue and lament your ignorance: praying God most earnestly once to lighten your eyes, that you may see the truth. What christen heart would not be grieved to se you so ignorant, (for willingly and wilfully, I trust, you do it not) that you refuse Christ, and joyne your selves with Antichrist. You refuse the holy Bible, and al holy Scriptures so much, that you wil have them called in again; and the Bp. of Romes Decrees you wil have advanced and observed. I may wel say to you as Christ said to Peter, Turne back again, for you savor not godly things. As many of you as understand no Latine cannot know Gods word, but in English, except it be the Cornish men, which cannot under∣stand likewise none, but their own speech. Then you must be content to have it in English, which you know, or else you must confes, that you refuse utterly the knowledg therof. And wherfore did the Holy Ghost come down in fiery tongues, and gave them knowledge of al languages, but that al Nations might hear, speak and learn Gods word in their Mother tongue? And can you name me any Christens

in al the world, but they have, and ever had Gods word in their own tongue? and the Jews, to whom God gave his Scriptures in the He∣brew tongue, after their long captivity among the Chaldees, so that mo of them knew the Chaldee rather then the Hebrew tongue, they caused the Scripture to be turned into the Chaldee tongue, that they might un∣derstand it: Which until this day is called Targum. And Ptolomy, King of Egypt caused Sixty [Seventy] of the greatest Clerks, that might be gotten, to translate the Scripture out of Hebrew into Greek. And until this day the Greeks have it in the Greek tongue; the Latines in the Latine tongue, and al other Nations in their own tongue. And wil you have God further from us, then from al other countries: that he shal speak to every man in his own language, that he understand∣eth, and was born in, and to us shal speak a strange language, that we understand not? And wil you, that al other Realmes shal la••d God in their own speech, and we shal say to him we know not what?

Altho you savor so little of godlines, that you ••ist not to read his word your selves, you ought not to be so malicious and envious, to let them that be more godly, and would gladly read it to their comfort and edification. And if there be an English Heretic, how wil you have him confuted, but in English? And wherby else, but by Gods word? Then it followeth, that to confute English Heretics, we must have Gods word in English, as al other Nations have it in their own native language. S. Paul to the Ephesians teacheth al men, as wel Lay-men, as priests, to arme themselves, and to fight against al Adversaries with Gods word: Without the which we cannot be able to prevail, neither against subtil Heretics, puissant Devils, this deceitful world; nor our own sinful flesh. And therfore until Gods word came to light, the Bp of Rome, under the Prince of darknes, rained quietly in the world: and his Heresies were received and allowed for the true Catholic ••ai••h. And it can none otherwise be, but that Heresies must reign, where the ••ight of Gods word driveth not away our darknes.

IX. Your Eleventh Article is this, WE wil have Dr. Moreman and Dr. Crispin, which hold our opini∣ons, to be safely sent unto us; and to them we require the Kings Maj••sty to give some certain Livings, to preach among us our Catholic faith.

If you be of Moremans and Crispins faith, I like you much the worse. For like Lettice, like lipps. And to declare you plainly the qua∣liti s s of Crispin and Moreman, and how unmeet men they be to be your Teachers, they be persons very ignorant in Gods word; and yet ther∣to very wilful, crafty, and ful of dissimulation. For if they were pro∣foundly learned, and of sincere judgments, as they be not, they might be godly Teachers of you. Or if they were not toto wilful, and stand∣ing wholy in their own cenceits, they might learn, and be taught of others. But they be so wilful, that they wil not learn, and so igno∣rant, that they cannot teach, and so ful of craft and hypocrisy, that

they be able to deceive you al, and to lead you into error after them∣selves. So that if you ask them, you ask your own poyson. Now if a man were in such a sicknes, that he longed for poyson (as many di∣seases desire things most noy••ul unto them) yet it were not the part of a good Physician to give it unto them. No more is it the office of a most godly Prince, to give you such Teachers, altho you long never so sore for them, as he knoweth would corrupt you; feeding you ra∣ther with sower and unwholsome leaven of Romish Pharisaical doctrin, then with the sweet, pure and wholsome bread of Gods heavenly word. Where you would have Gods word in English destroyed, and Crispin and Moreman delivered unto you, you do even as the people of the Iews did; who cryed out, that Christ might be crucified, and that Barabbas, the strong thief, might be delivered unto them.

XII. Your Twelfth Article is this, WE think it very meet, because the L. Cardinal Pole is of the Kings bloud, that he should not only have his pardon, but also be sent for to Rome, and promoted to be of the Kings Councel.

In this Article I wil answer no more but this, if ever any Cardinal or Legate were beneficial unto this Realm, we may have some hope of some other to follow his steps. But if al that ever were in this Realm were pernitious and hurtful unto the same, I know not why we should be with child to long for any mo. For by the experience of them, that have been heretofore, we may conjecture of them, that be to come. And I fear me, that Cardinal Pole would follow rather the old race of the rest, than to begin a better of himself. Surely I have read a book of his making, which whosoever shal read, if he have a true heart to our late Soveraign Lord K. Henry VIII. or to this realm, he wil judge Cardinal Pole neither worthy to dwel in this realm, nor yet to live. For he doth extend al his wits and eloquence in that book to persuade the Bp. of Rome, the Emperor, the French King, and al other Princes, to invade this realm by force. And sure I am, that if you have him, you must have the Bp. of Rome also. For the Cardinal cannot be a Subject, but where the other is his Head. This sufficeth briefly to this Article.

XIII. Your Thirteenth Article is this, WE wil that no Gentleman shal have any mo servants then one, to wait upon him, except he may dispend one hundred mark land. And for every hundred mark we think it reasonable he should have a man.

Yet have you not foreseen one thing, You Wise Disposers of the Common wealth. For if a Gentleman of an hundred mark land▪ (who by your order must have but one servant, except he might spend

two hundred marks) should send that one servant to London, you have not provided who shal wait upon him, until his servant come home again. Nor you have not provided, where every Gentleman may have one servant, that can do al things necessary for him. I fear me the most part of you, that devised this Article (whom I take to be Loi∣terers and idle unthrifts) if they should serve a gentleman, he should be faine to do al things himself, for any thing that you could, or would do for him. For one thing methink very strange; for where much complaint is made of divers Gentlemen, because they keep not Hou∣ses, you provide by your order, that no Gentleman shal keep house; but al shal sojourn with other men. For who can keep a household with one servant, or with two servants, after the rate of two hundred mark, or with three after the rate of three hundred, and so upward? For here it seems you be very desirous to make Gentlemen rich. For after this proportion every Gentleman may lay up clearly in his Coffers at the least one half of his yearly revenues, and much more.

But it was not for good mind, that you bare to the Gentlemen, that you devised this Article; but it appeareth plainly, that you devised it to diminish their strength, and to take away their friends, that you might command Gentlemen at your pleasures. But you be much de∣ceived in your account. For altho by your appointment they lacked household servants, yet shal they not lack Tenants and Farmers. Which, if they do their duties, wil be as assured to their Lords, as their own household servants. For of these lands, which they have or hold of their Lords, they have their whole Livings for themselves, their wives, children and servants. And for al these they attend their own busines, and wait not upon their Lords, but when they be called therto. But the household servant, leaving al his own busines, waiteth daily and continually upon his Masters service: and for the same hath no more but meat and drink and apparel for himself only. So that al Te∣nants and Farmers, which know their duties, and be kind to their Lords, wil dy and live with them, no les then their own Household Servants. Therefore I would wish you to put this fantasie out of your heads, and this Article out of your book, as wel for the unreasonable∣nes, as for the ungodlines thereof.

For was it ever seen in any country since the world began, that Commons did appoint the Nobles, and Gentlemen, the number of their Servants? Standeth it with any reason to turn upside down the good order of the whole world, that is every where, and ever hath been? That is to say, The Commoners to be governed by the Nobles, and the Servants by their Masters. Wil you now have the Subjects to govern their King, the Vilains to rule the Gentlemen, and the Ser∣vants their Masters? If men would suffer this, God wil not; but wil take vengeance on al them, that wil break his order; as he did of Da∣than and Abiram: altho for a time he be a God of much sufferance, and hideth his indignation under his mercy; That the evil of them∣selves may repent, and se their own folly.

XIV. Your fourteenth Article is this, WEE wil that the half part of the Abby lands, and Chantry lands in every mans possession, howsoever he came by them, be given again to two places, where two of the chief Abbies were within every County. Where such half part shal bee taken out; and there to be established a place for devout persons, which shal pray for the King and the Common wealth. And to the same we wil have al the Almes of the Church box given for these seven years.

At the beginning you p••etended, that you meant nothing against the Kings Majesty, but now you open your selves plainly to the world, that you go about to pluck the Crown from his head: and against al justice and equity, not only to take from him such lands as be annexed unto his Crown, and be parcel of the same: but also against al right and reason, to take from al other men such lands, as they came to by most just title, by gift, by sale, by exchange, or otherwise. There is no respect, nor difference had among you, whether they come to them by right, or by wrong. Be you so blind, that you cannot see how justly you proceed, to take the sword in your hand against your prince, and to dispossesse just Inheritors without any cause? Christ would not take upon him to judg the right and title of lands betwixt two bre∣thren; and you arrogantly presume, not only to judg, but unjustly to take away al mens right titles; yea, even from the King himself. And do you not tremble for fear, that the Vengeance of God shal fal upon you, before you have grace to repent? And yet you, not contented with this your Rebellion, would have your shameful act celebrated with a perpetual memory; as it were to boast and glory of your ini∣quity. For in memory of your fact, you would have established in every country two places to pray for the King, and the Common∣wealth: Wherby your abominable behaviour at this present may ne∣ver be forgotten, but be remembred unto the worlds end. That when the Kings Majesty was in Wars with Scotland and France, you, under pretence of the Common wealth, rebelled, and made so great sediti∣on against him within his own realm, as never before was heard of. And therfore you must be prayed for for ever, in every County of this realm.

It were more fit for you to make humble Supplication upon your knees to the Kings Majesty, desiring him not only to forgive you this fault, but also that the same may never be put in Chronicle nor wri∣ting; and that neither shew nor mention may remain to your posteri∣ty, that ever subjects were so unkind to their Prince, and so ungraci∣ous toward God; that contrary to Gods word they should so use them∣selves against their Soveraign Lord and King. And this I assure you of, that if al the whole world should pray for you until Doomsday, their prayers should no more avail you, then they should avail the Devils in hel, if they prayed for them; unles you be so penitent and sory for your disobedience, that you wil ever hereafter, so long as you live, study to redubbe and recompence the same with al true and faithful obedience: and not only your selves, but also procuring al other, so

much as lyeth in you. And so much detesting such uproars and sedi∣tions, that if you se any man towards any such things, you wil to your power resist him, and open him unto such Governors and Rulers, as may straitway repres the same. As for your last Article, thanks be to God, it needs not to be answered, which is this,

Your last Article is this, FOR the particular griefes of our Country, we wil have them so ordered, as Humfrey Arundel and Henry Bray, the Kings Maior of Bodman, shal inform the Kings Majesty, if they may have salve Conduct in the Kings great Seal to pas und repas with an Herald of Armes.

Who ever heard such arrogancy in Subjects, to require and wil of their Princes, that their own particular causes may be ordered, neither according to reason, nor the lawes of the Realm, but according to the Information of two most hainous Traitors? Was it ever heard before this time, that information should be a judgment, altho the Informers were of never so great credit? And wil you have suffice the informa∣tion of two villanous Papistical Traitors? You wil deprive the King of his lands, pertaining to his Crown, and other men of their just pos∣sessions and inheritances, and judg your own causes, as you list your selves. And what can you be called then, but most wicked judges and most errant Traitors: Except only Ignorance or Force may excuse you••▪ that either you were constrained by your Capitains against your wills, or deceived by blind Priests, and other crafty persuaders, to ask you wist not what. How much then ought you to detest and abhor such men hereafter, and to beware of al such like, as long as you live: and to give most humble and hearty thanks unto God, who hath made an end of this Article, and brought Arundel and Bray to that they have deserved; that is, perpetual shame, confusion, and death? Yet I be••seech God so to extend his grace unto them, that they may dy wel, which have lived il, Amen.

NUM. XLI. The Archbishops notes for an Homily against the Rebellion.

Sentences of the Scripture against Sedition.

1 Cor. 3. CUM sit inter vos zelus & contentio, nonne carnales estis,* 1.66 & sicut homines ambulatis? Et

1 Cor. 6. Quare non magis injuriam accipitis? Quare non magis fraudem patimini?

Iac. 3. Si zelum amarum habetis, & contentiones sint in cordibus vestris, &c. non est ista Sapientia desursum, descendens a Patre Lu∣minum,

sed terrena, animalis, Diabolica. Ubi enim zelus & conten∣tio, ibi inconstantia, & omne opus malum, &c. Et

Cap. 4. Unde bella & lites inter vos? Nonne ex concupiscentijs ve∣stris, quae m ilitant in membris vestris.

How God hath plagued Sedition in time past.

Num. 18. Dathan and Abiram, for ther sedition against Moses and Aaron, did miserably perish by Gods just judgment, the earth opening and swallowing them down quick.

2 Reg. 15. & 18. Absalom moving Sedition against David, did mi∣serably perish likewise.

2 Reg. 20. Seba for his Sedition against David lost his head.

3 Reg. 1. & 2. Adonias also for his Sedition against Solomon was slain.

Acts 8. Iudas and Theudas for their Sedition were justly slain.

Acts 21. An Egyptian likewise, which moved the people of Israel to Sedition, received that he deserved.

Tumults in England. Iack Cade. Iack Straw.

In Germany for their Sedition were slain almost in one month about two hundred thousand.

The Sword by Gods word pertaineth not to Subjects, but only to Magistrates.

Tho the Magistrates be evil, and very tyrants against the Common∣wealth, and enemies to Christs religion, yet yee Subjects must obey in all worldly things, as the Christians do under the Turk; and ought so to do as long as he commandeth them not to do against God.

How ungodly then is it for our Subjects to take the Sword, where there reigneth a most Christian prince, most desirous to reform al griefs?

Subjects ought to make humble suit to their Prince for Reformation of al injuries, and not to come with force.

The Sword of the Subjects at this present cometh not of God, nor for the Common wealth of the Realm: but of the Devil, and destroy∣eth the Commonweale.

First, For that it is against the word of God.

Secondly, For that they rise so many lies; whereof the Devil is ever the Author. Quia mendax est, & Pater ejus.

Thirdly, For that they spoile and rob men, and command every man to come to them, and to send to them what they please.

Fourthly, For that they let the harvest: Which is the chief susten∣tation of our life: and God of his goodness hath sent it abundantly. And they by their folly do cause it to be lost and abandoned.

Fiftly, For that they be led by rage and fury, without reason; have no respect neither of the Kings Authority, nor of the Papists in the West Country: nor of our affaires in France, nor Scotland. Which by their Sedition is so much hindred, that there could not be imagined so great a dammage to the Realm.

Sixtly, That they give Commandment in the Kings name, and in pain of death, having none authority so to do.

Ever against God the Devil hath raised Sedition. As appeareth by the Sedition of Dathan and Abiram; and al the murmurations of the children of Israel against Moses and Aaron. Also, of the conspiracy against Zorobabel in the reedifying of the Temple. Also, against Christ and his Apostles, in sundry parts of the World. Also, In Ger∣many lately: and now among us. For the Devil can abide no right re∣formation in religion.

Civil war is the greatest scourge, that can be, and most certain ar∣gument of Gods indignation against us for our ingratitude: that we either wil not receive his true word, or that they, which receive the same, dishonor God in their living▪ when they pretend to honor him with their mouths. Which ingratitude and contumely God can in no wise bear at our hands.

The Remedies to avert Gods Indignation from us is to receive his Word, and to live according therunto: Returning unto God with prayer and penance. Or else surely more grievous afflictions shal follow; if more grievous may be, then Civil wars among our selves.

The chief Authors of al these tumults be idle and naughty people. Which nothing have, nor nothing or little wil labor to have: that wil riot in expending, but not labor in getting.

And these tumults first were excitated by the Papists, and others, which came from the Western Camp. To the intent that by sowing division among our selves, we should not be able to impeach them.

NUM. XLII. The Lady Mary to the Councel, justifying her self for using the Mass, in K. Edwards Minority.

IT is no smal greyf to me to parceyve, that they, whom the Kings Majesty my father,* 1.67 (whose Soule god pardon) made in thys worlde of nothing, in respecte of that they be come to now; and at hys last ende put in trust to se hys Wyll perfourmed, wherunto they were al sworne upon a boke; it gryeveth me I say, for the Love I beare to theym, to se bothe howe they break his wyll, and what usur∣ped power they take upon theym, in making (as they cal it) lawes both cleane contrarye to hys procedynges and wyll, and also ageyust the coustome of al Crystendome, and (in my conscyence) ageynst the lawe of god and hys chyrche. Which passeth al the reste. But thoughe you among you have forgotten the Kyng my father, yet both gods commandment and nature wyll not suffre me to do so. Wher∣fore, with gods helpe, I wyll remayne an obedyent chylde to hys

lawes, as he left theym, tylle suche tyme as the Kynges majeste my brother, shal have parfayt yers of discrecyon to order the power that god hath sent hym, and to be a Judge in theyse matters hymself. And I doubte not but he shal then accept my so doing better then theyrs, which have taken a pece of his power upon them in his mynoryte.

I do not a little mervayle, that you can find fawte with me for ob∣serving of that lawe which was allowed by him, that was a kyng, not only of power, but also of knowledge, how to order his power. To which lawes al you consented, and seemed at that tyme to the out∣ward appearance very wel to lyke the same. And more immediately when the Kyng reasons to have his proceedyngs ob∣served. Wherfore I do wonder that you can fynde fawte with me, and non al thys whyle with some amongst your selves, for runnyng halfe a year before that, which you now call a lawe: ye, and before the byshopps cam together. Wherin me thynketh you do me very myche wronge, if I should not have as mych preemynence to conty∣new in kepyng a ful authorysed Lawe made without parcyalyte, they had, both to break the lawe, which at that tyme your selves must nedes confesse was of ful power and strengthe, and to use alteracy∣ons of theyr own invencyon contrary both to that, ye, and to your new Lawe, as you call it.

NUM. XLIII. The Archbishops letter to Martin Bucer, inviting him over into England.

GRatiam & pacem Dei in Christo. Legi tuas literas ad Iohannem Halesium,* 1.68 in quibus tristissimos Germaniae casus commemorans, te in tua urbe verbi ministerio vix diutius praeesse posse scribis. Ge∣mens igitur Prophetae illud exclamavi, Mirifica misericordias tuas, qui Salvos facis sperantes in te a resistentibus dexterae tuae. Nec dubito quin Deus hoc & similes piorum gemitus exauditurus sit: & veram doctrinam, quae hactenus in vestris Ecclesijs syncere propagata est, & conservaturus & defensurus sit, adversus omnes diaboli & mundi furo∣res. Interim Saevientibus fluctuum procellis, in portus confugiendum est ijs, qui vela in altum tendere non possunt. Tibi igitur, mi Bucere, portus longe tutissimus erit nostrum regnum, in quo Dei beneficio, se∣mina verae doctrinae feliciter spargi caeperunt, Veni igitur ad nos; & te nobis operarium praesta in messe Domini. Non minus proderis Ca∣tholicae Dei Ecclesiae cum apud nos fueris, quam si pristinas sedes reti∣neres. Adde, quod adflictae patriae vulnera absens melius sanare po∣teris, quam nunc possis praesens. Omni igitur semota cunctatione, quamprimum ad nos venias. Ostendemus nobis praesentia Buceri ni∣hil gratius aut jucundius esse posse. Sed cave ne quid ex itinere incom∣modi accipias. Nosti quos habeas vitae insectatores▪ eorum mani∣bus

ne te commiseris. Est istic mercator quidam Anglus Richardus Hils, Vir pius & summa fidelitate praeditus, cum quo de tota itineris ratione te conferre velim. Praeterea, Deum aeternum Patrem Domi∣ni nostri Iesu Christi, toto pectore oro, ut in ira misericordiae recorde∣tur & afflictae Ecclesiae calamitates respiciat, & lucem verae doctrinae apud nos magis magisque accendat. Apud vos vero jam multos annos praeclarè lucentem, non extingui patiatur. Is te quoque, mi Bucere, regat, & servet & incolumem ad nos traducat. Bene & feliciter Vale. Londini, 2 Octob. Anno 1548.

Tui ad nos accessus cupientissimus, Thomas Cranmerus Archiep. Cantuar.

NUM. XLIV. A Catalogue of Books published by Paulus Fagius.

In Folio.

LExicon Chaldaicum, authore Elija Levita; quo nullum hactenus a quoquam absolutius editum est. Omnibus Hebraicae Linguae Studiosis in primis & utile & necessarium. Cum praefatione triplici, una Hebraica ipsius Authoris Eliae, a Paulo Fagio Latine reddita. Re∣liquis duabus Latinis ab eodem praefixis; Una ad Lectorem. Altera ad D. Wolfg. Capitonem.

Saepher Tehillim: hoc est, Psalterium, cum Commentario R. Da∣vid Kimhi, Hebraicè excusum Isnae, Anno minoris Supputationis a Creatione mundi.

Commentarium Hebraicum R. David Kimhi in 10 primos Psalmos Davidicos, cum versione Latina è regione: pro exercitamento omni∣bus Hebraicae linguae studiosis: quibus ad legenda Hebraeorum Com∣mentaria animus est. Per Paulum fagium.

Thargum: Hoc est, Paraphrasis Onkeli Chaldaica in sacra Biblia, ex Chaldaeo in Latinum versa: additis in singula ferè Capita succinctis Annotationibus. Authore Paulo Fagio. Pentateuchus, sive V. libri Moysis. Consilium & utilitatem editionis hujus Chaldaicae ex praefati∣one ad Lectorem intelligere poteris.

Collatio praecipuarum, quae in usu sunt, Translationum V. Testa∣menti, in praecipuos S. Scripturae locos: In quibus cum Interpretum, tum Commentatorum mira est varietas. Ex qua non tam ipsas varia∣tionis causas, quam quis Interpretum, ac Expositorum, cum Vete∣rum, tum Recentiorum, vel a scopo veritatis, longius aberrarit, vel ad illum proprius accesserit; ex ipsa Veritate Hebraica pulchrè cog∣noscere licebit. Authore Paulo Fagio.

Opus inabsolutum, partim propter illorum temporum difficultates; partim propter exilium, & obitum praematurum optimi atque do∣ctissimi viri paulo post subsequentem.

In Quarto.

OPusculum recens Hebraicum, a Doctissimo Hebraeo Elija Levita Germano, grammatice elaboratum. Cui titulum fecit, Thisbi∣tes. In quo DCCXII. vocum, quae sunt partim Hebraicae, Chal∣daicae, Arabicae, Graecae & Latinae; quaeque in Dictionarijs non facile inveniuntur; & a Rabbinis tamen Hebraeorum in scriptis suis passim usurpantur, Origo, E••ymon & verus us••s doctè ostenditur, atque ex∣plicatur, Per Paul. Fagium, in gratiam Studiosorum Linguae Sanctae, Latinitate donatum.

Sententiae verè elegantes, piae miréque cum ad linguam discen∣dam, tum animum pietate excolendum utiles, veterum Sapientum Hebraeorum, Quas Pirke Avoth, id est, Capitula, aut, si mavis, Apoththegmata, Patrum nominant; in Latinum versae, Scholijsque illustratae, Per Paulum Fagium.

Exegesis, sive expositio, dictionum Hebraicarum literalis & simplex, in quatuor Capita Geneseos, pro Studiosis linguae Hebraicae. Cujus∣dam Scriptum Iudaei, ad Christianismum conversi ante annos CC. In quo obiter ostendit causas aliquot, propter quas multi Iudaei, etiam si veritatem agnoscant, ad fidem tamen nostram accedere verentur.

Sententiae Morales, ordine Alphabeti, Ben Syrae, Vetustissimi auto∣ris Hebraei, qui a Iudaeis Nepos Hieremiae Prophetae fuisse creditur: Cum succincto Commentariolo, Hebraicè & Latinè.

Tobias Hebraice; ut is adhuc hòdie apud Judaeos in venitur. Omnia ex Hebraeo in Latinum translata, in gratiam studiosorum linguae Sanctae.

Saepher Aemuna, id est, Liber Fidei, Hebraice impressus Isnae, Anno CCCII. minoris Supputationis a Creatione Mundi.

Liber Fidei, pretiosus, bonus & jucundus, quem edidit Vir quidam Israelites sapiens & prudens, ante multos annos, ad docendum & com∣probandum in ea argumentis sufficientibus & evidentibus, quod Fides Christianorum, quem habent in Deum Patrem, Filium & Sp. Sanctum, atque alia, perfecta, recta, & indubitata sit, Collocata super funda∣mentum legis, Prophetarum & Hagiographorum. Ideo vocavit no∣men ejus Saepher aemuna, i. e. Liber fidei, seu veritatis; ad illuminan∣dum in eo oculos caecorum, & ad ducendum in viam rectam errantes. Translatus ex lingua Hebraea in linguam Latinam. Opera Pauli Fagij.

Precationes Hebraicae, quibus in Solennioribus festis Judaei cum mensae accumbunt, adhuc hodie utuntur: & quo modo, ordine & ritu dicant. Ex quo videre licet vestigia quae••am ritus veteris populi, quem & Christus Salvator in S S. coena sua, uti eam Evangelistae, praesertim Lucas, describunt, in quibusdam observavit.

Parvus Tractatulus ex libello Hebraico excerptus, cui nomen est Saepher aemuna, id est, Liber fidei, Judaei cujusdem ad Christianismum conversi ante annos CC. In quo obiter ostendit causas aliquot▪ propter quas multi Iudaei, etiam si veritatem agnoscant, ad fidem nostram ac∣cedere verentur. Per. P. Fagium translatus.

Saepher Midoth, id est, Liber Virtutum Germanicè compositus, He∣braicis tamen characteribus exaratus.

Grammatica Heliae Levitae Hebraicè, excusa Isnae.

Compendiaria Isagoge in Linguam Hebraeam, Autore Paulo Fagio.

Prima quatuor capita Geneseos Hebraicè, cum versione Germanica è regione, Hebraicis tamen characteribus exarata, Eaque juxta usita∣tam Judaeorum interpretationem, ad verbum translata, una cum succinctis in fine adjectis Scholijs, & ratione legendi Hebraeo-ger∣manica.

Tredecim fundamenta fidei Judaeorum: Quae composuit R. Mosche filius Majemon. Hebraicè excusa, absque ulla vel loci vel temporis notatione praefixa, aut Subscripta.

In Octavo.

NOmenclatura Hebraica, authore Helia Levita Germano Gram∣matico. In gratiam omnium Tyronum ac Studiosorum linguae Sanctae.

[NUM. XLIV.] Dr. Cox, the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, his Oration at the Conclusion of Peter Martyrs Disputation.

VIRI Oxonienses, peregimus quatuor dimidiatos dies in excuti∣endis duabus quaestionibus, de Transubstantiatione scilicet,* 1.69 & Re∣ali Praesentia corporis Christi in Sacramento. Magno fuit nobis ob∣lectamento haec Disputatio: atque utinam per tempus licuisset om∣nia quae hic dicipossent, audivisse. Quod optabamus, id successit; ut quieta esset Disputatio. Auditores ita etiam Sedati, Spero Veritatis imbibendae avidi. Qui fabulam peragebant, & utrinque disserebant, suo officio diligentissimè perfuncti sunt, nec meritis laudibus frau∣dandi. Viri Nostri, hoc est, Angli & Oxonienses, praeterquam quod Conscientiae suae negotium egerunt, etiam haud minimum decus huic Academiae attulerunt, quod in tanta causa non subterfugerint, quo mi∣nus palam testarentur, pro eruditionis suae modulo, & dono a Dei be∣nignitate sibi impartito, & quid animi in hisce controversijs haberent, & quibus rationibus & authoritatibus huc perpellerentur. Pulcherri∣mè sane sibi datam provinciam obierunt. Caeteri verò docti & boni viri, qui in ijs tantis rebus tacuerunt, nescio quo pacto, suo Silentio negationis notam sibi inusserunt. Petrus autem, & meritò Petrus, propter constantiae suae firmitatem; Martyr & meritò Martyr, propter innumera, quae nunquam non profert, de veritate testimonia, multam apud nos, & apud pios omnes inire debet hoc tempore gratiam. Primùm, quod immensos Labores exantlarit, in substinendo Disputationum one∣re. Nam si ne Hercules quidem contra duos, quid Petrus solus contra quoscunque. Deinde quod Disputationem instituerit, vanos vano∣••um hominum sermones repressit, qui de eo invidiosa atque odiosa sparserant: nimirum aut nolle, aut non audere sua defendere. Po∣stremò, quod summorum Magistratuum, atque adeo Regiae Majestatis,

expectationi optimè responderit, dum non solum Christi doctrinam, ex ipsis vivis fontibus Dei propinaverit Academiae, sed neque quenquam (quantum in ipso situm fuit) fontes aut turbare, aut obstruere permi∣serit.

Auscultavimus nos hanc Christianam velitationem, quae veritatis in∣dagandae atque investigandae causa, est suscepta. Qui quidem status, in omni disputatione, tanquam unicus scopus, ad quem omnes colliment, perpetuus esse debet. Hanc scrutari oportet omnes, quibus sincera reli∣gio cordi est. Quid enim aliud vult, Scrutamini Scripturas, nisi ex scri∣pturis veritatem indagate? Caeterum de hisce controversijs sententiam ferre, & litem prorsus dirimere, modò non decrevimus. Tum autem decernetur, cum Regiae Majestati, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae Proceribus vi∣sum fuerit.

Quod si ego, quem vestrum Cancellarium pro vestra humanitate adlegistis, aliam nunc personam non gererem (Aliam enim Regia au∣thoritas jam mihi imposuit) optatissimè vellem in his propositionibus Fidei meae rationem reddere. Non enim me pudet Evangelij Christi, neque veritatis, quae ex verbo ejus omnibus lucet: Quod quidem aliàs, cum dabitur opportunitas, facere non detrectabo. Inter••a vero, Vos, peregrinos & alienigenas, siqui sunt modo exhortor, ut domum ve∣stram revertamini. Nolite perpetuo peregrinari in Patribus & Conci∣lijs, tanquam in patria vestra. Nolite existimare illa esse vestra princi∣pia. Nolite hallucinari in probabilibus humanae sapientiae verbis. Quae∣nam principia habuerunt Patres? Quae Concilia? Quàm turpiter in multis lapsi sunt Patres? Quàm faedè errarunt Concilia? Errorum hic nolo meminisse, nolo hanc movere camarinam. Et tamen Patres atque Concilia debent esse Principia Disputationum? Fuerunt antehac Haere∣tici, qui negarunt, vel partem, vel totam scripturam. Sunt & hodie Libertini, qui eadem insania laborant▪ ij nos••ra Christianorum princi∣pia negant, & conculcant. Qui verbum Dei in altissima specula consti∣tuunt, & in summa veneratione habent, hincque tantùm vitam & salu∣tem petunt, principia tenent firmissima, solidissima, atque sanctissima. Interim tamen Ecclesia••, & piorum Patrum saluberrima testimonia non rejiciunt, imò amplectuntur, & venerantur, tanquam radios Sp. sancti, caliginem oculorum nostrorum aliquo pacto illustrantes.

Quare, obsecro, per vestram salutem, & per Dei misericordiam, tam Juvenes, quam Senes, ut duo praestare velitis. Prius, ut nunc de∣mum ponatis illas controversias, quae Ecclesiam Christi multis Saeculis inutili concertatione turbarunt, & dilacerarunt, de Transubstantiatione, & nescio qua carnali Praesentia. Nullus est rixandi finis. Hae sunt Dia∣boli paedicae, quibus nos perpetuò involvit, & a vera pietate remoratur. Nos vero uti pios decet Christianos, illud imprimis imò in universum spectemus, quid Christus fecerit, quid nobis faciendum praeceperit. Cogi∣temus sacrosancta & tremenda illa Christi mysteria esse, illa subinde ad salutem nostram usurpemus, ad illa cum timore & tremore accedamus; ne unquam indign•• veniamus, & ad judicium & condemnationem nostri accipiamus. Alterum est, ut ad Verbi Dei studium concedatis. Ad hunc scopum omnia Vestra rela dirigatis: huc omnia studia referatis; sive phi∣losophica, sive Mathematica, sive rationes Medicas, sive quaecunque alia, huic, tanquam Reginae, ancillentur. Hinc omnem fidem petite: Hinc religio stabiliatur atque solidetur. Coelum & terra transibunt, Ver∣bum

autem Domini manet in aeternum. Hoc, tanquam Lydio lapide, omnes controversiae examinentur, atque definiantur.

Porro, unum est, quod Vos omnes admonere debemus, nimirum, ut vale dictis universis nugis Papisticis, superstitionibus, & simulato Dei cultu, veritati disquirendae diligentem operam detis, aut saltem, ne im∣pedimento sitis, quo minus veritatis studiosi in negotio pietatis progre∣diantur. Scimus enim, & compertum habemus, nonnullos nimis esse inquietos, & turbidos, & praepostero zelo incitatos, ad remorandum Veritatis progressum. Scimus aliquos patris sui exemplum perniciosè sequi, dum discordiarum semina passim spargunt, mendacia fingunt. Scimus falsos & odiosos rumores circumferri. Scimus homines vanos maledictis agere, cum non possint veris promovere causam suam. Ita irritabilis est mala consuetudo contra Veritatem.

Verùm, ut finem faciam, si ullo veritatis amore afficimini, sedatis animis illam exquirite, ardentibus precibus a Deo Opt. Max. illam postulate; amica & candida collatione illam eruite; ferveat in vobis Christiana charitas. Infirmum in fide, assumite. Debent enim, inquit Paulus, sirmiores imbecillitates infirmorum sustinere, & non sibi placere. Vnusquisque proximo suo placeat in bonam aedificationem. Cavete Satanae technas, qui vobis insidiatur, ne acquiescatis Sermonibus Domini nostri Ies•• Christi; ut deliretis circa quaestiones & pugnas verborum; ex guibus oriuntur invidiae, contentiones, blasphemiae, suspiciones malae, &c. Possumus ex authoritate vobis imperare, & pervicacibus meritum sup∣plicium comminari, malumus tamen pro dilectione nostra erga vos, rogare & exhortari. Quare siqua consolatio in Christo, siquod solatium dilectionis, siqua societas spiritus, siqua viscera miserationis, implete gaudi∣um nostrum. Gaudium nostrum est, quod videmus multos in hac Academia in bonis literis & pietate insigniter adolescere. Gaudium nostrum est, quod videmus Vos adeo modestos & ad imperium para∣tos. Implete ergo gaudium nostrum, hoc est, Veritatem multis jam seculis, veluti in specu Trophonij, dilitescentem, eruite. Veritatem adeptam, sincera fide, excipite. Exceptam autem probis moribus exornate. Sic lucebit Lux vestra coram hominibus, ut videant opera vestra bona, & glorificent Patrem vestrum, qui est in coelis. Cui omnis gloria in secula. Amen. Dixi.

NUM. XLV. Dr. Treshams Epistle to his Relation of the Disputation between himself and Peter Martyr, at Oxford.

Praeclarissimis Viris & eisdem Heroibus longè honoratissimis Regiae Maje∣statis Consiliarijs, Gulielmus Treshamus, Theologiae Doctor, Sa∣lutem & faustum rebus regendis successum.

VEritas ut cunctis rebus mira dignitatis eminentia praepollet,* 1.70 (Pru∣dentissimi ac multò excellentissimi viri) utpote quae suos culto∣res verè liberos efficit, summáque ac nunquam intermoritura donat in∣genuitate,

ita nos illam in omnibus & super omnia praeferre, venerari, sequi, ac integram & illaesam omni ••empore servare pro virili oportet. Quod cum ita sit, cumque perspexissem illam a temerario quodam, & plane deploratae salutis homine indignissimè tractatam, ac summis af∣fectam injurijs, non solum ejusdem defendendam causam libenter (ut par erat) suscepi; sed & machinas adversarij, quas in ipsam expug∣nandam paraverat, evertere ac prors••s confringere sedulò molitus sum: & nisi vehementer fallor, quod in ea parte contendebam praesti∣ti. Verumenimvero, ne vestrae Celsitudini admodum prolixus videar, ut quem ego hoc loco per veritatis hostem innuo, designem, Senex quidam delirus est, subversus, impudens, errorum magister insignis, Petrus Martyr Vermilius. Is è patria sua primum fugam saciens ad Ger∣manos, dum apud illos vigeret haeretica pravitas, se contulit, certe ut libidini licentiùs indulgeret, & suo potiretur adulterio. Caeterùm restau∣rata illic per Carolum Caesarem religione, ad nos statim transvolavit. Postremo Oxoniam veniens summa vitae integritate ad tempus simulata, tandem occasionem (ut putabat) nactus opportunam, virulenta pe∣stilentis doctrinae Seminaria proposuit. A quibus cum plurimi pluri∣mùm abhorrerent, Richardus Smythus, Theologiae apud Oxonienses Professor, malum hunc Seminatorem publicè rep••ehendit, & ejusdem impia dogmata improbaturus audacem hunc Athletam ad concertan∣dum provocavit. Unà in scholis convenerant, tempus dabatur ido∣neum: ingens Auditorum turba confluxerat. Urgebat ad luctum Smy∣thus. Non audet Ps••udomartyr congredi. Rem prorsus rejicere pudui••, disputare vero piguit. Hinc ad cavilla itum astutè est. Ac primum questiones non nisi suo modo proponi voluit; concessit Smythus. Tum vero Petrus decem dies sibi dari petit, quibus se contra Smythum ad cer∣tamen armar•• possit. Quae enim prius ad decem menses palam docuerat, & argumentis confirmare in publicis praelectionibus conatus est, jam respondere volenti Smytho, & partem adversam etiam imparato defen∣dere cupienti, eadem disputando tueri veritus denegavit, neque quic∣quam penitus agi volebat, nisi decem dies, quibus sese pararet conce∣derentur. Dabantur tandem; Sed Smytho, qui dolum tum olfecerat, rem aegrè ferente. Deinde nominantur judices utriúsque consensu. Dies disputationi praescriptus. Interim Petri, aut certè cujuspiam ejus asse∣clarum (ut conjicere licet) industriâ, apud magistratus suggestionibus minus sinceris actum est, ut ejusmodi disputationes non haberentur. Qua Petri arte totum eludebatur negotium.

Postea vero elapsis jam aliquot mensibus, ubi aberant Praelectores, nec quisquam de Disputationibus cogitabat, egregius iste pugil pro∣rumpit subitò, & ad certamen provocat. Quaestiones priores palam di∣sputare vult, arbitratus tum neminem adesse, qui negotium contra eum susciperet. Quo tempore quia adversus illum stare volui, cum cae∣teri, me multò validiores, haud idem eo saltem tempore faciendum putarent, in me prae caeteris excandescit, in me durius invehitur, mor∣dáxque caninos infigit dentes, ac, quantum potest, infamat, editóque libello proponit, quasi in multis ab eo inter disputandum superatum. Quae cum conspicarer, maximè autem, cum causam Dei erroribus & mendacijs Petri scandalizari viderem; existimavi operae pretium, & perquam necessarium facturum me, si ab hujusmodi contumelijs & Christi causam & meipsum pro viribus desenderem, ac scriptis decla∣rarem,

quàm sit hic in scribendo falsarius, quàm malè intellectis ab∣utatur scripturis, quàm Patres invitos ad suum institutum trahat, quàm suis facile percutiatur & confodiatur telis, quàm debilibus dum sua roborare vult, innitatur principijs, quàm absurda nonnunquam fateri non vereatur, quámque passim peccet omittendo quae dicta, & quae non erant dicta adjiciendo; quo videlicet lectores Christiani veritatem sine fucis percipientes ab hac peste caveant, nec quicquam adhibeant fidei, cernentes illum errorum spiritu impulsum, ut nos Deo permittente, velut triticum cribraret, utque qui probati sint manifesti fiant.

Quamobrem hic mearum partium esse judicavi, primùm, ut rem omnem quo ordine diebus illis, quibus cum eo agebam, gesta fuerit plane & simpliciter legentibus ob oculos ponerem, nec quippiam pror∣sus meis insererem, nisi quod exemplaribus notariorum, vel ipsius Petri libello expressè contineretur. Deindè, quoad illam partem disputatio∣num, quae inter illum & me ultro citróque habita est, annotationes quasdam elucubravi, quibus ea omnia quae in illum jam dixi, vera esse contester. Quod siquis roget, Quorsum ista? aut quid opus nova scri∣bere? Cur non ista inter disceptandum potius deprompta sunt, & in adversarium congesta? Dicam cum Augustino, neque sum Angelus, neque Propheta, ut qui omnia ex tempore proferre atque regerere po••teram. Praetereà, in disputationibus ipsis non erant hujusmodi inver∣siones, non adjectiones novae, non omissiones, non tot ab illo insertae, ut nunc sunt, falsae sententiae. Sed nec ullae prorsus tum erant calumniosè annotationes in margine scriptae. Quae omnia detegere pal••mque face∣re pernecessarium duxi. Sed & ipse Petrus antagonistas suos, quos pro libidine vocat Malevolos, ad scribendum provocat, ac pollicetur hoc si fecerint, quemadmodum tunc ausus fuit viva voce congredi; ita & nunc se comparare ad ea quae scripserint, ut respondeat.

Has itaque Lucubrationes vobis (insignissimi Heroes) quos Chri∣stus praecipuos sub potentissimo Rege nostro Edovardo Reipub. judices constituit, exhibendas esse censui; nihil prorsus ambigens eam esse vestram in omnes veritatis studiosos benignitatem, eam aequitatem, eam veri judicij certitudinem, ut sine omni personarum acceptione ju∣stam causae conditionem velitis semper attendere, & neque ad dextram neque ad sinistram ulla occasione ducti, quovismodo a veritate decli∣nare: non ignorantes in illum finem vobis concessam esse potestatem, tum a summo judice Deo, tum ab ipsa Regia majestate, apud quam pro vestra in C••ristum charitate agere dignemini, quo mihi indigenae, ac genuino Regis nostri subdito Christi causam, quoad possum, cu∣ranti tantum in evulgando hoc disputationum ac annotationum Volu∣mine efficere liceat, quantum Petro Martyri, extraneo, veritatis adver∣sario, audere hactenus fuerit impunè permissum. Rem sanè justam, ni fallor, postulo. Neque profectò in scriptis his est, unde pius quispiam offendatur. In impios autem ut duriùs agamus exposcit veritatis ra∣tio, quae nequaquam charitati refragatur. Duriùs enim contra errones obstinatos egerunt Patres, nec illis unquam pepercerunt, quin veluti Christi hostes verbis factisque contemnerent, atque acerbissimis repre∣hensionibus persequerentur. Iohannes Baptista Pharisaeos incredulos viperarum vocavit progenies. Christus ipse malos illos Iudaeos menda∣ces appellavit, & diaboli filios. Sed & Petrum ipsum a morte obeunda dehortantem, minúsque in hoc sapientem quae Dei sunt, Satanam

taxando nuncupavit. Unde certò edocemur nos posse, citra charitatis praejudicium, adversarios in causis religionis severis ac mordacibus verbis impetere atque perstringere.

Denique, haud temerè hoc quicquid est opusculi evulgo, sed summae vestrae prudentiae & eximio candori, qui illi, regum omnium pulcher∣rimo flori jam sese auspicatissimè diffundenti, a consilijs estis, humilis suppléxque ipsum offero, obnixè vos exoratos habens, ut cum privile∣gio ad Christi honorem ac multorum utilitatem divulgetur. Id quod vestrae Dominationes ab illa lucis aurora, nimirum Serenissimo Rege nostro Edovardo, jam a paterno somno orbem illustri virtutum omnium lumine spargente, facile spero obtinebunt, & cum gratia consequentur. Hanc auroram splendidissimam felicissimè procedere atque in perfe∣ctum diem crescere, optimaque Optimi patris vestigia imitari, faciat Deus Opt. Max. qui & illum unicum nostrum decus & praesidium, Vósque sub ipso Moderatores Reip. primarios, aliosque illius studiosos universos diuturnissimè incolumes servet.

NUM. XLVI. The sentencious sayinges of Master Martin Bucer upon the Lordes Supper.

* 1.711. SO playnely, so faythfully, and also so warely, as can be possyble, we ought to speake of the mysteryes of the holy supper, even as we ought to do of all other Christes mysteryes; to thende, that the Children of God may most clearely perseyve what Christ doth meane, and the Adversaryes to have as small occasion as can be, eyther to per∣vert or els to darke and make dymme the truth of Christ.

2. These thinges we cannot better attaine, then by the godly and right expoundyng of the wordes of the holy ghost, not allowing any false sygnyfications of them, both certaynly affirmyng the thinges whiche be agreeable unto this mystery, and also denying the thinges whiche be contrarye ther unto.

3. We must certaynely acknowledge that the holy ghost most clear∣ly, most faythfully and most warely, hath dyscrybed all the sacraments of our salvation.

4. But the holy ghost by Christes own mouth, by the mouth of the Apostles, and by the scripture, delyvereth unto us the sacrament of the Lordes Supper, even as he doth all other Sacramentes, by the words and fourme of delyveryng, gevying and receyving.

5. And three thinges acknowledgeth hearein to be geven and taken, bread and wyne, beyng the signes of the body and bloud of the Lord, and assurance of the new testament and remyssion of our synnes.

6. For when he had taken bread and wyne, and geven thanckes, he gave them to hys dyscyples to be eaten and drunken, and said more∣over, that by these sygnes he gave therin his body that was offered for us, and lykewise his bloud, which was shed for us, saying also, that by this bloude the new testament of grace was assured, and the for∣geuenes of synnes purchased.

7. And he defyneth or describeth the right use and receyving of this Sacrament to be that partaking of the body and bloud of Christ, wherby we beyng many, are one bread and one body (as many of us as be partakers of one Bread and one Cup of the Lord.) This body doubtles is that body wherof Christ is the head, and into the which we are baptised. For by the regeneration we are made members of his body, fleshe of his flesh, bone of his bones, and so we be one flesh with him, 1 Cor. 12. Ephes. 5.

8. That fellowship which we have with the father and the sonne, and with all the sayntes, wherof S. Iohn speaketh, 1 Iohn, 1 chap. of his epistle, is geven and taken in the Lords supper rightly admynistred and receyved. That unity also which we have with the father, and the sonne, and with all the saints, for the which the Lord prayed, Iohn 17. by the which Christ is in us, as the Father is in him, and we in theym, (I meane in the father and the sonne) is geven and re∣ceyved in the same supper rightly administred, wherof the Lord also speaketh: he that eateth my flesh, and drincketh my bloud dwelleth in me, and I in him. John 6.

9. This is the partaking and the unity of an heavenlye regeneration, of a new creature, of the high mystery of God, which cannot be un∣derstand and knowen, but by fayth, even as fayth is perceyved and felt by his effectes, as by judgement, wyll, and by the new heavenly and godly workes.

10. All sensyble and worldly imagynations, all fansying of joyned or contynuall places, are to be put away from this partycipation and unytie, which in the word of God is knowen to be mervelous, and with reverence to be pondered and dyscussed by the new mans lyvyng, as by his effectes.

11. The Holy Ghost thought it not inough to declare unto us, how that we be endued wyth the spirit of Christ by his merites, but he doth publish also that we do lyve by his intercession and working. He furthermore assureth us that we have him with us, that he dwelleth in our hartes, and that we receyve him in the holy supper. These be the thinges which we ought to tell openly and to fortefye.

12. These are Metaphors and borowed speeches, lyke as other wherby we expounde the matters of regeneration. For unto such mat∣ters as the naturall man perceyveth not, can no proper names by geven, but suche translation of wor••les as the Holy Ghost doth use, and ther cannot be devysed more proper, more mete for the purpose, nor more famouse wordes then they are.

13. It is not mete therfore that we should attempt to expound these Metaphors with our own proper wordes, wherof we be all together destytute in matters of regeneration, neyther is it convenyent that we should deface theyr perfection wyth more slender Metaphors, and wyth such geare as be of kinred to our natural reason.

14. We must beware that with no superstitious, stately eloquence, we do make darke the brightnes of the Lordes commandement, unto such as have their eyes lightened on every syde by fayth. We must in lyke maner take heede we demynysh not the force and majesty of Christes sacraments set furth by the Holy Ghost, rather of us to be be∣leved, then by our naturall reason to be out-searched, as by the exposi∣tion rather proceding of our owne imagynations, then of the very word of God, and of the nature of his sacraments.

15. The Word is made flesh, that their myght be both God and man in one substaunce, and such as was a very earthely man, which dy∣ed, rose againe from the dead, ascended into heaven, remayneth in the heavens, and sytteth on the right hand of the father, which governeth and fulfylleth all things, and in the syght of all the world he shall come agayne in the clowdes to judge the quycke and the dead. And they all must nedes receyve their owne bodies againe. All these things truly do so farre passe the reache of mans wyt, that of necessitye we must lay hold of them by fayth.

16. Fayth, bycause she is practysed and fortyfyed in the dayly use of these things, causeth them clearely and manyfestly to appeare, even as she doth make all the other misteries of Chryst, to such as doth perfect∣ly beleve. Which thinges should be made darke unto us, if we would suffer our selves to make inquirye of them according to the trade of our own reason, following her natural princyples.

17. Christ our Lord is for ever both God and man, he is the head of all the sayntes, and the first begotten among the children of God. Wherfore we must so marke with our myndes, and expres in wordes the propertyes of the natures, that by no maner of imagynations we se∣parate the unity of substaunce.

18. There is nothing better agreeth with it selfe, then doth the word of God, so that what so ever the scripture speaketh of Christes beyng among us, of the receyvyng of him, of his aby ding, and dwel∣ling in us, and eatyng of him, agreeth all together, and is consonant with these evydent scriptures, openly declaring that he hath forsaken the world, that he is in heaven, yea and that he hath a very body, and therfore lymited and bounden in one place.

19. When we therfore entreate of the mistery, eyther of the sup∣per of the Lord, or of Christes plaine presence with us (for why should we not say that he is present, which dwelleth in us, and is in the mydst of us) it is to no purpose to lay agaynst the presence of him such places of scripture, as declare Christ to have departed from this

world, to be in heaven, and to be very man, havyng a very body, and therfore such a body as is bounded in a place, which may not be placed in all or many places at one tyme.

20. For Christes presence, whether it be offered or declared, eyther in the word onely or els in the sacramentes, is no presence of place, ney∣ther of sensies nor of reason, nor yet no yearthly presence, but it is a spiritual presence, a presence of faith, and an heavenly presence. For as much as we are conveyde into heaven by faith, beyng placed in Christ. So that we lay hold upon him and embrace him in his heavenly majestye, all be it he be here offered and declared after a sorte unto us in the glasse, and darke speaking of sensyble wordes and sacramentes.

21. The Antichristes make the simple people to beleve by these wordes, that we receyve and have Christ here present after some world∣ly fashion, that is to say, eyther inclosed with the bread and wine, or els that he is present under their accydences, so that ther he ought to be honoured and worshipped.

22. Let them therfore that be apt to learne, be taught that ther is no presence of Christ in the supper, but onely in the lawful use therof, and such as is obtayned and gotten by fayth onely. As for the other sort, byd them adew as the blynde guydes of the blynde, and that plantyng which our heavenly Father hath not planted. For such as heare not Gods word, are not borne of God.

23. We must tourne away from their disceytes and craftes, from which we ought verely to withdraw our selves, howbeit they cannot be avoyded other wayes then by the true expounding of Gods word, yea and that but only of them, whom the Lord himself hath taught by the ministration he hath committed to us.

24. The good men moreover hearing, that Christ in the sacramente is presently geven, receyved and had, do imagyne a certaine presence of place, and many tymes they fantsye also, that God himself is bound∣ed in a place, havyng a body, even as he were a man.

25. They must therfore be contynually taught that these heavenly misteries do passe all mens capasityes, and that they must be percey∣ved and knowen in the only word of God, so that all worldly fasions must be far from our mindes, because the word of God declareth Christ to be a very man, havyng the bodye of a man, in the which body he departed this world, and was caried into heaven, he may not therfore by no worldly maner be sought for in this world, but after such sort as he offereth himselfe, beyng in heaven, to be received of us. Which things are not knowen by sense and reason, but by faith.

26. As for these heavens, because they be above all the heavens, I dare not by the predicamente of our reason discusse what they be, but by the wordes of the scripture. But th•• scripture discribeth them not by the distaunce of places, but by the majestye of God and his blessednes,

openly declaring, that such heavenly blys hath not come into the hart of man.

27. I do not perceyve what further knowledge the holy fathers would geve, writing of the proper place of Christes body in heaven, but that we should observe the propertye of both the natures in Christ. So that as it is the propertye of the godly nature to be in every place, and to fulfyll all things, even by his substance; so it is the propertye of the nature of man, to be lymited in place and state, not to be spread abroade in many or in all places at once. These things agree with the scripture, albeit we place not Christes body in heaven after the maner of the fourth booke of Aristotle's Naturalls. Yea, let us hardly kepe our selves in such things that the scripture do speake of the heavens, and of Christes sytting in heaven.

28. I have a conscience in so high misteries, to allow such kinde of speaking as is not taught in the scripture, though such be much used, yea and that by the authority of the holy fathers, for to what point, through such speakyng, the devyll and antychrist hath brought us, we all lamentably complayne.

29. Wherfore with reverence, and in a true meanyng, I wyll un∣derstand the sayinges of the holy fathers as touching the mutation of the sygnes. I wyll never graunt their sayings so to be taken, as to mutch straunge from gods worde, and after such sort as men myght now a daies be overthrowen with Antichristes doctrine into the idolatrye, which of all other is most detestable.

30. So likewyse if any thing may be found, that the holy fathers have wrytten of Christ placed in heaven, more then the scripture doth certaynely teach, I wyll not without reverence refuse it, nor yet wyth any man contend therin, for I have nothing to say that such writyng is contrary to any place of scripture. I do but only desyre that no neces∣sary doctrine be made therof, and that I may be suffered to abyde in the playnes of Gods written word.

31. But they will say, that a man well expert in saith, when he hear∣eth that Christ is present in the holy supper, and is geven, receyved, and had with the bread, cannot refraine but imagine such a presence of Christ in the bread as is there placed, or els like to such a thing as hath a place.

32. I cannot se how the wordes of the Holy Ghost ought to be re∣fourmed, because of the weakenes of our understanding, either that we should allow such utteraunce of wordes, wherby it might appeare that the Holy Ghost had not uttered the matter circumspectly and strongly inough, yea and that most aptly and effectually, as well to the edefying of faith, as to the putting away of all errours.

33. These now be the wordes of Christ: Where two or three be ga∣thered in my name, ther am I in the mydst of them. In the name of Christ

we assemble together at the Lords Supper rightly ministred. In the world we be, yea and somewhere placed, and whersoever we be, Christ is among us, which notwithstanding is not in the world, and also dwelleth in our hartes. But we cannot perse••ve nor attaine it, ney∣ther by our sense nor by reason, but by faith. For how can the head be away from his body? Wherfore I defyne or determine Christes presence, howsoever we perceive it, either by the sacraments or by the word of the gospell, to be onely the attainyng and perceyving of the commodi∣ties we have by Christ both God and man, which is our head raignyng in heaven, dwelling and lyving in us. Which presence we have by no worldly meanes but we have it by faith and take the fruit therof when it is offered us in the word, and in the sacraments. But the force therof we feele in all our parties and powers, what tyme by the spirit of Christ they be sanctifyed and renewed unto obedience and godly lyfe.

34. He is called present by some knowledge of perceyvyng him, even as one may be called present with an other, and so we do say, that they be here present, whom we know by hearing or by syght to be pre∣sent, but now the thing which we know by faith, is much more cer∣taine then any thing we can know by sence or reason. Why may not we then say that Christ our head is present with his members, when we know by faith that he both liveth and dwelleth in us?

35. They say, that the holy fathers expound the scriptures record∣ing the Lords presence, that Christ by his Godhead, by his majesty, and by his providence, is present with us, yet lyving in this world. Truth it is, but the Lord saith: I am with you unto the worldes end; and Paule affirmeth, that Christ lyveth and dwelleth in our hartes. Yea and the holy fathers themselves declare, that we have Christ present in the sa∣crament of baptisme, and in the meate and drink of the aulter, which call that presence carnall that is knowen by our senses, and is set over against the presence which we have by faith.

36. Faith truly embraceth Christ both God and man, and kepeth him present: which by his Godhead is not onely present in the congre∣gation of his saintes and in his members, but is also present in every place. But some cannot be contented, unles we graunt that we have his body and bloud really, carnally and substantially present in the supper.

37. Wyse and good men will eschew all uncertaine wordes in every talk and speaking, how much more are they to be avoyded in Christes sacramentes? Moreover, in the treatyse of Christes sacraments we may justly refuse such straunge wordes as be not used in the scripture, un∣les they may be perfectly applied for the declaration of Christes truth. For such uncertaine wordes doth more darken the true doctrine, and therfore we must not medle with them, except ther be some conside∣ration of the using of them.

38. I would wysh these wordes realiter and substantialiter to be alto∣gether refused, neither to be allowed in reasonyng to or fro, because we shall seme to graunt their contraries, and to say that Christ is re∣ceyved counterfe••tlye and accyden••ly, if we deny him to be received in the supper really and substantiallye.

39. If the matter so require that these words be brought into re••∣sonyng, I would, for the maintenance of Christes truth against the adver∣saries, among the children of God, defyne these wordes realiter and sub∣stantialiter, as if one would understand by the presence of the Lord really and substantially, that he is received verely in dede by faith, and his substaunce is geven in the sacrament; but if he would enterlace any worldly presence with these words, I will deny it, because the Lord is departed this world.

40. I can never admyt or allow these words carnally and naturally, because they bring in a meanyng that he is receyved with our sences.

41. Hereby I thinke it evydent, agreeable to the holy scripture, and according to the reverence we owe to God and his scripture, and to∣ward the auncient church, that we should frame our selves to the words of the Lord, of his Apostles, and of the auncient Church, and to say that ther is geven and receyved the body and bloud of the Lord, that is to say, very Christ himselfe both God and man, but he is geven with the word and the signes, but received with true faith, and that he is geven and received to the end that we may move and lyve more par∣fectly in him, and he in us.

42. And I thinke it an easy thing to make answer, when they say that the thing which is already, cannot be received, and that he which cometh to the Lords supper, and hath not Christ in himselfe, receiveth not Christ there, but he receiveth death. Truly Christ must be geven and received of us, tyll nothing of ours be left in us, but he all thing in us, and we wholly in him, and no part in our selfe. And we say that the partaking of Christ, which we have in baptisme, is strengthened and augmented in the Lordes supper. But ye will say the same is done, what time the gospell being read, or heard, is received by faith. So it is indede, neither hath the Lords supper, or geveth, any other thing els, but that he hath left therin things visible, for the visible words of Christ be applied therin. And they are not without force and effect to the saintes, because they be applied by the Lords ordinaunce, all whose words and ordinaunce, have ly••e and spirite.

43. Wherfore I trust, that hereby men may perceive what I beleve as conserning the gevyng, ministring, receyving, and partaking of the Lords body and bloud in the supper, which doth agree right well with the scripture and with the doctrine of the auncient church. So that af∣ter this manner I acknowledge Christ, that is to say the partaking of his salvation to be geven and taken in the ho••y supper.

44. If I be enquired, who geveth and ministreth the Lords body, I mean the lyvely participation of these things and of Christ wholly, I say, that Christ which is in the midst of his, whose words these be, Take and Eate, is the chiefe and principal gever of his own selfe, and the minister doth lyke service to him herein when he geveth himselfe, even as he doth when he geveth himselfe in the preaching of the go∣spell, and in Baptisme. And for this ministration sake, Paule justly doth write, how he by the gospell had begotten the Corinthes unto the Lord, and had written Christ in their harts, and that he had traveled in birth of the Galathians.

45. As touching the use of bread and wyne herein, If I be demaun∣ded, I will answer that they be signes exhibityve, that is to say, such signes as do geve the things signifyed, by the which sygnes the Lord doth geve himselfe, being the celestial bread of everlasting life, after the same maner as he gave his disciples the Holy Ghost by the signe of breathing of his mouthe, and likewise as by the laying on of his hands, he gave both bodelye health and ghostly health▪ Lyke as he gave syght by the clay made of his spittle, and as he did give circumcicion of the flesh, and in such sort as he geveth regeneration by baptisme.

46. We have an everlasting lyfe through the faith we have in the love that God the father hath toward us. This faith hereunto leaneth, is preserved and encreased. For as much as Christ, Gods sonne, giveth him∣selfe with all his merites unto us, lyveth in us, delyvering us from our synnes, shall raise us from the dead, and bring us to a parfyt heavenly and blessed lyfe. For this cause, that is to say, for the nourishment of thys faith, it was the Lords pleasure to use herein the signes of m••ate and drincke, and geve his fleshe spiritually to be eaten by the signe of bread, to be eaten bodely; and his bloud spiritually to be dronke, by the signe of wine to be dronken bodely, and so (as it is before said) he geveth in the supper the same partaking of himselfe by the signes, and by his words, which in the sixt of Iohn by words onley he hath set out.

47. If I be demaunded, what maner of joynyng may be betwyxt the glorified body of Christ and ther determinately placed, and the cor∣ruptible bread here in earth, conteined in a sensyble place; I answer, even such as is betwyxt the regeneration and the dipping in the water, and as is betwyxt the Holy Ghost, and the breath of Christes mouth, which I do call the joyning in the covenant. For so mutch as they that with a true and lyvely faith be partakers of these signes bodely, spiri∣tually receive in dede an assuraunce, with an encrease of the partaking of the Lords body and bloud. So they be members of Christ, flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bones, and therby they grow more and more into the perfection of the same.

48. Whosoever therfore maketh these signes of Christes presence beside the use that the Lord hath appointed them unto, (which is to be eaten and dronken in this sacrament,) bringeth men into abhominable rage and madnes to set up idolatry. Neither receiveth he any thing at

all of that food which the Lord geveth to his, that taketh in hand to eate and drincke these sacraments without a lyvely fayth in Christ, but receyveth death and dampnation to himselfe.

49. Such as be altogether ungodly, say I, that in the holy supper they receive nothing of Christ: such as have faith, and yet make no diffe∣rence of this meate (as certain of the Corinthes, which were blamed of the Apostle dyd,) as I cannot deny them to receive Christ in the supper through the faith which they have, even so I will not say that they have eaten Christ. If so be that they do not rightly practyse their faith by the religious dyfference-making of so high misteries, which is the spe∣cial eatyng of this meate. For such are lyke unto them which taking meate in their mouthes, eyther chew it not, or els, let it not downe, or when it is letten down, digest it not, so that in a little while, or soone after, they vomit it up againe.

50. If I be enquired as concerning the Lords words (This is my body) what thing is demonstrate or shewed here, I say, that to the sences it is bread, but to the mynde or understanding, it is the Lords body, even as in all speeches wherin insensible things are exhibited or geven by sensible signes. So that the meanyng is, the thing which by this signe I geve unto you, is my body which is delyvered for you. As the Holy Ghost speaketh of the circumcicion, saying, This is my Covenaunt, that is to say,* 1.72 the thing that by this signe I ordeine unto you, is my co∣venaunt to be observed betwixt me and you, &c. After such sort are we wont to speake of the signes which do signifye or betoken a thing, albeit they do not exhibit the thing they betoken, as when we do say of the Emperours image, This is themperour that subdued Fraunce, that is to say he is represented by this image.

51. I object or say against transubstantiation: This cup is the new testament; This, that is to say, Circumcicion, is my covenaunt, and, the word is made flesh, we may not conclude and determyne either the Cup or the circumcicion to be chaunged into a covenaunt, and the Word to be chaunged into flesh. We may not therfore determyne and conclude by these wordes of the Lord, which in gevying of bread did say; Take, this is my body, that there is a chaunge of the bread into the Lords body. For there is no maner of such speaking, no not in all the scripture, that do shewe such an alteration called a Transubstantiation, as the papistes do imagine. For wythout sure auctoritie of the scripture, no Article of the faith may be ordeyned.

52. And so I thinke it evident, that three thinges are geven and recei∣ved in the Lords supper of them that rightly communicate at the Lords table. First bread and wine, nothing in themselfe chaunged, but that they are, by the wordes and the ordinaunce of the Lord, made all one∣ly the sygnes. Secondly, the selfe body and bloud of the Lord, that by these we maye the more parfectly communicate in the participation of the regeneration, or rather, to have the more parfyt partaking of these, or else, that they may be of more perfection in us. Thirdly, the esta∣blishing of the new Testament of the forgevenes of synnes, or of us by election to be made the sonnes of God.

53. I call the signs, after the mind of Ireneus, an earthly thing. The partaking of the Lord to be as the effect therof, I call the establishing of the new testament the heavenly thing, and therefore to be laid hold upon only by faith, and not to be wrapped in with any worldly imaginations.

54. And forasmuch as in the supper, we be not all only admonished of one Christ, and of the partaking of him, but also we do receive him, I had leaver yet say, according to the Lords words: Take and eate, &c. that in the bread and the wyne, the body and bloud is geven, and that they signify the Lord. So that the bread here, is as well a sign of the Lords body exhibitive, I mean, which geveth the thing signifyed, as to be but a bare signe. Wherfore certain of the fathers have well used herein the word of Representing. For truly I think we must most chiefly expres the thing that is here most principal. For this word Acci∣pite, is all together a word of gevyng or delyvering.

The Lord geve us grace that we may all speake one thing to the edyfying of the faith among us. Amen.

Subscribed. Martin. Bucerus D. Professor. Theologiae Cantabrigiae.

NUM. XLVII. Bishop Hoper to the Clergy of his Diocess of Glocester.

To the glory of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.

FOrasmuch as of all Charges and Vocations, the Charge of such as be appointed to the ministry and function of the Church is the great∣est; it is to be provided and foreseen,* 1.73 that such as be called and appoin∣ted to such Vocation and Office, be such as can satisfy the said Office. Which may be done as S. Paul saith, two manner of wayes. The one if they be of sound doctrine, apt to teach, and to exhort after know∣ledg, and able to withstand, and confute the evil sayers. The other, if their Life and maners be unculpable, and cannot justly be blamed: Which consisteth in this; if the minister be sober, modest, keeping hospitality, honest, religious, chast; not dissolute, angry, nor given to much wine, no fighter, no covetous man, such as governeth wel his own house, and giveth an example of vertue and honesty unto others. For as the godly life and conversation of the Parson, or Doctor, doth no less avayle in the reformation of others, then the doctrin it self; so likewise they, who have no respect nor regard what evil, mischievous and devilish example of life outwardly appeareth to be in them, can∣not have in them any just authority to reform or correct the faults of

others. For by what just means canst thou reprehend and blame any other in that fault, wherin thou thy self art to be blamed? Or by what occasion canst thou preach chastity, or desire to have the same in ano∣ther man, when as thou thy self, despising both God and holy matri∣mony, dost other nourish or keep a whore, or concubine at home in thy house, or else must defile other mens beds? Nother is he any thing les to be ashamed, that wil persuade others to Live in sobriety, he him∣self being drunk. Wherfore what authority shal he obtain or get unto himelf and his ministery, which is daily seen and marked of men, to be a common haunter of Alehouses and tavernes, of whores, cards, dice and such like.

Hereby shal you perceive and know, how that the old Priests and pastors of Christs church did by their truth and gravity, subjugate and bring under the hardnecked and stif, stubborn Ethnicks, and caused them to have the same in fear. In so much that the wicked Emperor Iulian caused the priests of the Pagans to order their lives according to the lives of the others. But look what authority and reverence the old severity and gravenes of the Pastors and Priests did bring unto them at that time, even as much shame and contempt (or else a great deal more, as I fear) doth the Letc••ery, Covetousnes, Ambition, Simony, and such other corrupt maners, bring unto most priests, pastors and ministers, that be now in our dayes, of al men. Wherfore I being not forgetful of my office, and duty towards God, my Prince, and you, do desire and beseech al you, for Christs sake, who commanded that your Light should so shine before men, that they seing and perceiv∣ing the same, might glorify the father, which is in heaven,

Give your diligence, Welbeloved brethren, together with me, so that the dignity and majesty of the order of Priests, being fallen in de∣cay, may not only be be restored again, but that first and principally the true and pure worshipping of God may be restored; and that so many souls being committed to my faith and yours, may, by our wholsome doctrin and cleannes of conversation, be moved unto the true study of perfect charity, and called back from al error and igno∣rance; and finally, to be reduced and brought unto the high Bp. and Pastor of Souls, Iesus Christ, and to the intent yee may the more easily perform the same, I have, according to the talent and gift given me of the Lord, collected and gathered out of Gods holy word, a few Articles: Which I trust shal much profit and do yee good. And if that any thing shal be now wanting or lacking, I trust by the help of your prayers and good counsil, they shal be shortly hereafter perform∣ed. Let every one of you therfore take good heed to approve your selves faithful and wise ministers of Christ. So that when I shal come to visit the Parishioners committed to my Cure, and come from God and the Kings Majesty, yee be able not only to make answer unto me in that behalf, but also unto our Lord Iesus Christ, judge both of the quick and the dead, and a very streit revenger of his church. Thus fare you wel unto the day of my coming unto you.

NUM. XLVIII. Hoper, Bishop of Glocester, to Sr. William Cecyll Secretary of State.

THE grace of God be with you, Amen. Syns my commyng down, I have byn at Worcestre, gentle Mr. Secreatori,* 2.1 and thought not to have departid thense, til I had set thinges in a good or∣der, as nere as I could. But the negligence and ungodly behaviour of the ministers in Gloucestershire compellyd me to retourne, except I shuld leave them behynd as far out of order, as I should fynd the other, to whom I am going unto. I have spoken with the greatest part of the Ministers, and I trust within these six dayes to end for this time with them al. For the love of God cause the Articles, that the Kings majesty spake of, when we toke our othes, to be set forth by his autorite. I dout not but they shal do mouch good. For I wil cause every minister to confesse them openly before there Parisheners. For subscribing privatly in the paper, I perceave, little avaylyeth. For notwithstanding that, they speak as ivel of godd faith, as ever they did before they subscribyd. I left not the Ministers of Gloucestershire so farre foreward, when I went to London, but I found the greatist part of them as farre backward at my commyng home. I have a great hope of the people. God send good Justices, and faythful ministers in the Church, and al wil be wel.

For lack of hede Corne so passith from hens by water, that I fere mouch we shal have great scarsite this yere. Doubtles men that be put in trust, do not there dewties.

The Statute of Regrators is so usid, that in many quarters of these partes it wil do little good: and in some parts, where as licence by the Justices wil not be grauntyd, the people are mouche offendid, that they shuld not, as we•• as other, bagge as they were wount to do.

God be praisid yet al things be quiet, and I trust so wil contynew. Thus desiring God to contynew you long in health to his pleasure, fare ye wel: and for gods sake do one y••re, as ye may be hable to do ano∣ther. Your health is not the surest: favour i•• as ye may; and charge it not to farre. Ye be wyse and comfortable for others; be so for your self also. I pray you let god be the end, where unto ye mark in al your doyngs. And if they for lack of knowledge then happen otherwyse then ye would, the thing ye soughte shal partly excuse your ignorancie, that may happ to mysse men in weighty afferes. If ye se the meanes godd, and yet ivel follow of them, content your self with patience. For the second cause, when god wil, be it never so like to bring forth the effect, mysseth her purpose: as ye know by Wise mens counsells, that rulyd in Commune wealthes before you. God geve his grace to loke alwayes upon hym, and then with mercy let hym do his holy wil. Glouc. 6. Julij, 1552.

Yours with my dayly prayer Iohn Hoper, Busshop of Worcestre.

To the Rt. Honorable my singular frynd Sr. William Cecill Kt. one of the Kings Majesties chiefest Secretories.

Another of the same Bishop to the same Person.

* 2.2THE grace of God be with you for ever, Amen. I have wroten herewith long letters to the Councel; yet not so long as the matter conteynyd in them doothe requyre. I trust it wil be your chaunce to read them, that the mater may be the better understand. Ye know I am but an ivel Secretarie, Do the best ye can they may be wel taken. It is truth that I write, and goddes cause. Let god do as his blessid pleasure is with it. I have send the maters, that these two Canons, Iohnsonne, and Ioyliffe dislyke, in writing. Where by ye may understand what is said of both par••es. The Disputation Mr. Harley can make trew relation of, and how unreverently and proudely Ioylyffe usyd both hym and me.

For as mouch as my jurisdiction cessith until the Letters patent be past for both churches, these shal be to praye you to optayne the Kings Majesties letters for my warrant in the mean tyme. For in case I do not at this tyme take accompt of the clergy in Worcestre and Glocestre∣shire, how they have profityd syns my last examining of them, it wil not be wel. Also souch as I have made superintendents in Gloucestre∣shire, if I commend not my self, presently, there wel doings, and se what is ivel donne, I shal not see the goodd I loke for. Ah! Mr. Se∣cretarye, that there were goodd men in the Cathedral churches! god then shuld have mouche more honour then he hath, the Kings Ma∣jesty more obedience, and the poore people better knowledg. But the realme wantith light in souche churches, where as of right it owght most to be. I suppose ye had hard, that there shuld be a great spoyle made of this church hyre. For what can be so wel donne, that men of light conscience cannot make, by suggestion, to appere ivel? Doutles the things donne be no more then the express words of the Kings Majesties Injunctions, commandyd to be donn. And I darre saye, there is not for a Churche to preach Goddes word in, and to my∣nyster his holy Sacraments, more godly within this realm. But, Mr. Secretarie, I see mouche myschefe in mens hartes by many tokens, and souch as speak very fere meanith crauftely, and nothing less then they speake. I have to good experience of it.

Thus god geve us wysdome and strength, wyselye and stronglye to serve in our Vocations. There is none that eatith there bread in the swet of there face, but souch as serve in public Vocation. Yours is wounderful, but myne passith. Now I perceave private labours be but playes, nor private trobles but ease and quietnys. God be our help, Amen. I pray you send me my jurisdiction assone as may be. Worcestre, 25 Octobris, 1552.

Yours, and so wil be whylles I live, with my prayer Iohn Hoper, bushope of Worcestre.

Postscript. When that I perceavyd my request for jurisdiction made before unto you, upon further deliberation I thought it good to unre∣quest that againe; praying you to make no mention of it: and therupon

wrote the letters to the Councel anew. The cause is, I send for a President, to se the jurisdiction, how it is gyven in the like state as I am. Which pleasith me not. Therefore, goodd Mr. Secretarye, let it pass til I write unto you again.

NUM. XLIX. A Popish Rhime fastned upon a Pulpit in K. Edwards reigne.

THis pulpit was not here set, For knaves to prate in and rayl. But if no man may them let, Mischef wil come of them, no fail.

If God do permit them for a tyme To brabble and ly at their wyl, Yet I trust or that be prime. At their fal to laughe my fill.

Two of the knaves already we had, The third is comyng as I under∣stand, In al the yerth ther is none so bad, I pray God soon ryd them out of this land.

Prowder knaves was ther never none,* 2.3 So false they are, that no man may them trust. But if God do not send help sone, They wil lay al in the dust.

Al christen men at us now laugh and scorne, To se how they be taking of hie and lowe, But the child that is yet unborn Shal them curse al on a rowe.

Now God sped thee wel, And I wil no more mell.

The Answer to the Enemy.

A rope is a fytt reward for such rysshe repers, As have strowed this Church ageinst the Kings prechers.

THE Pulpits are now replenished with them that prech the truthe, And Popish traitors banished, which seemed to you great ruthe. But yf you and the Freers were clean owt of this land, This realme to the last years, ful firme and sure should stand.

When such as with you trust shal al ly in the dust, And ryse thereout agayne unto perpetual payne, With them that laugh and scorne eyther at hye or lowe, Had better not been borne such evil seeds to sowe.

Yee pray God spede them wel, and ye wil no more mell; Forsothe ye have said wel; But if ye may be knowen, Ye are like for to be taken, and quartered like a baken, And of your frends forsaken, for these sedis ye have sowen.

Like as the last yere Traitors were knowen, By standing in the felds with weapon and swordes, So this year their treason is sowen, In traiterous bills and railing words.

Some of their carcases standith on the gates, And their heads most fyttely on London bridge. Therefore, ye Traytors, beware your pates, For yf ye be founde, the same way must ye tridge.

God save the Kings Majestie long for to reigne, To suppresse al rebells, and truthe to maynteyne.

An old Song of John Nobody

I.

IN December, when the dayes draw to be be short,* 2.4 After November, when the nights wax noysome and Long; As I past by a place privily at a port, I saw one sit by himself making a song. His last talk of trifles, who told with his tongue, That few were fast i'th' faith, I feyned that freake, Whether he wanted wit, or some had done him wrong. He said, he was little Iohn Nobody, that durst not speak.

II.

Iohn Nobody, quoth I, What news? thou soon note and tell, What maner men thou mean, that are so mad. He said, These gay gallants, that wil construe the gospel, As Solomon the sage with sem∣blance ful sad, To discus divinity they nought adread. More meet it were for them to milk kye at a fleyke. Thou lyest, quoth I, thou Losel, like a leud lad. He said, he was little Iohn Nobody, that durst not speak.

III.

Its meet for every man on this matter to talk, And the glorious gospel ghostly to have in mind, It is sothe said that Sect, but much unseemly scalk, As boyes babble in books, that in Scripture are blind: Yet to their fancy soon a cause wil find. As to live in lust, in lechery to leyke. Such Caitives count to be come of Cains kind. But that I little Iohn Nobody durst not speak.

IV.

For our Reverend Father hath set forth an order, Our service to be said in our Seignours tongue: As Solomon the sage set forth the Scripture, Our suffrages, and service with many a sweet song, With Homilies and godly books us among. That no stiff, stubborn stomacks we should freyke. But wretches nere worse to do poor men wrong. But that I little Iohn Nobody dare not speak.

V.

For Bribery was never so great, since born was our Lord, And Whoredom was never les ha∣ted, sith Christ harrowed Hel: And poor men are so sore punished commonly through the world. Thus would it grieve any one, that good is, to hear tel. For al the homilies and good books, yet their hearts be so quel, That if a man do amiss with mis∣chefe they wil him wreake. The fashion of these new fellows, it is so vile and fell, But that I little Iohn Nobody dare not speake.

VI.

Thus to live after their lust, that life would they have, And in letchery to lyke al their long life; For al the preaching of Paul, yet many a proud knave Wil move mischiefe in their mind both to maid and wife; To bring them in advoutry, or else they wil strife, And in brawling about baudery, Gods Commandments break. But of these frantic il fellowes few of them do thrife. Though I little Iohn Nobody dare not speak.

VII.

If thou company with them they wil currishly carp, and not care, According to their foolish fantacy, but fast wil they naught. Prayer with them is but prating; Therefore they it forbear. Both Almes deeds, and holiness, they hate it in their thought. Therefore pray we to that Prince, that with his bloud us bought: That he wil mend that is amiss. For many a man ful freyke Is sorry for these Sects, though they say little or nought, And that I little Iohn Nobody dare not once speake.

VIII.

Thus in no place this Nobody in no time I met, Where no man then nought was, nor nothing did appear; Though the sound of a Syna∣gogue for sorrow I swett, That Hercules through the eccho did cause me to hear. Then I drew me down into a dale, wheras the dumb deer, Did shiver for a shower, but I shunted from a freyke For I would no wight in this world wist who I were, But little Iohn Nobody, that dare not once speake.

NUM. L. John a Lasco's Letter from Embden, signifying the dangerous condition they were in, and the Persecutions they expected.

Clarissimo viro Domino Sicilio, a consilijs & libellis s••pplicibus Illustris∣simi Domini Protectoris: Domino & fratri meo observandissimo.

S. Cum mihi ad alios scribendum istuc esset, facere non potui quin ad te quoque scriberem, Vir Clarissime, memor videlicet illius,* 2.5 quòd te mihi istic delegerim, cui mea omnia nota prae alijs esse velim. Volui

itaque tibi de meo huc reditu significare: nempe me felicissimo iti∣nere, gratia Domino, usum: & me ex Anglia in Frisiam Orientalem, intra triduum, trajecisse. Navis praesectum a Domino Protectore no∣bis additum habebamus, virum optimum & fidelissimum: qui Domi∣num Comitem Bremam usque est sequutus, ut certi aliquid, opinor, ab illo vobis adferat. Ego quae scio ad Dominum Cantuariensem omnia perscripsi, ut Illustri••••imo Domino Protectori exponat: quae tibi quo∣que incognita non fore puto. Scripturus alioqui eadem ad te omnia, si non id parum necessarium, adeoque & supervacaneum esse judicarem. Nos hic crucem certissimam expectamus, & ad eam perferendam mu∣tuo nos in Domino cohortamur, cum invocatione nominis sancti sui: ut per patientiam & fidem, ferendo, superemus omnia, quae••únque in nos permittere ille volet, ad nominis sui gloriam, & nostri probationem. Certi illum curam nostri habere, & ita potentem esse, ut ••mnes omni∣um hostium phalanges, quicunque sint tandem illi, unico oris sui ver∣bo sternat momento uno: & rursum ita bon••m, ut ne pilum quidem temerè e nostro capite detrahi patiatur, etiamsi nos totus mundus im∣petere conetur. Támque nobis malè velle non possit unquam, quàm mater infanti suo, quàm denique oculi quisque sui pupillae mal•• velle non potest: imo vero, quàm non potest non esse perpetuò Deus, Lau∣dandus in omnibus quaecúnque in nos permittit: cum nihil in nos alio∣qui nisi nostro ipsorum bono, inque nostram adeo salutem, permittat. Huic igitur nos totos committimus, & cum omni tolerantia expecta∣mus quicquid in nos permittere ille velit. Si nos ••inc pelli contingat, scis quinam sit animus meus. Quòd si quid tu interea de mea istic vo∣catione intellexisti, quemadmodum ad te ex Iermouth scripseram, aut siquid te adhuc intelligere posse putas, quaeso te, Vir integerrime, ut mihi per amicum hunc & fratrem meum, Robertum Legatum, genti∣lem vestrum, civem nostrum, significare velis. Germania ferè tota, praeter Saxonicas, (quas vocant) & Maritimas civitates, ac Princi∣pes aliquot, Interimizat. Helvetij legatos Caesaris, qui ad repetendum Ducatum Sabaudiae venerant, finibus suis non auditos, ut dicitur, ex∣cedere jusserunt. De me plura hic Robertus noster, Vale. Uxorem tu∣am, Dominum Czechum nostrum, Dominum Morosinum diligenter sal∣vere jubeo: méque vobis omnibus totum ex animo commendo. Rap∣tim. Aemdae, nona Aprilis, Anno 1549.

Tui studiosissimus, Joannes à Lasco, manu propria.

Cuperem scire num fructus aliquid attulerit, mea illa nondum absoluta ad herum tuum admonitio, quam tibi a Domino Florentio nomine meo traditum esse non diffido: & num putes illam mihi porro absolvendam esse. Doctori Turn••ro multam ex me sa∣lutem dicito, quaeso.

NUM. LI. A Lasco's request, that those of his church might have a Warrant from the Kings Councel, that they might not be disturbed for not coming to their parish churches.

Clarissimo Viro Domino Guilhelmo Cecilio, Secretario Regio dignissimo ad manus.

RUrsum perturbantur quidam è nostra Ecclesia tam in majore,* 2.6 quam in minore Sudwerk, Vir clarissime, & carceres illis inten∣tantur, nisi ad suas paroecias veniant. Faciunt autem id non Pastores ipsi, s••d aediles; qui Praefecti Ecclesiarum vocantur. Qua de re cum Domino Reverendissimo Cancellario heri egi. Et ille jussit, ut cum tua humanitate agerem, ut ipso praesente in Senatu hodie a prandio res per tuam humanitatem proponeretur: pollicitusque est, se nobis adju∣mento esse futurum in Senatu, ut mandatum in scripto ad omnes Pa∣roecos & Ecclesiarum praefectos in Sudwerk & sancta Catharina obtinea∣mus, ne nostri ab illis deinceps, hac in parte, molestentur. Sed ejus∣modi mandatum obtineri oporteret, quod per nos illis offerri, qui no∣stros molestant, & demum per nos etiam adservari possit: ne deinceps novis rursum mandatis impetrandis (si forte ita incidat) molesti sem∣per & Senatui ipsi Regio, & tuae humanitati esse cogamur. Venturus eram ipse ad tuam humanitatem, sed per gravissimum capitis dolorem profectò non licuit. Mitto tamen ad tuam humanitatem hunc fratrem nostrum, qui est unus è Senioribus nostrae Ecclesiae. Oróque ut illum benigne audiat & absolvat. Commendo me diligentissime humani∣tati tuae.

Tuae prestantiae addictissimus, Joannes à Lasco, manu propria.

[Novemb. 1552.]

NUM. LII. Michael Angelo, Preacher to the Italian Congregation, his com∣plaint against some of his flock, with a list of their Names.

Clarissimo Domino Sycilio, Serenissimi Regis Angliae, &c. a Secretis; Michael Angelus Florius Florentinus, Italorum Concionator. S. D.

CUM die••us elapsis meam tibi enarrarem inopiam & necessitatem,* 2.7 ac meorum Italorum impietatem, mihi imposuisti, ut eorum Ita∣lorum nomina, quos opus erat ut convenires, tibi significarem, & id∣circo

in calce harum mearum reperies, & cum absque interturbatione seriorum negotiorum tuorum hos omnes, unà vel separatim, convenire poteris, mihi non exiguum praestabis favorem, ut te facturum spero. Hi omnes polliciti sunt Reverendissimo Cantuariensi, mihi omnia neces∣saria providere, & ab eis de mense Ianuarij accepi tantum, quinque libras. At postquam viderunt & audierunt me tam aperto Marte ad∣versus Papae dogmata, hypocrisim & tyrannidem concionantem, ac eorum incredulitatem & duritiam cordis arguentem, me omnino dese∣ruerunt. Sed hoc fere nihil est. Non enim ipsi impudentes erubescunt ore vipereo mihi & evangelio Christi (quod sincére annuntio) detra∣here; Et, quo ausu nescio, (cum omnes habeant privilegia Libertatis, quemadmodum veri & naturales Angli, & juraverint eamet servare mandata, quae servare tenentur Angli omnes,) quotidie audiunt Missas; quas si audirent Angli, paenas luerent. Et cur isti, ut merentur, non corriguntur? Et si ipsi quotidie nova privilegia, & novas immunitates a Serenissimo Rege petere non verentur, & nonnunquam obtinent, cur illis non praecipitur, ut faveant Evangelio, & abrenuntient Papae, & dogmatibus ejus? In Scriptura divina jubentur rebelles Deo, legibus, & judicibus sanctis, interfici sine misericordia: ut patet Deut. 13. & 17. Eliseus ille tam Deo gratus Propheta, jubente ipso Deo, inunxit Iehu in regem ad hoc, ut & domum Achabi prorsus extirparet, ac Sacerdotes omnes Baal interficeret. Jure igitur optimo possunt & debent hii om∣nes, cum adversentur & Evangelio, & hujus tam Sancti Regis sanctio∣nibus, nempe pijs. Tuae prudentiae & pietati hoc meum negotium committendum jure existimavi, cum sis verè unus ex his, quibus ait Dominus & Servator noster Christus, Elegi vos de mundo, ut eatis, & fructum afferatis, & fructus vester maneat. Certus igitur sum, quod nihil eorum omittes, quae ad Dei gloriam, Evangelij laudem, & meam Salutem pertinere agnosces. Vale.

Italorum Nomina,

• D. Carolus Rinuccinus. Florentini omnes.
• D. Guido Cavalcanti. Florentini omnes.
• D. Batista Cavalcanti. Florentini omnes.
• D. Bartholomeus Fortini. Florentini omnes.
• D. Azalinus Selvagus. Ianuens.
• D. Benedictus Spinola. Ianuens.
• D. Antonius Bruschetto. Ianuens.
• D. Christoforus Mediolanensis.
• D. Batista Burrone, Mediolanensis.
• D. Marcus Antonius Erizo. Veneti.
• D. Evangelista Fonte. Veneti.
• D. Petrus Ciampante. Lucensis.
• D. Nicolaus de Nale. Ragusienses.
• D. Andreas de Resti. Ragusienses.

NUM. LIII. Michael Angelo endeavours to appease the Secretary, greatly of∣fended with him for a gross miscarriage.

Clarissimo Viro, ordinis equestris, Domino Gulielmo Sycilio, Serenissimi Regis Angliae, &c.

a Secretis, Michael Angelus Florius, S. P. D.

SUbodoratus hisce diebus elapsis miram illam tuam charltatem,* 2.8 qua me piè complecti solebas, magnitudine Labis, qua nunc me com∣maculari contingit, victam fuisse; téque adversus me ita excanduisse, ut me scelerosis omnibus indignitate excellere judicares. Quae cum ani∣mo mecum volutare cepissem, arbitrabar consultum fore, si ad te scri∣berem, rémque omnem, ut se habet, non ut quorunque impudentium lutulenta ora evomere ausa sunt, panderem. Sed pendebat animus, & in diversa trahebatur. Nam verebar nè vehementius in me sevires, audito meo nomine, quod tam paeminosum apud te factum est. Ve∣rum cum rem altius mecum perpenderim, prorsus mutavi Sententiam, tum quia misantropos non es, tum etiam quia ea opinio, quam de tua pietate, prudentia, doctrina & mansuetudine concepi hactenus, falsa non me Lactavit spe. Iccirco his meis ad te litteris provolare audeo, faterique te non injuria me scelerosum vocitasse, quia exsurgentibus quibusdam nebulis de limosa concupiscentia carnis meae, & obnubilan∣tibus cor meum, per abrupta cupiditatum cecidi, ac praeceps cecidi in caenum, voraginem & gurgitem libidinis & immunditiae carnis, relicto deo, cujus ira invaluit super me. Sed ut memineris, obsecro, Am∣plissime Domine, me ex eodem Adamo genitum, ex quo David, ac ple∣rique electi Dei, qui ejusdem criminibus obnoxij fuëre. Ex humo, non ex suamet substantia, ut quidam falso opinati sunt, Deus homi∣nem condidit, non ex durissimo Lapide aut chalybe. Quod quidem si perspectabis illum procliviorem aptiorémque ad malum reddidit. Si enim naturam nostram humanam sic Deus condidisset (quod impossi∣bile est) ut nunquam peccasset, melior ipso Deo fuisset, (quod absit:) quia natura quae potest peccare, sicut & non peccare, si semper vinceret, illi naturae preponenda esset, quae ideo non peccat, quia impassibilis est. Age dic, ex terrae limo conditus quis non peccat? Et si bonos omnes suos esse velit Deus, non tamen illis potestatem peccandi adimit. Et quisquis naturam nostram quam diligentissimè inspexerit, cum Christo filio dei fatebitur, Neminem praeter unum Deum bonum. In me igitur in hujus criminis f••ecem prolapso naturam, Amplissime Domine, attende, in te vero, & in alijs ab hac peccati sorde mundis, gratiam Dei, non naturae virtutem, Laudato. Qui peccantes omnes odisse quaerit, ne∣que profecto seipsum diligit. Et si quoscúnque reos mortis damnari contendit, neminem vivere patietur. Quis unquam electorum dei tam mundus ab omni Labecula criminis fuit, cui non opus fuerit quotidie rogare patrem, ut illi sua remittat debita? Nonne omnes habent, quod plangant, & reprehensione conscientiae, & mobilitate peccatricis natu∣rae? Et sicut unicuíque propter sua peccata Dei misericordia est neces∣saria, ita uniuscujúsque proprium est errantium omnium misereri.

Haec perspicua comperies in unigeniti filij dei illo recto sanctoque ju∣dicio, ab eo a Phariseis petito adversus mulierem in adulterio deprehen∣sam; qui & legem adulteram damnantem comprobavit, & judices cae∣terósque omnes terrendo ad misericordiam revocavit. Quaerit Deus Opt. Max., ut regna subvertantur erroris, non errantes ipsi, & eos ubique jubet spiritu mansuetudinis instaurendos esse, non odio & per∣secutione perdendos. Qui igitur vehementi errantes prosequitur odio, eos perdere, non sanare conatur. Sed video hic te corrugare frontem audióque dicere, Num frustra instituta sunt potestas regis, vis gladij cognitoris, ungulae carnificis, arma militis, disciplina dominantis, & severitas boni patris? Non utique, sed habent ista omnia modos suos causas, rationes & utilitates. Non enim ordinationibus hisce humana∣rum rerum adversatur remissio, nec contrariatur indulgentia. Quod si fieri contingeret, nobis non attulisset Christus suae dulcedinem gratiae, nec tam pijs elogijs mansuetudinem commendasse••, sed veteris Testa∣menti severiorem legis vindictam comprobasset. Sed quid audeo do∣cere Minervam, & noctuas ferre Athenaes? Nonne haec omnia in sacris didicisti litteris? Nonne fides, nonne pietas, non haec tandem ipse te deus edocuit, cum te viti, quae est vita nostra, Christo Iesu Servatori nostro inseruit? Moses, cui legitur facie ad faciem dominus esse locu∣tus, missus ad gentes, & ad fratres suos, ire nolebat, & ad aquas con∣tradictionis quàm graviter deum offenderit, Dei ipsius testimonio, no∣vimus omnes. Aaron, Dei Altissimi Sacerdos idololatriae Israelitarum consentiens, ex auro & monilibus faeminarum eorum vitulum fabrica∣vit; illi aram extruxit, ac holocausta immolavit: cui sane facinori simile nec oculus mortalium vidit, nec auris audivit. Ionas propheta praeceptum sibi, ut Ninivitis praedicaret, irrupit, ut ad alium locum pergeret, quo missus non fuerat. David rex & propheta, vir utique se∣cundum cor dei, plus aequo Veneri indulgens, uxorem rapuit alienam, & virum illius interfici curavit. Simon Petrus, cui Dominus pollicitus erat claves regni coelorum, cum juramento ipsum dominum suum ne∣gavit. Nec tamen ille pijssimus Deus terrae chasmata aperiri jussit, ut vivi absorberentur hi qui legem suam violaverunt: ut suo exemplo doceret omnes, rigorem judicij pietate & clementia frangere.

De fervescat igitur minax tua illa indignatio & formidabilis ira ad∣versus me, demitte furorem, Vir integerrime, misericorditer me pro∣lapsum corripe, & cum dilectione saluti meae consule, & prospice. Cu∣jus auxilio, consilio, & favore nitar, si tu, qui omnium sacra ancho∣ra es, (& numinis loco te habent omnes,) me prorsus tuo destituas auxilio? Quo fugiam extra regnum istud, ut vitare possim, quia aut carne mea & sanguine meo satientur hostium evangelij dentes & ora, aut veritatem illius ipse negare cogar? Non veluti primi parentis Ada∣mi est hoc peccatum meum, ut non vetustate, prudentia & pietate san∣ctorum dei deleri possit. Cave, obsecro, ne Satanas, per imaginem quasi justae severitatis, crudelem hanc tibi adversus me suadeat saevitiam. Clamabis fortassis, me indignum esse hoc tuo favore & auxilio. Fateor, sed recorderis, rogo, Deum indignos justificare & servare. Pietas igitur commoveat te, ut velis mihi famulo tuo pereunti opitulari, cujus salus tibi in manu est. Vale, & bene fortunet Christus opt. Max. quod in ma∣nibus est, X Kal. Februarij.

NUM. LIV. That the Secretary would p••ocure the Kings letters Patents for a French protestant, to set up a French printing press.

Clarissimo Viro Domino Guilhelmo Cecilio, Regiae Majestatis Secretario dignissimo, Domino & fautori observantissimo.

TAmetsi ejusmodi nunc sit valetudo mea in eo luctu meo,* 2.9 in quo me Dominus, adempta mihi altera mei parte, uxore inquam mea, constituit, ut neque mihi liceat, neque etiam magnopere libeat multa ad multos scribere, Vir Clarissime; tamen fratribus & amicis id a me postulantibus negare non potui, ut in fratris hujus gratiam, qui has perfert, paucis te, pro tua in me benevolentia, meáque in te ob∣servantia, interpellarem. Est vir pius & verae religionis studiosus totius Ecclesiae nostrae Gallicae testimonio; cuperétque instituere typographi∣cam Gallicam, in usum earum insularum, quae subsunt Majestati Re∣giae. Ut Anglica, quae ad religionem pertinent, omnia, Gallicè versa, pro insulis illis excudat. Hac itaque in parte tuo patrocinio juvari postu∣lat; & a me petijt, ut se tuae humanitati commendarem, ut tuis auspi∣cijs diploma Regium in eum usum obtinere possit. Te igitur oro, Vir praestantissime, ut illi hac in parte tua autoritate adesse velis; cum meâ, tum verò multo magis promovendae religionis causa. Plura non permittit valetudo. Commendo me tuae humanitati officiosissimè. Londini, 24 Augusti. 1552.

Tuae humanitati addictissimus, Joannes a Lasco.

NUM. LV. Valerandus Pollanus Superintendent of the Strangers church at Glastenbury, concerning the state of the strangers Weavers, fixed there.

Verè Nobili Viro ac D. D. Gulielmo Cecilio, Equiti aur ato, Regij Consi∣lij Secretario, D. ac patrono suo colendissimo.

S. P. Cum his Petrus Wolfus, vir honestus ad vos proficisceretur,* 2.10 putavi non aegrè laturam D. T. si de rebus nostris pauca signifi∣carem. Alteras literas, quae ad Cornishium & reliquos procuratores pertinebant, hodie propter absentiam Cornishij tradidi Regio ministro M. Poais cum Fermario Hyeto, praefecto hujus oppidi, & alijs Officia∣rijs, praesente D. Clerc, generoso, qui est unus ex ijs, qui praesunt (ut dicunt) Iustices of paix. Atque hic generosus, cum Latinè & Gallicè

nosset, pro sua humanitate interpretem egit, tum mei libelli supplicis exhibiti DD. Consiliarijs; tum nostri pacti cum D. Duce Somerseti. Viderunt itaque consentire per omnia; & id D D. Consiliarijs signi∣ficant per literas; atque illud etiam, quantas commoditates ex his ho∣minibus sperent. Has literas ipse mecum feram, cum literis eorum qui praesunt rationibus hujus oppidi, quos expectamus ad proximum diem Iovis. Interea id te scire volui, ut pro tua pietate memor sis horum hominum, quibus non video qua ratione impresentiarum possit prospi∣ci, quod pascua attinet, nisi Damarium nobis concedatur utendum fru∣endum, cum hortorum parte aliqua, tantisper dum alia pascua tradan∣tur. Atque ita decreverat D. Dux, imo etiam fecisset jam, nisi Cor∣nisbius ille nobis praeripuisset turpissima fraude, cum sciret D. Ducem aliter decrevisse ante mortem D. Spelt.

Rogamus igitur T. D. per Christum, ut hujus memor, si quisquam agat apud D D. Consiliarios de pascuis aut de hoc Damario, imprimis horum hominum rationem haberi cures. Quod si feceris, dignum tua pietate facies, & nos tibi aeternum devinxeris. Praeterea id T. D. scire cupio, quam turpiter Cornishius nostris insidiatus sit statim post meum hinc discessum, cujus tamen hortatu ego istuc profectus eram. Venit, atque affirmans se habere literas a DD. Consiliarijs, primum blandis verbis, deinde minis nostros cogebat, ut sibi pannos, quos haberent confectos, darent. Ipse vero ex me audierat oppigneratos omnes. Et ut non fuissent mihi quod hic moliebatur. Rogamus itaque ne huic quidquam posthac committatur nostrarum rerum: cum neque nos, nec quod justum est, aut aequum, amare possit. Haec vera esse ex hoc homine, & ipso M. Poais melius possit T. D. cognoscere.

Hic Petrus Wolfus, Brabantus, multa passus est, & est homo dignus, cui boni faveant. Puto eum T. D. quoque notum. Rogo illum adjuva∣res. Condonabit T. D. quod tam familiariter agam, tamque inornatè. Sed ornare res ipsa negat, nec fert festinus nuncij abitus. Ego T. D. me & meae ecclesiae causam commendo. Dominus Iesus T. D. servet, ac augeat. Glasconij, 3 Novemb. 1551.

T. D. observantissimus Valerandus Pollanus, Superintendens peregrinorum ecclesiae Glascon.

NUM. LVI. The Superintendent earnestly desires, that one Cornish might not bee set over the Strangers there, who had already dealt so illy with them.

Verè nobili Viro ac Domino D. Gulielmo Cecillo, Equiti aurato meritis∣simo, Supremi Consilij Regij Secretario, Domino, ac patrono colendissimo. In Aula.

S. P. Etsi mihi non dubium est.* 2.11 T. D. probè memorem esse sermonis nostri postremi de Cornishio, ac deinceps ejusdem per literas com∣monefecerim: de eadem re tamen iterum & tertiò appellare nec pu∣det, nec piget, quoniam ita res exigit. Obsecro, per Christum, nec id molestè feras, neque rem istam parvè estimes.

Cum enim, qui praeesse debent alijs, ipsos integros ac justos imprimis esse oporteat; tum qui hominibus istis optimis, ac propter Christum tantùm extorribus praefuturi sunt, eos ipsos sanè quàm integerrimos ac justissimos esse oportet: ni perire honestissimos viros velitis, atque aliò avertere maxima commoda, quae ab ipsis ad Rempub perventura erant. In Cornishio porr••, nunquam hi nostri homines, textores, inquam, illi peregrini, vel hilum integritatis & justitiae, vel candoris deprehende∣runt, aut experti sunt▪ Quapropter illorum precibus solicitatus, T. D. supplex oro, Velis ita causam ipsorum D D. Consiliarijs exponere ac commendare, nè Cornishius, quod jam ab ipsis contendit, assequatur, ut hominibus istis praeficiatur. Mirari satis non possumus, quânam fronte id jam audeat, posteaquam adeò nuper turpissimam suam perfidiam ac malevolentiam prodiderit: nec ignorent, quàm aegrè illum feramus omnes, qui etiam idem quod nunc petimus, a D. Duce postulaturi eramus. Causam autem, & caetera, quae ad hanc rem pertinebunt, ne diutius T. D. meis literis obtundam, ex hoc tabellario, M. Stephano Le Provost, qui est Diaconus meus in ministerio Ecclesiae, plenius cogno∣sces. Obsecro per Christum ut id velis, atque illi fidem habeas.

Omnes nostri, qui T. D. pietatem ac fidem saepius laudari audie∣runt, se totos ac sua omnia tibi commendant. Nec dubito fore com∣mendatissimos, quos Christus ipse commendat. Itaque desino. Dominus Iesus T. D. suo spiritu semper magis magísque augeat, ac bonis omni∣bus exornat▪ Glasconij Somerset. 9 Novemb. Anno 1551.

T. D. observantissimus Clientulus, Valerandus Pollanus, Superintendens ecclesiae peregr. Glascon.

NUM. LVII. Some account of the present settlement of their affaires.

Ornatissimo Viro, ac D. D. Gulielmo Cicello, equiti aurato, Senatus Regij Secretioris Secretario, Domino & patrono Colendissimo.

* 2.12S. P. Quid in negotio bonorum virorum decreverint rationum praesi∣des, etsi ab ipsis non dubito te intellecturum; nolui tamen com∣mittere, ut hac in parte dignam tua benevolentia observantiam in me desiderares. Res porro sic habet. Optimus hic Vir ac verè gene∣rosus D. Dyer, ut est verae pietatis amantissimus, ita sanè nostram causam, quantum potuit, juvit & promovit. Nihil tamen impetra∣tum est, praeterquam quod nostrisfacta est potestas in Damarium du∣cendi vaccas, donec de pascuis satis sit factum D. Ducis pacto. Tri∣ginta etiam domos jusserunt quamprimum instaurari; ac pecuniam numerarunt, qua aes alienum dissolveremus, contractum hoc toto tem∣pore, quo tam parcè a D. Ducis ministris numeratum fuit. Sed in tempus futurum parum liberaliter prospectum est. Vix enim ad bi∣mestre tantum constituerunt, quantum satis sit ad quinque hebdoma∣das. Omitto quod cum jam lanae desint, nec quidquam numerarunt hac causa, in brevi nostris hominibus ne cessandum sit, non parum me∣tuendum sit. Crowchius obtulit suas: Sed pretio iniquiore, quam possimus sustinere. Nam multo aequiore possumus a nostris vicinis emere, puta 24 s. quod ille 32 s. aestimat. Ita nos affligit, & hactenus afflixit penuria pecuniae. Unica spes reliqua est in D. Dyer, quem longè aequiorem expectamus, modo ad nostrorum usum Lanae ipsius sint accommodae. Nam praeter pretij moderationem; illud etiam ad∣dit, quod longum Solutionis tempus nullo foenore compensari velit. Dominus illi rependat. Utinam huic bono & pio viro D D. Consiliarij pios homines potius commendas••ent. Nimis enim metuo, ne cupidi∣tas Cornishij insatiabilis nostris fraudi sit. Nam quod Damarij partem retinet, ac usum communem cum nostris, id nullo jure ac nulla causa, vel in speciem honesta, facit: cum sciat vix satis esse ad alenda 30 pa∣ria vaccarum. Et cum sibi peteret a D. Duce, non ignoraverit antea D. Ducem nostris decrevisse, id quod tamen (parum religiosè) ne∣gavit. Sed testati sunt Crowchius, Robertus Hyet, & Richardus Pouais ita habere. Proinde non possumus in eo acquiescere, nisi totum Da∣marium nostris hominibus liberum sit, tandiu fruendum, donec singu∣lis tradantur quinque Acrae prati, vel quantum satis erit ad alendam duas vaccas per integrum annum, sicuti pacto D. Ducis constat.

Sed de hoc & alijs plura & certiora, cum venero. Tantum hoc oro T. D. nè sinas offendi D D. Consiliarios magnitudine sumptuum in domuum instaurationem. Nam ea res nihil hactenus ad me pertinebat. Certè magnae erant hic ruinae. Sed mirari satis non possum tantos sumptus esse, cum tam parum sit praestitum, id quod ipsi D. Praesides suis oculis viderunt. Nostri hinc multum damni acceperunt. Nam cum angustissimè habitarent, non poterant Anglas ad nendum, Anglos ad alia sua artificia, commodè ad se recipere. Ipsimet non poterant

tantum operae praestare, quantum alioqui fecissent. Hincque adeo cum vivendum interea esset, contraxerunt aes alienum Ducis, super quam sperassent, majus. In quo sanè opus erit V. aequitate, nè istis homi∣nibus tam multa debita imputentur, quandoquidem non ipsorum culpa factum est, sed negligentiâ Ministrorum D. Ducis. Boni enim viri nihil magis metuunt quam aes alienum. Quod si semel, cum domi∣bus & pratis promissis, numeraretur quantum opus est ad hanc susce∣ptionem totam, extra omnem metum esset, quin facile possent omni aere alieno Ducis sese liberare.

De me etiam nihil est constitutum, qui 15 mensibus sumptus incre∣dibiles, & labores incomparabiles pertuli, nec obolum accepi. Est enim mihi familia ampla, quae vix etiam satisfacit negotijs istorum ho∣minum; quorum causa multae ac variae profectiones hoc anno susci∣piendae fuerunt. Si possem impetrare quinquaginta libras stipendij, ego pro omnibus sumptibus, & laboribus praeteritis, contentus essem. Nam nè parum esset negotij, jam etiam imposuerunt inspectionem operarum in domuum instaurationem. Sed spero T. D. hac in parte fa∣vorem suum non denegaturam apud D D. Consiliarios. Quod si sentiam, nihil vereor quin totum hoc institutum nobis sit futurum Laudi, propter maximas commoditates, quas huic regno sentient evenisse intra triennium, Domino Iesu benè secundante, uti hactenus caepit. Is T. D. omni felicitate sua beet. Glasconij 27. Novemb. 1551.

T. D. addictissimus Clientulus, Valerandus Pollanus.

Condonet mihi T. D. quod tam inconditè scribam. Non va∣cat aliter, per tam multas oc∣cupationes; uti testis erit hic generosus Dom. meae diligen∣tiae & sedulitatis, tum in Ec∣clesiasticis, tum in oeconomi∣cis nostrorum rebus procu∣randis.

NUM. LVIII. Mr. Calvins advise for the rectifying some abuses in our Church▪ and University, relating to the alienation and misuse of their Revenues.

A Monseigneur, Monseigneur Le Duc de Sommerset.

MOnseigneur, Je ne vous scaurois assez remercier du receueil tant humain, que mon homme a trouve envers vous:* 2.13 non seu∣lement a ce qu'il vous a pleu prendre la poine d'offrir mes Livres au Roy; mais de tout le reste, en quoy vous pouviez declairer une sin∣guliere affection d'amitie, que de vostre grace vous aviez desia assez monstree cy devant. Quant a L'enfant que vous avez receu a vostre Service, je n'eusse poynt prins la hardiesse de vous en escrire; si non

que j'eusse pense, qu'il avoit adresse de plus grand bien comme a ussion s'y attendoit. Mais d'aultant plus en suis je bligé a vous, quant je voy que ma faveur a valu quelque chose en cest endroict. Mais pource que tout ce, que j'eu scaurois esc••ire seroit bien maigre au pris de ce que est en mon coeur, & aussi que vos bienfaictz meritent j'ayme mieulx me depporter de vous en faire plus long propos. Seulement je vous priè, Monseigneur, de me tenir tellement du tout vostre, que si j'avois moien de vousfaire de bons Services, il ne tiendroit pas a m'y employer, que vous n'eussiez approbation d'un meilleur v••uloir, que je ne le puis exprimer. Je vous eusse faict ces excuses plus tost▪ ou bien remerciemens, s••il vous plaist les tenir pour telz: n'eust esté le desir que ce gentilhomme avoit de vous presenter mes letteres. En quoy aussi j'appercois l'amitie que vous plaist monstrer envers moy, quant ceux qui meritent bien d'avoir acces envers vous, esperent estre tres bien venus par le moien de mes lettrez

Cependant, Monseigneur, je ne cesseray de vous recommander ce qui vous est de soy assez cher & precieux: cest que vous procuriez tous jours, & mettiez poine, que Dieu soit droictement honore & servy. Sur tout qu'il se dresse meilleur ordre en l'eglise, qu'il ny est pas encore. Car a ce qu'on dit, il a graud faulte de doctrine pour le simple peuple. Combien qu'il ne soit pas ayse de recouvrer gens pro∣pres & idoines pour f ire ceste o••fice; toutefois a ce que j'entens, il y a deux grandz empeschemens, ausquelz il seroit necessaire de proveoir. L'un est, que les revenus des Universitez, qui ont esté fondez pour nourrir les escholiers, sont mal d stribuez en partie. Car plusieurs sont nourris de bourses, qui font profession manifeste de resister a l'evangile. Tant s'en fault, quilz donnent esperance de maintenir ce qui aura esté la edifie a grande poine & travail.

Le second mal est, que le revenu des Cures est distraict, & dissipe: en sorte qu'il n'y a point pour nourris gens de bien, qui seroient pro∣pres a faire l'office de vrays pasteurs. Et par ce moien on y mest pre∣stres ignorans, qui emp••rte une grande confusion. Car la qualité des personnes engendre un grand mespris de la parole de Dieu. Et puis quant ilz auroient toute l'authorite du monde, il ne leur chault guere de s'acquiter. Je vous prie doncque, Monseigneur, pour faire tousiours advancer en mieulx la reformation, & luy donner fermité permanente a ce qu'elle tienne: qu'il vous plaise employer toutes vos forces a la correction de cest abus. Je croy bien, qu'il n'a pas tenu a Vous, que les choses n'ayent esté mieux reglees de prime face. Mais puis qu'il est bien difficile d'avoir du primier coup, un estat si bien dresse qu'il seroit a desirer, il reste de tousiours insister pour parfaire avec le temps ce que est bien commencé.

Il ne doit pas faire mal a ceux qui tirent aujourdhuy profit du bien des eglises, que les pasteurs ayent nourriture su••fisante: veu que chascun se doit efforcer de les nourrir du sien propre, quant ilz n'au∣roient poin de quoy du publicq. Mesme ce sera leur profit de s'en ac∣quiter. Car ilz ne peuvent pas prosperer en fraudant le peuple de Dieu de la pasture spirituelle, en ce qu'ilz privent les eglises de bons pasteurs. Et de vostre part, Monseigneur, je ne doubte pas, quant vous aurez fidelement traivaille a reduire ces choses en ordre, que Dieu ne multiplie d'aultant p••us ses benedictions en vous. Mais

pour ce que je me tiens asseure, que vous estes si bien affectionné de vous mesme, qu'il nest ja besoing en faire plus longue exhortation, je feray fin: apres avoir supplie nostre bon Dieu, qu'il luy plaise vous conduire tousiours par son esprit, vous augmenter en tout bien, & faire que son nom soit de plus en plus glorifie par vous.

Ainsi, Monseigneur, je me recommande bien humblement a vostre bonne grace. De Genesve, ce 25 de Juillet, 1551.

Vostre tres humble Serviteur, Jehan Calvin.

NUM. LIX. Sir John Cheke to Dr. Parker, upon the Death of Martin Bucer.

I Have delivered the Universities Letters to the Kings Majesty,* 2.14 and spoken with the Lords of the Councel, and with my L. of Cant. for Mrs. Bucer. I doubt not but she shal be wel and worthily consider∣ed. The University hath not done so great honor to Mr. Bucer, as cre∣dit and worship to themselves. The which if they would continue in, as they cease not to complain, they might be a great deal better pro∣vided for, then they think they be. But now complaining outright of al other men, and mending little in themselves, make their friends rather for duty towards learning, then for a deser•• of the Students, show their good wils to the University. Howbeit if they would have sought either to recover, or to increase the good opinion of men, they could not have devised wherin by more duty they might worthily be commended, then in following so noble a man with such testimo∣nie of honor, as the child ought to his father, and the Lower to his Su∣perior. And altho I doubt not, but the Kings Majesty wil provide some grave learned man to maintain Gods true learning in his Univer∣sity, yet I think not of al learned men, in al points, yee shal receive Mr. Bucers like; whether we consider his deepnes of knowledg, his earnestnes in religion, his fatherliness in life, his authority in know∣ledg. But what do I commend you to Mr. Bucer, who knew him bet∣ter, and can praise, whom ye knew, trulier?

I would wish, that that is wanting now by Mr. Bucers death, they would by diligence and wisdome fulfil in themselves: and that they herein praised in others labour to obtain themselves. Wherof I think ye be a good stay to some unbrideled young men, who have more knowledg in the tongues, then experience what is comely, or fit for their life to come.

I pray you, let Mr. Bucers books and scroles unwritten be sent up and saved for the Kings Majesty: that he choosing such as shal like him best, may return the other without delay: Except Mrs. Bucer think some other better thing to be done with them, or she should think she

should have loss by them, if they should not be in her ordering.

I do not, Mr. Parker, forget your friendship shewed to me aforetime; and am sorry no occasion serveth me to shew my good wil. But assure your selfe, that as it lyeth long and taketh deep root in me, so shal the time come, I trust, wherin ye shal understand the fruit therof the better to endure and surelier to take place. Which may as wel shortly be, as be deferred. But good occasion is al. The Lord keep you, and grant the Vniversity so much encrease of godlines and learning, as these causes may compel unwilling men to be ashamed not to do for them. From Westmester, 1551. Mar. 9.

Your assured, Joan Cheke.

NUM. LX. Peter Martyr to Bucer, concerning the Oxford Act, An∣no 1550.

Quibus artibus instituerint Disputationem Theologicam in Comitiis Oxo∣niensibus.

S. D.

AD tuas prolixas literas, mihique eo nomine suavissimas, brevi hac mea Epistola rescribo:* 2.15 partim, quod Tabellarius citius re∣ditum aggressus est, quàm ego speraveram; partim, quod res, de qua me vis cogitare, non est praecipitanda, sed potius quàm diligentissimo examine opus habet. Curabo itaque ut quàm primum, si certus homo, cui rectè possim literas dare, se offerret, quid ea de re sentio, rescri∣bam. Gaudeo itaque vehementer Disputationes istas hunc habuisse suc∣cessum, quem sua Providentia Deus illas habere voluit. Vix enim mi∣hi polliceor, cum non adessent Visitatores, aut ulli graves Judices po∣tuisse magnum fructum, ex illis, vel ad Scholam, vel ad Ecclesiam re∣dire. Non quasi de viribus, donísque tibi divinitus collatis, quicquam dubitem, aut bonitati causae diffidem, sed quod istorum consilium vi∣deam. Satis est illis pugnâsse. Qui postea mendacia spargunt. Nun∣quam desunt. Et Diabolus omnia curat efferri, & per sua membra ho∣norificentissimè amplificari. Quare non miror, si Christus ab initio dis∣putationes Apostolicas miraculis confirmavit. Utinam quandoque dig∣net istos obfirmatos, suaque cordis duritie gehennae addictos, eâdem potentiâ coercere, qua per Paulum Elymam Magum repressit: quando non possunt alia ratione adduci, ut veritatem, instar Magorum Phara∣onis, non oppugnent, & suis praestigijs offuscare nitantur.

Quid mihi acciderit, in nostris Comitijs, paucis accipe. Sunt crea∣ti Baccalaurei Theologioe, quos ego de more▪ praesentavi: Cumque illis, ut fit, disputandum esset publicè, Respondentem Papistam con∣stituerunt.

Opponentes item Papistas, quaestionemque disputandam, maximo silentio suppresserunt: cum soli eam inter se communicassent. Totámque id fiebat, ne illam ego possim cognoscere. Cumque ad eam publicandam exstimularentur, dicebant, ad me non pertinere: Satis esse, ut eam disputaturi inter se nossent. Denique pridie ejus diei, quo disputandum erat post meridiem secunda hora, ut arbitror, questio∣nem publicarunt, & ad valvas Templi affixerunt. Volebant autem de∣fendere suam beatam Transubstantiationem, atque corporis Christi im∣panationem. Utque me Arbitrum recluderent, alium, ut loquuntur, patrem sibi deligunt Doctorem Chedzeum. Ibi Opponentes omnia mea produxissent argumenta. Respondens, ut visum esset, diluisse••. Oppo∣nentes se dixissent esse contentos allata solutione. Pater loco meo suppositus omnia vehementer approbasset. Mihi vero ea die aut nul∣lus locus dicendi datus esset: (Nam postremae omnium ad noctem istae disputationes habendae erant, postquam Jurisperiti suas partes egis∣sent: Nam illi Doctorem ea die inaugurabant:) Aut siquid mihi di∣cere licuisset, in ipsa fermè nocte dicendum erat, omnibus jam Audi∣toribus, & fessis & abeuntibus. Comitia soluta fuissent, & undique vi∣ctoriam conclamassent, quasi suam causam Oxonij pulcherrimè defen∣dissent. Fu••tque tanta hominum turba in his Comitijs, ut vix credi possit. Quotquot enim poterant, undique literis acciverant. Aderant inter alios Capellanus, ut vocant, Wintoniensis, Doctor Seton, & Capel∣lanus Episcopî Dunelmensis.

Istae sunt Adversariorum technae. His fraudibus pugnare volunt. Sed nescio quo modo, ex insperato noster Vicecancellarius, sive quod timuerit aliquam turbam sive aliqua alia de causa, quae me latet, inter∣dixit, ne illa die Theologi disputarent. Ego aderam paratus in arena consilium capere, fretus Domini auxilio, quod in eo articulo maximae necessitatis, & os & linguam esset daturus.

Haec ideo scripsi, ut nostrorum Antagonistarum artes intelligas, & nequid ab ijs simplici animo fieri credas.

Fuit eo tempore hic mecum vester Vicecancellarius afflicta valetu∣dine: visus tamen est nonnihil recreari. De te multum locuti sumus:* 2.16 & ille inter alia sibi pollicebatur, quod si per valetudinem ei licuisset Cantabrigiae esse, cum illa inter te & Yungum acciderunt, potuisset illum hominem facile ad modestius agendum adducere. Cupio illum restitu∣tum, cum tibi, ut video, optimè velit, & Religionem candide am∣plectatur. Uxor mea, Deo gratia, convaluit, quod mihi & commo∣dum est & jucundissimum; & quod ita tibi sit gratum, ut scribis, in∣gentes ago gratias. Agnetem tuam, Nicolaúmque salutes, & tuum illum Socium, qui nobiscum fuit, meo, uxoris, & Iulij nomine, qui omnes, unà cum Domino Subdecano, & Domino Carowo, te cumprimis mag∣na salute impertiunt. 20 Septembr. 1550. Oxonij.

Tuus in Christo, Petrus Martyr.

NUM. LXI. Peter Martyr to Bucer, Concerning their review of the book of Common-Prayer.

Censura a libri Communium Precum.

* 2.17S. D. Hoc tempore nil mihi potuit, aut optatius aut jucundius, eve∣nire, quàm ut censuram tuam viderem librorum sacrorum. Quare, quod eam ad me dignatus sis mittere, gratias immortales ago. Jam rogatus sueram, ut ipse quoque annotarem, quodnam mihi de eo videretur. Et cum, propter ignotam mihi linguam, fuisset data Versio D. Cheeki legenda, ut potui de ea colligere, annotavi quae digna correctione visa erant. Sed quia in versione mihi tradita, complura de∣erant, ideò multa praeterij, de quibus in meis Annotationibus nihil dixi. Haec deinde cum de tuo scripto deprehendissem, in ejusmodi li∣bro contineri, mihi doluit; quod jam ante duos aut tres dies meam Censuram Reverendissimo, qui me pro ea urgebat, attulissem. Caete∣rùm hoc demum remedium adhibui: Quae de tuo scripto cognovi de∣fuisse in meo libro, summatim collegi: & cum eadem, quae tu repre∣hendisti, mihi quoque non ferenda viderentur, ea in breves articulos redegi: exposuique Reverendissimo, qui jam sciebat haec ad D. Epi∣scopum Eliensem te scripsisse, me in his omnibus capitibus, quae illi of∣ferebam, in articulis notata, consentire tecum, ut mutarentur.

In prioribus autem Adnotationibus omnia fermè, quae te offende∣runt, a me fuerant adnotata. Exemplum quidem ad te nunc mitte∣rem: sed non habeo ita descriptum, ut illud possis legere. Tantùm sum miratus, quomodo praeterieris de Communione aegrotorum id re∣prehendere, quod statutum est, si eo die fiat, quo in Dominico habe∣tur coena Domini, tum Minister partem ciborum secum deferat. Atque ita Communionem in domo Aegrotantis administret. Qua in re id me offendit, quòd ibi non repetunt, quae praecipuè ad coenam Domini per∣tinent; cumque, ut tu quoque sentis, arbitror, verba coenae magis ad homines, quam aut ad panem, aut ad vinum pertinere. Monui omni∣no mihi videri, ut coram aegroto, & simul cum eo communicantibus, omnia, quae ad coenam Domini necessariò requiruntur, & dicantur, & agantur. Et sane mirandum est, quomodo ea, conspectu aegroti, verba dicere graventur, cui maximè utilia sunt, cum inutiliter eadem repetere velint, quando inter communicandum in Templo vinum in poculo deficere contigerit, cum homines qui adsunt, & sacramenta sumunt, illa jam audiverint. Haec sunt, quae putavi alicujus momenti, & cur omiseris, non satis intelligo. In omnibus autem, quae censuisti emendanda, tuae sententiae scripsi. Et gratias Deo ago, qui occasionem suppeditavit, ut de his omnibus Episcopi per nos admonerentur. Con∣clusum jam est in hoc eorum Colloquio, quemadmodum mihi retulit Reverendissimus, ut multa immutentur. Sed quaenam illa sint, quae consenserint emendanda, neque ipse mihi exposuit, neque ego de illo quaerere ausus sum. Verum hoc non me parum recreat, quod mihi, D. Checus indicavit; si noluerint ipsi, ait, efficere, ut quae mutanda

sint mutentur, Rex per seipsum id saciet; & cum ad Parliamentum ventum suerit, ipse suae Majestatis authoritatem interponet.

De Wintoniensi jam actio quarta in judicio habita est; neque dum respondet, alio spectat, quam ut se a Contumacia purget. Verba ejus a Papisticis hominibus, ut docta & acuta praedicantur: a veris autem & sanis judicibus, vafra, subdola, alien•• a causa, &, ut uno verbo di∣cam, sophistica. Quod mihi etiam ••it verisimile, cum illum in rebus Theologicis non aliter agere animadverterim. Verum quicquld sit, causa omninò existimatur casurus.

Quae de Hoppero ad me scribis, non potuerunt non videri mira. Cer∣tè illis auditis obstupui Sed bene habet, quod Episcopi meas literas vi∣derunt, unde invidia ego quidem sum liberatus. Et illius causa sic ja∣cet, ut me ioribus & pijs nequaquam probetur. Dolet, dolet inquam, mihi gravissimè talia inter Evangelij professores contingere. Ille toto hoc tempore, cum illi sit interdicta concio, non videtur posse quiescere; suae sidei confessionem edidit, qua rursus multorum animos exacerba∣vit. Deinde queritur de Consiliarijs, & fortasse, quod mihi non re∣fertur, de nobis. Deus selicem Catastrophen non laetis actibus imponat.

Doctor Smithus, quondam Oxonij Professor▪ qui me de votis Mona∣sticis praeterita jam aestate lacessivit, nunc librum, Anglicè scrip••um, contra Dominum Cantuariensem edidi•• de re Sacramentari••. De quo, cum lingua mihi sit ignota, nequeo judicare. Sed tamen sensum ejus, & ineptias, brevi cognoscam. Nam scribit se etiam sub prelo habere, qua•• contra me de eadem re composuit. Quanquam haec ego vel parum vel nih•••• mo••or, cum a Satanae atque Papae Mancipijs nihil nisi mendacia expectem. Peccata nostra me terrent, atque pertenuis Evangelij fru∣ctus: Necnon ex altera parte Caesaris Successus, quem Severissimam Dei virgam esse video. Et inter haec mala nostris Peregrinorum eccle∣sijs vacat nugari.

Est enim inter illas de Templo a Rege concesso exorta magna con∣tentio: adeoque sunt animi eorum implacabiles, & eò exarserunt, ut eorum dissidium per Concilium Regium sit dirimendum. Precor De∣u•• ut res non malè juxta merita cadat.

Multo antea voluissem discedere: sed hodie tandem abeundi faculta∣tem impetravi. Scriptum tuum Petro Alexandro tradam, ut id tibi, cum ipsum perlegerit, remittat. Tibi vero interim, & omnibus tuis, cuncta salutaria & felicia precor, unà cum Iulio, qui vos plurimum salvere jubet. 10 Jan. 1551. Ad Lambeth.

Tuus in Christo, Petrus Martyr.

Clarissimo & eruditissimo D.D. Martino Bucero, Theolog••ae Professori regio, mihi plurimum observando, Canta∣brigiae.

NUM. LXII. The Archbishops letter to procure Wolf, the Printer, a licence to publish his Book.

* 2.18AFter my veray hertie commendations. Thies be to signify unto you, that Rayner Wolf, at my desire, hath fully fynyshed the printing of my Book, for answer to the late Bishop of Winchesters, written against myn of the Doctrine of the Sacrament. And foras∣muche as both printing and selling of any matiers in thenglishe tounge is prohibited by a Proclamation set furthe, onles the same matier be first allowed by the Kings Majestie, or vi. of his Majesties privey Coun∣sail, as you shal more plainly perceyve by the Proclamation, which herewith I send unto you: Therfor I hertily pray you to be a Sutor to the kings Majestie, or to the privye Counsail, that Mr. Rayner may have licence for the printing and selling of my said Book accordingly. And the same so obtained to send me with convenient spede. For in the begynning of the Terme I thinck it wer veray necessary to be set furthe, for the contentation of many, which have had long expectati∣on of the same. Assone as I shal receyve advertisement, whan the Kings Majestie wil be at Hampton courte, I wil come thither to see his Grace, and do my duty towards the same. Thus fare ye hertily wel. From my Mannour at Croydon, the xxix. of September, 1551.

Your Lovynge Frende, T. Cant.

To my veray lovynge freendes, Mr. Cecill, one of the Kings Majesties two principal Secretaries. Or to Mr. Cheeke.

NUM. LXIII. Articles, wherunto Wylliam Phelps, Pastor and Curate of Ceci∣ter, upon good advisement and deliberation, after better knowledg geven by Gods grace and goodnes unto him, hath subscribed, con∣sented and aggreed, willingly without force, compulsion, and all maner of impulsion; and is willing and desirous to set forth the same to his parishoners, for the better edifying of them, and de¦claration of his new aggreement to Gods verite and holy word.

* 2.19FIrst, That the holy word of God doth acknowledg, confess, main∣taine, avouch, hold and defend, that in the holy Sacrament and Communion of Christs precious body and bloud, the very substance, matter, nature and condition of bread and wine, do remain after the

words (as they be commonly called) of Consecration, as verily and truly as they were in substance and matter bread and wine before: Although that the use of the bread and wine in the Sacrament be changed▪ For whereas before it was common bread and common wine, n••w by the virtue of Gods word it is made the Sacrament of the precious body and bloud of Christ, and a Seal, confirmation, and augmentation of Gods mercy and gracious promise to al men, that receive it in the Faith of Christ Jesu, with hatred of sin, and intent, purpose and mind to live always a vertuous life. And that is the very Transubstantiation and change▪ that God delighteth in, in the use of the Sacraments, most, that we should earnestly and from the bottome of our hearts, be converted into Christ, and Christs holy command∣ments, to live a christen life, and to dy from sin, as he gave us exam∣ple, both by his life and doctrin; and meaneth not, that the bread and wine should in substance be turned or converted into the substance of his body and bloud, or that the substance of the bread should be taken away, and in the place therof to be the substance, matter, and cor∣poral presence of Christs corporal, holy, humane and natural body.

Item, That the same holy word of God doth confess, hold, defend, acknowledg and maintain, that the very natural, substantial, real and corporal body of Christ, concerning his humanity, is only and soly in heaven, and not in the Sacrament and Communion of his precious body and bloud. But whosoever worthily with true repentance, and lively faith in the promise of God, receiveth that holy Sacrament, re∣ceiveth Sacramentally by faith al the mercies, riches, merits and de∣servings, that Christ hath deserved and paid for, in his holy bloud and passion. And that is to eat Christ and to drink Christ in the holy Sa∣crament, to confirm and Seal Sacramentally, in our Souls, Gods pro∣mises of eternal Salvation: that Christ deserved for us, not in, or by, his body eaten, but by, and for, his body slain and killed upon the Cross for our Sinns: as S. Paul saith Col. 1. Eph. 1.3. Ebru. 2.7, 8, 9, 10.

As for eating of his flesh, and drinking of his bloud, really, corpo∣rally, materially and substantially, it is but a carnal and gross opinion of man, besides and contrary to the word of God, and the articles of our faith, and christen religion: that affirmeth his corporal depar∣ture from thearth, placeth it in heaven above at the right hand of God the father Almighty, and keepeth, retaineth, holdeth and preserveth the same corporal body of Christ there, til the general day of judg∣ment, as the word declareth: From thence he shal come to judge the quick and the dead.

And that heretofore I have been in the contrary opinion, and be∣lieved my self, and also have taught other to believe the same, that there remained no substance of bread and wine in the Sacrament, but the very self same body and bloud of Christ Jesu, that was born of the blessed Virgin Mary, and hanged upon the Cross, I am with al my heart sorry for mine error, and false opinion, detesting and forsaking the same from the bottome of my heart, and desire God most heartily in, and for, the merits of his dear sons passion, to forgive me, and al them that have erred in the same false opinion by and through my means: Praying them in the tender compassion and great mercies of

God, now to follow me in truth, verite and singleness of Gods most true word, as they were contented to follow me in error, superstition and blindness, and be no more ashamed to turn to the truth, then they were ready to be corrupted by falshood. If the holy Apostle S. Paul, and the great Clerk, S. Augustine, with many mo Noble and vertuous members of Christs church, were not ashamed to returne, acknow∣ledge and confess, their error and evil opinions; what am I, miserable creature of the world, inferior unto them both in knowledg, holines and learning, that should be ashamed to do the same? Nay I do in this part thank God, and rejoyce from the bottome of my heart, that God hath revealed unto me the truth of his word, and geven me leave to live so long to acknowledg my fault, and error: and do here before you protest, that from henceforth I will, with al diligence and labor, study to set forth this mine amended knowledg, and reconciled truth, as long as I live, by the help of God in the holy Ghost, through the merits of Jesus Christ, our only Mediator and Advocate. To whom be al honor for ever and ever, Amen.

Subscribed and confirmed 29 of April 1551. in the presence of John Bp. of Gloucester, and divers other ther present.

NUM. LXIV. The Archbishop to the Lords of the Councel concerning the Book of Articles of Religion.

AFter my veray humble recommendations unto your good Lordeships:* 2.20 I have sent unto the same the boke of Articles, which yesterday I receyved from your Lordeships. I have sent also a Cedule inclosed, declarynge briefly my minde upon the said boke: besechynge your Lordeshipps to be means unto the Kyngs Majestie, that al the Bushops may have authority from hym, to cause all their Prechers, Archdecons, Deans, Prebendaries, Parsons, Vicars, Cu∣rates, with al their Clergie, to subscribe to the said articles. And than I trust, that such a concorde and quyetness in religion shal shortely follow therof, as ells is not to be loked for many years. God shal therby be glorified, his truth shal be avaunced, and your Lordeships shal be rewarded of hym, as the setters forward of his true word and gospel. Unto whom is my dayly prayer, without ceasynge, to pre∣serve the Kynges Majestie, with al your honorable Lordeships. From my house at Forde the 24 of this present month of November.

Your Lordeshipps ever to commaunde T. Cant.

To my veray good Lordes of the Kinges Majestie his most ho∣nor able Councel.

NUM. LXV. The Archbishop nominates certain persons for an Irish Arch∣bishoprick.

To my veray Lovinge friende Sir William Cecyl Knight, one of the Kinges Majesties principal Secretaries.

THough in England there be many meete men for the Arch∣bushopricks of Ireland, yet I knowe veraye fewe,* 2.21 that wil gladlie be perswaded to go thither. Nevertheless I have sent unto you the names of iiij. Viz. Mr. Whiteheade of Hadley, Mr. Tourner of Caun∣turbury, Sir Thomas Rosse, and Sir Robert Wisdome. Which being or∣dinarily called, I thincke for conscience sake, wil not refuse to be∣stowe the talent committed unto theim, wheresoever it shal please the Kinges Majestie to appoincte theim. Among whom I take Mr. Whiteheade for his good knowledge, special honestie, fervent zeale, and politick wisdome, to be most meete. And next him Mr. Tourner, who, besides that hee is merry and witty withal, nihil appe∣tit, nihil ardet, nihil somniat, nisi Iesum Christum; and in the lively preach∣ing of him and his wourde declareth such diligence, faithfulness and wisdom, as for the same deservithe much commendation. There is also one Mr. Whitacre, a man both wise and wel learned, Chaplain to the Bushopp of Winchester, veray meet for that office, if he might be perswaded to take it upon him.

I pray you commend me unto Mr. Cheke, and declare unto him, that myn ague, whither it were a quotidian, or a double tertian (wherof my Physitions doubted) hath left me these two dayes, and so I trust I am quite thereof: Notwithstanding my water keapithe stil an high colour. Now the most daunger is, that if it come againe this night, it is like to tourne to a quartane. However the matter chaunce, the most grief to me is, that I cannot proceade in such matters as I have in hande, according to my wil and desire. This Terrenum Domicilium is such an obstacle to all good purposes. Forasmuche as I perceave that the Kings Majesties progress is altered, I pray you send me the gests of the latter end of his Progress, from this time unto the end, that I may from time to time know where his Majestie shal bee; whom I beseeche Almighty god to preserve and prosper in al his affairs, with his most honorable Councel, and al his courte. From my man∣nor of Croydon, the xxvth. of August 1552.

Your own assured T. Cant.

NUM. LXVI. That Mr. Turner, intended for the Archbishopric of Armagh, was come up to court.

To my lovynge frende Sir William Cecyl Knight, one of the Kyngs Majestie his principal Secretary.

* 2.22AFter my veray harty recommendations, Now at the last agaynst his wil, Turner is come up unto the courte. He preched twise in the campe, that was by Canterbury: for the which the rebells wolde have hanged hym; and he semed than more glad to go to hangynge, than he doth now to go to Armachane, he alleged so many excuses, but the chiefe is this, that he shal prech to the walls and stalls, for the peple understande no English. I beare him in hande Yes; and yet I dowte whether they speak English in the dioces of Armachane. But if they do not, then I say, that if he wil take the paine to lerne the Irish tonge (which with diligence he may do in a yeare or two) than both his personne and doctrine shal be more acceptable not only unto his dioces, but also thorowe out al Ireland. I commytt hym to your cure praying you to help hym to have as redy a dispach as may be, for he hath but a little money.

I have sent the boke of Articles for Religion unto Mr. Cheke, set in a bettre order, than it was, and the titles upon every matier, addynge therto that which lacked. I pray you considre wel the articles with Mr. Cheke, and whether you thynke best to move the kyngs majestie therin bifore my commynge; I referre that unto your two wisdomes.

I pray you let me have your advise unto whom I myght best write concernynge Rayner Wolfe; for I wot not to whom I myght write, but to my Lorde of Northumberlande. The everlyvynge god ever preserve you in this life, and in the life to come. From Croydon the xixth. of September. [Anno 1552.]

Your assured frende, T. Cant.

NUM. LXVII. Wherein the Archbishop justifies himself and the rest of the Bishops against the charge of Covetousnes.

To my Lovyng frende Sir William Cycil, one of the Kyngs Majesties principal Secretaries.

AFter my most harty commendations and thanks,* 2.23 as wel for your gentyl Letters, as for the copy of the Pacification, and for your good remembrance of the two matters, which I desiered you not to forget, the one concernynge the B. of Colens lettres, and the other, Mr. Mowse: for whom eft-sonnes I gyve you my most harty thanks.

As for your Admonition, I take it most thankfully, as I have ever been most glad to bee admonished by my frendes, accomptynge no man so folish as he that wil not heare frendely admonishments. But as for the sayinge of S. Paul, Qui volunt ditescere, incidunt in tentationem, I feare it not halfe so moche, as I do starke beggery. For I toke not halfe so moche care for my lyvynge, whan I was a Scholer of Cam∣brige, as I do at this present. For altho I have now moch more reve∣newe, yet I have moch more to do withal; and have more care to lyve now as an Archbuschope, than I had at that time to lyve like a scholer. I have not so moch as I had within tenne yeares passed by CL l. of cer∣ten rent, beside casualties. I pay duble for every thynge that I bye. If a good Auditor have this accoumpt, he shal fynde no grete surplu∣sage to waxe rich upon.

And if I knew any B. that were covetous, I wolde surely admo∣nyshe hym, but I knowe none, but al beggers, except it be one, and yet I dare wel say, hee is not veray rich. If you know any, I besech you to advertise me, for peradventure I may advertise hym bettre than you. To be shorte, I am not so doted, to set my mynde upon thynges here, which neither I can cary away with me, nor tary longe with them. If tyme wold have served, I wolde have written of other thynges unto you, but your servant makynge hast, compelleth me heare to cut of the threde; besechynge almyghty god to preserve the Kynges Majestie with al his councel and familie, and send him wel to returne from his progresse. From my Manor of Croydon the xxj. of Iuly.

Your own ever, T. Cant.

NUMB. LXVIII. Purchases made by the Archbishop. Extracted out of K. Edwards Book of Sales. Anno Regni Regis Edwardi Sexti primo.

The name of the Purchaser.	The some of Mo∣ney for the purchase.	The Lands.	The yerely value of the landes.	The rent reser∣ved.	The tyme of the issues.	The Teste of the Patent.
Thomas Ar∣chiepiscopus Can∣tuar.	In consider. pro∣mis. Dom. R. H. VIII. & perform. Test. sui, ac in es∣camb. Maner. & Parc. de Mayfeld in Com. Sussex. ac di∣vers. al terr. & ten. in Com. Midd. Hertf. Kant. Buck. & Ebor. ac pro summa	Rect. de Whalley, Black∣borne & Rachdale in Com. Lanc. nuper Monastio sive Abbie de Whalley in eodem Com. Lancastr. modo dissolut. dudum spectan. & pertinent. ac divers. al. terr. & ten. in Com. Lanc. Kant. Surr. Lon∣don, Bangor, &c.	CCCClxxix1. 2d. ob.	lv1. xiiijs. vj d. q.	A festo S. Mi∣chael. Arch. Ao. xxxvijo. H. viijui.
				Test. xxxjo. die Augusti.
Thomas Cran∣mer Archiepisco∣pus Cantuar.	v c. iiijl. viij s. iiijd.	Maner. de Sleford in Com. Lincoln, & maner. de Middle∣ton Cheny in Com. Northam. ac divers. al. terr. & ten. in Com. Northam. & Lincoln.	xl. vjs. iiij d. xv l.	Nichil.	A festo Annunc. B. Marie Virgin. ultimo praedicto.
		iiij l. xvs. viij d.
Thomas Ar∣chiepiscopus Can∣tuar.	iiijc. xxixl. xiiijs.ijd. Et in complement. Testi Dom. Regis H. VIII. & in con∣sider. Servicij.	Scit. nuper Prioratus de Ar∣thington in Com. Ebor. ac di∣versa alia Maneria terr. & ten. in Com. Ebor. Not. & Kant.	v l. viijs. iiij d. lj l. xvijs. iiij d. xv l. vijl. xs. x l. xvj s. j d. ob.	xijs. vj l. j d. xxxiij s. iiij d. xvjs. viijd.	A festo S. Mi∣chaelis Arch. ulti∣mo praeterito.	Test. vjto. die Ju∣nij.

[NUM. LXVIII.] An Instrument of the Councel, swearing and subscribing to the Suc∣cession, as limited by the King.

EDWARD.

WEE whose Names be underwritten,* 3.1 having heretofore mani∣times heard the Kings Majesty, our most gracious Sovereign Lords earnest desire and express Commandment, touching the Limita∣tion of the Succession in the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and others his Majesties Realmes and Dominions; and having seen his Majesties own Devise touching the said Succession, first wholly written with his most Gracious hand, and after Copied out in his Majesties presence, by his most high Commandment, and Confirmed with the Subscripti∣on of his Majesties own Hand: and by his Highnes delivered to cer∣tain Judges, and other learned men to be written in sul Order: DO, by his Majesties special and absolute Commandment, eftsoons given us, aggree, and by these Presents signed with our hands, and sealed with our Seales, promise by our Oaths and Honors to observe, fully perform and keep al and every Article, Branch and Matter contained in the said Writing, delivered to the Judges and others, and subscribed with his Majesties hand in six several places; and al such other matters, as his Majesty by his Last Wil shal appoint, declare, or command, touching, or concerning the Limitation of the Succession of his said Imperial Crown. And WEE do further promise, by his Majesties said Com∣mandment, never to vary or swarve, during our lives, from his said Li∣mitation of his Succession: But the same shal to the uttermost of our powers Defend and Maintaine. And if any of us, or any other, shal at any time hereafter (which God forbid) vary from this Aggrement or any part therof, We and Every of us, do assent to ••ake, use and re∣pute him for a Breaker of the common Concord, Peace and Unity of this Realm, and to do our utmost to se him or them so varying or swerving, punished with most sharp punishment, according to their deserts.

T. Cant. T. Ely. Wynchester. Northumberland. I. Bedford. I. Suffolk. W. Northampt. F. Shrewsbury. F. Huntyngdon. PEMBROKE. E. Clynton. T. Darcy. G. Cobham. T. Cheyne. R. Ryche.

Iohn Gate. William Petres. Ioan Cheek. W. Cecyll. Edward Mountagu. Iohn Bakere. Edward Gryffyn. Iohn Lucas. Iohn Gosnald.

These are the Names, with which this Instrument is signed: but there be no Seals.

The Kings own Writing, directing the Succession. My Devise for the Succession.

* 3.2FOR lack of issue for my Body, to the L. Fraunceses heir Masles, if she have any such issue before my Death. To the Lady Iane, and her Heir Masles. To the Lady Katerins Heir Masles. To the Lady Maryes heir Masles. To the Heires Masles of the Daughters, which she shal have hereafter. Then to the Lady Margarets heires Masles. For lack of such issue to the Heire Masles of the Lady Ianes Daughters. To the heir masles of the Lady Katerins Daughters, and so forth til you come to the Lady Margarets daughters heires masles.

If after my Death, their Masle be entred into eighteen years old, then he to have the whole Rule and Governance therof.

But if he be under 18, then his Mother to be Governess, til he enter 18 years old.

But to do nothing without the Advice and Aggrement of Six, Par∣cel of a Councel to be pointed by my last Wil, to the number of Twenty.

If their Mother dy before their Entry into Eighteen, the Realm to be governed by the Councel. Provided, that after he be 14 years, al great matters of Importance be opened to him.

NUM. LXIX. A Letter of Q. Jane's Councel to the Lord Rich, L. Lieutenant of the County of Essex.

AFter our right hartie commendations to your Lp. Although the matter conteined in your letters of therle of Oxfords departing to the Ladi Mari,* 3.3 be grevous unto us for divers respects, yet we must neades give your Lp. our hartie thankes for your redi advertisement therof. Requiring your Lp. nevertheless like a Noble man to re∣main in that promise and steedfastnes to our Sovereign Lady Queen Ianes Service, as ye shal find us redi and firm with al our force to the same. Which neither with honor, nor with saftie, nor yet with du∣ty we mai now forsaake. From the Toure of London, the xixth. of Iu∣lie, 1553.

Your L. assured loving freends,

• ...T. Cant.
• T. Ely, Canc.
• ...I. Suffolk.
• ...Pembroke.
• ...William Paget.
• ...Winchester.
• ...Arundel.
• ...T. Darcy.
• ...T. Cheyne.
• ...W. Petre S.
• ...Io. Bakere.
• ...I. Bedford.
• ...F. Shrewsbury.
• ...Rychard Cotton.
• ...Io. Cheek.
• ...Robert Bowes.

NUM. LXX. Queen Jane to Sir John Bridges, and Sir Nicolas Poyntz, to raise forces against a rising in Bucks.

IANE the Queen,

TRusty and Welbeloved, we grete you wel.* 3.4 Because we doubt not, but this our most lawful possession of the Crown, with the free consent of the Nobility of our realm, and other the States of the same, is both plainly known and accepted of you, as our most loving subjects: Therfore we do not reiterate the same, but now most ear∣nestly wil and require, and by authority hereof warrant you, to assem∣ble, muster and levy al the power that you can possible make, either of your servants, Tenants, officers or freends, as wel horsemen as footmen, reserving to our trusty and right wel beloved Cousins, the Erles of Arundel and Penbroke, their tenants, servants, and officers: and with the same to repair with al possible speed towards Buckingham∣shire, for the repression and subduing of certain tumults and rebellions moved there against us and our Crown, by certain seditious men. For the r••pression wherof we have given ordre to divers others our good subjects, and gentlemen of such degree as you are, to repair in like maner to the ••ame parties. So as we nothing doubt but upon the access of such our loving subjects as be appointed for that purpose, to the place where this Seditious people yet remaine, the same shal eyther lack harts to abyde in their malicious purpose, or ells receive such pu∣nishment and execution, as they deserve, seking the destruction of their native country, and the subversion of al men in their degrees by rebellion of the base multitude. Whose rage being stirred, as of late years hath been seen, must needs be the confusion of thole common weale. Wherfore our special trust is, in your courage, wisdome and fidelities in this matter to advaunce your self both with power and speed to this enterprise in such sort, as by our Nobility and Councel shalbe also prescribed unto you. And for the sustentation of your char∣ges in this behalf, our said Councel by our Commandment do furth∣with give order, to your satisfaction: as by their letters also shal ap∣pear unto you. And besides that, we do assure you of our special con∣sideration of this your service to us, our Crowne, and expresly to the preservation of this our Realm and commonweale. Yeven under our signet at our Toure of London, the xviij. day of Iuly, the first year of our reigne.

NUM. LXXI. The Councellors of Q. Jane, their letter to the Lady Mary, acknow∣ledging her Queen.

* 3.5OUR bownden duties most humbly remembred to your most ex∣cellent Majesty. It may like the same to understand, that We, your most humble, faythful and obedient Subjects, having alwayes (God we take to witnes) remayned your Highnes true and humble Subjects in our harts, ever sythens the death of our late Soveraign Lord and Master, your Highnes brother, whom God pardon; And seeing hitherto no possibilite to utter our determination herein, without great destruction and bludshed, both of our selves and others, t••l this time; Have this day proclaimed, in your city of London, your Majesty to be our true natural Soveraign Liege Lady, and Queen, Most humbly be∣seeching your Majesty to pardon and remit our former infirmities, and most graciously taccept our meanings; which have byn ever to serve your Highnes truly: And so shal remain in al our powers and forces to theffusion of our bludds: as thies bearers, our very good Lords, therle of Arundel, and L. Paget can, and be redy more particularly to declare. To whom it may please your Excellent Majesty to give firme credence. And thus we do, and shal daily pray to Almighty God for the preservation of your most royal person long to reign over us. From your Majesties city of London this day of Iuly, the first year of your most prosperous Reygne.

Thus endorsed by the hand of Sir Will. Cecyl. Copy of the letter to the Quene from

Baynards Castle, 20 July 1553.

NUM. LXXII. The Archbishop to Mrs. Wilkinson, persuading her to fly.

* 3.6THE true Comforter in all distress is only God, through his son Iesus Christ. And whosoever hath him, hath compa••y enough, although he were in a wildernes al alone. And he that hath twenty thousand in his company, if God be absent, is in a miserable wilder∣ness and desolation. In him is al comfort▪ and without him is none. Wherefore I beseech you, seek your dwelling there, whereas you may truly and rightly serve God, and dwel in him, and have him ever dwel∣ling in you. What can be so heavy a burden as an unquiet conscience, to be in such a place as a man cannot be suffered to serve God in Christs religion? If you be loth to depart from your kin and friends, remem∣ber,* 3.7 that Christ calleth them his mother, sisters and brothers, that do

his fathers wil. Where we find therfore God truly honored according to his wil, there we can lack neither friend, nor kin.

If you be loth to depart for slandering Gods word, remember, that Christ, when his houre was not yet come,* 3.8 departed out of his coun∣trey into Samaria, to avoyd the malice of the Scribes and Pharisees; and commanded his Apostles, that if they were pursued in one place,* 3.9 they should fly to another. And was not Paul let down by a basket out at a window, to avoid the persecution of Aretas?* 3.10 And what wisdome and policy he used from time to time to escape the malice of his ene∣mies, the Acts of the Apostles do declare. And after the same sort did the other Apostles. Albeit, when it came to such a point, that they could no longer escape danger of the persecutors of Gods true religi∣on, then they shewed themselves, that their flying before came not of fear, but of godly wisdome, to do more good, and that they would not rashly, without urgent necessity offer themselves to death: Which had been but a temptation of God. Yea, when they were apprehend∣ed, and could no longer avoid, then they stood boldly to the profession of Christ: Then they shewed, how little they passed of death: How much they feared God more then men: How much they loved and preferred the eternal life to come, above this short and miserable life.

Wherefore I exhort you as wel by Christs commandment, as by the example of him and his Apostles, to withdraw your self from the ma∣lice of yours and Gods enemies, into some place where God is most purely served. Which is no slandering of the truth, but a preserving of your self to God and the truth, and to the society and comfort of Christs little flock. And that you wil do, do it with speed, lest by your own folly you fal into the persecutors hands. And the Lord send his holy spirit to lead and guide you, whersoever you go. And al that be godly wil say, Amen.

NUM. LXXIII. The words and sayings of John Duke of Northumberland, spoken by him unto the people at the Towerhill of London, on Tuesday in the forenoon, being the 22d. day of August immedi∣atly before his death; as hereafter followeth.

GOod people, I am come hither for to dy this day; for the which al you are come hither to see.* 3.11 And that although this is most horrible and detestable▪ yet justly have I deserved the same; for that I have been most grievous sinner unto Almighty God, and to al the whole world, and to the Queens grace: In as much as I did presume of my self in the plain field to bear armor against her Grace. Wherfore I do acknowledg that I have offended her lawes; and that justly she

might have put me to death, without any Law, had she so pleased. But of her most clemency hath weighed my death by a law, which justly hath condemned me. But the more, I trust, for my Salvation, and the more better for me; to consider the greatnes of my sins. And therfore the better for my Salvation.

And forasmuch as I am permitted to speak my conscience, this I do protest before God, the World, and al you, that this my death hath not been altogether of mine own procuring, but hath been in∣censed by others; Whom I pray God to pardon, For I wil not name, nor accuse any man here.

And now I shal shew how I have been of a long time led by false Teachers, somewhat before the death of K. Henry VIII. and ever since: Which is a great part of this my death. Wherfore, good people, beware, and take heed, that you be not led and deceived by these se∣ditious and leud Preachers, that have opened the Book, and know not how to shut it. But return home again to your true religion, and Catholick faith, which hath been taught you of old. For since the time, that this new teaching hath come among us, God hath given us over unto our selves, and hath plagued us sundry and many wayes, with wars, commotions, tumults, rebellions, pestilence and famine: besides many more great and grievous p••agues; to the great decay of our common wealth. Wherfore, Good people, be obedient unto the Queen her lawes, and be content to receive again the true Catholic faith; from which of long time you have been led. Examples we have of Germany: Which in like manner being led and seduced, how are they now brought to ruine, as wel it is known to the world. And also we are taught by our Creed, in the latter part of the same: Where it is said, We believe in the holy Ghost, the holy Catholick faith, the Com∣munion of Saints. Thus you may see the Articles of our belief do teach us the true faith Catholic. This is my very faith and belief. And these were in my heart, as my Lord Bp. [Hethe of Worcester] can testify. Neither was I commanded thus to speak, but even of mine own free wil.

And then he went to his prayers, and dyed.

NUM. LXXIV. Archbishop Cranmers Letter to the Queen, sueing for his pardon in the Lady Janes business.

MOst Lamentably mourning and moaning himself unto your Highnes, Thomas Cranmer,* 3.12 although unworthy either to write or speak unto your Highnes, yet having no person, that I know to be mediator for me, and knowing your pitiful ears ready to hear al pitiful complaints, and seeing so many to have felt your aboundant clemency in like case, Am now constrained most lamentably, and with most penitent and sorrowful heart, to ask mercy and pardon for my heinous folly and offence, in consenting and following the Testa∣ment and last Will of our late Soveraign Lord K. Edward VI. your Graces brother; Which, wel God he knoweth, I never liked; nor any thing grieved me so much that your Graces brother did. And if by any means it had been in me to have letted the making of that Wil, I would have done it. And what I said therin, as wel to the Councel, as to himself, divers of your Majesties Councel can report: but none so wel as the Marquess of Northampton, and the L. Darcy, then Lord Chamberlain to the Kings Majesty. Which two were pre∣sent at the Communication between the Kings Majesty and me. I desired to talk with the Kings Majesty alone, but I could not be suf∣fered: and so I failed of my purpose. For if I might have commoned with the King alone, and at good leisure, my trust was, that I should have altered him from his purpose, but they being present my labor was in vain.

Then, when I could not dissuade him from the said Will; and both he and his Privy Councel also, informed me that the Judges, and his learned Counsil said, that the Act of entayling the Crown, made by his Father, could not be prejudicial to him: but that he being in possession of the Crown, might make his Wil therof; This seemed very strange unto me. But being the sentence of the Judges, and other his learned Counsil in the Lawes of this realm, (as both he and his Counsil informed me) methought it became not me, being unlearned in the Law to stand against my Prince therin. And so at length I was required by the Kings Majesty himself to set to my hand to his Wil; Saying, that he trusted, that I alone would not be more repugnant to his Wil then the rest of the Councel were. Which words surely grieved my heart very sore: And so I granted him to subscribe his Wil, and to follow the same. Which when I had set my hand unto, I did it unfainedly and without dissimulation.

For the which I submit my self most humbly unto your Majesty, acknowledging mine offence with most grievous and sorrowful heart, and beseeching your mercy and pardon. Which my heart giveth me shal not be denyed unto me, being granted before to so many; Which travailed not so much to dissuade both the King and his Councel, as I did.

And wheras it is contained in two Acts of Parlament, as I under∣stand, that I with the Duke of Northumberland, should devise and compass the deprivation of your Majesty from your royal Crown, surely it is untrue. For the Duke never opened his mouth to me, to move me any such matter. Nor his heart was not such toward me, (seeking long time my destruction) that he would ever trust me in such a matter, or think that I would be persuaded by him. It was other of the Councel that moved me, and the King himself, the Duke of Northumberland not being present. Neither before, neither after, had I ever any privy communication with the Duke of that matter, saving that openly at the Councel table, the Duke said unto me, that it be∣came not me to say to the King, as I did, when I went about to dis∣suade him from his said Will.

Now as concerning the state of religion, as it is used in this realm of England at this present, if it please your Highnes to licence me, I would gladly write my mind unto your Majesty. I wil never, God willing, be author of Sedition, to move Subjects from the obedience of their Heads and Rulers: Which is an offence most detestable. If I have uttered my mind to your Majesty, being a Christian Queen and Governor of this Realm, (of whom I am most assuredly persuaded, that your gracious intent is, above al other regards, to prefer Gods true word, his honor and glory) if I have uttered, I say, my mind unto your Majesty, then I shal think my self discharged. For it lyes not in me, but in your Grace only, to se the Reformation of things, that be amisse. To private subjects it appertaineth not to reform things, but quietly to suffer that they cannot amend. Yet never∣theles to shew your Majesty my mind in things appertaining unto God, methink it my duty, knowing that I do, and considering the place which in time past I have occupied. Yet wil I not presume therunto without your Graces plesure first known, and your Licence obtained. Wherof I most humbly prostrate to the ground, do beseech your Majesty, and I shal not cease daily to pray to Almighty God for the good preservation of your Majesty from al Enemies bodi∣ly and ghostly, and for the encrease of al goodnes heavenly and earth∣ly, during my life, as I do and wil do, whatsoever become of me.

NUM. LXXV. Cardinal Poles Instructions for his Messenger to the Queen.

Instructions for Master Thomas Goldwel.

* 3.13MAster Goldwel. After ye have made my most humble Saluta∣tions, with al due reverence to the Queens Highnes on my behalf, and presented my Letters to the same, then pleasing her Grace to hear your Commission given by me, and to understand the cause why I do send you to her, ye may expound the same in that form that followeth.

First of al, Seeing that the whole cause of my sending you to her Highnes at this time is grounded upon the request, that her Grace maketh unto me in her letters sent me these dayes past from the Empe∣rors court, dated in London the xxviij. of October, in the Latine tongue: Wherunto her G. doth demand answer of me in two points: One is, touching the difficulty she feareth, by signes she seeth already, touching the renouncing of the title of the Supremacy of the Church in her Realmes, when it shal be put forth in the Parlament: Which signes be, that wheras her Majesty already hath caused to be put forth to the Parlament the abolishing of those lawes, which concerned the annul∣lation of the Legitimate matrimony of the gracious Lady, the Queen Mother to her G. the same passing the Upper house, and put forth to the Lower, albeit in the effect they would not refuse to aggree to al that might make to the establishing of the right of her G. to the Crown, yet they did not gladly hear of the abolishing especially of that law, that gave that title, of the Supremacy of the Church in the Realm, to the Crown: Suspecting that to be an introduction of the Popes au∣thority into the Realm: Which they cannot gladly hear of. And for this cause cannot gladly hear of my Legation in the Popes Name: Wherupon her G. in the same letters doth exhort me to stay my voyage until a more opportune time: And asketh my counsil, in case the lower House make resistance in the renouncing of the title of Supre∣macy, what her G. were best to do, and what course she had best to take:

One other poynt is, that her G. desireth in the same letter to be cer∣tified by me, how it came to pass, that a Commission given by her to Mr. Francisco Commendone in secret, was published in the Consistory; as her Graces Ambassador resident in Venice, doth certify her:

These be the two points, wherin her G. requireth my answer: And for to obey her demand, which to me is a Commandment, I do send you, not only to present my letters, but also my mouth, and with these present Instructions, for more satisfaction of her G. in al points.

As touching the first point, which is of most weight, and so great touching the honor and wealth of her G. both spiritual and temporal, as none can be more; ye shal shew her G. that my first advise and counsil shal be, to obtain of God by prayer, that which I pray him to give me writing this; Which is, to have Spiritum Consilij & Forti∣tudinis. And this her G. must now pray for; that as in the attaining the Crown, his high providence shewed by manifest tokens to have given her these two graces; so in the maintaining therof, he wil con∣firm these two gifts in her mind. Her Highnes knowes, if she had relented at that time for any peril, when that both mans counsil and force were against her, she had lost. So if she for any fear do relent, and do not renounce the title of Supremacy, which took the name of Princess and Right heire from her; she cannot maintain that she hath gotten already by the spirit of Council and Fortitude. So that my first counsil is this, that obtaining by prayer these two gifts, which her G. had at that time, to shew her self no less ardent in the leaving of the title of Supremity, for to maintain her right, then the King her father was in the acquisition therof, to the privation of her right.

Which so much more she ought to do, and be more fervent in this, then her Father was in that; Because that was done against al law both of God and man; and this that her Majesty doth now, shewing her self most fervent herein, doth fulfil both Gods law and mans. And that is her very duty, if she should loose both state and life withal. As she hath known she ought to do, by the example of the best men of her realm. Which for this cause, resisting the Kings unlawful lawes, lost both.

And now the goodnes of God putting no such hard conditions to her G. nor laying afore her eyes only Praemia futura with loss of temporal, as he did to those men, but praemia coelestia with terrena joyned together: That serving to the honor of God, which is in this poynt to render the title of Supremacy of the church in earth, to whom God hath given it, she doth establish her own Crown withal: If now she should relent herein for any fear of men, being brought to that state, that other men should rather fear her then she them, espe∣cially in so good a cause; this afore God and men were most perpe∣tually to be blamed. Wherfore what my Counsil is herein, on this maner now rehersed, you may inform her Highnes.

Now to come to the execution of the thing. After her G. is deter∣mined to have it done, casting away al fear, the same stondeth to have it put forth, and causing it to pass by the Parlament; this is ano∣ther council necessarily to be pondered; Consisting the whole after my opinion in the proponement of the person, that hath to put forth the same, that with les difficulty, and more favour it may pass.

Here ye may say, that I much pondering the same, and consi∣dering, that it must be a person of Authority, that should propone the same, if it should take effect; When I look in my mind upon al them I know of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal, and persons of the Lower House, that might have authority; I do see none, but that other he hath defended the contrary cause by his Sentence and writing, as the Spiritual men have done; which taketh away a great part of authority to persuade others, when men heareth them accept∣ing that matter, that aforetime they have oppugned: Or else to speak of the Temporal Lords, or others, being al intangled with private profit, enjoying goods of the Church by rejecting the authority of the same, they cannot speak with that freenes of spirit, as such a matter requireth. Wherfore yee may conclude with her G. mine opinion herein; that after long consideration hereof, I see no person but one, that is able, with authority and also favour, to propone this matter. And that person is her G. her self. God having brought it to her hand alone: She being in this matter, and al other immaculate, and with∣out blot, ordered of God to defend his cause, and her own withal.

And this, ye may say, the Counsil that it pleased God to put in my mind is, that her G. do in this case as I remember the Emperor did in his own case, passing by Rome, wheras his mind was to justify his quarrel touching the war betwixt him and the French king afore the Pope and the Cardinals. When doubting if onye other person should propose the same, it might have contradiction of that party that did favor France, he determined without any conference either with his Councel or others, to put forth the matter himself. And so when

nother the Pope, nor no other looked for any such thing, his Holi∣nes and the Cardinals being now congregate, he entred in among them in the Consistory, and made a long Oration, in justifying his cause, and obtained that he would without any resistance.

Underneath this maner my poor advise should be, that her Majesty should personally come into the Parlament, and put forth the same her self, and I dare be bold to say, what for her authority, and the justnes and the equity of the cause it self, she shal have no contradicti∣on. And if need were also to shew her self to the Lower house, the thing it self so neer toucheth her wealth, both godly and temporally, that it would be taken rather cum applausu, then otherwise.

Further, and jointly with this, it shal be necessary her highnes make mention of the Popes Legate, in my person, to be admitted and sent for. Wherin her G. hath this first to entreat, that the law of my banishment may be abolished, and I restored to name and bloud. And herein her G. doth know what extreme injustice hath been done to me, and al our house: And touching my person, what ever was done that could be layd against me, why I should be ashamed, which never thought nor did in that cause I was banished for: but that wherby I deserved rather great reward then any pain, being so given with heart and mind to the Kings honor, and wealth both of him and his realm, that with no reward that was offered me great, the King himself could not persuade me to do, or sentence any thing against his honor and the wealth of the realm, and to his damnation. Here is al the cause why I suffered banishment, with so great loss of those kinsfolks, that were dearer to me then my life. And this being done by consent of the Parlament, though, I doubt not, against their mind, the Parlament is bound afore God and man, to revoke me again, and especially now coming with extraordinary Commission, that bringeth the establishment of your Graces Crown, to the comfort of the whole realm, both temporally and spiritually.

And this her G. may boldly say of al the time of my exile, wherin God hath given me honor more then I did require, or would have had, if it had layn in my own choise, and goods sufficient to main∣tain my state, if ever it should be found, that for any respect of per∣sons, for ambition, pleasure or lucre, I swarved from that I judged the honor of God, and, in matters of my Country, from the wealth therof; I am content not only to be excepted at this time, but perpe∣tually to be banished. But if they prove al the contrary, and that with the King your Father, not only as a faithful subject, but with that love also, that no servant could shew to his master more, nor son to his father, I shewed ever to exteame more his honor and wealth, then mine own goods or Country, and never procured other then the wealth of the same; then let them believe now, that I never would come unto them after so many years absence, your G. bearing the crown, with other Commission than that I know surely should be to the honor, comfort and wealth of your G. and the whole Country.

And so touching this point of my counsil, that her G. requireth of me, here ye have explicated how the whole matter, wherin my coun∣sil is required, may be concluded. For otherwise at this time I se not what might be taken, nor can imagine no other so good▪ as this way;

Which me seemeth God hath ordered should be taken and preferred above al other.

After this, ye shal shew her G. if this way be not followed, or de∣ferred, what I most fear: And this is first, that the Popes Holines being already persuaded to graunt to the stay of my journey, contrary to his first Commission, when her G. shewed more fervency to receive the obedience of the Church, that the next Commission I shal have shal be to return back into Italy again. And the cause why I fear this is, that the Pope shal think by offering to her G. and the Realm, al those graces, that do pertain to the reconciliation of both to the church, when he seeth it is not accepted with that promptnes it is offered, he shal think that both afore God and man, he hath satisfied al that could be requi∣red of him, touching the demonstration of his paternal affection to her G. and the realm. In the which the College of Cardinals perad∣venture wil judge, that his Sanctity hath been over much bountiful, especially when they hear of this my staying being made without their consent: Which they wil ever take for a great indignity, hearing no greater, nor more urgent cause therof, then hitherto hath been shew∣ed; and knowing how her G. cannot maintain her Right, nether afore God nor man, without having recourse to his Holines, and to the See Apostolic, and of whose Authority and Dispensation the whole right of her cause doth depend: as some of them then would have had his Holines at the beginning not to have sent his Legate, until he had been required, and much more now, after he hath sent, and he not ac∣cepted, they wil al be of opinion, that he shal be revoked. And then what peril both her G. and the whole realm standeth in, by the reason of the Schism yet remaining, it is manifest of it self.

And yet this is not al my fear of my revocation, but that which may follow, that I fear more. Which is this: that wheras now if I had been accepted with that promptnes and sincere affect, as I was sent of the Popes Holines, and that I brought with me, my Person I trust should have brought more comfort to her Highnes, and the rest of the Country then any stranger; as the Popes Holines thought, when he made me Legate; so now on the contrary, for the self same circum∣stances and causes, that pertain to my Person, not being accepted, it shal more aggravate the cause, at all times, that the Realm hereafter should require to be absolved of the Schism, and al other that would seek to prevail against her Graces title, by the reason of the Schism, for the self cause, that I was not accepted, returning again to Rome, would take this for a great proof of the obstinate enduring in the same, which al divine lawes doth most condemn. So that my Person, I desi∣ring nothing more then to bring comfort to her and the realm, not ac∣cepted, shal be cause of more discomfort, which as I say God of his mercy forbid. Expounded under this maner my fear, which stondeth in my revocation, not for my self, but for the domage that may come to her Majesty and the realm therby; (the same being very likely, if my stay be deferred ony longer space; knowing that his Holines and the College wil not suffer such indignity:) then you may declare with∣al the remedies, that I thought best to be used at this time to avoyd this inconveniency.

And herein you may shew, how the first Remedy is, that the Pope and the College of Cardinals be wel persuaded, that my stay here is but for a smal time, and for to bring a more sure conclusion, and to make the way more plain, as I have caused the Popes Holines to be informed by a servant of mine sent by post, shewing the tenor of the bil her G. wrote Herrye my servant. Wherin was conteined that her Highnes shortly trusted that the matters of the Parlament should have that conclusion, that I most desired. And upon this hope that messenger had to shew his Holines, that I had sent my stuf afore, to∣wards Flaunders: and now also for confirmation of that hope I have sent a part of my company afore to tarry me there. So that this you may say is the first remedy I can find to keep the Pope and the College in hope of a brave and good resolution.

One other chief Remedy is, because I perceive the Emperors Maje∣styes Counsil hath ever been, that her G. in matters of religion, and in the renouncing the title of the Supremacy, should procede with great moderation, and not to be hasty therin, until other matters tem∣poral were better settled; for this cause, beside that what I could do by letters, if it were possible, as much as was in me, to remove his Majesty from the opinion, that dilation in this matter would be profita∣ble to her Highnes, or the realm; as she may perceive by the copy of my letters, written to the Emperor, sent by H••rry Pyninge: I have likewise persuaded his Majesties Confessor, whom I found here a man of great sanctity, and learning, that for the love he beareth towards his Majesty touching his souls wealth, and honor of the world beside, and affection to her G. that he would personally repair himself to his Majesty, and by al means possible attempt to remove this worldly fear. And herein I have given him Instructions, wherof you have the Copy with you, that you may shew the same to her Highnes.

The third Remedy is, that I attempt now, by sending you to her Majesty, that she may be wel informed of the peril; which in mine opinion is now more great, then when the Duke of Northumberland did set against her. And the same must be overcome with the means that her G then had the victory. Which was by putting her hope and trust wholy in God, and in the justice of her cause, casting away al fear worldly. Which doing, her Highnes may be sure her cause per∣taining to the honor of God, and wealth of his Church, for the which his Son dyed for, that is Lord of al, she shal find les difficulty, and much readier help, then she can now imagine. And this now shal be sufficient you inform her G. touching the matter, wherin it hath plea∣sed her to ask my advise and counsil.

Touching the other matter, wherin her Highnes seemeth to be of∣fended for the relation made openly in the Consistory by Master Fran∣cesco Commendone, of those things, which her Majesty had told him in secret. Of this you may say, her G. being enformed of the truth hath more cause to accept that which was done most gratefully, then in ony part to be offended therewith. And the truth is this, he did not open any thing that was told him in secret, nor did not make his rela∣tion as I thought my self he had done at the beginning, as of things heard of her G.'s mouth, but that he had heard of other Catholics and devout persons, that knew her G.'s mind. Which was in general

of the devout mind that her Majesty bore to God and the Church; and of that particular point, that she would have had shewed only the Popes Holines, nothing was spoken. And al this done to confirm the Cardinals minds touching the approbation of that the Pope had done, in making so suddenly his Legate, afore any information was given what mind her G. bore to the obedience of the Church: Which some did not approve at the first. And after this relation made by Master Francesco, that had been in England, al were wel satisfied. So that al turned to the honor of her M. and to corroborate al that was done to her service. And that she may the surelier be advertised how all things passed in this matter, I have caused to be copied one part of a letter, which the Popes Holines wrote unto me upon this Act; and the same you may shew unto her Grace.

And because I do know what great service it might be to her G. to be truly informed in al parts that pertaineth to the return of true obedi∣ence to the Church, both touching the time and maner, and the con∣sequence therof; and to discern the crafts and wiles, that the enemy of mankind ever useth to make it seem true obedience, when it is not: wherupon dependeth the whole ground of the maintenance of the State, that God hath given her G.: And how few there be in the realm, (al being maculate therin,) that can or wil indeavour themself, to expli∣cate the peril, and shew the remedy: therfore considering that I in person cannot come so soon to give her Highnes information, as I know the necessity of the matters to be concluded doth require; you may shew her M. that among those Gentlemen of my company, whom I have sent afore to Flaunders, there to remain, there be two, of whom if it wil please the same to take information of, and as her G. findeth it, to the honor of God and wealth of the realm, in this first setling of the obedience of the church, so to execute the same; I would think that her G. should be well satisfied, and satisfy al good men withal; these being men of that quality that ye know; which have godly pru∣dence, and humane, joyned both together. Of the which one I know by long experience, that hath bin many years so conversant with me, as no man more familiar. Of whom I have ever judged my self to have that treasure, that few great Princes hath the like. And of the other to have as great pleasure for the time he is content to serve me. But whether her Highnes wil serve her self to be informed of them in this first settling of her State, this is in her G.'s pleasure.

This only I would desire her M. willing the same, if they should come, that they might come to be known to come from me, for the causes that I have shewed you.

Further, your Commission here be to expound to her Highnes my whole mind and sentence, touching the demand it pleased her G. to make in her gracious Letters dated the xxviij. of Ianuary, concerning those persons, whom for the good opinion her G. had of their Vertue, Learning, and Catholic good mind, she intended to make Bps, how that they may be provided for, without derogation to the authority of the See Apostolic, her G. not intending further to extend the powers of the Crown regal, then it was customable in use afore the Schism en∣tered. In this poynt, wherin her G. demaundeth mine answer, you

shal make the same conformable to that which, by long and often con∣ference with me, ye know to be mine utter sentence. Wherin yee need not to have any further explication by writing.

Besides this, touching the two Acts of Parlament; one of the legiti∣mation of the Matrimony betwixt the most gracious Queen her Mo∣ther, and the King her Father; the other of the Sacraments to be used under the maner, that they were used the last year of K. Hen∣ry VIII. her G.'s father: Which both it pleased her M. of her good∣nes to send unto me, for my satisfaction of mind, to know how they were passed by consent of the Parlament; you may shew her G. that these two, perfectly inacted and concluded, be those in truth, that of al Acts that could be made to my comfort, none could bring me more satisfaction. Wherof the only cause is, that I know nothing can pass by the Parlament more to the establishment of her Highnes State, both afore God and man, then the sure establishing of these two. And for this cause whatsoever lacketh to the establishing therof, me seemeth, I am bound to utter plainly to her G. and truly to say what doth not satisfy me in those Acts; my whole satisfaction depending of the fruit, that may redound to her G. and the realm, when they shal be perfectly concluded.

And therfore herein you shal not let pass to enform her G. pleasing the same to give you benign audience, as wel wherin they were not to my utter satisfaction, as also wherin they satisfied me, and brought me some comfort.

And first of al, how the former Act of the ratifying of the Matri∣mony seemed unto me much defectuous; in that the Parlament, ta∣king for chief grou••d, the Wisdome and Goodnes of the Parents of both parties in making the Matrimony, doth not follow that wisdome in the conclusion and establishing of the same. Their wisdome in ma∣king it was▪ that they thought not sufficient to conclude the Matri∣mony, notwithstanding the consent of the parties, unles by the Popes dispensation and authority of the See Apostolic, the impediments of conjunction, named in the lawes of the Church, were taken away, and it so made legitimate. And hereof the Act of Parlament, that would justify the same, with derogation of another Act, made to the condemnation of that Matrimony, maketh no mention. Which me seemeth as great a defect, as if one should take a cause to defend, which hath divers causes al concurrent to one effect, wherof the one dependeth upon the other, and one being principal of al the other, and would in defence therof name the other causes, and leave out the principal. For so it is in the case of the Matrimony: the consent of the parties and parents depended upon the Dispensation of the church, and the See of Rome: Without the which the wisdom of the Parents did not think it could be wel justified, as the effect did shew, in de∣manding the same: and this is that which now is left out in the justi∣fication, that the Parents have made, alledging the wisdome of the two Parents, the Kings of England and of Spain.

And if it be here said, as I understand some do say, that the Dispen∣sation was asked of those Princes, not because it was so necessary, that the marriage could not be justified without that, but as they say ad ma∣jorem cautelam: how this answer cannot stand to that effect, I have so sufficiently informed you, that you of your self I doubt not, without

further declaration by writing can expound the same. Therfore lea∣ving that to your memory and capacity, to fly multiplication o•• wri∣ting, this only I wil put you in remembrance of, that if the Dispen∣sation of the Pope in that matter was asked of those two Princes ad majorem cautelam, which was to stop al mens mouths, making pretence of justice, that might have been brought forth, or objected, against the Matrimony, unles this Dispensation had been obtained; at the least for this cause in this Act should also have been made mention of the Dispensation, following the wisdome of those Princes ad majorem cautelam; being now more fear of pretenced justice against the Matri∣mony, as the effect hath, and doth shew, then ever could be imagi∣ned by the wit of those Princes, when they obtained first the Dispen∣sation.

As touching the other Act of the Confirmation of the Sacraments, ye shal shew also wherin it seems to me defective. Which is, that wheras the ground of the making therof, as the Act doth express, is taken to redress the temerity of them, who, being affected to nuelty of opinion, did other take them away, or abuse the administration of them, against the antient and laudable custom of the Catholick church; This being a very necessary and pious cause to make that Act; in the prosecuting and concluding of the same I find this great defect, that never being approbate by the Church, that those persons which re∣main in Schisma, should have the right use of the Sacraments; but rather to such is interdict the use of them. This Act maketh the gate open to them, that be not yet entred into the Unity of the Church; to the use of the Sacraments, declaring it self how they should be m••∣nistred, with relation to the time and year of that King; and nameing him; that is known to be the chief author of the Schism. What de∣fect this is it seemeth manifest of it self.

This shewed, wherin both these Acts were defectuous, and therby not bringing me ful comfort, ye shal then expound wherin, at the rea∣ding of them, I took some comfort. Which was that the conclusion of both was passed, graunted and inacted by the Parlament. So that touch∣ing the effect, there could be no difficulty hereafter in the Parlament, the same being now bound to the approving and observance of their own Act. And wherin they were defectuous, this ought to be supplyed by the Princes Authority, that is to say, by her G.'s authority, as right Queen. To whom it appertaineth, as chief head of the Parlament, and of the whole realm withal, in al Acts, that the Parlament doth determe, both to interpret that that is obscure, and to supply and make perfect that which is defectuous, as wel in the time of the Parl••ment, as when it is dissolved. So that now these both Acts, being past by the Parlament, they are brought to her G.'s hand to interpret and supply, as it shal be judged by her G.'s wisdom, how they may best take effect. And to do the same other out of the time of Parlament, or in another Parlament, binding them, by their own decre, ratifying the mariage, and the use of the Sacraments, according to the form of the Catholic church, to admit the authority of the See of Rome. Which not ad∣mitted, nother the one Act, nor the other can take effect: And ad∣mitting and establishing of the same both those Acts, by this one rea∣son, (wherin is comprized the reduction of the realm to the unity of the Church) shal be established and made perfect.

For conclusion of al this, ye shal inform her G. that as I consider daily the wonderful goodnes of God to her Highnes with al paternal care of her soul, person and estate, and his so manifest protection eve∣ry day, and by so many ways calling her G. to establish this unity of the Church in the realm, wherof the breaking hath been cause of so great misery, in the realm, both spiritual and temporal, with travail temporal of her M. and utter jeopardy of loosing her State: So also I do consider what wayes the enemy of mankind Satan, Qui expetivit cribrare ••cclesiam tanquam triticum, hath used, and continually us••th to let, that her G. cannot put in execution that wherunto God continual∣ly doth cal her. I dare be bold to say in this particular case, that that the Apostle saith generally, speaking of Satans malice, Non ignoramus cogitationes ejus.

And so herein I do se how by al means he doth tempt to make her G. fal from that simplicity, Quae est in Christo Iesu, the which God hath ever hitherto maintained in her. And this I having noted of the speci∣al goodnes of God towards her, how al the rest falling from the unity of the church at the time of her Fathers reign, when she was in most trouble and travail, yet her Highnes never committed any thing that was prejudice to the same, being protected of God in that simplicity, and bringing that mind with her to the Crown: Satan knowing that by open tempting her to do against that, by way of commission, he should not prevail to make her to fal by this other way of omission; wherby his malice trusteth, that commission shall follow. Against the which, albeit my very trust is, the prayer of the Church at this time for his grace shal defend her; yet until I se by herG.'s goodnes so necessa∣ry and godly Act of the reduction of the Realm to the perfect obedi∣ence of the Church concluded, I cannot be without some fear: and therfore be more solicitous in advertiseing her M. of the great peril, wherof few or none do, or wil, speak unto her. And not only to ad∣vertise her G. but withal to shew the remedy; wherof you being sufficiently informed, this shal be the end of my Commission by wri∣ting: Praying Almighty God to inspire her Highnes to accept your sayings on my behalf, as he hath inspired me with al sincere affection by such means to utter the same.

NUM. LXXV. † The Form of the Restitution of a maried Priest.

DECIMO octavo die mensis Octobr. Anno Dom. 1554. in Aedi∣bus solitae Residentiae Magistri Anthonij Huse, Armigeri,* 3.14 in Oc∣cidentali angulo Vici nuncupati Pater Noster Row, Civitatis London. notoriè situatis▪ Coram venerabili viro Magistro Henrico Harvy, LL. D. Vicario in Spiritualibus Generali, &c. in presentia mei Ioannis In∣cent, Notarij publici propter absentiam Magistri Anthonij Huse, Regi∣strarij, &c. assumpti, &c. comparuit personaliter Robertus Vevian Presbyter, nuper Rector Ecclesiae parochialis de Hever, Decanat.

de Shoreham, Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis jurisdictionis immediatae, ac quandam professionem in Scriptis redactam & conceptam fecit, & publicè legebat, sub eo qui sequitur Verborum tenore.

Wheras I Robert V••vian, Clerk, late Parson of H••ver in the Coun∣ty of Kent, being of the peculiar jurisdiction of the Church of Cant••r∣bury, being ordered a Prest about xxvij yeres past, having ministred as a Prest in al kind of Prestly function and ministration of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Sacramentalls, as to the office of a Prest appertaineth; have i•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that time, contrary to the State of myne Orders, Decrees of the Church, and laudable Customes of the same, marryed one Agnes Stan∣ton, being a single or solute Woman, and with her in one House, as man and wie••▪ have cohabited and dwellid, to the offence of my Christen brethren, and bre••h of the Unity of Christs said Church: I the said Robert do now lament and bewail my lief past, and thoffence by me committed: Intending firmly by Godds g••ace hereafter to lead a pure, chast and continent lief, according to such grace as Al••ighty God of his mercy, upon my humble petition and prayer, shal grant me: And do here before you, my competent Judge and Ordinary, most humbly require absolution of and from al such Censures and pains of the Lawes, as by my said offence, and ungodly behaviour I have incurrid and deservid; Promising firmly, and solemnly professing ••e∣fore you in this present Writing never to return to the said Agnes Stan∣ton, as to my wief or Concubyne: but from hensefourth to absteyne from her, and to keep miself sole, pure and chast from al carnal affe∣ctions and copulations; especially from her, and also from al other women, according to the Laws and Constitutions of our Mo••her, the Catholick church, and as my order also requireth. In witnes of this myne advised and deliberate minde, promise and profession I have to the same in this writing subscribed my name ••ith myne own hand. Yeven the 18th. day of October in the year of our Lord God ••554, &c.

Per me Robertum Vevian.

Qua quidem Professione per praenominatum Robertum Vevian pub∣licè lecta, & manu suâ propriâ subscripta, ac praestito juramento, &c. de parendo juri, & stando mandatis Ecclesiae, Dominus ad humilem ejus petitionem, absolvit eum a sententia Excommunicationis & alijs Censuris & poenis juris per ipsum, ex causis superius expressatis, incur∣sis, & eum Sacramentis Ecclesiae, ac Officio suo Presbyterali, & inte∣grae functioni ejusdem restituit & redintegravit; & decrevit sibi literas Testimoniales, &c.

• Restitutio Ioannis Browne, Rectoris de Wymbaldowne in Decanata de Croyden.
• Restitutio H••nrici William, Presbyteri.
• Restitutio Petri Williamson, Presbyteri.

These are al in the same Form with the above written, only Mutatis mu∣tandis. And no more are Registred but these.

NUM. LXXVI. John Fox his letter to the Parlament, against reviving the Act of the six Articles.

FRequens hic per omnium ora ac aures jactatur non suspicio modo,* 3.15 sed co••••ans certissimáq••e praedicatio, id Vos Summi, sanctissi∣mique Patres, moliri▪ u•• sanguinariae leges illae sex Articulorum titulo inscriptae▪ quondam benè sopitae, nunc demum, velut ex Orco revo∣centur ad Superos. Quod si verum sit, quàm vobis plausibile, ac qui∣bu••dam sit gra••um, ignoro, cer••è quàm Reip▪ sunestum ac omino∣sum sit futu••um, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 jam pridem declara•• publicus maeror, tristissi∣ma rerum ••ere humanarum, ac Luctuos•• facies, optimi cujusque ge∣mitus; ne•• tacita solum suspiria, sed ubertim ex doloris acerbitate prorumpentes Lachrymae, quotidiana bonorum fuga, totius deni∣qu•• Re••p. (si tamen Resp. aliqua sit) squalor: ut interim taceam Conscientia••••m occul••a judicia ac vulnera, in omnibus ferè horror, in nonnullis etiam funera ac mortes ex rerum perturbatione contractae. Quae si calami••ates, tot tantaeque quidem illae, quantas vix in ulla un∣quam Rep. conspeximus, ex concepta rerum imagine a••que recorda∣tione duntaxat ipsa, cives adeo perstringunt vestros, quid vos futu∣rum tandem existimati••, suspiciendi Domini, exhibitis jam rebus ipsis, ubi ••n exhibendis tanta sit trepidatio; Ubi into erabilis ipse Legum ri∣gor▪ & acutissima acies cervicibus jam incumbit civium: Ubi tot millia hominu•• non vitae libertatem, quam jam amiserunt, sed vitam ipsam cogentur deserere? Nec jam vita, sed & conscientia etiam erepta hom••nibus: nec Deo quidem supplicare licebit pro arbitratu suo, sed ad libidinem p••ucorum.

Quae quum ita sint, vel deteriora etiam, quàm a me referri queant, considerabit prudentia vestra, quae docum••ntis nostris non eget, sed pro communi salute rerum, consilia vestra potissimum flectenda sunt. Haec etenim jam ipsa agun••ur tempora, quibus vobis jam in manu situm est▪ felices nos velitis, an perditos. Si tam vilem habeatis ci∣vium vestrorum Sanguinem, si nihil vos moveant tot hominum gemi∣tus, quer••lae, l••crymae, bonorum miseriae, si parum sit vobis una ab ijsdem legibus accepta clades; Age d••nuo, revoc••tur Trojanus equus in ur••em, quo soli, ve cum pauc••s, r••gnum hoc possideatis. Sin vero ulla subit animos vestros Reip. charitas, si quod patriae studium ma∣neat, siquid preces nostrae siquid bonorum supplices manus, siquid denique Reip, siquid ecclesiae Christianae (quam advolutam genubus vestris existimetis) fle ilis q••erela va••eat; efficite modo, pii Proceres, pro summa pietate, ut pluris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 apud vos salutis publicae conservatio, quam privata quorundam ••••licita••io; Nec quid possi•• pro imperio au∣thoritas, sed quid aq••itas potius Civibus de••eat vestra, velitis con∣siderare.

Nihil enim in ••mni officiorum genere fieri aequius arbit••or, quam ut quorum ••os Pa••ri•• Patr••s conscripsit ipsa, eos in filiorum loco asci∣tos tue•• mini: quique s••am ad Vos omnem reverentiam, ac dignitatis authoritatem transferunt, ijdem a Vobis salutis ac tranquillitatis vi∣cissim

accipiant suae incolumitatem. Quod si communis Patriae re∣spectus vos minus attingat, at quod vobis ipsis dignum, quod generosa ac heroica sanguinis vestri nobilitas, tacito quodam sensu vobis sugge∣rat, attendite. Nam quum inter humanos omnes affectus, nil sit tam hominis proprium, quam clementia, qua divinae Naturae imaginem maximè referre vel infimi etiam videntur homines; quid tum a vobis expectari convenit, Illustrissimi Heröes, qui quo sublimiorem honoris in his terris gradum sortiti estis, hoc expressius supremo huic imagi∣nis divinae archetypo respondere omnibus modis decet?

Porrò, habetis ad hoc Reginam, ut Nobilissimam, ita ad sana & sa∣lubria quaeque obsequacem Principem. Habetis & Cancellarium, ut doctrina praestabilem, ita natura non improbum, siquorum absint con∣silia. Verum ut inter Animantium genera, quaedam noxia, alia ad hominis usum, creata existunt: rursus sunt, quae in hoc tantum dicas nata, ut reliquis molestiam ac perniciem moliantur: Sic in humanis rebus, nulla Resp. nec vitae genus est, quod suas non habet vomicas, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Atque hi sunt potissimum, qui religione praeposteri, natura saevi, alteri Ecclesiae, alteri Reip. exitiales existunt. Quibus cum benè esse non possit, nisi perturbatis rebus, turbam, quantum queant, intendunt ad saevitiam. Mitissimos Principum animos, hoc est. Reip. fontes, vitiant, consilia instillant, non quae honesto, sed quae ventri suo, ac quaestui serviant: Simile quiddam exercentes in hu∣manis rebus, quale Ate tribuit Homerica narratio. Deinde quum tutius laedunt sub umbra Nobilitatis, ac se occultant, quo siquid adveniat adversi, illos postremo feriat: siquid boni sit, ipsi pri∣mi sint ad carpendam messem. Et quoniam juxta imperitorum le∣gem, nihil his recte fieri videtur, nisi quod ipsi faciunt, ad arbitratum suum universam religionem, cum ipsa Scriptura, corrigendam putant, Quicquid ipsis non placet haereticum est. Nil sibi placere potest, quod non illico alba amussis sit quantum libet a scopo alienum.

NUM. LXXVII. An instrument of the University of Cambridg, appointing certain of their members to repair to Oxford, to dispute with Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer there.

Procuratorium Academiae Cantabrig.

* 3.16UNiversis Christi fidelibus praesentes literas visuris, lecturis & au∣dituris, & quos infrascripta tangunt, seu quovis modo tangere poterunt; Nos Vicecancellarius Senatusque tam Regentium quam non Regentium almae Academiae Cantabrigien. Salutem, & dilecti∣onem in Christo Ihesu. Cum jampridem ex parte Sacrae Synodi, sive Convocationis praelatorum & cleri Cant. provinciae, aucthoritate & mandato Sereniss. & religiosiss. Dominae nostrae Reginae Mariae convo∣catae, Nobis in Senatu nostro ad effectum infrascriptum in simul

congregatis exhibiti fuerint quidam Articuli tenoris infrascripti, Viz.

In Sacramento Altaris virtute verbi divini a sacerdote prolati praesens est realiter, sub speciebus panis & vini, naturale corpus Christi, conceptum de Virgine Maria: Item, naturalis ejusdem Sanguis.

Post Consecrationem non remanet Substantia panis & vini, neque alia ulla Substantia, nisi Substantia Christi, Dei & hominis.

In Missa est vivisicum ecclesiae Sacrificium, pro peccatis tam vivorum quam mortuorum propitiabile:

Simulque requisiti fuerimus, eosdem Articulos matura deliberatione legere, expendere & considerare: Et si sanam, veram & Catholicam doctrinam contineant, eosdem approbare velimus: Nos in Senatu nostro, sic ut praefertur, convenientes, perlectosque nobis Articulos, & contenta in ijsdem, quanta decebat in re tam gravi maturitate & de∣liberatione, perpendentes & librantes, quandoquidem ipsos, & con∣tenta in ijsdem, cum Catholica virtute & fide orthodoxa per omnia con∣venire animadvertimus, eosdem unanimi consensu nostro atque assensu, ut veros, catholicos, orthodoxos, ac veritati & doctrinae ca∣tholicae, ac aperto Dei verbo consentientibus, veterum orthodoxorum patrum testimonijs, Generaliumque Consiliorum authoritatibus per omnia innitentes & congruentes, tam consentientibus animis compro∣bavimus, ut nostrâ plurimum interesse arbitrati sumus doctrinam articulorum hujusmodi contra omnes illius oppugnatores defendere & tueri.

Intelligentes itaque tam facti notorietate, quàm famae publicae rela∣tione, esse nonnullos perditionis & iniquitatis filios, seditiosos erro∣rum innovatores, & ecclesiae Christi hostes, qui hujusmodi sacram, Catholicam & orthodoxam doctrinam, ac ecclesiae unitatem modis om∣nibus perturbare, dilacerare, infestare, affligere & evertere satagunt, & conantur, quorum praecipui authores & Antisignani nominatim sunt, D. Thomas Cranmerus, nuper Cantuar. Archiepiscopus, Nicolaus Ridleius, nuper Roffensis, & Hugo Latimerus, jam olim Wigorn. Epis∣copi, Aca••emiae nostrae Cantabrig. quondam alumni, modo apud incly∣tam Universitatem Oxoniensem existentes, nostrarum partium esse duxi∣mus, non modo veritatem Catholicam praedictam verbo & scriptis com∣probare, ac mundo palam facere, verum etiam eandem nedum con∣tra eosdem principales adversarios, sed & contra omnes alios ecclesiae hostes & veritatis Christi oppugnatores, pro virili nostra, manifesto Dei verbo, Sanctorumque patrum testimonijs, defendere, tueri & pro∣pugnare. Ac proinde quo veritas magis elucescat, quosdam pios & eruditos viros ex eadem nostra Universitate ad hoc muneris publico om∣nium nostrûm nomine obeundum, Viz. D. Iohannem Yong, Vicecan∣cellarium nostrum, Gulielmum Glyn, Richardum Atkynson, Cuthbertum Scot, Thomam Watson, Albanum Langdale, & Thomam Sedgwyke, Theologiae Professores, conjunctim & divisim selegimus, nominavi∣mus, & deputavimus: Dantes & concedentes eisdem, prout, & te∣nore praesentium sic damus & concedimus, conjunctim, ut praefertur, & divisim, plenariam potestatem, aucthoritatem & facultatem, vice & nominibus omnium nostrum, Almam academiam Oxon. quibuscun∣que diebus eis visum fuerit, petendi & proficiscendi. Ac si quidem libera eis, pro more, aucthoritate Universitatis Oxon. in hac parte dabitur venia & facultas, cum dictis dominis, Cranmero, Ridleio, &

Latimero, caeterisque ejusdem farinae monstris palam & publicè, sive privatim, congrediendi, hijsque de rebus disserendi, disputandi & ar∣gumentandi, sanamque doctrinam praedictam contra eos patrocinandi, & propugnandi, adversariosque praedictos, & eorum perversas opinio∣nes, & sententias, atque haeretica dogmata refellendi, refutandi, & convincendi, Eosque ad resipiscentiam modis omnibus quibus pote∣rint, hortandi, reducendi & persuadendi: Caeteraque omnia & singu∣la faciendi, exercendi & expediendi; quo hujusmodi negotij qualitas & natura de se exigunt & requirunt, Promittentes nos ratum, gra∣tum, & firmum perpetuò habituros totum id, & quicquid ab eisdem eru∣ditis viris nomine & vice nominis in praemissis, aut eorum aliquo actum aut gestum fuerit. In quorum omnium & singulorum fidem & testimonium praemissorum, has nostras Commissionis, & Deputationis literas nostro communi sigillo communiri fecimus. Datum e Senatu nostro Cant. x die mensis Aprilis, anno verbi incarnati supra Millesi∣mum quingentesimum quinquagesimo quarto.

NUM. LXXVIII. The University of Cambridg to that of Oxford, relating to the former matter.

Reverendis in Christo viris D. Vicecancellario Oxoniensi, & universis Doctoribus illius Academiae, atque Magistris Regentibus & non Regentibus.

GRavi nuper & turbulenta tempestate, sicut vos scitis & experti estis,* 3.17 Reverendi in Christo fratres, Ecclesiae nostr•• horribiliter jactatae sunt. Tetra etenim sedit••osi erroris, & protervae atque obsti∣natae haeresios pestis ac lues omnes Angliae oras perg••as••ata, ipsas etiam Academias corripuit, atque gravissimè & periculosissimè insestavit. Christi pura & orthodoxa religio, mendacibus Sectariorum commentis & prodigiosis subinde pullulantium falsarum doctrinarum monstris miserè deformata & dilacerata, jacuit. Jam tamen singulari Numinis beneficio, & D. nostri Iesu Christi atque illius Sacri Spiritus afflatu, serenior aura & placida atque amaena amabilis concordiae tranquillitas affulgere occaepit. Gratias proinde indesinenter agere debemus coe∣lesti patri, qui propter suam misericordiam Ecclesijs nostris, magna persecutionis violentia afflictatis, optabilem & serenum statum resti∣tuerit. Qui per optimam & religiosissimam Reginam religionis Catho∣licae integritatem, quae corruptorum maliciosa improbitate paenè ex∣tincta fuerat, restauravit, atque Academijs nostris antiquam suam li∣bertatem, quae nephandorum tyrannide opprimebatur, reddidit. Nostrarum verò partium esse ducimus tantam & tam illustrem Dei erga nos beneficentia agnoscere & confiteri; atque etiam eundem Deum & propitium nostrum Dominum, assiduis precibus interpellare, ut haec quae jam restaurata est religionis orthodoxa & pura integritas, in dies magis ac magis augeatur; atque ea quae jam conciliata est

pax & concordia firmius & solidius coalescat. Hoc etenim est quod vas electionis, & Christi Apostolus Paulus, hortatur, & admonet, di∣cens, Cum patientia supportate Vos invicem, soliciti servare unitatem spiri∣tus in vinculo pacis. Vnum corpus, Vnus spiritus; sicut & vocati estis in una spe Vocationis vestrae. Vnus dominus, Vna fides, Vnum baptisma, Vnus Deus & pater omnium; qui est per omnia, & super omnia, & in om∣nibus vobis.

Nos p••oinde eandem spiritus unitatem, cum Catholica Christi ec∣clesia, retinentes articulos, de quibus postrema Synodo Londoniensi inter ecclesiarum nostrarum proceres conveniebat, unanimi consensu comprobantes, atque veram, sanam, & Catholicam doctrinam ijsdem exprimi & explicari agnoscentes, optamus lupos omnes, qui Christi ovile dissipare, & simplices oviculas seducere conantur, ab ecclesiae castris procul abarceri. Dilectos itaque nobis, & eruditos viros D. Io. Yong, Vicecancellarium nostrum, D. Gulielmum Glyn, Richardum At∣kynson, Cuthbertum Scot, Thomam Watson, Albanum Langdale, & Tho∣mam Segiswyck, Theologioe Professores, atque Catholicae fidei & Acade∣miae nostrae Alumnos, ad vos legare destinavimus: Non quod doctrinam articulorum, in questionem & disputationem vocent, quam nos omni ambiguitate seposita, veram & orthodoxam esse agnoscimus; utpote quae & aperto Dei verbo & consentientibus patrum testimonijs, & gene∣ralium Conciliorum aucthoritate, fulciatur & confirmata sit; sed ut nostro omnium nomine sanae doctrinae unà vobiscum patrocinentur, atque orthodoxam fidem propugnent, & eos qui eidem adversantur, convincant, & hereticae atque perversae sententiae authores refellant & refutent. Quales apud vos esse credimus Thomam Cranmerum, N. Rid∣ley, & Hug. Latimerum, nuper Episcopos, & Academiae nostrae, atque Christi ecclesiae filios obedientes; nunc vero, sicut quidam referunt; quod nos dolentes scribimus, falsae & corruptae doctrinae contumaces patronos. Quorum Nos miserandum statum multum deploramus, mentem illis meliorem precantes, quo mutata sententia per resipiscen∣tiam in matris Ecclesiae sinum simul sese recipiant. Quam quisquis non habuerit suam Matrem, is Deum Patrem habere non poterit. Ut ergo vos intelligeretis, quae nostra esset his de causis sententia, pios & eru∣ditos hos viros ad vos publica authoritate nostra mittimus, atque has literas communi nostro sigillo sigillari fecimus. Christus Iesus vos vestrámque illustrem Academiam pietate & bonis literis florentem, ad verae religionis augmentum, & corruptae errorum profligationem per∣petuo conservet, E senatu nostro 10 Aprilis 1554.

Vestrum omnium in Christo aman∣tissimi, Vicecancellarius & Re∣gent. & non Regent. Senatus Cantabr.

Concordat cum originalibus literis missivis & procuratorijs.

NUM. LXXIX. Cranmer's Letter to the Queens Council after his Disputation at Oxon.

* 3.18IN right humble wise sheweth unto your honorable Lordships, Tho∣mas Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury, Beseeching the same to be a means for me unto the Queens highnes for her mercy and par∣don. Some of you know by what means I was brought and trained un∣to the Wil of our late Soveraign Lord K. Edward VI. and what I spake against the same; Wherein I refer me to the reports of your Honors and Worships. Furthermore, this is to signify to your Lordships, that upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last past, were open Disputati∣ons here in Oxford, against me, Mr. Ridley, and Mr. Latimer, in three matters concerning the Sacrament. First, of the Real presence. Se∣condly, Of Transubstantiation. And thirdly, Of the Sacrifice of the Mas. Upon Monday against me: Upon Tuesday against D. Ridley; and upon Wednesday against Mr. Latimer. How the other two were order∣ed I know not; for we were separated: So that none of us knoweth what the other said; nor how they were ordered. But as concerning my self I can report. D. Chadsey was appointed to dispute against me. But the Disputation was so confused, that I never knew the like: every man bringing forth what him liked, without order. And such hast was made, that no answer could be suffered to be taken fully to any argument, before another brought a new argument. And in such weighty matters, the Disputation must needs be ended in one day, which can scantly be ended in three months. And when we had an∣swered them, they would not appoint us one day to bring sorth our proofes, that they might answer us: being required by me therunto. Wheras I my self have more to say, then can be wel discussed, as I suppose, in twenty dayes. The means to resolve the truth had been to have suffered us to answer fully to al that they could say; and then they again to answer us fully to al, that we can say. But why they would not answer us, what other cause can there be, but that either they feared their matter, or that they were not able to answer us? Or else for some consideration they made such hast, not to seek the truth, but to condemne us: That it must be don in post hast, before the mat∣ters could be throughly heard. For in al hast we were al three con∣demned of heresy. Thus much I thought good to signify to your Lordships, that you may know the indifferent handling of matters: Leaving the judgment therof unto your Wisdomes. And I beseech your Lordships to remember me, a poor prisoner, unto the Queens Majesty; and I shal pray, as I do daily, unto God, for the long pre∣servation of your good Lordships in al godlines and felicitie. April 23.

NUM. LXXX. The Lord Legates Commission to the Dean and Chapter of Canter∣bury, deputing them to Absolve and Dispense with the Clergy, in his stead; and absolve the Laity.

Commissio Domini Reginaldi Poli Legati de Latere.

REginaldus miseratione divina Sanctae Mariae de Cosmeden Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Diaconus Cardinalis Polus nuncupatus Sanctis∣simi D. N. Papae & Sedis Apostolicae,* 3.19 ad Serenissimos Philippum & Ma∣riam Angliae Reges, & universum Angliae regnum, de Latere Legatus, Venerabilibus ac nobis in Christo dilectis DECANO & CAPITULO Ecclesiae Metropolitices Christi Cant. ad quos omnis & omnimoda juris∣dictio Spiritualis & Ecclesiastica, quae ad Archiepiscopum Cant. sede plena pertinuit, ipsa Sede jam vacante, notorie dinoscitur pertinere, seu eorum in Spiritualibus Vicario Generali, Salutem in Domino sem∣piternam. Cum Sanctissimus in Christo Pater Dominus noster Domi∣nus JULIUS providentia divina Papa tertius, inter alias facultates, pro hujus regni omniumque personarum in ea existentium Sanctae Ecclesiae reconciliatione facienda, necessarias nobis in hac nostra Legatione con∣cessas, hanc specialiter indulserit, ut quoscumque in haeresium & schis∣matis errores lapsos, ab eis & a quibuscúnque censuris & poenis propterea incursis, absolvere, & cum eis super irregularitate prae∣missorum occasione contracta Dispensare, & alia multa adhaec necessa∣ria seu quomodolibet opportuna facere: Et hoc idem munus Catholi∣cis locorum Ordinarijs & alijs personis Deum timentibus, fide insigni∣bus, & literarum scientia praeditis demandare possumus, prout in ejus literis tam sub plumbo, quam in forma Brevis, expeditis plenius con∣tinetur:

CUMque de benignitate, & Serenissimorum Regum pietate, Reg∣num hoc universaliter, & omnes Domini Spirituales & Temporales, aliaeque personae Communitatum in eo, quod proximè celebratum est, Parliamento congregatae, singulariter primùm, & deinde universum corpus Cleri provinciae Cantuariensis, & omnes ferè personae singulares dictum corpus repraesentantes, coram nobis existentes, aliaeque plerae∣que fuerint sanctae ecclesiae Catholicae per nos ipsos reconciliatae: Spe∣remúsque fore, ut omnes aliae, quae reconciliatae adhuc non sunt, re∣conciliatae fuerint: Difficiléque & potius impossibile sit, ut tam numerosa multitudo per manus nostras reconcilietur: Ideo vices nostras in hoc, locorum Ordinarijs & alijs Personis, ut supra qualificatis delegandas duximus:

CIRCUMSPECTIONI igitur vestrae, de cujus probitate & chari∣tatis zelo plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinemus, Authoritate Aposto∣licâ nobis per Literas ejusdem Sanctissimi D. N. Papae, & per nos vobis nunc impensâ, omnes & singulas utriusque Sexus, tam laicas quam ec∣clesiasticas singulares, & quorumvis ordinum Regulares vestrae civitatis, & Dioceseos, personas, in quibusvis etiam sacris ordinibus constitutas, cujuscumque etiam status & qualitatis existant, etiamsi Capitulum,

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Collegium, Universitas, seu Communitas fuerit, quarumvis haeresi∣um & novarum Sectarum professores, aut in eis culpabiles, vel suspe∣ctas, ac credentes, receptatores & fautores ipsorum, suos errores ag∣noscentes, ac de illis dolentes, & ad orthodoxam fidem recipi humi∣liter postulantes, cognita in ipsis vera & non ficta aut simulata poeni∣tentia, ab omnibus & singulis haeresium & schismatis, & ab orthodoxa fide Apostasiarum & blasphemiarum & aliorum quorumcúnque simi∣lium errorum, etiam sub generali sermone non venientium, peccatis, criminibus, excessibus & delictis, (de quibus tamen inquisiti vel ac∣cusati seu condemnati non fuerint) & quibúsvis excommunicationis, suspensionis, & interdictionum, & alijs ecclesiasticis & temporalibus sententijs, censuris & poenis in eas praemissorum & infra scriptorum oc∣casione ac jure, vel ab homine latis, vel promulgatis, etiamsi eis pluri∣bus annis insorduerint, & earum Absolutio dictae Sedi, etiam per lite∣ras in die coenae Domini legi consuetas, reservata existat; In utroque Conscientiae scil. & contentioso foro, eos vero qui jam inquisiti vel ac∣cusati aut condemnati fuerint, vel ut praefertur ad cor revertentes, in foro conscientiae tantum, plenariè absolventes & Liberantes.

NECNON cum eis super irregularitate per eos occasione prae∣missorum contractâ, etiam quia sic Legati. Missas & alia divina officia, etiam contra ritus & ceremonias hactenus probatas & usitatas, cel••bra∣verint, aut illis alias se immiscuerint, contracta: Quodque irregula∣ritate & alijs praemissis non obstantibus in suis ordinibus, etiam ab hae∣reticis & schismaticis Episcopis, etiam minus ritè, dummodo in eo∣rum collatione Ecclesiastica forma & intentio sit servata, per eos suscep∣tis, & in eorum susceptione etiam juramentum contra Papatum Roma∣num praestiterint, etiam in Altaris ministerio ministrare, ac quaecúnque quotcúnque ac qualiacúnque etiam curata, invicem tamen se compa∣tientia beneficia Secularia vel Regularia (dignitatibus in Collegiatis ec∣cle••••js principalibus & in Cathedralibus, etiam Metropolitanis post Pontificalem majoribus exceptis) etiam Schismaticis Episcopis, seu al••js Collatoribus, etiam laicalis potestatis praetextu habita, authori∣tate Apostolica retinere, dummodo alteri jus quaesitum non sit, & non promotos ad omnes etiam sacros & presbyteratus ordines a suis Ordi∣narijs, si digni & idonei reperti fuerint; rite & legitimè promoveri, ac beneficia ecclesiastica, etiam curata, si eis alias canonicè conferantur, recipere & retinere valeant, qualitate temporis, ministrorum defectu, & ecclesiae necessitatibus utilitatibúsque ita poscentibus, DISPEN∣SANDI & indulgendi, & omnem inhabilitatis & infamiae maculam sive notam ex praemissis quomodolibet insurgentem, penitus & omnino abolendi, necnon in pristinum, & eum, in quo ante praemissa quomo∣dolibet erant, statum; ita ut & omnibus & singulis gratijs, privilegijs, favoribus & indultis, quibus caeteri Christi fideles gaudent, & gaudere quomodolibet possunt, uti & gaudere valeant; in omnibus, & p••r omnia, perinde ac si a fide Catholica nunquam in aliquo defecissent, restituen∣di, reponendi, & redintegrandi, ac eis (dummodo corde contriti) sua errata & excessus circumspectioni vestrae, seu alicui alteri per eos eligendo Catholico Confessori sacramentaliter confiteantur, & paeniten∣tiam Salutarem eis pro praemissis injungendam omnino adimpleant, omnem publicam confessionem, abjuratio nem, reconciliationem, & paenitentiam juxta debitas arbitrio vestro moderandi, & in totum re∣mittendi:

Necnon quoscunque REGULARES & Religiosos, ex∣tra eorum regularia loca, absque sedis Apostolicae licentia, vagantes, ab Apostasiae reatu, alijsque censuris, & paenis ecclesiasticis per eos propterea, etiam juxta suorum ordinum instituta, incursis, injuncta eis pro modo culpae paenitentia salutari, pariter absolvendi, & super quacunque irregularitate propterea per eos contracta, aut cum eis, ut alicui curato beneficio de illius obtinentis consensu, in habitu clerici saecularis, habitum suum regularem sub honesta toga Presbyteri saecu∣laris deferendo, deservire, & extra eadem loca regularia remanere, ad beneplacitum nostrum, libere & licite possunt, eadem autoritate Apo∣stolica, ob defectum ministrorum, & alias praedictas causas, Dispen∣sandi;

AC QUOSCUNque qui in sacris ordinibus constituti, Matri∣monia, etiam cum viduis & corruptis mulieribus de facto contraxerint, postquam mulieres sic copulatas rejecerint, illisque abjuraverint, ab hu∣jusmodi excessibus & excommunicationis sententia interposita, eos pro modo culpae paenitentia salutari in forma ecclesiae consueta, absolvendi, ac cum eis, postquam paenitentiam peregerint, & continenter & lau∣dabiliter vivere cogniti fuerint, super bigamia propterea per eos con∣tracta, ita ut ea non obstante, in quibusvis susceptis & suscipiendis or∣dinibus, etiam in Altaris ministerio ministrare, ac alicui beneficio ec∣clesiastico, de illius obtinentis consensu, deservire, extra tamen Dio∣cesin, in qua fuerint copulati, eisdem de causis dispensando. Necnon paroch••alium Ecclesiarum tuae Diocesios Rectores sive Curatos, de quo∣rum fide, probitate, circumspectione, & charitatis zelo plena fiducia conspici potest, ad quarumcúnque utriúsque sexus suae parochiae, per∣sonarum laicarum tantum, absolutionem, & ecclesiae Catholicae recon∣ciliationem (ut praefertur) autoritate Apostolica faciendam: Et siqui ex Curatis praedictis ad id idonei non fuerint, in eorum defectum alias idoneas & sufficientes personas, quae eorum vices suppleant, nominan∣di & deputandi: Quos sic per vos nominatos & deputatos in locum no∣strum, in praemissis absolutionibus & reconciliationibus, substituimus: Praemissis, ac Regula de insordescentibus edita, & quibusvis alijs con∣stitutionibus & ordinationibus Apostolicis, & omnibus illis, quae in li∣teris praedictis Sanctitas sua voluit non obstare, contrarijs non obstanti∣bus quibuscunque praesentibus in praeteritis casibus locum habentibus, & ad beneplacitum nostrum duraturis. Datum Lambethi prope Lon∣dinum, Wintoniensis Diocaesis, Anno a Nativitate Domini MDLV. idi∣bus Februarij, Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo Patris & Domini nostri Domini Iulij divina providentia Papae tertij anno 5to.

Reg. Car. Polus Leg.

NUM. LXXXI. The Lord Legates Instructions to the Bishops, in the performing of his orders about absolving their Clergy and Laity.

SInguli Domini Episcopi, necnon Officiales Ecclesiarum, quae nunc vacant,* 3.20 pro executione eorum, quae a Reverendissimo Domino Legato sunt eis demandata, ordinem qui infrascriptus est, poterunt observare.

Primùm, Vocatum ad se totum singularum civitatum, quibus singuli praesunt, Clerum, de h ijs quae sequuntur, instruere pro∣curabunt.

De paterno amore & charitate, quam Sanctissimus D. N. Iulius Papa tertius erga Nationem Anglicam declaravit, qui ut primum cog∣novit Serenissimam Mariam Reginam fuisse declaratam, Reverendissi∣mum Dominum Reginaldum Cardinalem Polum de suo Latere, ad has partes Legatum misit, ut Regnum hoc, tot jam annos ab Ecclesia Catho∣lica separatum, ad ejus unionem reducere, & in errores lapsos conso∣lari, atque in Dei gratiam restituere studeret.

De ejusdem Domini Legati adventu; quanta laetitia atque honore is acceptus fuit, tum a Sereniss. Regibus, tum ab alijs omnibus.

De hijs quae in proximo Parliamento acta & conclusa sunt. Scil. De omnibus Dominis de Parliamento, & universo regno a schismate & censuris incursis absolutis, & Ecclesiae Catholicae reconciliatis. De dam legibus, quae contra authoritatem Sedis Apostolicae & Romani Pontificis fuerunt per Henricum VIII. & Edwardum VI. latae & promul∣gatae, revocatis & abolitis. De restituta Sanctiss. N. D. Papae & Ecclesiae Romanae eadem obedientia, quae ante hoc perniciosissimum schisma praestabatur.

De authoritate Episcopis restituta; & maximè ut possint contra hae∣reticos & schismaticos procedere, & eos juxt a canonicos Sanctiones co∣ercere & punire.

Hijs ita expositis, veniant ad facultates sibi ab eodem Reverendiss. D. Legato concessas, quae recitentur: Et hic omnes, qui in schisma & alios errores lapsi sunt, invitentur ad Absolutionem & conciliationem humiliter ex toto corde petendam, necnon & Dispensationes, tam su∣per ordinibus, quam super beneficijs necessarias & opportunas postu∣landas. Praefigatur Dies, intra quem dicti de clero humiles & paeni∣tentes compareant ad petendam suppliciter absolutionem, reconcilia∣tionem & dispensationes praedictas.

Idem vero Domini Episcopi, postquam illi omnibus erroribus suis renunciaverint, & promiserint sacramentaliter ipsis, aut alteri Sacer∣doti Catholico, confessuros esse errores suos & paenitentiam sibi adinjun∣gendam impleturos eos, absolvent, & Ecclesiae reconciliabunt, & cum ipsis juxta formam facultatum, pro petentium necessitatibus, prout sibi visum fuerit, dispensabunt: adhibendo semper convenientem di∣stinctionem inter eos, qui solum in schisma & hereses inciderunt, & eos, qui etiam eos publicè docuerunt, & alios ad peccandum addux∣erunt.

Eodem die constituetur dies festus & solennis, in quo, adstante in Ecclesia populi multitudine, Domini Episcopi, & omnes Curati in ecclesijs suis omnia eadem, quae clero jam exposita fuerunt, Populo quoque insinuabunt, & omnes invitabunt, paternè & cum omni affectu, ut agnitis erroribus suis ad Ecclesiae Catholicae gremium re∣vertantur, promittendo fore, ut omnibus praeterita crimina omnia condonentur, & remittantur, modo eos ex animo illorum paeniteat, & illis renuncient.

Praesigatur autem terminus, ut putà tota Pascatis Octava, intra quem terminum omnes Ecclesiae reconcilientur. Alioqui eo lapso contra ipsos, & eos etiam, qui post reconciliationem ad vomitum re∣versi fuerint, severissimè procederetur. Dicatur de facultate concessa a Reverendiss. Domino Legato Episcopis & alijs, ut absolvere possint omnes quicúnque ad cor reversi fuerint.

Iidem Domini Episcopi & Officiales nominabunt & deputabunt Ecclesiarum parochialium Rectores, seu alias Personas idoneas, quae Laicos ab haeresi & Schismate, & quibuscúnque censuris absolvant juxta facultatum formam & tenorem, data per Episcopos formula, qua in absolutione & reconciliatione uti debeant.

Eadem poterunt cum Clero totius Diocesios observari prout com∣modius visum fuerit.

Domini Episcopi & Officiales praefati, necnon omnes Curati seu alij ad id deputati, habeant librum, in quo nomen & cognomen, & parochia omnium reconciliatorum inscribantur, ut postea sciatur, qui fuerint reconciliati, & qui non.

Idem Domini Episcopi & Officiales Octava Pascatis elapsa, pote∣rint facere Visitationem Civitatis primo, dein Dioceseos; Et siqui non fuerint reconciliati, poterint ad se eos vocare, & cognoscere causas, propter quas ab erroribus suis nolunt recedere. Et si in eis obstinatè perseverarint, tum contra eos procedent.

In hac facienda Visitatione attendant diligenter, quae in hoc brevi compendio sunt notata, & maximè faciant, ut omnes Ecclesiasticae personae ostendant titulos suorum Ordinum & Beneficiorum; ut si in ijs aliquis alius defectus notetur, illis provideant, & omni studio pro∣curent, ut errores, quibus Dioceses eorum sint infectae, extirpentur, & veritas fidei tum in concionibus, tum in confessionibus doceatur, de∣putando personas idoneas ad conciones faciendas, & confessiones audi∣endas. Id etiam curent, ut sacrorum Canonum instituta in omnibus observentur, & nomen Divi Thomae Martyris, necnon sanctiss. Domini nostri Papae ex libris dispunctum, in illis restituatur, & pro eo secun∣dum morem ecclesiae, ut ante Schisma fiebat, oretur.

In publicationibus hujusmodi erit ante omnia commemoratio mise∣riarum, & infelicitatis praeteritorum temporum; & magnae Gratiae, quam nunc Deus pro misericordia populo huic exhibuit: hortando omnes ad haec grato animo cognoscenda, & infinitas gratias Divinae ip∣sius bonitati assiduè agendas.

Hortandi sunt etiam omnes, ut devotè orent Deum pro salute & fe∣lici statu horum Serenissimorum & de hoc regno optimè meritorum, ac merentium Regum, & specialiter pro felici partu Sereniss. & pijssimae reginae.

Formula Absolutionis.

Dominus noster Jhesus Christus, summus Pontifex per suam pijssi∣mam misericordiam, & clementiam Vos cruore suo preciosissimo re∣demptos, de ineffabili sua pietate, ab omnibus peccatis per vos commis∣sis, misericorditer absolvat. Et ego authoritate Apostolorum Divi Pe∣tri & Pauli, ac Sedis Apostolicae mihi commissa, Vos & Vestrûm quemlibet ab omnibus peccatis, criminibus, excessibus, & delictis, at∣que ab omni Haeresi, Schismate, Apostasia, irregularitate, & quocun∣que errore vestris; necnon a juramento contra Papatum Romanum per vos praestito; & a quibuscunque excommunicationis, suspensionis, & interdictionum & alijs sententijs, censuris & poenis ecclesiasticis a jure vel ab homine latis, per vos ratione praemissorum incursis & contractis, absolvo, ac communioni fidelium, & S. Sanctis Dei ecclesiae Sacra∣mentis restituo, reduco & redintegro. In nomine Patris & Filij & Sp. Sancti. Amen.

NUM. LXXXII. An Italian to his friend, concerning Car. Pole.

NOnne solitus fuisti affirmare, Cardinalem illum tuum Polum opti∣mè nosse justificationem sola fide in Christum?* 3.21 mirificè cupere promotam doctrinam nostram, quam mundus odit? Expectare autem tempus atque occasionem, qua se patefaciat? Certe audivi ego te centies omnia haec affirmantem, atque audierunt quotquot erant tibi aliqua necessitate conjuncti, & gustarunt bonum Dei ver∣bum. Quum aliquis eorum aliquando quereretur, diceretque se non posse ferre Polum ita esse addictum Papis, atque ita palam, & tam ma∣lo exemplo consentire quotidie Missis, atque alijs illicitis cultibus, tu solebas prodire & affirmare, illam esse dissimulationem ad tempus, sed patefacturum se brevi, magno cum fructu Ecclesiarum Dei. Annon desines nunc ita de illo sentire ac loqui? Non objicies patrocinium tam injustae causae? Non fateberis una nobiscum, Polum tuum aut veritatis & pietatis studium abjecisse, & peccare in Sp. Sanctum ad mortem, aut nunquam serio in religione egisse? Ea vero colloquia, quae apud eum aliquando instituebantur de Christo, de Evangelio, de viva fide & de justificatione, huc spectasse, ut nobis tandem pulchrè imponeret? O miserum illum, & infelicem! Proh! quam atrociter laesit aeternam Dei, Christi & Sp. Sancti majestatem, atque omnes piorum Eccle∣sias? Nam in regno Angliae docebatur, & summa cum laetitia audie∣batur, Justificatio sola fide in Christum▪ satisfactio peccatorum per Christum, certitudo salutis nostrae per Christum, vera paenitentia, vera absolutio, verus ac legitimus usus Sacramentorum, atque aliae hujusmodi doctrinae, omnino conformes propheticis, Evangelicis, Apo∣stolicisque oraculis, atque usui veteris Catholicae ecclesiae, ita ut essent inde sublati, extirpatique illi soedissimi abusus, abominabilesque super∣stitiones

atque idolomaniae, quae scatent, regnántque in Papatu. Cum vero ageretur de his faecibus rursus in illud regnum inve∣hendis, divinis vero doctrinis abolendis, Polus tuus obtulit hic suam operam, quia speravit se autoritate & gratia plurimum illic valitu∣rum. Ac statim regnum ingressus est, praecedente scilicet idolo cru∣cis & cum omni illa pompa atque abominatione, qua Legati Anti∣christi uti solent. Populo vero imperavit in palatium convenire, genua flectere ante se. (quin & Rex & Regina unà procubuerunt in genua, nec puduit illum Antichristi Vicarium id sustinere.) Ubi au∣tem populum admonuit hactenus a vera fide deviasse, atque haereticum suisse, addidit se absolutionem Papalem velle impartiri, eumque San∣ctae Rom. Ecclesiae reconciliare: & confestim erecta manu, crucéque illata, populum ipsum absolvit, id est, arripuit atque avulsit, (quan∣tum in se quidem fuit) a studio verae pietatis, ac ipsiusmet veritatis. Arripuit, inquam, atque avulsit è sinu atque custodia ipsius veri pa∣storis Dom. nostri Iesu Christi, projecitque rectè in sentinam pristino∣rum abusuum atque errorum, & sub meram tyrannidem Antichristi insigni proditione posuit. Quid potest sceleratius, quid horribilius excogitari? Praesertim de homine, qui favere nostrae causae aliquando visus est. Annon agnosces nunc, quem virum tandiu & tantopere, colueris, & paene ut divinum aliquod numen adoraveris? Annon de∣sines tandem?

Quum tuus ille amicus nuper sub nomine Athanasij edidisset scho∣lia in orationem ipsius Poli, in qua Evangelium vocaret Semen Tur∣cicum, Principes vero Germaniae Turcas, tu mirè tergiversationibus Car∣dinalem desendebas; indignissimum putabas, qui ita vexaretur: quin jurabas, eum longe aliter nunc sentire, quicquid aliquando sensisse vi∣sus fuerit. At quo pacto poteris excusare, quod nunc in Anglia gessit? Adde multorum literis nuntiari, restitutam illic fuisse statuam divo (ut ipsi inquiunt) Thomae Cantuariensi, proditori olim sui regis pessimo. Proh Deum immortalem! hocne etiam tuus Polus potest pati? Sed Dei beneficio factum esse audio, ut nunc caput illi imagini amputatum sit, & corpus in partes disceptum.

Quin adde, agi nunc in misera illa Anglia de lupanaribus etiam re∣stituendis. Sed quidni? Quemadmodum enim umbra corpus, sic prostibula ac reliquae faeditates ac vitia, in primis vero idola, Papa∣tum consequuntur. Sed audi reliqua, audi quae filius Dei non po∣terat legere, quin adhuc magis perhorrescat, ac intimis medullis contremiscat. Thomas Archiepiscopus Cantuariae, una cum tribus quatuorve alijs Episcopis vere pijs ac Sanctis, qui justificationem vera fide in Christum, gratuitamque peccatorum remissionem do∣cuerat, exutus archiepiscopatu, & deterrimos carceres conjectus, vitam degens in tenebris, in squallore, in egestate, singulis horis gladium carnificis expectans, tum demum igne absumptus est, ty∣rannide certe in audita. Ioannes Hopperus Vuigorniensis Episcopus, & D. Ioannes Rogers, & Doctor Rolandus Taylerus, ueri martyres Christi, passi sunt ignes constantissimè.

Contra Stephanus Gardinerus falso episcopus Vuintoniensis (nam Io∣annes Ponetus verus illius ecclesiae pastor, & verus Servus Iesu Christi exulat) cum octo aut decem alijs Episcopis impijs & sanguinarijs, qui Evangelium atque ipsissimum Christum fuerant acerrimè inse∣ctati,

nunc sub Cardinali tuo Polo, in summo splendore, summisque divitijs & luxibus illic regnant. Ecce itaque Christum in vinculis, omni infamiae ac tormentorum genere confectum, exutum vestibus, & tanquam ovem ductam ad macellum. Et vicissim ecce Barab∣bam latronem, alijsque tragicis facinoribus coopertum, liberatum, exultantem, & ferocientem. Atque ecce milites dividentes inter se spolia Christi. Ecce, inquam, ecce, ut videmus, accidere membris eademmet, quae capiti nostro Christo acciderunt. Necesse enim est ut simus conformes imagini ejus.

In summa. Tuus Cardinalis regnat & triumphat, fruiturque ho∣noribus fere Papalibus, fruitur actione gratiarum, gratulatione ac gloria ex tota Rom. curia, atque ex omni regno hypocritarum: denique fruitur spe potiundi Pontificatus. Verum ••go illi vicis∣sim nuntio, omnes eos qui spiritum Dei sentiunt, (atque hi sunt nostra aetate plures, quam ille forte putet, & quotidie crescit nu∣merus) cogi pejus de illo sentire, ac loqui, quam aut de ipso Iu∣lio III. aut de quovis alio dissolutiore & sceleratiore Cardinale. Quandoquidem tum Antichristus ille, tum reliqui ex Cardinalium grege, aut potius armento, palam a••que aperte nobiscum pugna∣runt: & nunc imprimis pugnant; Quia victoria Poli eos reddit insolentiores. Polus vero insidijs, ac sub praetextu pietatis: Quam∣obrem cum hac aetate, ac in reliqua posteritate, rasi & uncti, at∣que id genus hypocritarum encomijs ac laudi••us illum onerabunt, celebrabúntque, omnes piorum ecclesiae non poterunt non queri, se tam indigne suisse delusas ab eo. Quamquam esset id Polo ut∣cunque serendum, si nullam aliam poenam experturus esset, prae∣ter dedecoris atque infamiae sempiternae. Alia enim eum manet multo gravior. O! iterum illum miserum, infelicémque: Nam non multo post justissimi Dei nostri ita & vindicta aget, aget il∣lum praecipitem in prof••ndum abyssi; ubi cum Dia••olo atque angelis ejus, sempiterno igne cruciabitur.

Illud vero hic addere opus est. Nam sedes illa Rom. stultè sibi persuasit fore, ut nunc tota Germania redeat ad ejus obedientiam; scilicet, quia videt Anglian•• utcunque redijsse: partim circumven∣tam multis fallacijs dolisque, partim apertè vi coactam. Quare cum audierit Comitia Augustae celebrari, ex toto Cardinalium gre∣ge selegit Moronum, quem mitteret eo legatum, hominem, qui in agnoscenda & persequenda veritate persimilis est Card. Polo. Ab eo itaque expectandae ••unt similes fallaciae, similis hypocrisis, atque impietas: ut non lac lacti magis simile sit: qui unum vi∣det, alterum videt.

NUM. LXXXIII. Bradford to Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, concerning the Freewillers, about 1554.

To my dear Fathers, Dr. Cranmer, Dr. Ridley, Dr. Latimer, Priso∣ners in Oxford, for the testimony of the Lord Jesus, and his holy gospel.

ALmighty God, our heavenly father more and more kindle your hearts and affections with his love:* 3.22 that our greatest cros may be to be absent from him, and strangers from our home, and that we may godly contend more and more to please him, Amen, &c.

As for your parts, in that it is commonly thought, your staff stand∣eth next the door, ••ee have the more cause to rejoyce, and be glad, as they which shal come to their fellowes under the Altar. To the which Society God with you bring me also, in his mercy, when it shall be his good plesure.

I have received many good things from you, my good Lord, Master and dear Father, N. Ridley; Fruits I mean, of your good labours. Al which I send unto you again by this bringer [Augustin Benher] one thing except, which he can tell, I do keep upon your further plesure to be known therin. And herewithal I send unto you a little treatise, which I have made, that you might peruse the same: and not only you, but also ye, my other most dear and reverend Fathers in the Lord for ever, to give your Approbation, as ye may think good. Al the prisoners here about in maner have seen it, and read it: and as therin they aggre with me, nay rather with the truth, so they are ready and wil be, to signify it, as they shal se you give them example. The matter may be thought not so necessary, as I seem to make it. But yet if ye knew the great evil, that is like hereafter to come to the posterity by these men, as partly this bringer can signify unto you; Surely then could ye not but be most willing to put hereto your helping hands. The which thing that I might the more occasion you to per∣ceive, I have sent you here a writing of Harry Harts own hand: Wherby ye may see, how Christs glory and grace is like to loose much light, if your sheep quondam be not something holpen by them that love God, and are able to prove, that al good is to be attributed only and wholly to Gods grace and mercy in Christ without other respects of worthines then Christs merits. The effects of salvation they so mingle and confound with the cause, that if it be not seen to, more hurt will come by them, than ever came by the Papists: in as much as their life commendeth them to the world more then the Papists. God is my witnes, that I write not this, but because I would Gods glory, and the good of his peop••e. In Free wil they are plain Papists, yea, Pelagians. And ye know that Modicum fermenti totam Massam corrumpit. They utterly contemn al learning. But hereof shal this bringer show you more. As to the chief captains therefore of Christs church here, I complain of it unto you: as truly I must do of you even

unto God in the last day, if ye wil not, as ye can, help something, Vt veritas doctrinae maneat apud posteros, in this behalf; as ye have done on the behalf of matters expugned by the Papists. God for his mercy in Christ guide you, Most dearly beloved Fathers, with his holy Spi∣rit here, and in al other things, as most may make to his glory, and the commodity of the Church, Amen.

Al here, God therfore be praised, prepare themselves willingly to pledg our Captain Christ, even when he wil, and how he wil. By your good prayers we shal al fare the better; and therefore we al pray you to cry to God for us, as we, God willing, do and wil remember you. My brethren here with me have thought it their duty to signify this need to be no less, then I make it, to prevent the plantations, which may take root by these men.

Yours in the Lord, Robert Ferrar

Rowland Taylor

Iohn Bradford.

Iohn Philpot.

NUM. LXXXIV. The Prisoners for the Gospel, their Declaration concerning K. Ed∣ward his Reformation.

To the King and Queens most excellent Majesties, with their most honorable high court of Parlament.

WE poor Prisoners for Christs religion, require your Honours, in our dear Saviour Christs name,* 3.23 earnestly now to repent, for that you have consented of late to the unplaceing of so many godly lawes, set furth touching the true religion of Christ before, by two most Noble Kings, being Father and brother to the Queens Highnes, and aggreed upon by al your consents; not without your great and many deliberations, free and open disputations, costs and paines taking in that behalf, neither without great Consultations, and conclusions, had by the greatest learned men in the realm, at Windsor, Cambridg and Oxford, neither without the most willing consent, and allowing of the same by the whole Realm throughly: So that there was not one Parish in al England, that ever desired again to have the Romish Superstitions and vaine Service, which is now by the Popish, proud, covetous clergy placed again, in contempt not only of God, al Hea∣ven, and al the holy ghostes lessons in the blessed Bible: but also against the honors of the said two most noble Kings, against your own Country, fore aggreements, and against al the godly consciences with∣in this realm of England, and elsewhere. By reason wherof Gods great plagues must needs follow, and great unquietnes of consciences; besides al other persecutions and vexations of bodies and goods, must

needs ensue. Moreover we certify your honours, that since your said unplaceing of Christs true religion, and true service, and placing in the room therof Antichrist•• Romish Superstition, heresy and idolatry, al the true preachers have been removed, and punished, and that with such open robbery, and cruelty, as in Turky was never used, ei∣ther to their own Countrimen, or to their mortal enemies.

This therfore our humble suit is now to your honourable estates, to desire the same, for al the mercies sake of our dear and only Savior Ie∣sus Christ, and for the duty you owe to your native Country, and to your own souls, earnestly to consider from what light to what dark∣nes this realm is now brought, and that in the weightiest, chief and principal matter of Salvation, of al our souls and bodies everlasting, and for ever more. And even so we desire you at this your assembly, to seek some effectual reformation for the afore written most horrible deformation in this church of England. And touching your selves we desire you in like maner, that we may be called before your Honors; and if we be not able both to prove and approve by the Catholic and Canonical rules of Christs true religion, the church Homilies and Ser∣vice set furth in the most innocent K. Edwards days; and also to dis∣allow and reprove, by the same authorities, the Service now set furth, since his departing; then we offer our bodies, either to be immediately burned, or else to suffer whatsoever other painful and shameful death, that it shal please the King and Queens Majesties to appoint. And we think this trial and probation may be now best, either in the plain English tongue by Writing, or otherwise by disputation in the same tongue. Our Lord for his great mercy sake grant unto you al the con∣tinual assistance of his good and holy Spirit. Amen.

NUM. LXXXV. John Fox to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Queen Maries time: relating to the persecution.

UT singularis vigilantia vestra cum pari conjuncta prudentia, neuti∣quam eget consilijs aut documentis meis,* 3.24 Proceres & Patres inspi∣ciendi, ita nihil vicissim a pudore ac verecundia mea alienius esse possit, quàm summates viros ulla in re interpellare literis. Atutinam hunc naturae affectum, ut hactenus, perpetuò tueri liceret. Nunc vero ubi in eas difficultates, ceu inter Symplegadas, incidimus, ut neque ob∣ticescere sine impietate, nec loqui sine periculo liceat, considerabit, opinor, prudentia vestra non tam quid me deceat, quam quid officij exigat ratio. Quóque gravior sit ad scribendum causa, hoc faciliorem spero impetrabit veniam audacia. Equidem nihil addubito, quin exi∣mia authoritas vestra divinae cujusdam potentiae vicariam nobis imagi∣nem representat in terris, semper & egit sedulo, & actura est, ut cum dignitate vestra, simul publica totius ditionis vestrae tranquillitas salús∣que contineatur. Quid enim aliud vel ab amplissimo hoc loco expe∣ctare, vel de singulari vigilantia vestra suspicari convenit, quam a vo∣bis,

qui Patres sitis Re••p. paratissim•• fore omnia, sicubi vel au∣xilij fidem, vel juvandi voluntatem res communis desiderabit, ut neque facultati vestrae quicquam adjici, nec in voluntate quicquam desiderari poterit Atque enimvero si in ijs duntaxat sita esset Reip. administratio, quae per se satis possent humanae prudentiae praesidia moderari, ni••is insanire videretur, qui vos monendo in∣stituere, hoc est Solem meridianum luce ascititia illustrare spera∣ret. Quanquam n•• id quidem sapientia, opinor, vestra postula∣bit sibi, hujusmodi censeri vos, qui non communi conditione nati cum caeteris▪ pariter cum reliquis mortalibus, etsi minus fortas∣se, at nonnunquam tamen, labi atque exorbitare possitis: Etiamsi humana forent maxime, atque intra proprij ingenij vires clausa, quae ageretis.

Nunc vero cum omnis Reip. gubernatio divin•• sit, magnaque ejus pars in religionis versetur tractatione, longe supra humanum captum ardua, ut alteram partem vobis lubenter tribuimus, ita in altera societatem aliquam consilij haud omnino estis, opinor, asper∣naturi: praesertim cum id non tam siducia arrogantiae aliqua sa∣cimus, quam temporis atque officij necessitate impulsi. Quis enim, vos obtestor, Gravissimi Patres, ferat; quis non deploret; Quem non ad gemitus, ad lacrymas pertrahat, tametsi Angliam nunquam viderit, tantum in Anglia fundi Christiani Sanguinis; tot cives ingenuos, tot liberales & innocentes promiscuè cum soe∣minis viros, capite ac fortunis quotidie periclitari, caedi, exu••i, la∣niari; prope sine modo & numero? Quod si Barbari ex ultima Turcia barbarosa, aut exterae nationis ferus hostis aliunde irrum∣pens in Angliam, tantam hanc gentis nostrae stragem designasset, haud minor fortasse calamitas, aut minor prosectó esset queremo∣nia. Saevitiam etsi omnino per se grave••n, nationis tamen mi∣nueret distinctio. Nunc quorum saluti apud vos potissimum esse perfugium conveniebat, ••osdem vos ipsi capi, exagitari, discerpi, dilacerari, Angli Anglos, Magistratus subditos, Christiani Christia∣nos, cernitis & toleratis. Quique nuper sub Edwardi auspicatissimi Principis divino imperio florentissima tranquillitate, cum domum vitae non securitate modo, sed voluptate etiam utebantur, nunc ij∣dem invertente se rerum humanarum scena, miseris cruciati∣bus vitam, quam tueri nequeunt, deserere coguntur; non quia vi∣ta aut mores mutati ipsorum, sed quia duntaxat tempora mutata sunt.

Et ubi interim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 illa Paulina, ubi Clementia vestra, Mi∣tissimi proceres, ubi inveterata illa semperque laudata etiam erga hostes, Anglorum pietas, si in vestros tam esseri tamque exitiales esse velitis? Scio ingeniorum immensam ac infinitam prope varie∣tatem esse in mundo; apud homines haud secus quam apud bel∣luas. Quidam natura mitiores. Contra sunt, quos natos saevitiae dixeris, ac truculentiae. Alij consuetudine prava hoc vitio dele∣ctantur, Nonnulli rursus ab alijs, ceu contagium, accipiunt. Ve∣rum utcunq••e alijs aliud natura insevit, certe nihil viris genero∣sis tam proprium ac genuinum, nihil naturae ipsorum (si naturae tueri velint) quadrans magis, quam generosa quaedam indoles ac morum ingenuitas: Quae prosit omnibus, officiat nemini, nisi la∣cessita

forte. Ac ne tum quidem, nisi coacta magis, quàm sua sponte: idque magis Reip. ratione, quàm sua saevitia: ac ne tum quidem sui oblivisci potest generosa pietas, semper ad salutem miserorum, quàm perniciem intentior; excusans, patrocinans, sublevans, relinquens, quo misericordiae cognoscentiae esse locus possit.

Ecquae haec nunc tanta hominum, ne dicam, an temporum de∣generatio, in viros, non improbos modo, sed innocenti ac inculpa∣ta vita, a quibus nemo unquam laesus vestrum, aut lacessitus sit, publice simul ac privatim bonos, sic inardescere saevitiam quorun∣dam, ut nulla sit hostium natio tam barbara, ubi non tutius con∣quiescant, quàm apud suos? Quondam apud priscos Romanos plus∣quam sontium censebatur, quod civem in discrimen adduceret ca∣pitis; ubi & octo erant suppliciarum genera▪ quorum mors, ut ul∣tima, ita nisi clarissima, non indicebatur: Q••id quod ne tum quidem deerant etiam vitae defensores, ac libera apud populum actio. Ex quo effectum est, ut eloquentiae studium tanto in ho∣nore ac usu apud omnes esse, ut urbem prope universam ad sui conten••ionem excitaret. Tantus in gentilitio populo patriae amor, ac salutis cura, apud patricios vigebat viros, quorum omnis fere laus in conservandis quamplurimis cerneretur. Atque istos non∣dum ulla religionis inbuerat gratia, tantum natura ipsa, ac litera∣rum humani••as ad tantam excolere potuit civilitatem. Et ô bru∣torum jamdudum in Anglia extinctum genus, quod apud Ethni∣cos natura, quod literae valuerunt civiles, non idem valebit pietas, non Evangelij vig r, non a Christo inculcata toties impetrabit charitas; quin ob quamlibet levem causam, aut nullam potius, ad paenas rapiuntur, adeo frigescente ubique charitate, ut haud sciam, an hoc ipsum capitale futurum sit, quod pro afflictis fratribus mu∣tire audeam; i••••mque in hac re eveniat mihi, quod Iustino olim, pro Christianis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, qui dum pro Martyribus deprecatur, fit & ipse Martyr.

NUM. LXXXVI. Dr. Ridley late Bishop of London to West, formerly his Steward, who had complyed with the Romish religion.

* 3.25I Wish you grace in God, and love of the trueth. Without the which truly established in mans heart by the mighty hand of Almighty God, it is no more possible to stand by the truth in Christs cause, in the time of tribulation, then it is for wax to abide the heat of the fire.

Sir, know you this, that I am (blessed be God) persuaded that this world is but transitory, as S. Iohn saith, Mundus transit & concu∣piscentia ejus.* 3.26 I am persuaded Christs words to be true, Qui me confes∣sus fuerit coram hominibus, I wil confes him before my father, which is in heaven.* 3.27 And I believe that no earthly creature shal be saved, whom the Redeemer and Savior of the world shal before his Father deny. This the Lord grant that it may be so grafted, established, and fixed in my heart, that neither things present, or to come, high or low, life or death, be able to remove.

It is a godly wish that yee wish me depely to considre things pertei∣nyng to Gods honor and glory. But if ye had wished also, that neither fear of death, or hope of worldly prosperity shuld let me to maintein gods word, and his truth, which is his glory and true honour, it wold have liked me very wel.

You desire me for Gods sake to remembre my self. Indeed, Sir, now it is time for me so to do. For so far as I can perceyve, it standeth me of no les daunger, then of the los both of body and soule: And I trow, then it is time for a man to awake, if any thing wil awake him. He that wil not fear him, that threatneth to cast body and soule into ever∣lasting fire, whom wil he fear? Oh Lord, fasten thou together our frayl flesh, that we never swarve from thy Lawes.

You say, you have made much sute for me. Sir, God g••aunt, that you have not, in sueing for my worldly delivera••ce, empaired or hin∣dred the furtheraunce of Gods word and his ••ruth.

You have knowen me long indede, in the which time it hath chaun∣ced me to mislyke some things. It is true, I graunte. For sodeine chaunges without substantial aud necessary causes, and the heady set∣ting furth of extremities, I did never love. Confession to the minister, which is able to instruct, correct, comfort, and enform the weak and ignorant consciences, I have ever thought might do much good in Christs Congregation. And so I assure you I do think, even at this day.

My doctrin and my preaching, you say, you have heard oft: and after your judgment, have thought it godly, saving of the Sacrament. Which thing, although it was of me reverendly handled, and a great deal better than of the rest, as you say, yet in the margent you write (warily, and in this world wysely) thus: And yet methought, not al soundly. Wel, Sir, but I see so many chaunges in the world, and so much alteration, or els at this your saying, I wold not a litle mervayl.

I have taken you for my trustie freynd, and a man, whom I fanta∣sied for plainness and faithfulnes, as much, I ensure you, as for your learning. And have you kept this so close in your heart from me unto this day? Sir, I considre mo things than one; and wil not say al that I think. But what need you to care what I thynke, for any thing that I shal be able to do unto you either good or harm?

You geve me good lessons, to stand in nothing against my learning, and to beware of vain glory. Truly, Sir, herein I like your counsel very wel; and by Gods grace I intend to follow it unto my lyves end.

To write to them whom you name, I cannot se what it wil avayle me. For this I wold now have you know it, I esteme nothing avayla∣b••e for me, which also wil not set furth the glory of God.

And now because I perceive you have an entyre zeal and desire of my deliverance out of this captivitie, and worldly misery; if I shuld not bear you a good heart in God again, methynk I were to blame. Sir, how nigh the day of my dissolution and departure hence out of this world is at hand, I cannot tel. The Lords wil be fulfilled. How soon soever it shal come, I know the Lords words must be verified on me, that I shal appear before the uncorrupt Judge, and be countable to him of al my former lyfe. Although the hope of his mercy is my shote ankor of eternal Salvation; yet am I persuaded, that whosoever wit∣tingly neglecteth and regardeth not to clear his conscience, he cannot have peace with God, nor a lyvely faith in his mercy. Conscience moveth me, considering you were one of my family and of my house∣hold, (of whom then I thynke I had a special cure, and of all them which were in my house, which indede ought to have been an exam∣ple of godlines to al the rest of my cure, not only in godly life, but also in promoting of Gods word, to thuttermost of their power: But now alas! when the trial doth separate the corn from the chaff, how smal a deyl it is God knoweth, which the wynde doth not blow away:) This conscience, I say, doth move me to have fear, lest the lightnes of my family shal be layd unto me, for lack of more earnest and dili∣gent instructions, which shuld have been doon. But blessed be God, which hath geven me grace to se my default, and to lament it from the bottome of my heart, before my departure hence. This Conscience also doth move me now to require both you, and my freynd Dr. Har∣vy, to remembre your promises made to me in time past, of the pure setting furth and preaching of Gods word and his truth. These pro∣mises, although you shal not nede to fear to be charged with them of me hereafter before the world; Yet look for none other, I exhort you as my freynds, but to be charged with them at Gods hand.

This Conscience, and the love that I bear unto you, byddeth me now say to you both in Gods name; Fear God, and love not the world; for God is able to cast both body and soul into hel fire. Cum exarserit in brevi ira ejus, beati omnes, saith the Psalme, qui confidunt in eo. And the saying of S. Iohn is true, Quicquid est in mundo,* 3.28 veluti concupiscentia carnis, & concupiscentia oculorum, & fastus vitae,* 3.29 non ex patre, sed ex mundo est. Et mundus transit, & concupiscentia ejus. Qui autem facit voluntatem Dei manet in aeternum. If these gifts of grace, which undoubtedly are necessarily required unto eternal salvation, were truly and unfeignedly grafted, and firmely stablished in mens

hearts, they wold not be so light, so sodaynly to shrink from the main∣tenance and confession of the truth, as it is now, alas! seen so mani∣festly, of so many in these dayes.

But here peradventure ye wold know of me, what is the truth. Sir, Gods word is the truth, as S. Iohn saith, and it is even the same that was heretofore. For albeit man doth vary and chaunge, as the Moon, yet Gods word is stable and abydeth for evermore. And of Christ it is truly said,* 3.30 Christus heri & hodie, idem etiam in secula.

When I was in office, al, that were esteemed for learned men in Gods word, aggreed this to be a truth in Gods word written: that the Common prayers of the Church shuld be had in the common tongue. You know I have conferred with many, and I ensure you, I never found man, so far as I do remembre, neyther old nor new▪ Go∣speller or Papist, of what judgm••nt soever he was, in this thing to be of a contrary opinion. If then it were a truth of Gods word, think you, that the Alteration of the world can make it now an untruth? If it cannot, why do men, so many, shrink from the confession and maintenance of this truth, once received of us al? For what is it, I pray you, else to confes or deny Christ in this world, but to confes and maintain the truth taught in Gods word, nor for any worldly respect to shrynke from the same? This one have I brought but for an exam∣ple. Other things be in like case, which now particularly I nede not to rehearse. For he that wil forsake wittingly, eyther for fear or gain of the world, any one open truth of Gods word, if he be strayned, he wil assuredly forsake God and al his truth, rather then he wil endaun∣ger hymself eyther to loose, or to leave that he loveth indede better, then he doth God and the truth of his word.

I lyke therin very wel, your plain speaking, wherin you say, I must eyther aggree or dy: and I thynk you mean of the bodily death, which is common both to good and bad. Sir, I know I must dy, whether I aggree, or no. But what folly were it then to make such an aggree∣ment, by the which I could never escape this death; which is so com∣mon to al; and also I might incur the guilt of eternal death and dam∣nation?

Lord graunt, that I may utterly abhor and detest this damnable ag∣greement so long as I lyve.

And because I dare say, you wrot of frendship to me this short er∣nest advertisement, and I think verily wyshing me to lyve, and not to dy: Therfore bearing you in my hear no less love in God, then you do me in the world; I say to you In verbo Domini, that except you, (and this I say to you I say to al my frends and lovers in God) except ye con∣fes and mainteyn, to your power and knowledg, thyngs which be grounded upon Gods word, but wil eyther for fear, or gayn of the world, shrynke and play the Apostata, indede you shal dy the death. You understand what I mean. And I beseech you, and al my true freynds and lovers in God, remembre what I say. For this peradven∣ture

may be the last time, that ever I shal write to you. From Bocardo in Oxenford, theighth day of April, Anno 1554.

Yours in Christ, Nicolas Rydley.

NUM. LXXXVII. John Hopton Bishop of Norwich, to the Earl of Sussex, giving account of the joy conceived, and Te Deum sung, for the newes of the Queens being brought to bed of a Noble Prince.

RIght honorable, and my singular good Lord. After mine humble commendations,* 3.31 with like thanks for your honorable and gentle letters sent to me, touching the behaviour of the Curate of Bokenham, and the reformation of other enormities there; It may please you to understand, that I did send immediatly for the said Curate, and the Church-wardens and the Quest-men there. And upon their appear∣ance with twelve or fourteen of the most substantial men of the parish, and upon due examination, I could perceive none other thing, but al things to be wel, and decently ordered, and provided for at this holy time of Easter, contrary to the information given to your good Lord∣ship. And if there had been any thing amiss, they should have been punished according to their demerits. Beseeching your good Lordship, if any further knowledg come to you, either for that Town, or any other, concerning the Reformation of my jurisdiction, or the negli∣gence of mine Officers, that I may be advertised therof, and have your favorable ayd and assistance. And I shal do the best I can for my discharge.

And wher it pleased your honorable Lordship to wil me to take a dinner, or a supper with you in the time of my Visitation, I humbly thank you therfore most heartily. Beseeching your Lordship, when occasion shal serve you to visit this city, that ye wil vouchsafe to take this my poor house at your commandment; wherunto your Lordship shalbe as welcome as unto your own.

Further, I understand that Mr. Mayor here hath certified your Lord∣ship of the sudden good news brought to us by one of the city, of the Queens highnes most joyful deliverance of a Noble Prince. Wher∣upon to laud God Te Deum was solemnly songen in the Cathedral church, and other places of the city, with wonderful joy and much gladnes of al people throughout the whole city, and the country ther∣abouts. And if ye have any further knowledg therof, I beseech your honorable Lordship, that I may be partaker of the same by this bringer, my servant, whom I send purposely therfore, as knoweth the Holy

Ghost; who preserve your Lordship in continual health and honor. At Norwich, the thred of May 1555.

Your Lordships assuredly, Iohn Norwich.

Postscripta. I received even now knowledg from a friend of mine of two witnesses more of the good and joyful newes above written, as this said bringer can declare to your good Lordship.

Iohn Norwich.

NUM. LXXXVIII. A Proposition in the Convocation against Residence. With Reasons for the said Proposition; and Remedies against Non-residence.

Decretum perpetuae Residentiae juxta Canonum Sanctiones optant pij, sed mul∣ta sunt,* 3.32 quae hodie impediunt, quo minus suum effectum juxta bonorum virorum vota consequatur.

The Reasons.

I. THE Statutes of the Kingdome, not disallowed, as we hear, by the Pope, do permit to the Barons, and other great men of the kingdome, a certain number of Priests, having cure of souls.

II. Not only the Statutes of the kingdom, but the Canons do per∣mit Bishops a certain number of fellow workers, to assist them.

III. Bishops and Prelates, who by reason of their great learning, prudence, integrity of life, and high faith, are chosen to be the Kings Counsillors, and whose counsils are very necessary for the restoring of religion, ought not, as it seems, to be compelled to perpetual Re∣sidence.

IV. When the Barons and other great men may be retained in the orthodox faith, by the doctrin, honesty, age and frequent exhortations of Reverend men, it seems not convenient, that such men should be driven from them; provided they do reside a good part of the year upon their Churches.

V. Since the Dispensation of two or three benefices hath been grant∣ed by former Princes to some Priests, for the merit of their life and maners, they cannot without injury be deprived of them; Nor yet can they in al respects reside personally and perpetually.

VI. When many have designed their sons for the Universities, and have been at no smal charges to give them learning, because they have entertained good hope, that they might hereafter be assistant to their friends and relations: this hope being gone, their care about this matter wil also grow cold, otherwise of it self cold enough. For as he said, Where there is no honor, there is no Art.

VII. The houses of the Rectories in many places are either ruined, or none at al, or let out by Indentures.

• Going to the Court of Rome.
• Going to a General Councel.
• Going to a Synod, or Parlament.
• Violent detaining.

Remedies.

That there be a les number of those that follow the Court, who heap up benefices upon benefices.

That they who have many Benefices, reside a certain time upon each.

That a way be found, wherby such as live in Towns and Cities may be forced to pay Personal tiths. Which being now almost quite taken a way, the Benefices in such places are in a great part lessened.

When some of the Bishops, by reason of the slendernes of their pos∣sessions, cannot afford Stipends to the Priests, their fellow laborers, that they who serve them reside for a certain time of the year in their own parishes.

That Rectors, who heretofore have payd pensions to Monasteries in ready mony, be not now compelled to pay the same in bread-corn to Lay-proprietors.

That in Woody places, where the custome hath alwayes obtained, tith may be payd of Sylvae caeduae [that is, Wood that is cut to grow again,] especially when there is a great scarcity of corn in such places.

Parishes are not divided jure divino. Whence followeth, that as many Benefices may be layd into one, so one, by reason of the great∣nes of it, may be divided into two.

NUM. LXXXIX. Pole Cardinal Legate, to Archbishop Cranmer, in answer to the Letter he had sent to the Queen.

ALmighty God the Father, by the grace of his only son, god and man,* 3.33 that dyed for our sins, may geve yow trew and perfect repentance. This I daylie pray for my self being a Synner: but I thank God never obstinate synner. And the same grace the more ear∣nestly I do pray for to be geven to them that be obstinate, the more neade they have thereof, being otherwise past al mannes cure, and admonition to save them. As your open sayings, in open audience, doyth show of yow. Which hath cawsed, that those judges, that hath syt apon the examination of your greviouse fautes, seing no lykelod of ony repentaunce in yow, hath utterlie cast awaye al hope of your recoverie: Whereof doith follow the most horrible sentence of condempnation, both of your body and soule, both your temporal death and eternal. Which is to me so great an horrour to here, that if there were ony way, or mean, or fashion, that I might fynd to re∣move you from errour, bryngeng yow to the knowledge of the truth, for your Salvation: This I testifie to you afore God, apon the Salvati∣on of myne owne sowle, that I would rather chuse to be that meane, that yow might receive this benefyt by me, then to receive the great∣est benefyt for my self, that can be geven under heaven in this world: I easteme so moch the salvation of one sowle.

And becawse it happened to me to see your private lettres directed to the Qwenes Highnes, sent by the same unto me, wherein you utter and express such appearaunt reasons, that cause yow to swarve from the rest of the Church, in these Articles of the authoritie of the Pope, and of the Sacrament of the aulter, Concluding with these words,

That if ony man can show yow by reason, that the authoritie of the Pope be not prejudicyal to the wealth of the realm, or that your doctrine in the Sacrement be erroneous, then you wold never be so perverse to stond wylfullie in your own opinion: but shal with al humilitie submytt your self to the truthe in al things, and gladly em∣brace the same:

Thise your words, written in that lettre, geveth me some occasion, desyring your wealth, not utterly to dispayr there∣of; but to attempt to recover yow by the same way, that yow open unto me: Which is, by reason to show yow the error of your opini∣on, and withal the light of the treuthe in both causes. But whither this may healp yow indede, or bring you to revoke the same, with trew repentaunce, this I know not; and I fear moche the contrarie. For that I see the ground and begynning, how you fel into errour in both thise articles, not to be of that sort, that maketh men common∣ly to fall into errours and heresies. Which sort and way is by medling with your wyt and discourse natural, to examen the Articles of the faith▪ Makeing your reason judge thereof, which ought to bee judged and ruled by the tradition of the faith. Which abuse causeth men dayly to fall into errours and heresies. And the same also is in yow,

and is joyned with that yow have done. But here standeth not the grownde of your errour, nor yet in this other common maner of faulling from the trouthe, which S. Paul noteth in the Gentiles, and is in al me•• commonlie that followeth their sensual appetites, Qui veri∣tatem D••i in injustitia detinent: Which thing also hath been occasion of your ••rrour. But yet not this is the very grownde thereof, but a fur∣ther sawte: that you geveng your othe to the truthe, yow mocked with the same, as the Iewes mocked with Christ, when thei saluted him saing, Ave Rex Iudaeorum, and afterwards did crucifie hym. For so did yow to the Vicar of Christ, Knowledgeng the Pope of Rome by the words of your othe, to be so, and in mynde entendeng to cruci∣fie the same authoritie. Whereof came the plague of deape igno∣raunce and blyndnes unto yow. Which is now that bringeth you to this greivous peryl, to perish both bodie and sowle. From which pe∣ril no reason can deliver yow.

But yow discovereng your self, touching the entrie, when yow shuld make the customable othe of al legitimate Busshops in Christen∣dom, which is the dore for you to entre to the service of God, in the highest spiritual office withyn this realme, and seeing you made the same but for a countenaunce, nothing meaneng to observe that yow promised by the othe; this is a dore, that every thieffe may entre bye. This is not the dore that thei entre by, that mean earnestlie the service of God. Wherein the Prophets sentence is playne, askeng this que∣stion, Quis ascendet in montem Domini? aut quis stabit in loco sancto ejus? And then answering to the same sayeng, Innocens manibus, & mundo corde, qui non accepit in vano animam suam, nec juravit in dolo proximo suo. Haec est generatio quaerentium Dominum, quaerentium faciem Dei Iacob. So that yow now entryng to the mownteyne of God, which was to that high Archbushoprick, and to the Primacie in the realme, by a cleane contrary way, which is, as yow confesse your self by a fayned othe, by fraud, and dissimulation, what more playne sentence can be against yow, if yow have a thousand reformations in your mynde, then that al this doith not make, that this shuld be the way to the trew service of god, nor that yow, useng a false othe, shuld be of that generation, which with their hart sought god, but utterlye con∣cludeth against yow, that if those that absteine from al deceit with their neighbour, speciallie in othe, be blessed of God, he that confes∣seth to have used such dissimulation in his othe, not with one neigh∣bour or twayne, but with the hole realme, with the hole church, what can he receve, but the malediction of god? What can more evident∣lie show that man to be none of that generation that seketh god? As if there were none other proffe, that followed in your acts, such a de∣ceitful and shameful entrie, doith manifestly declare; and most of al, one of the furst acts yow did after this. Which was to pluck the rest of the realme (of whom yow had chief cure) out of the House of God, bryngeng them furthwyth into the Schisme.

And that we see now, that the hole realm by the high mercy of God, beyng brought into the House of God agayn, there to receive his grace and benediction: and this to be done by those princes, and those ministers, Qui non acceperunt in vano animam suam, nec jur ave∣runt in dolo proximo suo: your person yet remayneng without, depri∣ved

of the grace graunted to them, what doith this showe, but that it is the just sentence of god against yow, for your deceitful entrie into his service; and the mercy of God toward them, that not wyllenglie went furth; but by your traiterous means were thrust out?

So that here now I have told yow, whither yow heare me, or no, the very cause of your blyndnes and ignoraunce: Which is the ven∣geaunce of god against yow, for your dissimulation and perjurie, to him and to the hole church, at your ent••eng to the high service thereof. Wherby yow have deserved to be cast out of the howse of god, which is the church, in tenebras exteriores, ubi est fletus, & stri∣dor dentium. Which is the place and state, wherein I see ••ow now lye; and the same I saw so evidently in your lettres, from the begyn∣neng to the eand, as nothing can be more playne: yow showeng your self in the same to be so ignoraunt, that you know not those things, which be evident to every man: which everie man, that hath any exteriour light, by experience and knowledge of things past, doith know—

Here much is wanting.

that be once of the church as dead bodies, when the spirit is out. But to al that be within the body of the Church, this geveth comfort and liffe, as the spirit doith to the bodie. And this shal be sufficient to say for everie mans information of the truthe in this matter, that will beleave, other that old or late experience, or the contynual doctryne of the hole church, hath taught in everye christen realm. Whereof none ever found this fawte, that the Popes Lawes Spiritual were not to be exercised, because the same could not aggree with their politick lawes: but rather found fawte, when the Pope himself, or his Mini∣sters▪ did let the course of those lawes, which aggreed with everie politick body, as the Sowle of man with al complexions, and forme of body. And when they were stopped, then semed to be stopped the breath and liffe of justice, as no realme can gyve, as I sayd afore, greater or surer testimonye than ours. For when the authoritie and lawes of the Pope did flourish in the realm, al justice florished wythal; and that stopped and cast out, as it was thise latter yeares, al good justice, and civil maner of lyvyng was stopped and cast furth withal.

So that when you came furst to mervayle of a thing never seen, nor harde of afore in this realm that a Busshop, made by the Popes au∣thority, shuld not be deposed, without his authoritie, what doith this show, but a deap blyndnes and ignoraunce of the use of the law in this realme, ever continual, and never broken of ony just prynce, un∣tyl yow your self were made Busshop: Which healped them to break al good lawes and customes of the realme; and then afterward to make this for a great reason, that the Popes lawes shuld not be now agayn admytted, for then yow say, al the hole realm that cast out his authoritie, must nedes knowledg themself accursed: Which god, yow say, forefend. And this yow show yow cannot abyde, for no∣thing by ony maner that the realme shuld knowledg themself accur∣sed: Which they cannot, yow say, avoide, if thei admyt the Popes

law, as good. This word yow shuld have sayd afore the realm had cast furth the Pope's authoritie, for to have let••ed them from their faull into the curse; and this had bene the very part of a good Bus∣shop. But after that thei were faullen from the lawes, which thei had admytted afore, and therby ronne into the curse, (which you say cannot be avoyed of them that hath ones admytted them) Then I with al good and catholick men, do say, god ••ore••end, they after this shuld not knowledg their state to be accursed. Which if thei dyd not, thei could never be absolved from the curse. And he that forbeddeth now the knowledge of the same▪ doith in effect procure, that being ac∣cursed indede, thei remayne ever accursed. This is your monstrous and blynde love yow pretend to bear to the realme, being accursed your self, and blynded in the knowledg of your state, to have the hole realm remayne styl accursed. But the true affection thise two Catho∣lick princes beare to the realm, with the bloode of those that resisted th•• swarveng from the Popes authoritie, hath obteyned of the high mercy of God, that the hole realme hath with repentaunce knowledg∣ed their evel state thei stode in, syneth the leaveng of the authoritie of the Pope in the realme, and with repealing of those lawes, made con∣trary, have asked absolution, and received it, and be delivered of al curse, received into the grace of go••, and brought into the churches lapp again: thei onelie left out, that doith refuse this grace, and hath not so moche grace to accept it. Whereof if ony should be deprived, none hath deserved it more by the just wrath of God to be deprived, then he that was chief doer, to make the realm lese it, as yow; by showeng your self in this to be the verie membre of Satan, both then, but most of al now. Which deprived of grace of repentaunce hym∣self, wold draw al other to his dampnation, and dissuadeth al retorne to grace.

This your charitie yow now show to your contrie, which, as I said hitherto, is very vengeaunce of God toward yow. Of the which this great blyndnes gyveth a great testimonie, that yow show in your let∣tre, writeng of thise thynges, as though yow had never knowledge what had been done in the realme afore your tyme, nor what was the state of your time, nor yet what is the state of the realm at this pre∣sent, bryngeng for a great inconvenient, that if the Parlament shuld accept the lawes of the Pope, thei shuld be constrayned to repeal those that were done against his lawes and authoritie: As though this were not so done already. And showeng so great ignoraunce, both touch∣ing the doctrine of the church, and in this ••oyncte touching the Popes authoritie, and the experience of the custome of the realm, yet yow conclude, that ignoraunce might excuse other men, how prejudicyal the canon lawes be to the wealth of the realm, if thei wold accept the same. But you cannot be excused by ignoraunce. And seeing in this the very trouthe, that ignoraunce cannot excuse yow, as in trouthe it cannot, being of that kynde it is. But if that do not excuse you, then malice doith condempne yow: Which is the very cause to bring you to ignoraunce inexcusable, both in this poincte of the authoritie of the Pope, as in the doctrine of the Sacrement: Wherin it is no lesse mon∣strous. And this yow show most, where yow think to speak with lesse obstinacy. As where yow say, that if thei that follow the Popes

doctrine herei••, could bryng in but one old auncyent Doctor of the Church of their opinion, you have offred afore, as yow offer yet, to g••ve place unto them, and to consent to the same. What a proffe is this to show your profound blyndnes? If there be no let but this, be∣cause yow see not of the old Doctors, at the least one, that were against yowr opinion, in the defence of the Popes doctrine, other men seeing so many, and not one auncient approved doctor that ever dissented, what a wonderful blyndnes is this, not to see one against yow? For this is playne, when the Pope showeth his sence and do∣ctrine in this Article, he doith not speak thereof, as of an Article, that he himself hath newly found, nor yet ony of his predecessours, but that al hath uniformally received one of another of their fathers, unto the Apostles tyme, and they of Christ. Which argument is so strong, so evident to the condempnation of your opinion, and confir∣matyon of the Popes, that manie sage and learned men writing against the opinion yow follow, being diverse sortes of arguments to confound the same, set apart al form of reasoneng, and onelie stick upon the testimony and uniforme consent of al the old Doctors of the Church to this day. Which testimonies be so meny, that they fyll up great books; as amongst other, my Lord of Durham at this present, in his book written of this matter, taketh this way, to ground hymself most apon, the perpetual consent of the old Doctors, continuing unto this age: and al against your opinion. Which book is abrode, and hath been seen of yow.

Then if yee wil think him of so smal judgment or knowledge, that in such a nombre as he bringeth, there is not one, that maketh to his purpose, but al for your purpose, whom he entendeth to oppugne, other this must prove a wonderful blyndnes in hym, and not in hym alone, but in so menie learned men, that taketh the same way; or ells in yow▪ that amongst so menye testimonies, som more clerer then som, not to see so moche as one alone: this is an evydent proff, that yee be stark blynd. For if yee were not, if it were but one brought furth unto yow, as is mentioned in that book, the condempnation of Berengarius, that was of your opinion; and that done by a General Councel of all the Nations in Chrystendom; growndeng it self upon the uniform doctrine of their forefathers; Were not this enough, yf yow had yies to see, to show that more then one old Doctor were of the Popes doctrin? And if this be not sufficyent proff unto yow, the same being enough to Berengarius hymself, which was converted ther∣by, and persuaded to recant his opinion; what doth this show, but that he was not utterly blynded, but that he saw some testimonie against hym, yow utterly to have lost al syght, that se not so moch as one.

But of this your monstrous blyndnes I mervell the less, the more I see the same to procede of the very justice and wrath of God against yow; with whom yow mocking on that maner as yow showed in co∣myng in such a high place, in service of the church, as was to be Archbishop and Primate of the Realm, as to swere in dolo, not onlye Proximo, but Vniversae Ecclesiae: Wylleng afterward to pervert the old order of the churche, which yow called a Reformation, me se∣meth to here the very words and curse of S. Paul, that lighted upon

the false Prophet Bariesu, letting the coorse of the doctrine Evange∣lical preached by hym, when he then curseng hym, said, O! plene omni malo, & omni fallaciâ, fili diaboli, inimice omnis justitiae, non desi∣nis pervertere vias Domini rectas? Et ecce nunc manus Domini super te, & eris caecus, non videns solem, usque ad tempus. The effect of this I do see hath lighted upon yow; for entreng by deceit to be a chieff Do∣ctour in the church, perverteng Vias Domini rectas, to be blynded, I pray God it be but ad tempus. But hitherto I have not known a more deaper blyndnes. And if that was ponnyshment of that false prophet, to lese his corporal syght for a tyme, that being an infidelle, for very ignoraunce did put obstacle to the very trew doctrine of the faith never hard of afore, to be blynded corporallie for a tyme, yow that first knew the doctrine, and preached the same, which afterward yow do pervert, if yow were stricken with a gretter, and more nota∣ble blyndnes, the which yow show now, this is evident to come of the verie hond of god, which mans hond cannot heale, but only the hond of god, that justlie ponnyshed yow therewithal. And the sorer and more desperate cure is of this your blyndnes, the more yow acquyett your self therein: as though yow had a great gift of light above al other. For so yow show in your lettres, persuadeng your self to have found a way in teacheng the doctrine of the Sacrament of the aulter, that other hath not seen: Which is to take away the absurdity both to the sence and reason of man, that is in the catholick doctrine, touch∣eng the Sacrement of the aulter, as yow say, in that forme of bread and wyne, to be the verie trew real presence of the body of Christ, and that it is his body and bloode that is showed in the forme of bread and wyne, what reason wil admytt this? What sence? And how moche probable were this, if this doctrine were taught, as yow teach it, to say, that yow see in the forme of bread and wyne, is a figure on∣ly of the body of Christ that is in heaven; whom in spirit in that fi∣gure yow do honour. This maner no doubt were more probable say∣eng to the ears of men that judge things, other by reason or by sence. But the more probable it is, the more false it is, the great Sophister and father of al lyes ever deceaving us by probabilitie of reason, pro∣ponyng ever that which is more aggreable to the sence, But the trew doctrine of Christ is taught by another way.

Here is another deficiency.

being faullen therein not so moche for fawte or abuse of reason, as by malice against reason And such, I say, no hand can cure, no reason, no discourse; but onlie that it please the high mercy of god, that doith chastise your malicious handleng of the truth, with such ignoraunce and darknes, to withdraw his hond of vengeaunce apon yow: for otherwise you heareng reason, and seeing some light thereof, yet yow have not so moche grace, as to receive it, nor follow it.

This is the thing I greatlie fear in yow, haveng knowledge of your procedyng syneth your furst notable errour in rejecteng the doctryne of the Popes Supremi••ie, and afterward of the Sacrement; which as I said afore, was not after the common maner of faulleng, as other

did, by curiositie, or by frailtie, but by deliberate malice, to forsake the trouthe in both poinctes, to satisfie your carnal appetites, to the which yow dissembleng furst, and mockeng with the treuthe, and af∣terward openlie forsakeng the same, did serve you. Which as yet yow do not knowledg: and this must be the first things, that you shuld knowledg, makeng open confession with repentaunce thereof, if yow shal ever come to receive ony fructe of the mercy of god.

So that if I now, that desire your recover, shuld go about by way of discourse, or argument, to bryng yow from your errour to the truth, this must be the furst poyncte, to show how you fell into the same darkness, to the entent that God so moche remytteng his hond of justice, that yow may se your abhomination in abuseng the truth, you might knowledge by feare the justice of god, in letteng yow faul into so great darkness; and by the hope of his infinite mercy caull to hym for grace to be restored to some lyght of his infallible veritie. And this I with al my heart prayeng for yow, in the mean season, un∣tyl God give yow the grace to do the same for your self, shal withal open unto yow the maner of your faulle.

Touching your furst Article of the Popes authoritie, which I nede not open ony further then you have opened your self, nor cannot bet∣ter express it, then you have set it furth, I haveng no knowledge thereof, but by your own sayng and wryting, for defence of perjurie objected to yow. And now mark yow wel, if yow have any sence of knowledge left unto yow to see your self and your own dedes, if ever there were hard such kynd of a defence, in ony perjurie of onie man, that had left hym onye light of reason, or knowledge of justice. Which for to know, furst yow must be put in remembrance of the kynde of your othe, and the maner of makeng thereof. The kynd was such, that it was no new othe, but the very same, that al Arch∣busshops of Canterburie, which be Primates of this realme, al Arch∣busshops, and Busshops, in every christen realme, doith accustomable make to the Popes holines, as to the Vicar of Christ in earth, swear∣ing to hym obedience: Such was your othe. And as touching the maner of makeng of it, none could be more solempne; being made in the hond of a Busshop, with the testimonye and assistence of other Busshops, openly in the Church, in the presence of as moche people as the church could hold; at such tyme as yow arraid with the sa∣cred vesture of a Busshop, cam afore the aultre to be consecrated Archbusshop. Al this yow cannott, nor do not denye; nor yet that after al this solempne and open othe, yow did directlie and openlie against the same. Which must necessarilie condempne yow of per∣jurie.

But this necessarie consequence yow denie; granteng notwithstond∣yng to have done contrary to the oth. But yow say for your defence, that where yow went to make the othe, even then yow never thought to observe it. And least this shuld be an inconvenient, and a thing moche dommagious unto your fame and eastimation▪ if it were not wel known, that you swore one thing in the most solempne f••shion yow could, and ment another, here yow bring such a testimony by wryting, yow bryng furth a previe Protestation, made with previe witnesses, haveng the hond and signe of the Notarie, to prove that

when yow went to make that solempne othe yow were nothing mynd∣ed to observe it. Which former Protestation, whereto doith it serve, but to testify a doble perjurie, which is to be forsworne afore yow did swere. Other perjurers be wont to break their oth after they have sworne, yow brake it afore. Quis sapiens & intelliget haec, & intelli∣get malitiam Satanae? And a wonderful aggravation of the wrath of God towards yow.

But let the malice of Sathan be furst considered, in deludeng yow, when yow thought to delude other. This delusion was this: That because it had bene hard some Protestations to be made, also of some good men, in a case, when thei not beyng at their own choise and li∣bertie, when per vim & metum, qui aliquando cadit in constantem vi∣rum, they be made to swere to that, which afterward they have done contrarie to their former oth: In which case a Protestation, excu∣seng the Wil, and alledgeng the feare, hath some colour of defence: This, I say, yow hearyng, and S••than puttyng yow in remembrance hereof, with the similitude of this deluded yow; Makeng yow be∣leve, that such a kynd of Protestation might serve for a premeditate perjurie. Wherunto yow were not driven, nother vi, nor metu, as yow were not in this your case: except yow caul that a just fear, that yow dyd s••e, if yow did not sweare, you could not satisfie your am∣bition and covetousnes, in haveng the Busshoprick. For so it was, Leave yow thise two affections, care yee not for to be made Busshop, and who dyd constrayne yow to sweare? Were yee not by that refuse quite delivered of al necessitie to sweare? This also ye cannot denye. Whereunto therefore serveth your Protestation made by the hand of a Notarie, but to make your previe perjurie more notoriouslie known, but to make it known to the world, that yow entreng to the rule of a part of the flock of Christ, yow entred not in by the dore; and not entreng by the dore, but aliunde, what comfort could your flock loke for to have by yow? But that which Christ saith to follow of those, Qui non intrant per ostium, ••ed aliunde, to be stealers and thieffs, Qui non intrant nisi ut mactent, & perdant; as the effect hath shewed by yow.

But here yow deceive your self again, and wold deceive other, makeng your defence of your simulate oth, that yow dyd the same so, for the more service of God, haveng in your mynd then to reform the church, to the which being no way, but to make that oth for a countenance; this yow thought for such a purpose might be accepta∣ble afore god: and also entreng by the authoritie of the Pope, called by hym, that had authoritie to name yow: then yow think it cannot be justlie of onie man objected unto yow, that yow did not entre by the dore. And this trulie if you could have kept your own counsil, toucheng me, I durst not object the same unto yow, seeyng nothing outwardlie, but as that yow were lawfullie called and institute Busshop. And of your inward I wo••d not make my self judge.

More wanting here.

and see, as is the furst poyncte in your lettres; Where yow make a

great mervayle, sayng it to be a thing, that was never seen in the realme, that to condempne any subject thereof, justice shuld be sought of a forreyn power, as is the Popes. How this is to be called a For∣reyn power, I wil declare afterward. For this I do not mervel, if yow do not wel know, not being so open to them that lacketh spiri∣tual doctrine, nor of that ignoraunce I do not speak now, but of that outward light and knowledge, which is open to every man by experi∣ence. The which yow not knoweng, it may be wel said, yow be cast In tenebras exteriores, and that yow have lost both interiour and exte∣riour knowledge of things. For so yow show in this case, where yow say, it was never seen in the realm, that to condemne ony subject there∣of to death, shuld be required ony other sentence, then that comyth from the Imperial Crowne of the realm, and their temporal lawes. Wherein that which I note furst is this, that in that place yow seme to lament, that being condempned alredie, as yow say, by the lawes of the realme, of high treason, this dilation is geven to your death, not to suffre, afore al such things as be layd to your charge, were furst known at Rome, this being natural unto al that be in jeopardie of liffe, if they cannot hope by ony just de••eance to extue the same, at the least to have tyme al desire: followeng that proverb, In space comyth grace. The which natural affect being extinct in yow, this followeth withal, natural knowledge to be extinct, as in the proheme of your lettre is more declared.

And now to come neerer to that yow say was never seen, that onye subject to be condempned, had nede of ony outward Iustice, calleng owtward justice, the Canon lawes, that come from the Pope. To this I say, the experience and use of the lawes, and justice in this realme, doith show clene contrarie to your mervel, that it was never seen in the realm, afore the tyme of your malicious oth, that there was ever ony man condempned for the crime of heresies, by the mere justice that comyth from the temporal lawes, but al were first declared to be such by the spiritual lawes of the Canons, which yow call forreyne lawes. And this beside I say, afore that same tyme, of al other crimes, as treason and other, there was never spiritual man put to execution, accordeng to the ordre of the lawes of the realm, but he were furst by the Canon Laws condempned, disgraded, and then gyven to the tem∣poral hondes. Wherof there be as menye examples, afore the tyme of breakeng the old ordre of the realm thise last years, as hath bene delinquents. Let al the records be sene; and speciallie this is notable of the Busshop of — which being emprisoned here for high trea∣son, the king wold not procede to his condempnation and ponnish∣ment, afore he had the Popes bull geveng hym.

And this is the trade of justice, which the King and Qwene use with yow at this tyme, beyng condempned of treason, being consecrate Busshop, to have the Popes sentence from Rome afore yow suffre: Which maner of proceding, you say, was never afore in the Realm: and the practise and experience in like cases doith show never to have bene otherwise, afore the tyme of your notable perjurie. And so Ca∣tholick Kings, as it pertayneth to the privilege of the See of Rome, when they be crowned, doith sweare.

And now look what ignorance is this, to think that the like was ne∣ver sene in the realme, when it was never seen otherwise, amongst those princes, that were counted to be in the obedience of the Lawes of Christ, and of the Church.

But now to come to that yow speak of, the Popes law and power: Which after a seditious maner of speakeng, yow call A forreyne power, this stondeth under such a fashion, if God leave yow so moch sence to understond what I say, that the Popes power can no more be called Forreyn power, comyng not of man alone, but of hym that is god and man, that was secundus hom••, de coelo coelestis, then may be called a Forreyn power, that the sowle of man comyng from heaven, hath in the body generate in earth. And so it is in the po••itick body of this realme, ruled with politick lawes, founded by m••ns reason, that be called Temporal lawes: To them comyng the Popes laws spiritual doith no other, but that the sowle in the body, to gyve liffe to the same; to confirme and strengthen the same. And this is it the Aun∣gel speakeng in Christes conception, and declareng what his authoritie shuld be, signifyed, saing, he shuld sytt Super Domum Davyd, which was a temporal reigne, ut confirmet illud & corroboret. And so doith the spiritual lawes, procedynge of his Spirit: As be the lawes of the Church, and canon lawes. Which wheresoever thei be wel observed, doith this effect, ever to confirme and stablish the temporal lawes of the realm, as no realm hath had more experience then this, ever s••neth the tyme they received the faith, and obedience of the Pope; from whom came theyr doctrine of the faith. There was never notable trou∣ble in the realm of ony kynd, if it dured ony space, but it was ever lightly eased, and the realm established by some Legate sent from the Pope and the See of Rome, following the prescript of the Canons, and the Spiritual Law: Without the which no realme can wel be govern∣ed, but al be like to the Thornbush: Whereof it is written In libro Iudi∣cum, when the Sichimites had chosen a Tyrannie over them, against the law of God, then it was prophesied unto them, what shuld come thereof, which was that fire shuld come furth of that thorne, which was their King, that shuld devoure the people, and from the people, to burne hym, as it was, and ever shal be, where mere temporal lawes, without spiri∣tual, doith rule. Which state may be compared to be like such a thorne, whereof fire doith come furth, to the destruction, both of the governour and the people. And how the lawes of the realme might be wel likened to such a thorne, after that the spiritual authoritie was cast furth, the destruction of such a sort of men, of al degrees, both great and smal, the great spoyles that were taken, may geve sufficient proff to al them, that hath ony sence, or remembraunce of things so lately done.

And now comyng again to the spiritual authoritie and Law, to joyn it self with the Temporal, this is like to the fyer that Moyes saw In ru∣bo: which gave li••ht, and dyd not burne, nor never doith, when it is wel used. And if it be not wel used, the faute is in the persons, and not in the thing; as the faute is not in the Temporal lawes, when the Prynce doith abuse them; howbeit of their nature they be tan∣quam s••inae, as was also Moyes law, sharp to which was mitigate••; and so shal be in every when they be

joyned with the spirituall ought not to be called For∣reyne Lawes

More here wanting.

Non in probabilibus humanae sapientiae verbis, ne evacuetur crux Christi: As it shuld be in this case. For if this probabilitie were followed, the sklaunder of the cross shold be voyd. For this were no sklaunder to the Iewes to hear Christ honoured in a figure, thei being ever used to the same. Nor it wold seem so moch folyshe to the Gentiles and infi∣delles, after we had accepted Christ for God, to honour him in a figu∣rative maner. But this being the counsel of Christ to utter his great misterie in forme that he should have it sklander to both the Iews, that seke signes, and were used to be taught by figures; and also the Gentiles, that styck upon the judgment of reason; The more proba∣ble you make it, the further you swarve from the trew doctrin of Christ, and verie trew maner to teach it. And here may no new maner be taught. What a haynous pride is this, this doctrine passeng a thousand yeare, and as menye hundred beside, as hath bene syneth this Sacrement was instituted, by the myddest of the Iewes and Gen∣tiles, with this sklaunder and appearaunce of folyshnes, never being foun•• fawtie in ony one of the Busshops and preachers of the word of God, that they confessed the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrement of the aulter: but al found fautie and condemned of heresie, which denyed the same. And ever the doctrine of the presence prevayling and triumpheng above mans reason, or sence, may be capace of the same. Which both God wil have mortified and dye utterlie, when this mistery and meate of li••se is spoken and taken. For as that was the beginneng of the destruction of man, when fol∣loweng the probabilitie of reason, he wold feade hymself with meate prohibite unto hym; So the counsil of God hath ordeyned, this to be the begynneng of the liffe of man, to take a sensible meat, wherein nother reason nor sense can find ony probabilitie, or make any judg∣ment thereof.

But because I have entreated this part more largely in another epistle, that I send unto yow, wherein I show that stondeng, as yow do, without repentance of the maner of your entrie to the service of the church, yow could never be nother good scho••ar of this doctrine, and moche less a Master, I wil now procede no further to reason with you herein, knoweng al to be in vaine, and no healp nor meane to recover yow, but only prayer. Which with al my hart, as I wold for mine own sowle, I wyl not fayle to use for yow, to hym, whom yow have so greatlie offended, as I never redd of ony Busshop, that ever was in the church. But the founteyne of his mercie is never clo∣sed to them that wyl cal for it; as myne own entier prayer is to the infinite mercy of God, that yow may have the grace so to do: send∣eng yow for obteynyng of that, his holy Spiri••, Qui condemnat mun∣dum de peccato, de judicio, & de justitia: that seeing furst your sore con∣dempnation, yow maye therewith be sturred, with al humilitie and

contrite hart, to demaund some comfort: Which cannot be hoped of without your former condempnation of your self. Wherunto to bryng yow, it hath cawsed me by wryting to set furth so earnestly some part of your grievous offences afore yow: Wylleng yow no less comfort, then I wold to myne own sowle.

And the same I say, concludeng and eandeng, as I began: It may please the paternal love, that God beareth unto al synners, for his sake, that being his only Son, God and man, dyed to pay their ransome, for to forgeve yow, and to deliver yow ex Ore Leonis, which hath so devowred yow, that if you be not plucked out as theProphet Amos saith of Israel, Quomodo si eruat Pastor duo crura, aut extremum auriculae: I say if you be not plucked out by the eare, yow be utterlie undone both bo∣dy and sowle. Which yet again, and ever, the infinite mercy of God may defeande yow from. Wrytten in the coorte at St. Iames, the vj. of Novembre. 1555.

Yowr very trew coumfortore in God, yow not refuseng hys grace, R. Pole. Car. Leg.

NUM. XC. Archbishop Parker to the Secretary, desiring the Councels letters, in order to his discovering of certain Writings of Archbishop Cranmer.

SYR, Being here, and wold be loth to be idle;* 3.34 and thereupon ha∣vyng consideration as wel of these quarters, for the common quyet among the people, as respecting the common service of the better sort toward the Q. Highnes, and her affairs; I fynd them al in so good order, that I do rejoyce therin. As for my ecclesiastical persons, I deal with them indifferently, that I fynd also obedience in them.

Now, Sir, with spying and serching, I have found out bi very cre∣dible enformation, among other things, in whose hondes the grete notable wryten bokes of my predecessour, Dr. Cranmer, shuld re∣mayne: the partyes yet denying the same; and therupon despayre to discover them, except I maye be ayded bi the Councells letters, to optayne them. I pray your honor to procure ther letters, to autho∣rise me to enquire and serch for such Monuments by al wayes, as bi mi pore discretion shal be thought good: whether it be bi deferryng an othe to the parties, or veweng ther studies, &c. This opportuny∣tie of enformation being suche, I wold wyshe, I coud recover these bokes to be afterward at the Q. Commandment. I wold as moche rejoyce, whyle I am in the countreye, to wynne them, as I wold to

restore an old Chancel to reparation. Because I am not acqueynted with the stile of the Councels letters in this case, I send you no mi∣nute: trusting that your goodnes wil think the lauber wel bestowed, to cause the clarke of the Councel to devise the forme. And thus hearyng of the liklywood of the plage to be in begynnyng in some placys hereabout; and yet myn own house, thanks be to God, in good quyet, I wyshe the Q. famylye to be defended by gods honde. At my house from Bekesborne this 22. of August.* 3.35

Your honors assured, Matthue Cant.

To the Right honorable Sir William Cecyl, Knight, Principal Secre∣tary to the Q. Majestie. At the Court.

NUM. XCI. Dr. William Mowse, Master of Trinity Hal in Cambridg, his letter of thanks to Secretary Cecyl.

Ornatissimo Equiti G••lielmo Cecillio, R••gio S••cretario.

QUOD nullam adhuc grati animi significationem ob acceptum benesicium fecerim,* 3.36 vereor nequid de me mali suspiceris. N••m cum ••anta ••u in me fuit benevolentia, quantam in nemine ad••uc sen∣si, valdè dubito, nè magnitudo tuorum in me meri orum, id quod ne∣gligentiae crimen vix effugere possit, in majoris sceleris periculum vo∣let. Nam ut in omnibus rebus naturaliter evenire videmus. ut quae∣que res sit affecta, ità plerú••que se statim ostendat▪ sic a gratis animis, beneficij accepti aliqua significatio haud mul••ò post s••bsequi debeat. Pra••sertim si hujusmodi sit, in quo singularis benevolentiae insigne argu∣mentum extitit. Nam cujus animus in rece••••i beneficio languescit, illum d••••turnam beneficij memoriam retin••re no•• est verisimi••e. Haec me valde perturbant, & eò magis, quod ab hoc vitio q••àm longissimè abesse desidero, cujus suspicione meâ culpâ non omninò careo. Ut enim aliae meae res sese habeant, optimorum virorum gratiâ multum adjutus sum: ut omittam singularem Cantuariensis munificentiam, quam in me multis annis sine ullo meo merito exercuit. Chaeci vero tam egregius animus & constans voluntas in me suit, cum id nec ullâ officiorum necessitudine, nec familiaritatis conjunctione effectum sit, an ejus virtuti & singulari humanitati id tribuere debe••m, aut deorum voluntati, & meae fortunae, non facilè dicere possum. Sed de tua be∣nevolentia quid dicam, quâ omnes meas fortunas & amicorum studia complexus es? Nam quod illi mihi cupieban••, id tu solus, reluctan∣tibus inimicis, confecisti. Quare sicut in beneficio conserendo prin∣ceps

fuisti, ita & ego illud totum tibi praecipuè acceptum referre de∣berem. Et licet id proprio quoque tempore pro beneficij magnitudi∣ne significatum non sit, jucundam tamen tui ••ecordationem semper habui. Nec minus laboravi quâ potissimum ratione meipsum saltem voluntate ipsâ, gratum ostenderem. Nam liberum amoris & officij mei iter conditionis humilitas & exiguae facultates interrumpunt. Tum ipsa scholasticorum officia, quae in crebris literis consistere so∣lent, nec isti meae aetati, nec huic studiorum rationi satis conveniunt, cum illae gratiores esse soleant, quae a pueris, atque ijs eloquentibus, perveniunt. Ut nè addam tuas gravissimas occupationes, quas meis nugis perturbare plusquam scelestum ducerem. Quare quod tua in∣tegritas pro tot beneficijs a me exigebat, id sedulo praestabo, ut quibus muneribus tuá operâ praesum, in his me probè exercendo tuae de me opinioni satisfaciam. Vale, 20 februarij. Cantabrigiae.

Tuae humanitati devinctissimus, Gulielmus Mowseus.

NUM. XCII. Justus Jonas to Secretary Cecyl concerning the Miseries of Ger∣many, occasioned by the Interim: and that hee might receive the kings intended munificence.

Clarissimo Viro Domino Sycilio, &c. domino meo observando ad manus proprias dentur.

S. D. P. Quanta sit tua erga miseros, in omni genere officij, pietas, equidem ante hoc tempus non ignorabam: Sed certè,* 3.37 ut quem∣admodum sentio, Loquar, nunquam tantam esse putavi, quantam hodie expertus sum. Me enim miseris annumerare non vereor, si∣quidem varij fortunae casus graviter me afflixerint. Hoc intelligere si voles, audias quaeso pauca quaedam verba ex Parentis ad me epistola bonâ fide recitata. Vtinam, inquit, coram tibi, mi fili, exponere possem afflictum staetum rerum cum publicarum, tum privatarum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Mallem tibi tam magno spatio montium & marium a nobis dissito scribere laeta 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sed difficultates assiduè adhuc crescunt; & propter non receptum Librum Interim, cogar forsan iterum aliquo migrare. Potes cogitare quam difficile & mol••stum futurum sit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Hactenus Pater. Hoc tam triste exordium qualis secuta sit narratio ipse cogitare poteris. Equidem haec scribens chartam lacrymis madefeci. Subibat enim longè tristissima paternarum calamitatum recordatio; quarum siqua pars in filium redundat, ut certè redundat, quis miretur, si me miserum dixero? Apud te praesertim, cui tanquam medico causam morbi reticere vix benè possum. Cum itaque illis vel asperiratibus re∣rum, vel injurijs temporum, eò usque dejectus sim, ut aliorum be∣nignitate

casus meos sustentare cogar; non putavi Regiae Majestatis munificentiam, quâ nescio quos meos Labores benignè potius, quam merito remunerari constituit, hoc tempore negligendam esse.

Si fortè eam spem avidius prosequi videor, non cupiditati, sed ne∣cessitati id ascribes me••e. Festino enim ut ante hyemem in Galliam re∣vertar, ea••úmque rerum cognitione me instruam, quarum mihi olim in Anglia usus esse posset. Hanc enim patriam non minus diligo, quam s••in ea natus essem. Cúmque de studiorum meorum fine cogito, non minus Angliam, quam Germaniam, mihi propono. Quidquid igitur Regia Majestas hoc tempore in me contulerit, id mihi loco arctissimi vinculi erit, quo me in totam reliquam vitam huic regno obligatum arbitrabor. Benè & faeliciter Vale.

Tuae dominationis d••ditissimus, Justus Jonas Junior.

NUM. XCIII. Miles Wilson to Secretary Cecyl, Lamenting the Spoiles of the Revenues of Schooles, Benefices, and Hospitals. To which are added his Arguments against this Sacrilege.

Ornatissimo, Clarissimóque Viro, Gulielmo Cecilio, Regio Consiliario prude••tissimo, & Literarum Patrono maximo.

* 4.1CUM in Aula nuper essem, Vir Ornatissime, & Sermones cum tua Dominatione sererem de multis varijsque rebus, partim ad Christi religionem propagandam, partim ad Remp. conservandam ac augendam, imprimis pertinentibus; tradidi (ut scis) tibi lectitan∣dam Orationem quandam de rebus ecclesiae non diripiendis, a me su∣perioribus hisce diebus confectam, & in publicis Academiae Scholis re∣citatam, in praesentem causae defensionem, quae jam tum tractabatur in publica disceptatione. Sed cum animadverterem te hominem in gra∣vissimis Reip. negotijs semper occupatissimum, nec tum satis quietum fuisse ad meum perlegendum opus, paulo longius quam pro tantillo spacio temporis cúmque te percupidum esse intelli∣gebam audiendi & videndi quid de tam inusitato argumento ex sacris scripturis proferri potuisset; existimabam me & te tuo paululum posse levare onere; & etiam ea tecum communicare, quorum particeps fieri vehementer cupidus mihi videbare, si ea in angustas, & concisas ar∣gumentandi formas conjicerem, quae ibi fusius, ac liberiore Orationis cursu jam tum prosequebar. Itaque ex eo tempore ratiocinia nonnul∣la & syllogismos contexui, qui & ad urgendum aptiores, & ad recor∣dandum faciliores, & ad permovendum commodiores existunt, quam laxum quoddam & solutum illud Orationis genus: Ut si illa superio∣ra, propter eorum longitudinem, & infinitas tuas occupationes legere

non liceret, saltem haec brevia dialecticorum consectaria, quae sequun∣tur, cum vac••r, inspectares. Cujus mei laboris me fructum satis magnum per••epi••se arbitrabor, si tantum apud T. D. effecerint, ut quae Scholae percelebres sint nuper dirutae, in Academiae ruinam maximam, hae tuo labore extrui mandentur: Ut quae Sacerdotia sunt miserè despolia∣ta per avaros patronos, ad acerbissimum ecclesiae vulnus, ea resti∣tuantur in integ••um ad incredibile Reip. decus; Ut quae Hospitia de∣lumbata f••erint perditè, ac ex••irpata funditus, per importunitatem non ferendam cupidorum hominum, ea, quantum fieri potest, per te adjuventur apud Concilium Regium, quo ad pristinum redeant st••tum, nempe in subsid••um verè pauperum.

Valeant enim, valeant Academiae, per exigu••e nunc certè, sed bre∣vi futu••ae nullae, si earum nutrices, Scholae, negligantur, Seminarium & seges florentis Academiae. Ut enim mare cito exarescit non influen∣ti us undiquaque rivulis ac s••uminibus; sic absorbebuntur statim Academiae, & in nihilum recident, si ex scholis aditus illis praecludan∣tur, sic ut il••inc ad Academias nullus, aut quam paucissimi commeant. Doctrina omnis generis conticescet, Papismi ••egnum, & plusquam Gothicus barbarism••s omnia pervadet loca; si non eruditis m••lius, quam jam est, consulatur, si proemia eruditionis, Rectoriae, Prae bendae, & omnia auserantur. An dimicabit miles, stipendium si ne∣getur? An tellurem proscindet aut bos▪ aut arator, si pabulum illis non satis abunde praebeatur? An trajiciet mare mercator spe questus omni s••blatâ? An terra profundet herbas, imbribus non depluta? An molendinum molare possit, si alveum interturbes, & aliorsum cursum ejus vertas? Nequaquam certè. Sic neque quisquam acrioribus stu∣dijs doctrinae operam navabit, nisi ager suus aliquo quasi rore amoeno irrigetur & proemijs ac muneribus con••ignis feriatur.

Si exempla quaeras S••holarum eversarum, Rectoriarum delumbata∣rum, Hospitiorum excisorum, petas exempl•• licet affatim horum ne∣fandorum sacrilegiorum, vel a summo Angliae Cance••lario; cui, te absente, consarcinata multa obtuli; vel ab Episcopo Eboracensi, apud quem etiam ista omnia diligentissimè explorata deposui. T. D. novit oppidum, ha••d procul a nobis dissitum, nomine Childerl••y; hic una generos•• Domu••, sed hic multum degener, (quae est Magistri Cuttes) exedit universum oppidum, nè unâ quidem domunculâ relictâ, ex∣ceptâ suâ Domo; hic q••ia desunt homines, quos Templum capiat, re∣cipiuntur ••qui, quos pro hominibus Templum pro Stabulo contineat: Et qu••a triricum Domini non est quod in tectum recipiatur, i. Ho∣mines Christiani, recipitur hordeum & avena, & stramentum omnis generis. Sic oves Christi minuuntur, sic pecudes augentur, sic perit bonus pastor, & pastoris Virtus: sic Templum partim fit horreum pro frugibus condendis, partim vero stabulum pro custodiendis equis.

Argumenta hic subjungo, quae prius pollicitus fueram. Longior sum quàm vellem; sed magnitudo causarum, & zelus huc me vel in∣vitum produxit. Quare ignoscet, spero, T. D. cui omnia prosper∣rima in Domino precor. 3 Februarij 1552.

Tuae dignitatis studiosissimu••, Milo Wilsonus.

Argumenta, quibus ostenditur; Impium esse Bona ecclesiae ab eccle∣sijs divelli.

I.

Quicquid Domino consecratum est in usum sacratissimi sui ministe∣rij, sive homo, sive animal, sive ager fuerit, nec vendi potest, nec re∣dimi a quoquam.* 4.2 27. Levitici.

Bona ecclesiastica, ut aurum, argentum, aedes, praedia, Domino consecrantur in usum sacri ministerij.

Ergo bona ecclesiastica nec vendi, nec coemi possunt. Et per con∣sequens, nec auferri, nec mutari debent.

Minor Liquet. Nunquam enim agrorum possessores agris suis & bo∣nis ecclesias dotassent, suos exhaeredando, nisi ut ministris Dei abundè prospiceretur, in ministerium suum probè incumbentibus. Ac 2do, communia facientes omnia.

II.

Quod nostrum non est abripere, nefas est, & contra justitiam om∣nem, quae est virtus sua cuique tribuens.

Bona ecclesiae, nostra non sunt: nullius sunt, quia Christi, cui dicata & donata sunt.

Ergo iniquum est bona ecclesiae diripere quovis modo.

* 4.3Probatur Minor tum lege divinâ, tum Imperatoriâ. Quicquid enim fuerit consecratum sanctum sanctorum erit Domino. Domino dicabitur, & non redimetur. Et jure civili, Quae domini juris sunt, ea in nullius bo∣nis computanda sunt.

III.

Quod cum lege naturae pugnat, Legitimum non est.

Divellere terras Sacerdotum cum lege naturae pugnat.

Ergo eas divellere Legitimum non est. Minoris probatio.

* 4.4Pharao, sub lege naturali vivens, non patiebatur terras & possessi∣ones suis adimi sacerdotibus, aut allevari pretio ullo: Sentiens, secun∣dùm naturam, id maximè esse, ut indè viverent undè laborarent. Prae∣tereà, ex horreis publicis gratuitò aluit sacerdotes, cum suae res parum sufficerent sibi. Et cum omnem terram Aegypti quintas pendere coegit Ioseph, unicas Sacerdotum terras exemit, quas liberandas censuit om∣ni dura conditione.

IV.

Nemo civis bonus est, qui ex communibus privata facit, qui non magis communitati studet, quam proprijs adaugendis commodis.

Qui opes ecclesiasticas, & praedia sacra distrahunt, ex communi∣bus privata faciunt, sua commoda quaerunt, publicum negligunt bonum.

Ergo qui ecclesiae bona abstrahunt civium bonorum numero ponendi non sunt, sed civitatis eversores, & Reip. putandi sunt.

V.

In omni bene administrata Rep. semper summa cura fuit religionis conservandae, & bonarum artium.

Direptio bonorum ecclesiae, & religionem quatefacit, imo demoli∣tur, & artes bonas vigere impedit.

VI.

Si conferatur nostra Resp. cum Iudaeorum, quae per Dominum no∣strum instituta est, minus reperietur nostris ministris dari, quam V. Testamenti Levitis fuerat deputatum. Nam Numerorum 3. Levi∣tarum Viginti duo millia tantum recensentur, qui Tabernaculo Do∣mini tum temporis inserviebant. Et hic exiguus numerus vniversas per omnem Iudaeam decimas, primitias, oblationes recepit in viaticum & victum suum, cum 48 urbibus, atque suis suburbanis Locis ad tria circumcirca milliaria.

At nostrorum ministrorum numerus quadruplo major est, ut appa∣ret ex parochiarum limitatione & numero. † 4.5 So enim cum duobus Templa vulgariter connumerantur hic in A••glia, & duo ad minimum in singulis sacerdotes sunt, omnibus simul collatis.

Ergo cum solum decimas recipiant sacerdotes Anglicani, idque im∣minutas, & delumbatas valdè, non detractio, sed additio potius fa∣cienda esset, si par ratio utrobique retineretur.

VII.

Nulla pauperum bona eripienda sunt. Pauperibus enim Paulus ubique Collectiones facit.

Bona ecclesiae sunt bona Pauperum.

Ergo bona ecclesiae eripienda non sunt.

VIII.

Si diripere aliquid privato sit impium, si commune civitatis aera∣rium expilare sit nefarium, unde robur & praesidium urbis pendeat; quanto magis scelestum & iniquum erit Capitis nostri Christi bona di∣vellere, & ministris ecclesiae opes despoliare, quae sunt nervi religionis, & spiritualis regni Chr••sti.

At privato detrahere, impium est, & gazas urbis exinanire scelera∣tum, mortéque plectendum in omni ben•• temperata Republica.

Ergo scelere carere non potest, publica ecclesiae & Christi Capitis bona ad istum modum miserè dilacerare.

IX.

Qui vendentes in templo & ementes ejecit, ipsum Templum, & omnia in Templo ad vendendum proponentes, impunitos, opinor, nunquam permitter.

At cum flagello in Templo vendentes & ementes ejecit Christus, magno percitus furore.

Ergo non connivebit ad eos, qui omnia diruunt, & ex domo Ora∣tionis speluncam Latronum faciunt.

X.

Quaecúnque ad Sabbatum rite sanctificandum & celebrandum spe∣ctant, conservanda & retinenda sunt. Est enim pars Decalogi Sabbati Sanctificatio.

XI.

Unicuíque ad perfectionem contendendum est. Estote enim perfecti, sicut pater Vester coelestis perfectus est.

At Christianae perfectionis est vendere quae habemus omnia, & pau∣peribus dispertire. Nam, si vis perfectus esse, Vade & vende omnia, quae habes, & pauperibus dato.

Ergo de Christo & ecclesia nihil detrahendum, sed pauperibus potius indies adjiciendum erit.

XII.

Bonum quò communius, eò melius. Quò multiplicatius eò lau∣datius.

Sed pastores ecclesiae & Episcopi, bonum est.

Ergo augendus eorum numerus, non minuendus existit. Ergo, quò plures Episcopi eo rectius est; & per consequens plures constituendi, potius quam deponendi, & abjiciendi, qui nunc constituti sunt.

Major Liquet, Minor sole clarior est. Nam siquis episcopatum appe∣tit, bonum opus desiderat. Certè episcopus esse non potest non esse bonum.

XIII.

Balthazar graviter punctus est ob vasorum Deo consecratorum di∣reptionem & profanum eorum usum.* 4.6

Achan insigniter plectebatur ob sacrilegam distractionem.

* 4.7Antiochus horribili mortis genere perit, ob impiam sacrorum diri∣piendi voluntatem, & conatum.

Lysimachus Lapidibus obruitur propter consimile facinus.

* 4.8Heliodorus gravissimis vulneribus conficitur a Deo, quod sacra tem∣pli vasa abducere conaretur. Et sic de universo numero Sacrilegorum dici potest.

Ergo omnes, qui Sacrata Deo divellunt, gravissimas paenas expe∣ctent oportet.

XIV.

Sic Divus Paulus ratiocinatur. Sub spe debet is, qui arat, arare; & qui triturat sub spe,* 4.9 spei suae particeps esse debebit.

Ergo qui in agro Evangelico arat, & qui in area Domini sedulò triturat, sub spe percipiendorum fructuum, & arare & triturare debent.

At quae relinquitur spes, cum aufertur res?

XV.

Quin on seminant spiritualia, carnalia ne metant.

Laici Spiritualia non seminant. Quippe quia nec verbum annunciant, nec Sacramenta administrant.

XVI.

Dignus est operarius mercede suâ. Ergo qui non operatur, dignus non est. Et per consequens,* 4.10 neganda esset merces non omninò ope∣ranti. Sic pellantur omnes inutiles ••uci, sive Laici sive Clerici extite∣rint, qui alienis insidiantur Laboribus; quique mel exugunt omne, parùm aut nihil mellis relinquentes hijs, qui verè apes sunt, valdéqué laboriosae.

XVII.

Dominus ordinavit, ut qui Evangelium annuntiant, ex Evangelio vivant.

Ergo è contrario, de Evangelio nè victitent, qui Evangelium aut no∣lunt, aut non possunt denu••tiare.

XVIII.

Paulus inter Ecclesiasticos ita se gerebat, ut gratis panem a neminè acciperet: sed cum labore & sudore nocte diéque faciebat opus, nè cuiquam eorum oneri foret. Praecepit item illis, Vt siquis nollet opera∣ri, is nec ederet.

Ergo quâ conscientiâ de ecclesiasticis bonis vivere illi possunt, de Prebendarum fructibus, de Rectorijs, de hospitijs, de Episcoporum patrimonijs, & reliquis ecclesiae proventibus, qui nullo ministerio ec∣clesiastico inserviunt, nec praedicando evangelium, nec sacramenta ex∣hibendo, nec ecclesiasticam disciplinam, ut par est, exercendo?

XIX,

Qui praesunt Presbyteri, duplici honore digni sunt; maximè qui Labo∣rant in verbo & doctrina. Qui duplex honos duplicatum designat sub∣sidium; & ut putavit Theophilactus, abundans, praeter stipendium commune

Ergo tribuatur hic duplex honos sedulis ministris; nec ita minuan∣tur quotidie victus eorum, ut sibi & suis parùm sufficiant in propria vo∣catione, & munijs obeundis.

XX.

Quae sunt militibus stipendia, ea sunt bona ecclesiae & earum mi∣nistris.

Sed militibus stipendia detrahere iniquum est. Ergo iniquum bona ecclesiae.

XXI.

Vinitori fructum & vinum, Opilioni lac, Agricolae fruges, eripere non licet. Sed quod Vinitori vinum, Opilioni Lac, Agricolae fruges, id ecclesijs opes suae.

Eas ergo subducere, & hijs vitae adjumentis fraudare Verbi mini∣stros, nullam profectò habet aequitatem.

XXII.

Ministris ecclesiae omnia ad vivendum necessaria suppeditanda sunt.

Necessaria autem definio, quae sibi, uxori, liberis,* 4.11 familiae satis sunt; quaeque hospitalitati servandae & exhibendae sufficiunt pere∣grinis, egentibus, mancis, claudis, coecis, decrepitis, orphanis & viduis.

Ergo bona ecclesijs aliquando deputata, adimenda non sunt: ne

XXIII.

Qui ecclesiae bona spoliant, hij ministros verbi & Dei spoliant.

Qui ministros Dei spoliant, hij Christum ipsum despoliant. Nam quod uni horum feceritis, & mihi feceritis.

Ergo ecclesiae bona diripere est Christum ipsum, & ejus ministros victu suo defraudare; & Christi tunicam ac patrimonium in partes dissecare. Quod quam horribile sit sacrilegij genus, omnes pij norunt.

XXIV.

Irritum esse non debet, quod testator piè, & secundùm scripturas testamento suo condidit.* 4.12 At multi pij morientes testamentis legave∣runt sua bona ecclesijs, in ea rum necessarios usus.

Ergo impium est, hoc spernere testamentum, vel frustrari quovis modo, sic ut surripiatur avarè, quod munificè, quod sanctè praebitum fuerat.

XXV.

In nascenti ecclesia Christi, Apostolorum in temporibus, pij terras & possessiones & omnia vendiderant,* 4.13 ut pauperibus, & publicantibus evangelium abundè prospiceretur.

Ergo jamdiu donata, & ad longum tempus confirmata ecclesijs, in hos ipsos usus, nec vi nec dolo rapienda sunt; ut conferantur in eos, qui nec paupertate ulla premuntur, nec ullo ministerio sacro ecclesijs deserviunt.

XXVI.

Quod vel promittitur, vel destinatur in usum ecclesiae, subtrahendum non est,* 4.14 nec callidè submovendum. Id quod probatur ex Anania & Sapphira. Duo horrenda exempla.

At bona ecclesiarum destinantur in maximè necessarios usus, in sustentationem pauperum, & in subsidium Ministrorum.

Ergo, non astu, non vi avellenda sunt dicta ecclesiae bona: nè fortè id avellentibus accidat, quod Ananiae & Sapphirae supra eveniebat.

XXVII.

Qui templum Ierosolymitanum spoliebant, poenas Sacrilegij gravissimas luebant:* 4.15 Certè qui Christianorum templa diruunt, ac despoliant, & ex illis, ut scopis, omnia everrunt, impunè nunquam, opinor, ferent.

XXVIII.

Est in hijs abusus. Reformentur ergo. Alunt Superstitionem. Nu∣trian tergo exin veram & sinceram Christi religionem. Indignis tri∣buuntur ecclesiae praedia. Ergo dignioribus concedantur. Fuci pellan∣tur, telluris inutile pondus.

XXIX.

Homicidae putantur, qui violentas manus injiciunt in alienum cor∣pus, & illi vitam corporis eripiunt.

Ergo erunt multò magis, qui pabulo coelestis doctrinae animas pio∣rum orbant, atque destituunt, sic ut aeternum pereant. Quod Laici faciunt, qui victus ministrorum sibi rapiunt, qui soli illos rore coe∣lestis verbi pascerent. Et ità impediunt, ne possint hoc facere.

XXX.

XXXI.

Bona ecclesijs divellere Sacrilegum est.

Ergo haec ecclesiae bona diripere, ultionem Dei gravem comme∣retur.

Minoris probatio. Omnis ablatio Sacri de Sacro Sacrilegum est. A definitione.

Diripere bona ecclesiae est rem Sacram de Sacro auferre.

Ergo bona ecclesiae divellere Sacrilegum est.

NUM XCIV. Peter Martyr to procure a license from the Court for one of his Au∣ditors, who desired to preach.

Verè fidelissimo Christi Ministro Domino Jacobo Haddono, has tradas, Londini.

S. D. In Collegio Magdalenae, Haddone in Christo charissime,* 4.16 cui fra∣ter tuus praesidet, est pius & probus Vir, qui Hugo Kirke appel∣latur, Magister artium, inter suos bonae famae, atque studio Evange∣lij Christi (quantum judicare licet) vehementer incensus. Proindè incitatur (ut mihi persuadeo) spiritu Dei, ad praedicandum; quo sanam doctrinam, cujus est Sectator non ignavus, ovibus ecclesiae com∣municet; quae in nostris his regionibus, rarò, & paucis in locis, quem∣admodum oporteret, pascuntur. De universo autem isto negotio, puto illum egisse tecum, quantum ex ejus verbis colligo. Cum ita∣que me rogaverit, ut ad te scriberem, id libenti animo facio. Et ei, quod possum, fero testimonium; quoad mores benè audit, sacrarum litterarum est admodum studiosus, mihi docenti semper adest, & sa∣cram profitetur doctrinam. Quae de eo bonâ fide possum dicere, haec habeo. De quo etiam potes, si visum fuerit, fratrem interrogare, qui jam hinc discessit, & ad negotia sui Collegij procuranda est profectus. Quod mihi (ut verum fatear) parùm est gratum. Nam illius con∣versatione piâ, jucundâ & eruditâ, plurimùm delector. Sperabam fore, ut te hic quandoque, vel saltem ad aliquot dies, haberemus: at nunc quod sperandum sit non video. Equidem licet adversa valetu∣dine aliquandiu laboraverim, nunc tamen dei gratiâ sum restitutus. Piam vero, & mihi nunc maximè necessariam conjugem (ut audivis∣se te non dubito,) ad Dominum praemisi. Quod ideo scribo, ut deum roges, quod mihi nunc, dum vivo solus, ac tali adjutorio destitutus,

suum conduplicet auxilium. Vale & Christo faelix vivito. 18 Aprilis. Oxonij.* 4.17

Tuus in Domino, P. Martyr.

NUM. XCV. That one who officiated in Dr. Weston's place, might receive the Stipend detained from him.

Clarissimo Viro Domino Guglielmo Sicello, Majestatis Regiae Secretario, ac Equiti Honestissimo. In Aula.

* 4.18S. D. Quoniam, Vir Clarissime, cum tuam pietatem, tum erudi∣tionem habeo compertissimam, ideo ad te de hoc pio & erudito Christi Ministro, quo familiarissimè utor, scribendum esse censui. Ita sanè res ejus habet: Sacras litteras a duobus propemodum annis, Oxo∣nij, pomeridiano tempore publicè profitetur, eo plane loco, quo Do∣ctor Westonus olim docere, magno religionis dispendio, con••ueverat. Cúmque is religiosè atque accuratè commisso sibi fungatur munere, stipendium, quod sibi pro universo tempore, quo laboravit in vinea domini debetur, nunquam adipisci potuit: Siquidem id Westonus co∣natur sibi vendicare. Quod ut sit justum vel aequum, tu quaeso apud quem justitia & aequitas plurimùm valent, apud temetipsum expendi∣to. Ille hic non est, officio suo non fungitur; neque si adesset, & do∣ceret, posset auditoribus nisi quam pessimè consulere, cum religioni puriori tantoperè adversetur. Iste vero loco ejus est legitimè surroga∣tus, adest, susceptum munus obit sedulò; atque cum meus discipu∣lus & adhuc sit, & fuerit, veraeque religionis studiossimus, quoad piam doctrinam mecum omninò consentit. Haec, scio, si apud te co∣gitaveris, facilè adducent, ut quem tibi commendo, & favore & auxi∣lio non indignum putes. Cui existimationi justissimae, ipse meas addo preces, quibus etiam atque etiam rogo, ut in ejus negotio ipsum juves. Quod si feceris, non modo erit acceptum Deo, sed ecclesiae quoque non parùm conducet. Etenim illi vehementer expedit, ut & laborantibus in verbo evangelij stipendia non negentur; & juvenes aliqui tandem excitentur, qui loco Seniorum juventutem sanâ doctrinâ imbuant.

De meis autem rebus non scribam multis, cum te audivisse non du∣bitem, piam dulcissimámque conjugem in Domino quievisse, quae san∣ctissimè atque incredibili pietate migrando ad Dominum, ut me in luctu reliquit, quem doctrinâ coelesti & mitigo, & indies magis leni∣am, ità oppressum gravissimo corporis morbo deseruit. Quare tum corpus, tum animus codem tempore vexatus est acerbissimè: cúmque adhuc non convaluerim, sed tamen aliquanto melius habeam; non ta∣men quantum satis esse possit ad meum obeundum munus, te rogo, Vir Optime, ut precibus tuis coneris impetrare mihi a Deo, vel absolu∣tionem

ab hujus vitae molestijs, vel saltem Vitam, quâ scholae & eccle∣siae prodesse valeam; quandoquidem ità vivere, ut sim utilis nemini, propemodum intolerabile judico. Idémque oro, ut tua lectissima con∣jux, quam plurimùm abs te salutari mihi cupio, suis castissimis votis a Christo mihi concedi postulet. Vale atque deo vivas faelix, méque in Christo, ut facis, ama. Oxonij, Martij 7. 1552.

Tuus ex animo quantus est, Pet. Martyr.

NUM. XCVI. John Sleidan to Cecyl. Advises of the state of affaires in Germany.

Magnifico Viro, Domino Caecilio, Equiti, & Serenissimi Regis Angliae Secretario.

QUAS Aprili mense tibi scripsi, Vir ornatissime,* 4.19 〈◊〉〈◊〉 te pridem accepisse puto. Vellem quidem ex tuis hoc ipsum certo cog∣noscere. Fuit hic nobiscum superioribus diebus Serenissimi vestri Re∣gis orator, D. Picorinus, expatiatus huc è vicinis castris cum Veneto & Ferrar, legatis. Galliae Rex, post occupatam Lotharingiam & Me∣tim urbem venit Zaberniam, quod est quatuor hinc milliaribus, Episco∣pi ditionis oppidum. Ibi habito delectu, petivit Haganoam, illinc Weissenburgum; quo in oppido litteris acceptis a Mauritio, castra mo∣vit ad xiii diem hujus mensis, & partitis copijs retrocessit. Ejus rei quae sit causa nondum constat. Electores etiam principes quatuor, ij qui Rhenum accolunt, Wormaciâ suos ad ipsum miserunt legatos, de∣precandi opinor causa. Basilienses quoque nuper ipsum adierunt Zaber∣niae, & pro finitimis locis intercesserunt. Nunc autem omnes Helve∣tiorum pagi, communi missa legatione, idem faciunt. Nam haec nostra regio frumentum eis abundè subministrat quotannis; eáque co••mo∣ditate nolunt se spoliari: & hoc ipso die, opinor, eos compellare Re∣gem: Nam ante biduum hâc transierunt. A nostra civitate Rex alimoniam flagitavit; bis fuimus ea de re in castris, primùm apud Sarburgum, dein Zaburniae. Pabulatores multum sanè incommoda∣runt agricolis, qui propè omnes tamen in urbem confugerant. Cujus∣modi sint urbis nostrae muni••iones, audisse vos non dubito. Verunta∣men hoc ipso tempore novum opus instituimus, utilissimum Reip. futurum. Vlmam frustra obsederunt principes, ac miserè vastatis cir∣cùm agris, alia quoque loca tentarunt. Mauritius fuit cum rege Fer∣dinando. Redijt quidem ad castra Sociorum; sed ad xxvi diem hujus mensis erit rursus cum Ferdinando. Nam is intercedit, & ad Caesarem profectus esse dicitur, Aenipontem, ut certi aliquid statui posset. Quod si fiat, magna pars consiliorum regis mutabitur & intercidet. Caesar comparat exercitum, & erit bellum haud dubiè valdè atrox. Conci∣lij

nulla jam fit mentio, & silent inter arma leges. Pacem Iulius ter∣••ius fecit cum Gallo, & Mirandulae solvit obsidionem, & arctius quo∣que soedus cum eo fecisse dicitur. Per Neapolim quoque gravis est pro∣regi simultas cum Salernitano, qui & Venetias confugit. Ferdinan∣dum aiunt ratas habere, quas cum Mauritio tractavit pacis conditio∣nes; ideoque profectum àd sratrem, ut & ipsi persuadeat. Conditio∣nes autem illae cujusmodi sint, nondum planè constat. Hoc solum fertur, eas ad Germaniam tum dignitatem, tum libertatem pristinam omninò spectare. Deus benè fortunet. Albertus Marchio bellum facit Norenburgensibus. De rebus Turcicis nihil habemus comperti. Gallus in Lotharingiam redit, ut exercitum Belgicum retundat.

Haec sunt, de quibus ad vestram Magnif. in hoc tempore scriben∣dum duxi, tum meo, tum Soceri nomine, Quaeso, ut tandem de meo negotio aliquid cognoscam; quod ut commendatum habeas, & Re∣ver. Domino Primati commendes, plurimum oro. Vale, Argent. 18 Maij, 1552.

Tuae Magn. deditissimus, Jo. Sleid.

Sal. Literas hucusque distuli, expectans occasionem mittendi. Rex benignè respondet Helveticis legatis, & Lucemburgum dicitur pe∣tere. Expectamus quae sit futura actio ad 26 hujus mensis. Gallus re∣spondet Electorum principum legatis, perfecisse jam se quod voluit: nempe captivos principes liberatum iri, & se, qui jam satis gloriae con∣secutus sit, redire domum. Ita respondet xiii hujus, quo die castra movit. Iterum vale. Dat. 24 Maij, 1552.

NUM. XCVII. More advices from Germany. Desires a Patent for his stipend grant∣ed him by K. Edward VI.

Domino Gulielmo Caecilio, Regio Secretario, &c.

* 4.20SAL. Literae meae diutius hic haeserunt, quam putaram. Ecce, dum omnes erecti sumus, & avidè expectamus vicesimum sextum diem Maij, quo die alter erat futurus conventus Ferdinandi & Mauritij, nun∣cius adfertur, Mauritium profligâsse quasdam copias Caesaris. Id autem accidit in Alpibus. Est oppidum ijs locis, Rutam vocant; ibi futurus erat delectus militum, qui pro Caesare cogebantur. Mauritius autem antevertit, & novem signa profligavit: deinde celeriter progressus, aditum quendam in angustijs Alpium, & arcem ibi positam, Erenbur∣gum cepit. ••uit hoc decimâ nona die Maij. Caesar eo accepto nuncio sta∣tim Aeniponte discessit; quod oppidum ab arce illa distat iter bidui. Erat cum eo Ferdinandus, qui transactionis futurae causâ illuc vene∣rat,

ut alteris literis significavi. Simul ergo discesserunt, ingressi iter Tridentum versus: nam in Italiam Caesar cogitabat. Sed aiunt eum monitu fratris Ferdinandi, mutato consilio profectum esse in Austriam. An Mauritius eum insequatur, nondum planè constat. Est infra Aeni∣pontem alter aditus, positus in augustijs, Kopfsteinum vocant. Hunc quoque si teneat ille, vix ullum ex Italia militem sit habiturus Caesar. Hic nunc est rerum status: caetera brevi cognoscemus. Tunc ad te, plura. Sed, oro, cognoscam ex tuis literis, num meas accipias; & de meo stipendio fac aliquid boni cognoscam. Vale. dat. xxx Maij, 1552.

Io. Sleid.

Reverendissimo D. Cantuariensi cup••o imprimis commendari. Facito, quaeso, ut Diploma mihi conficiatur ejus, quod Sereniss. Rex mihi constituit, stipendij, & ut solvatur quod jam praeterijt. Per Richar∣dum Hils mercatorem vestratem rectè curabitis. D. Checum, oro, plu∣rimum ex me salutes.

Haec ubi scripsi, literae mihi adferuntur a Socero. Commendat se vobis omnibus plurimum. Jubet ut ego vobis subindè scribam, eò quod ipsi non sit integrum ex ijs locis. Est autem in finibus Lotha∣ringiae. Exercitus Gallicus tripartitus, Walderfingi, oppidi Lotharingiae, ad Saram flumen, convênit omnis 23 die Maij; & quatriduo post in∣gressus iter petijt rectâ Lucemburgicam regionem, trajecto flumine Mo∣sellâ. Quâcunque eunt ijs locis, omnia devastantur incendijs & direp∣tionibus. Is fuit ibi rerum status 28 die Maij, quo die Socer mihi scripsit.

NUM. XCVIII. Intelligences concerning the motions of the Emperor, and the state of the Protestant Princes.

Magnifico Viro, D. Gulielmo Caecilio, Sereniss. Angliae Regis Se∣cretario.

SAL. Motum hujus anni perscripsi, Magnifice Domine,* 4.21 ad initium usque Septemb. & Serenissimum Regem paucos intra dies accep∣turum spero. Fortasse priusquam hae tibi reddantur, acceperit. Po∣stremum est, de capto rursum Lantgravio: sed is denuo dimissus, jam est domi. Calendis Septembris Caesar Augusta discedens, Ioannem Fri∣dericum, Saxoniae Ducem, amplissimis verbis & amanter admodum di∣misit, prolixè de sua benevolentia illi pollicitus; & religionem ei suam permisit. Ille postridie domum redijt. Mauritius in Hungariam itu∣rus ex pacto, copias suas Doneverdâ misit Ratisbonam, xxii. die Au∣gusti; ipse domum recurrit, paulo post rediturus ad exercitum. An redierit, adhuc quidem ignoratur. Albertus Marchio Brandeburg.

28 Augusti Trevirim urbem ad M••s••llam flumen occupavit. Mansit ibi dies octo; post, Lotharingiam petivit, relictis Treviri praesidio xii signis: & xiii die Septembr. prope Sircum oppidum trajecit Mosel∣lam, & in Lucemburgicum agrum invasit. Caesar Augustae treis quidem concionatores abrogavit, ob singularia quaedam dogmata, sicut fer∣tur: sed reliquis tamen permisit, ut secundum Augusta••ae Confessionis, quondam exhibitae, formulam doceant, & Sacramentis utantur .xv die Septembr. Caesar cum exercitu venit in nostros fines, & in vico quodam, milliare unum ab urbe, permansit in quintum diem: tunc demum im∣pedimentis omnibus Rheno transmissis, in quo magna fuit difficultas, plurimúmque laboris & exercitu jusso progredi praeter urbem, ipse cum paucis quibusdam heri ingressus est, & sumpto prandio discessit. Sunt in ejus exercitu praeter G••rmanos, Itali, Hispani▪ Bohemi, qui sanè plurimum damni dederunt miseris agricolis. Caesar omnino putatur iturus Metim, ut recuperet; Galli strenu•• illam muniunt, & alimo∣niam omnem totius agri convehunt eò. His rebus omnibus pracest Guisius.

Fuit hic nobiscum D. Morissinus, & Aschamus. Oratores omnes Cae∣sar jussit ire Spiram. De Hungaria nihil habemus. Haec sunt, Magni∣fice D. quae tibi scribenda putavi: Quanquam fortassis aliunde habeo. Quod reliquum est, ut per eum, quem Socer meus ad vos mittit, de mea conditione certi quid cognoscam, & ut causam ipse promoveas meam, plurimum oro. Videlicet ut Diploma conficiatur, mittatur, & anni jam exacti, vel sesquianni potiùs, solvatur pensio. Quicquid unquam in tui gratia potero, faciam. Jamdiu Saxum hoc volvo. Vale. Argent. xx. Septemb. 1552.

Io. Sleidanus.

Ioannes Marchio Brandeburgicus adducit Caesari ad duo millia equitum, religio∣ni est addictissimus. Nec aliter etiam militat, quam ut hoc ei sit liberum.

NUM. XCIX. Advises of the State of the Empire.

Magnifico & spectabili viro D. Gulielmo Caecilio, Equiti, Sereniss. Re∣gis Angliae Secretario, Domino suo multùm colendo.

* 4.22SAL. xx die Septemb. ad te scripsi, Vir ornatissime. Quod Albertus egerit apud Treviros, jampridem audistis. Octobris die xxii re∣conciliatus est Caesari per Ducem Albanum. Impunè fecerit omnia, & militabit Caesari, quocúnque loco jusserit. Pacta, cum Bambergico & W••rcibergensi Episcopo sacta, erunt rata. Caesar in gratiam recipit Aetingenses Comites, & Mansfeldios, patrem atque filium. Novem∣bris die quart•• cepit Aumalium Albertus, Guisij fratrem, caeso illius at∣que

fugato equitatu. Curatum ipsum ex vulnere nuper misit in suam quandam arcem, ad Bohemiae fines. Caesar in castra venit xx Novemb. Interea muri pars magna dejecta, sed oppositum est Vallum, & prae∣sidiarij crebras faciunt eruptiones. Caesarem aiunt nolle obsidionem sol∣vere, neque discedere priusquam urbem receperit. Guisius fuit hacte∣nus in urbe cum N••morensi principe, cum Roschsurio, & Petro Stroza; num adhuc sint, ignoramus. Nar•• superioribus diebus eruptione factâ in Alberti castra, qui tum fortè quosdam ad prandium invitaverat, xviii equites dicuntur ex urbe evasisse in Galliam. Tormentorum & oppugnationis fragor non solùm hic exauditur, quod trid••i viâ distat, verum quatuor etiam trans Rhenum milliaribus & eò ampliùs. Cuni∣culis opinor jam tentari urbem. Mauritius ex Hungaria domum redijt▪ dimissis copijs; Turcae domum & ipsi reverterunt: si non impetren∣tur induciae, magnus indè motus expectatur. Castaldus dicitur bonam operam ijs locis navare Ferdinando Regi. Nostrates Episcopi sollici∣tant nova foedera, quandoquidem vident, & experiuntur, quid sit periculi. E Saxonia mittuntur aliquot verbi doctores Augustam. Mansfeldicus bellum fecerat Henrico Brunsvicensi: num sit composita res, ignoramus. Is nunc est rerum status, nec aliud habeo quod scribam.

A vobis nihil responderi mihi miror, neque scio quid expectare de∣beam. Oro te, Magnifice Domine, age causam cum Reverendissi∣mo Cantuariensi. Equidem totus pergo in opere illo, & diligenter om∣nia conquiro. Dedi vobis occasiones & ansas, quibus apprehensis ne∣gotium nostrum conficeretis apud Sereniss. Regem. Haec autem mo∣ra valde me coquit. Utinam aliquid saltem rescriberetis. Vale. xvii De∣cembr. M. D. LII. Argent.

Magnificentiae tuae deditiss. Jo. Sleid.

Commendes me velim D. Rever. Cant. & D. Checo.

Cuperem habere Seriem actionis, quae Regi Henrico fuit cum Cle∣mente Septimo, priusquam ab eo se suumque regnum in libertatem as∣seruit. Nam & haec erunt inserenda suo loco.

NUM. C. Concerning his Commentaries, which he had sent to K. Edward. Desires Sr. William Cecyl to send him an exact information of the business between K. Henry and Pope Clement. His resolution of continuing his Commentaries, and of writing the History of the Councel of Trent.

Magnificis & spectatissimis Viris, D. D. Joanni Chaeco, & Gulielmo Caecilio, Dominis suis plurimum observandis.

SAL. Autumno superiori misi Sereniss. Regi belli Germanici Com∣mentarios,* 4.23 ad illud usque tempus conscriptos; & perjucundum mihi fuit, ex tuis literis, D. Caecili, cognoscere, non ei displicere ge∣nus hoc scribendi: vobis etiam illud probari, gaudeo, Viris doctissi∣mis, & acri judicio praeditis. Itaque rectè me facturum putavi, si Concilij Tridentini totam actionem, cujus etiam ego pars aliqua fui, regis causâ potissimùm conscriberem; ut cujusmodi sit Conciliorum forma perspiciat; deinde, ut de reliqua historia restauratae religionis, quam conscribo, judicium faciat. Nam inde ab anno salutis M.D.XVII. quo quidem anno fecit doctrinae suae Lutherus initium, rem omnem or∣dine deduxi ad annum usque M.D.XXXVI. & quod superest, eo∣dem filo contexam, Dei beneficio. Sum autem in eo jam totus, & huic me rei soli trado, neque desistam, adjuvante Deo, priusquam perfece∣ro. Quale sit au••em futurum opus, & quam utile non huic aetati mo∣dò, sed etiam toti posteritati, malo vos judicare, vestríque similes, quam me prolixius de eo loqui.

Mense Decembri petebam abs te, D. Caecili, per literas, ut actio∣nem omnem, quae fuit Henrico Regi piae memoriae cum Clemente VII. quando se suùmque regnum in libertatem asseruit, mihi curares. Ha∣beo quidem ejus rei quaedam, sed non tam exactè, neque certò, quàm velim. Cupio en••m propriè & quam verissimè omnia describere. Quod quidem in ijs Commentarijs, quos jam mitto, quique sunt fu∣turi pars operis, animadvertere vos posse puto. Magni ergo benesicij loco mihi erit, si in eo mihi gratificaberis. Est enim locus illustris at∣que memorabilis, & omnino dignus de quo posteri cognoscant. Si∣quid praeterea sit apud vos hujus generis, unà velim transmitti. Quod superest, notum est vobis, Magnifici & Clarissimi Viri, tibi cumpri∣mis, D. Chaece, quemadmodum Sereniss. Rex, ante biennium, nempe anno M. D. LI. sub finem Martij, stipendium mihi constituit annuum absenti, Coron. aureos ducentos; uti Reverendissimus D. Cantuariensis, tunc temporis abituro Socero meo, domúmque redituro, Doctori Brunoni, nomine regis confirmavit. Et quoniam ejus pecuniae nihil adhuc accepi, plurimùm vos oro, quod antehac quoque seci non se∣mel, de••is operam, ut tandem solvatur. Possem equidem alia facere negotia magno meo cum emolumento, sicut alij plaerique, sed ad hunc laborem divinitus me vocatum esse judico, nec animo possum esse quie∣to, donec ad hoc usque tempus perduxero. Quo magis etiam spero,

Vos, qui pro vestra humanitate atque prudentia rectè omnia intelli∣gitis, in ••oc esse elaboraturos, ut de biennio jam exacto, mihi nunc satisfi••t, & in posterum caveatur, quò videlicet tanto commodius at∣que liberius huic rei vacare possim. Quanti enim hic labor mihi con∣stet, vobis aestimandum relinquo. Pertinet autem ad reges, ut ejus∣modi labores, qui sunt & literis ornamento & religioni, & utiles Reip∣foueant. Siquid est omnium rerum, in quo vicissim ego vobis inser∣vire queam, & gratificari, paratum me semper habebitis.

Veruntamen, ut hoc meum scriptum de Concilio, diligenter asser∣vetur in bibliotheca regis, nec in aliorum manus perveniat, nec ulli detur ejus exemplum, vehementer vos oro. Nam mea plurimum re∣fert, ne spargatur: & est solùm, ut ante quoque dixi, particula quae∣dam operis futuri.

De statu rerum nostratium, scire vos arbitror. Galli, sub finem Ja∣nuarij, libros de religione scriptos a nostris hominibus, ubi per mona∣chos conquisivissent in aedibus, publicè per Carnificem exusserunt Meti. Postridie discessit Guisius, inque Galliam redijt. Luneburgi fuit multo∣rum principum atque civitatum Saxoniae Conventus. Nuper etiam Pa∣latinus Elector, Bavarus, Clivensis, atque Wirtembergicus convenerunt Wimpffae. Brevi cognoscemus quid sit. Princeps Vrbinas dicitur esse factus minister Iulij tertij. Transylvani pacem feceruut cum Turca, de voluntate Ferdinandi Regis, ut scribitur, & annuum ei pendunt vecti∣gal. Augusta Vindelicorum tenetur adhuc praesidio, quod Caesar ante sextum mensem ibi reliquit. Videtur aliquis ibi motus impendere: Nec enim omnes praesentem statum ferre possunt. Volratus Comes Mansfeldius habet adhuc exercitum, neque certò scitur, in quem usum. Sed non diu latere potest quicquid est. Quod reliquum est, ut laetum atque jucundum a vobis nuncium accipiam, imprimis opto. Deus vos servet. Argentorati. Idibus Martij. M. D. LIII.

Oro vos plurimum, ut has meas literas atque scriptum Sereniss. Re∣gi exhibeatis cum nostri commendatione. Habetis opportunissimam negotij mei conficiundi occasionem. Obsecro, perficite, ne mihi sit opus in posterum eâdem de re scribere.

Vestri observantissimus, Ioan. Sleidanus. Li.

Richardo Hils, mercatori Londinensi, qui nobiscum aliquando ha∣bitavit, licebit dare quicquid mihi debetur. Cupio autem, atque etiam oro, ut per eum, qui has reddit, Soceri mei famulum, mihi respondeatis. Conjunctim vobis scribo, quia summam inter vos esse animorum conjunctionem accipio, ut judicij similitudinem

Mauritius Elector dicitur sollicitare, ut exercitum Mansfeldicum ad se traducat, & coquere nova consilia.

NUM. CI. Concerning the Affairs of Germany; and particularly of the Councel of Trent.

Ornatissimo Viro D. Gulielmo Caecilio, Serenissimi Regis Angliae Se∣cretario.

* 4.24SAL. De rebus actis Tridenti, non dubito quin ex Aschami Rogeri literis, ad quem scripsi, cognôris, Vir Ornatiss. Post impetra∣tam fidem publicam, quod fuit sub finem Januarij, Dux Mauricius putabatur omnino missurus esse Philippum & alios. Norenbergam enim usque praemiserat. Sed cum aliquandiu fuissent ibi commorati, sub finem Februarij revocavit eos, ad maturitatem jam prope deductis belli consilijs & apparatu. Dux Christophorus autem Wirtembergicus, qui doctrinae Confessionem exhibuerat antea per Legatos Tridenti, Brentium eò misit cum tribus collegis, quibus se conjunxerant duo no∣strae civitatis Theologi; & hi quidem Tridentum venerunt, ad xviii diem Martij. In alterum diem fuerat indicta, quam vocant, sessio. Sed nihil tum fuit actum: eaque sessio fuit ad Calend. usque Maij proro∣gata. Postquam ergo Legati Wirtembergici, qui nuper eò venerant re∣centes, & ego, nostrae Reip. nomine, Theologos nostros, apud Caesaris treis Oratores ibi, certis legibus, ad futuram actionem obtulimus & admisimus: Ego, qui jam in quintum mensem ibi fueram, sub finem Martij discessi, & ad xii Aprilis huc redij. Priusquam abirem, de vo∣luntate Sociorum egeram diligenter apud alterum Caesaris Oratorem, de modo processus, & urgebam ut Theologi nostri publicè audirentur, aut super articulis ibi definitis, aut super capitibus doctrinae, juxta se∣riem Confessionis exhibitae. Hoc autem invitissimi faciunt; neque publicum ipsis auditorium, opinor, facilè concedent. In quo qui∣dem si perseverent, tum nostri discedent. Et hic quidem fuit, me discedente, rerum status. Qui sunt ibi doctiores, Brentium norunt ex scriptis, & ipsius expetunt colloquia. Sunt ibi Hispani Episcopi xxv, Itali totidem aut plures: & hi quidem actionis atque morae pertaesi, spectabant abitionem; illi verò, Caesaris authoritate, qui caetum illum dissolvi non temerè patitur, continentur. Jam Episcopi nostrates om∣nes abierant, praeter Curiensem & Constantiensem, qui tamen & ipse paucis post me diebus dicebatur esse discessurus.

Videt Caesar, quam non facilè recolligi possit ejusmodi caetus post∣hâc, si nunc eum dissip••ri contingat: ideóque tantopere studuit hacte∣nus eum continere. Digressus, cum venissem Aenipontem, D. Legatum Morisinum Halae conveni Calendis Aprilis. Postridiè continuato iti∣nere intelligebam obsideri Augustam Vindelicorum ab duce Mauricio, fi∣lijsque Lantgravij, & Alberto Brandeburgico. Biduo pòst occurrit mihi in via D. Morisini Conjux, quae per Augustam huc profectura, cum difficilem fore transitum audisset, ad maritum redibat. Eodem die deditionem fecerunt Augustani, qui fuit hujus mensis dies quartus. Erant in urbe tria peditum signa, ductore Walthero Hir••beincio: qui

omnes liberaliter, nullâ devincti lege dimissi fuerunt. Postridiè sunt urbem ingressi principes, qui veteri restituto Senatu & tribubus, uti in reliquis etiam oppidis fecerant, & constitutâ novâ Rep▪ & tormen∣tis tum Civitatis, tum Caesaris, quae sunt ibi plurima, perquisitis, die Aprilis septimo discesserunt. Quibus autem conditionibus pacti sunt cum Oppidanis, adhuc quidem ignoro. Fuggerus Antonius pridie de∣ditionis excesserat urbe, & quatuor ab Aeniponte milliaribus, mane mi∣hi occurrit, tribus tantum comitatus. Vlma post iter feci, qui tun•• praesidium habebant, tria signa peditum, & videbantur ad defensionem omnino spectare. Postridiè quam illinc abij, nempe octavâ hujus men∣sis die, Principes, Mauricius, Lantgravij filius, & Megelburgins, datis ad eos literis, commeatum & alimoniam, & alia quaedam, ab ipsis petebant. Eas ad literas cum nihil illi responderent, Principes unde∣cimâ hujus denuò scripserunt, séque ipsos appropinquaturos nuncia∣bant; & hoc ipso tempore oppidum obsident. Est autem ea civitas valdè locuples, & quia magnam obtinent circùm ditionem, arces, ca∣stella, oppidula, praedia, vix opinor tolerabunt obsidionem. Proximus est impressioni Dux Wirtembergicus, qui sanè pacem libenter coleret, si per tempora liceret: ab eo rectum est iter ad nos. Altera ipsorum pars exercitus petit Alpes, credo, ut aditus occupent, nequis externus miles egredi possit. His copijs, opinor, praeest Albertus Brandeburgicus una cum Hedeckio.

Quid Caesar agat, aut ubi sit, nescimus. Ego cum essem Aeniponti, nihil quicquam vidi apparatus; maguúmque tum erat ibi silentium in aula, magnáque solitudo, nisi quod eo ipso die nonnullis fuit datum negotium conscribendi copias. Dubium tamen non est, quin Italum & Hispanum militem Caesar evocarit. Electores Rhenani suos habent apud principes Legatos de pace: sed plaerique putant difficillimam esse fu∣turam tractationem. Aeniponte mihi dicebatur, Caesarem in hoc esse to∣tum, ut Mauricium placaret. Et hic quidem paroxysmus nobis immi∣net ab oriente sole: jam vero ab occidente multò ferè terribilior instat. Nam Metim urbem Gallus tenet, & per vicinum nobis agrum iter fa∣ciens, volet etiam hanc nostram urbem fortassis videre, multúmque hoc ad suam gloriam pertinere putabit, eoúsque signa promovisse. Quod si alter exercitus, occupata Vlma, caeterisque domitis, ad nos etiam propius accedet, vides in quantis simus augustijs. O! quis erit hujus tragediae tandem exitus? Gorziam oppidum & Abbatiam prae∣divitem Galli, ante diem octavum, vi ceperunt, diripuerunt, incen∣derunt, opinor, praefecto Hispano, cum 38 militibus, suspenso. Theo∣nis villa, Luc••mburgic••e ditionis oppidum munitum, quatuor à Meti milliaribus, ad Mosellam flumen•• habet equitum peditumque praesi∣dia, & nuper emissis faeminis atque pueris, obsidionem tolerabit. Eo enim capto oppido, nihil ferè est ijs locis, quod vim ullam majorem diu sustinere possit.

Haec est rerum apud nos facies. Vos multò faeliciores, qui festinam pacem colitis in pulcherrima regione. Socer meus, quem nosti, datis ad me literis (nam est in agro Metensibus vicino) multam tibi salutem nunciat, séque diligenter vobis omnibus commendat, & jussit ut haec, tam suo quam meo etiam nomine, tibi scriberem, quandoquidem ex ijs locis, ubi nunc est, & in hac temporum asperitate, non ita commodè potest ipse ad vos dare literas. Quod cum ità sit, nolui hoc officium

praetermittere, ut de ipsius apud vos observantia studióque perpetuo cognosci posset. Quanquam & ipse, pro meo in vos affectu, mea spon∣te scripturus eram: & spero vos in optimam partem haec accepturos esse, quae fortasse jam aliundè etiam accepistis. Attamen quia rebus ipsemet tractandis interfui Tridenti, puto vobis tanto futuram esse gra∣tiorem hanc qualemcúnque narrationem. Quod superest, ut meum negotium, quod aliquot nunc annis agitatur, & de quo Reverendiss. D. Cantuariensis, anno superiori, Socero meo certum quid dixit, pro∣moveas, Vir ornatissime, etiam atque etiam rogo. Sereniss. Rex con∣stituit mihi, sicut Cantuariensis dixit Socero, annuos ducentos absenti. Ut ejus rei conficiatur Diploma magnoperè pe••o, sicut hactenus, eám∣que mihi pecuniam dependi flagito. Scis rem omnem haud dubiè, a••io∣qui prolixior essem: & priusquam irem Tridentum, scripsi eâ de re D. Chaeco, sicut etiam Reverendiss. D. Cantuariensi. Nihil hactenus mi∣hi responsum est à vobis: quo magis peto, ut per te certi aliquid cog∣noscam. In eo feceris & Socero mihique gratissimum. Vale. Argent. xviii. April. 1552.

Ioan. Sleidanus, Licent.

Has literas oro communices Reverendissimo D. Cantuar. Nam sic scribo ad ipsum. Per Richardum Hillis mercatorem vestratem rectè poteritis ad nos, nisi alia sit ratio commodior. Clarissimo Viro D. Che∣co plurimùm & officiosè me commendo.

NUM. CII. Martin Bucer to the Secretary, for the speeding of Sleidan's business.

Summâ dignitate viro, & pietate praecellenti D. Sicilio, Regiae Majestatis a Secretis, Domino ac Patrono suo summoperè colendo.

S. P. Vir Clarissime, Accipies hic meas literas, quamlibet aegrè dictatas,* 4.25 ad summè doctum & pium Medicum D. Ioannem Quer∣cetanum. Sed te per Christum rogo, nosti supplicationem nostram pro Sleydano, si possis ullâ ratione impetrare, dari responsum, in utram placeat partem. Nosti hoc decere administrationem Regni, & ceteris, & Religionis beneficio tantoperè ornatam. Dominus prosequatur te, tuósque omnes beneficentiâ cumulatissimâ. Cantabrigiae, 18 Feb. M.D.LI.

Clarissimae Dominationi tuae de∣ditissimus in Domino, M. Bucerus.

NUM. CIII. Ralph Morice, the Archbishops Secretary, his Supplication to Queen Elizabeth, for Prior Wilbore's Pension, lately de∣ceased.

To the Quenys most excellent Majestie.

IN his most humble wise,* 4.26 shewith and declarith unto your most ex••ellent Majestie your highnes humble subject and Orator Raphe Morice, sometime servant unto that worthie Prelate of godly memo∣rie, Tho. Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterburye. That whereas your highnes said Orator for the space of 20 yeres and above, being reteynid in service with the said most Reverend father, in the rowme of a Secretary, bestowed and spent both his time, youthe and prospe∣ritye of his life, not so much in writing of the private busynes of the said most Reverend father▪ as in travailing with his pen aboughte the serious affaires of the Prince and the Realme, commyted unto him by those most noble and wurthie princes, K. Henry the eighth, and K. Edward the Sixth, your M••jesties dere father and brother, concern∣yng aswel the writyng of those great and weightie Matrimonyal cau∣ses of your highnes said dere Father, (the good effecte, successe and benefit wherof to Godds g••ory, this hole realme with the Subjects therof, in your highnes most noble and royal personage, do now most happilie enjoye,) As also aboute thexstirpation of the Bishop of Rome his usurped power and authoritie, the reformation of corrupte religion, and Ecclesiastical Lawes, thalteration of Divine Service, and of divers and sundry conferences of lern••d men, for thestablishing and advancement of sincere religion, with such like. Wherin your highness said Orator most painfullie was occupied in writing of no small Volumes, from tyme to tyme. As in that behalf divers lernid men now lyving can testi••ie; namely Dr. Hethe, Dr. Thirleby, the Bishopes of Elie, Chichester and Heriford. And for that the said most Reverend Father was myndeful and desirous some deale to recompence the payneful service of your said Orator, he of his own mere motion and good disposition procurid for your highnes said Orator, a lease of the parsonage of Ospringe within the Count of Kent, ympropriated unto the Colledge of S. Iohns in Cambridge: which to∣wardes the mayntenance of your said Orators lyving was better than 40 markes by the yere de claro, when Wheat was but a Noble the quarter. Which lease of the said parsonage being so grauntid, and re∣die to be sealid by the Master and felowes of the same Colledge, one H••••kyns of the Garde, by his y mportunate sute, made unto your highnes said dere father the Kinges Majestie, so wan his highnes fa∣vou•• therin, that his Majestie obteynyd the said Lease to be sealid to the use of the said H••••kyns. His Majestie nevertheles promising unto D. Day, then Master of the said Colledge, and sone after unto the said

most Reverend, that his highnes wolde otherwise recompense your said Orator for the same with like valewe or better: as the said Haw∣kyns now lyving can testifie the same. This notwithstanding, most dere Soveraigne Lady, Almighty God preventing the time of any such recompence by calling your highnes said father unto his mercy, your highnes said Orator remayneth as yet unrecompenced to his great hinderaunce, and ympoverishmente. For now being declyned unto age, and having 4 daughters left by thair mother marriageable, your said Orator is neither of habilitie to bestow them according to his vocation, as he might have done, yf that small lyving so pr••pa∣red for him might have remayned to his use; Nor hymself to lyve withouten danger, onles your Majestie, of your benigne great good∣nes, do extende your highnes liberalitie, aide and succour unto hym. And for that your highnes said Orator doeth understand, that one Mr. Wilbore, sometyme Prior of the Monasterie of S. Austens, de∣parted this transitorie life before Mighilmas last past, who hath a yere∣lie pension of your Majestie of now by reason of his death in your gracious disposition, It may please your highness in conside∣ration of the premisses, and for that it is reported, that your said most noble, and dere father provided and willed in his last testamente, that such of his subjects, as by his highnes did susteyne any maner of damage or hinderaunce sholde be satisfied for the same; to be so good and gracious Soveraigne Lady unto your said Orator, in the fur∣theraunce of his said poor daughters marieges, as to graunte unto hym the said pension during his life, with tharrerages of this last half yere deu at the said feast of S. Michel tharchangel last past. In accom∣plishing wherof your highnes shal not only do a right charitable and a meritorious deed, but also therbie throughlie satisfie and recompence your said Orator for the said lease so surrendred at the request of your highnes said dere father. Although the said Orator hath lost in forbear∣ing of the same above M. mark for the space of these eighteen yeres and above, corn being at such a price as it hath byn: And finallie bynde both hym and al his, during thair lyves, dailie to pray unto Al∣mighty God for the most prosperous estate of your Majestie in moche honour and felicitie to indure.

NUM. CIV. A Prologue or Preface, made by THOMAS CRANMER, Late Archbishop of Canterbury, to the holy Bible.

COncerning two sundry sorts of people, it seemeth much necessa∣ry, that something bee said in the entrie of this Book, by way of a Preface or Prologue: Wherby hereafter it may bee both the better accepted of th m, which hitherto could not wel bear it, and also the better used of them, which heretofore have misused it. For truly some there are, that be too slow, and need the spurr; some other seem too q••ick, and need more of the bridle. Some loose their game by shor•• shooting, some by overshooting. Some walk too much on the left hand: some too much on the right. In the former sort be al they, that refuse to read, or to hear read the Scripture in the vulgar tongue, much worse they that let also, or discourage the other from the reading, or hearing thereof. In the Latter sort bee they, which by their inordinate reading, undiscrete speaking, contentious dispu∣ting, or otherwise by their licentious Living, slander and hinder the word of God most of al other, wherof they would seem to bee gre••test furtherers. These two sorts, albeit they bee most far unlike the one to the other, yet they both deserve in effect like reproch. Nei∣ther can I well te••l, whether of them I may judg the more offendor, him that doth obstinately refuse so godly and goodly knowledg, or him, that so ungodly, and so ungoodly doth abuse the same.

And as touching the former, I would mervail much ••hat any man should bee so mad, as to refuse in darkness, Light; in hunger, Food; in cold, Fire. For the word of God is Light. Lucerna pedibus meis Verbum tuum. Thy Word is a Lanthorn unto my feet. It is food.* 4.27 Non in solo p••ne vivit homo, sed in omni verbo Dei.* 4.28 Man shal not live by bread onely, b••t by ever•• word of God. It is fire. Ignem veni mittere in terram, & quid v••lo, nisi ut ardeat. I am come to send fire on the earth,* 4.29 and what is my desire, but that it be kindled? I would mervail, I say, at this, save that I cons••der, how much custome and usage may do. So that if there were a people as some write De Cymmerijs, which never saw the sun, by reason that they be si••uated far toward the North-Pole, and be enclosed and overshadowed with high mountaines; it is credible and like enough, that if by the power and will of God the mountains should sink down and give place, that the light of the Sun might have entraunce to them, at the first some of them would bee offended therewith. And the old Proverb affirmeth, that after tillage of corn was first found, many delighted more to feed of mast and acornes. wherewith they had been accustomed, then to eat bread made of good corn. Such is the nature of custome, that it causeth us to bear all things well and easily, wherewith we have been accustomed and to bee offended with all things thereunto contrary. And therefore I can well think them worthy pardon, which at the coming abroad of Scripture doubted and drew back. But such as wil persist stil in their wilfulness, I must needs judg not only foolish, froward and obstinate, but also peevish, perverse and indurate.

And yet if the matter should bee tryed by Custome, wee might also too alledge custome for the reading of the Scripture in the Vulgar tongue, and prescribe the more auntient custome. For it is not much above one hundred years agoe, since Scripture hath not b••en ac∣customed to bee read in the vulgar tongue within this realm: and ma∣ny hundred years before that, it was translated and read in the Saxons tongue, which at that time was our mother tongue: whereof there remain yet divers copies, found lately in old Abbies, of such antique maner of writing, and speaking, that few men now been able to read and understand them. And when this language waned old, and out of common usage because folk should not lack the fruit of reading, it was again translated into the newer Language, whereof yet also many copies remain, and bee daily found.

But now to let pass custome, and to weigh, as wise men ever should, the thing in his own nature. Let us here discuss, what it availeth, Scriptu••e to bee had and read of the Lay and Vulgar people. And to this question I intend here to say nothing, but that was spoken and written by the noble Doctor, and most moral Divine, S. Iohn Chrysostome,* 4.30 in his third Sermon De Lazaro; albeit I wil be something shorter, and gather the matter into fewer words, and less room then he doth there, because I would not bee tedious. Hee exhorteth there his Audience,

that every men should read by himself at home in the mean dayes and time, between Sermon and Sermon, to the intent they might both more profoundly fix in their minds and memories that hee had said before upon such texts, whereupon he had already preached; and also that they might have their minds the more ready and better prepared to receive and perceive that which he should say from thenceforth in his Sermons, upon such texts as hee had not yet declared and preached upon. Therefore, saith he there, My com∣mon usage is to give you warning before, what matter I intend after to entreat upon, that you your selves, in the mean dayes, may take the book in hand▪ read, weigh and perceive the sum and effect of the matter, and mark what hath been declared, and what remaineth yet to bee declared: So that thereby your mind may be the more furnisht to hear the rest that shal bee said. And that I exhort you, saith hee, and ever have and wil exhort you, that you not only here in the Church, give ear to that that is said by the Preacher; but that also, when yee bee at home in your houses, yee apply your selves, from time to time, to the reading of holy Scriptures. Which thing also I never li•• to beat into the ears of them that bee my familiars, and with whom I have private acquaintance and conversation. Let no man make ex∣cuse and say, saith hee, I am busied about matters of the common∣wealth, I bear this office or that; I am a crafts man, I must apply mine occupation: I have a wife, my children must be fed, my house∣hold must be provided for. Briefly, I am a man of the world, it is not for mee to read the Scriptures, that belongeth to them that have bidden the world farewel, which live in solitarines and contemplation, and have been brought up and continually nursilled in Learning and religion.

To this answering, What sayest thou Man, saith hee, is it not for thee to study and to read the Scripture, because thou art encumbred and

distract with cares and business? So much the more is it behoofful for thee to have defence of Scriptures, how much thou art the more di∣stressed in worldly dangers. They, that bee free and far from trou∣ble and intermedling of worldly things, Live in safeguard, and tran∣quillity, and in the calm, and within a sure haven. Thou art in the midst of the Sea of worldly wickednes, and therefore thou needest the more of ghostly succour and comfort. They sit far from the strokes of battaile, and far out of gun-shot, and therfore they bee but seldome wounded. Thou that standest in the forefront of the Host, and nighest to thine enemies, must needs take now and then many strokes, and bee grievously wounded, and therefore thou hast most need to have thy remedies and medicines at hand. Thy Wife provoketh thee to anger, thy Child giveth thee occasion to take sorrowand pensiveness, thine enemies ly in wait for thee, thy friend as thou takest him, Sometime envieth thee, thy neighbour misreporteth thee, or piketh quarrels against thee, thy Mate or partner undermineth thee; thy Lord, Judge or Justice, threatneth thee; Poverty is painful unto thee; the loss of thy dear and welbeloved causeth thee to mourn; Prosperity exalteth thee, Ad∣versity bringeth thee low: Briefly, so divers and so manifold occasions of cares, tribulations and temptations, beset thee and besiege thee round about. Where canst thou have armour, or fortress, against thine assaults? Where canst thou have salves for thy sores, but of holy Scripture? Thy flesh must needs be prone and subject to fleshly lusts, which daily walkest and art conversant among women, seest their beautyes set forth to the ey, hearest their nice and wanton words, smellest their balm, civet and musk, with other like provocations and stirrings; Except thou hast in a readiness, wherewith to suppress and avoyd them, which cannot elsewhere bee had, but onely out of the holy Scriptures. Let us read and seek all remedies that wee can, and all shall bee little enough. How shal wee then do, if wee suffer and take daily wounds, and when wee have done, wil sit still and search for no medicines? Dost thou not mark and consider how the Smith, Mason or Carpenter, or any other handy craftes man, what need soever hee bee in, what other shift hee make, hee will not sell nor lay to pledg the tools of his occupation. For then how should hee work his feat, or get his living thereby? Of like mind and affection ought wee to bee towards holy Scripture. For as mallets, hammers, sawes, chesells, axes and hatchets bee the tools of their occupation; So bee the Books of the Prophets and Apostles, and all holy Writers inspired by the holy Ghost, the instruments of our Salvation. Wherefore let us not stick to buy and provide us the Bible, that is to say, the Books of holy Scripture, and let us think that to bee a better jewel in our house, then either gold or silver. For like as thieves bee loth to assault an house, where they know to bee good armour and artillery, so wheresoever these holy and ghostly books be occupied, there neither the Devil, nor none of his Angels dare come neer. And they that oc∣cupy them bee in much safeguard, and have a great consolation, and bee the readier unto all goodness, the slower unto all evil. And if they have done any thing amiss, anon, even by the sight of the books, their consciences bee admonished, and they wax sorry and ashamed of the fact. Peradventure they wil say unto mee, How and if wee un∣derstand

not that wee read, that is contained in the Books? What then? suppose thou understand not the deep and profound Mysteries of Scripture, yet can it not bee, but that much fruit and holines must come and grow unto thee by the reading. For it cannot bee, that thou shouldest bee ignorant in al things alike. For the holy Ghost hath so ordered and attempered the Scriptures, that in them, as wel Publi∣cans, fishers and sheepherds may find their edification, as great Doctors their erudition. For those books were not made to vain glory, like as were the Writings of the Gentile Philosophers, and Rhetori∣cians, to the intent the makers should bee had in admiration for their high stiles, and obscure manner of writing; wherof nothing can bee understanded without a Master, or an Expositor. But the Apostles and Prophets wrot their books so, that their special intent and purpose might bee understanded and perceived of every reader: which was nothing but the edification or amendment of the life of them that read or hear it. Who is it, that reading, or hearing read in the Gospel, Blessed are they, that bee meek; Blessed are they, that bee merciful: Blessed are they, that bee of clean heart, and such other like places, can perceive nothing, except hee have a Master to teach him what it meaneth? Likewise the signs and miracles with al other histories of the doings of Christ, or his Apostles, who is there of so simple wit and capacity, but hee may bee able to perceive and under∣stand them? These bee but excuses and clokes for the rain, and co∣verings of their own idle slothfulnes. But still ye wil say, I cannot understand it. What mervail? How shouldest thou understand, if thou wilt not read nor look upon it? Take the books into thine hands, read the whole story, and that thou understandest, keep it well in me∣mory: that thou understandest not, read it again and again. If thou can neither so come by it, counsail with some other that is better Learned. Go to thy Curate and Preacher, shew thy self to bee desi∣rous to know and learn. And I doubt not but God seeing thy dili∣gence and readines, if no man else teach thee, wil himself vouchsafe with his holy Spirit to illuminate thee, and to open unto thee that which was locked from thee. Remember the Eunuch of Candace Queen of Ethiopia: which albeit hee was a man of a wild and barbarous coun∣try, and one occupied with worldly cares and busines, yet riding in his charet, hee was reading the Scripture. Now consider, if this man, passing in his journey, was so diligent as to read the Scripture, what thinkest thou of like was hee wont to do sitting at home? Again, hee letteth not to read, albeit he did not understand: What did hee then trowest thou after that, when hee had learned and gotten under∣standing? For that thou mayest wel know that he understood not what hee read, harken what Philip saith there unto him. Vnder∣standest thou what thou readest? And hee nothing ashamed to confess his ignor••nce, answered, How should I understand, having no body to shew mee the••way? Loe! when hee lacked one to shew him the way, and to expound to him the scripture, yet did hee read. And therefore God the rather provided for him a guide of the way, that taught him to understand it. God perceived his willing and toward mind, and therfore hee sent him a Teacher by and by. Therfore let no man be neg••igent about his own health and salvation. Though thou have not

Philip alwayes, when thou wouldest, the holy Ghost, which then moved and sti••red up Philip, will bee ready and not fail thee, if thou do thy diligence accordingly. All these things bee written for us, for our edification and amendment, which bee born towards the latter end of the world. The reading of the Scriptures is a great and strong bulwark or fortress against sin: the ignorance of the same is a greater ruine and destruction of them that wil not know it. That is the thing that bringeth in heresie; that is it that causeth all corrupt and perverse Living; that is it, that bringeth all things out of good order.

Hitherto al that I have said, I have taken and gathered out of the foresaid sermon of this holy Doctor S. Iohn Ch••ysostom. Now if I should in like manner bring sorth what the self same Doctor speaketh in other places, and what other Doctors and Writers say concerning the same purpose, I might seem to you to write another Bible, ra••her then to make a Preface to the Bible. Wherfore in few words to compre∣hend the largeness and utility of the Scripture, how it containeth fruitful instruction and erudition for every man, if any thing be ne∣cessary to be Learned, of the holy Scripture we may learn it. If falshood shall be reproved, thereof wee may gather wherewithal. If any thing bee to bee corrected and amended; if there need any exhor∣tation or consolation, of the Scripture wee may wel learn. In the Scriptures bee the fat pastures of the Soul; therein is no venomous meat, no unwholsome thing: they bee the very dainty and pure feed∣ing. Hee that is ignorant, shal find there what hee should learn. Hee that is a perverse sinner, shal there find his Damnation to make him to tremble for fear. Hee that laboureth to serve God, shal find there his Glory, and the promissions of eternal life, exhorting him more diligently to labour. Herein may Princes learn how to govern their Subjects: Subjects obedience, Love and dread to their Princes. Husbands how they should behave them unto their Wives, how to educate their Children and Servants. And contrary the Wives, Children and Servants, may know their dutie to their Husbands, Pa∣rents, and Masters. Here may al maner of persons, men, women, young, old, learned, unlearned, rich, poor, priests, Laymen, Lords, La••ies, officers, tenants, and mean men, Virgins, Wives, Widdowes, Lawiers, Merchants, Artificers, Husbandmen, and al manner of persons of what estate or condition soever they bee, may in this book learn all things what they ought to believe, what they ought to do, and what they should not do, as wel concerning Almighty God, as also concerning themselves and al other. Briefly, to the read∣ing of the Scripture none can bee enemy, but that either bee so sick, that they Love not to hear of any medicine; or else that bee so igno∣rant, that they know not Scripture to bee the most healthful medicine.

Therefore as touching this former part, I wil hear conclude, and take it for conclusion, sufficiently determined and appoynted,* 4.31 that it is convenient and good the Scriptures to bee read of al sorts and kinds of people, and in the vulgar tongue, without further allegations and probations for the same; which shal not need, since that this one place of Iohn Chrysostom is enough, and sufficient to persuade al them,

that bee not frowardly and perversely set in their own wilful opinion. Specially now that the Kings Highnes, being Supreme Head next under Christ of this church of England,* 4.32 hath approved with his Royal assent the setting forth hereof. Which onely to al true and obedient. Subjects ought to bee a sufficient reason for the allowance of the same, without further delay, reclamation or resistance, although there were no preface, or other reason herein expressed.

Therefore now to come to the second, and latter part of my purpose. Here is nothing so good in this world, but it may bee abused, and turned from unhurtfull and wholsome, to hurtful and noisome. What is there above better then the Sun, the Moon and the Stars? Yet was there, that took occasion, by the great beauty and vertue of them, to dishonour God, and to defile themselves with idolatry, giving the honour of the Living God, and Creator of al things, to such things as hee had created. What is there here beneath better then fire, Water, meats, drinks, mettals of gold, silver, iron and steel? Yet wee see daily great harm and much mischief done by every one of these, as wel for lack of wisdome and providence of them that suffer evil, as by the malice of them that work the evill. Thus to them that bee evil of themselves, every thing setteth forward, and en∣creaseth their evil: bee it of his own nature a thing never so good. Like as contrarily, to them that study and endeavour themselves to goodnes, every thing prevaileth them, and profiteth unto good; bee it of his own nature a thing never so bad. As S. Paul saith, Hijs, qui diligunt Deum, omnia cooperantur in bonum. All things do bring good success to such as do love God. Even as out of most venimous wormes is made Triacle, the most sovereign medicine for the preservation of mans health in time of danger. Wherefore I would advise you all, that come to the reading or hearing of this Book, which is the word of God, the most precious jewel, and most holy Relique, that re∣maineth upon earth, that yee bring with you the fear of God, and that yee do it with al reverence, and use your knowledg thereof not to vain glory of frivolous disputation; but to the honour of God, encrease of vertue, and edification both of your selves and other.

And to the intent that my words may bee the more regarded, I wil use in this part the authority of S. Gregory Nazienzen, like as in the other I did of S. Iohn Chr••sostom. It appeareth, that in his time there were some, as I fear mee there bee also now at these dayes a great number, which were idle bablers and talkers of the Scripture out of season, and all good order, and without any encrease of virtue, or example of good living. To them hee writeth al his first book De Theologia. Where••ore I shal briefly gather the whole effect, and reci••e it here unto you.

There bee some, saith hee, whose not onely ears and tongues, but also their fists bee whetted, and ready bent al to conten∣tion and unprofitable disputation, whom I would wish, as they bee vehement and earnest to reason the matter with tongue, so they were al Ready and practive to do good deeds. But forasmuch as they, sub∣verting the order of al godlines, have respect onely to this thing, how they may bind and loose subtil questions, so that now every ma••ket∣place, every alehouse and tavern, every feasthouse, briefly, every company of men, every assembly of women, is filled with such talk:

Since the matter is so, saith hee, and that our saith and holy religion of Christ beginneth to wax nothing else, but as it were a Sophistrie, or a talking craft, I can no less do, but say something thereunto. It is not fit, saith hee, for every man to dispute the high questions of di••vinity▪ neither is it to bee done at al times, neither in every audience must wee discuss every doubt: but wee must know When, to Whom, and How far wee ought to enter into such matters.

First it is not for every man, but it is for such as bee of exact, and exqu••site judgments, and such as have spent their time before in study and contemplation; and such as before have cleansed themselves as wel in soul as body, or at the least endeavoured themselves to bee made clean. For it is dangerous, saith hee, for the unclean to touch that which is most clean: like as the sore ey taketh harm by looking upon the Sun.

Secondarily, Not at al times, but when wee bee reposed, and at rest from al outward dreggs and trouble; and when that our heads bee not encumbred with other worldly and wandring imaginations. As if a man should mingle balm and dirt together. For hee that shal judg and determine such matters and doubts of Scriptures, must take his time, when hee may apply his wits thereunto, that hee may thereby the better see and discern what is truth.

Thirdly, When and in what audience? There, and among those, that have been studious to Learn. And not among such as have plesure to trifle with such matters, as with other things of pastime. Which repute for their chief delicates the disputation of high questi∣ons, to shew their Wits, Learning and eloquence in reasoning of high matters.

Fourthly, It is to bee considered how far to wade in such matters of difficulty. No further, saith hee, but as every mans own capacity will serve him; and again no further, then the weakness or intelli∣gence of the other audience may bear. For like as too great noise hurt∣eth the ear, too much meat hurteth the mans body, heavy burthens hurt the bearers of them, too much rain doth more hurt then good to the ground; Briefly, in al things, too much is noyous: even so weak wits and weak consciences may soon be oppressed with over hard questions. I say not this to dissuade men from the knowledge of God, and reading, or studying of the Scripture. For I say, that it is as necessary for the life of mans Soul, as for the body to breath. And if it were possible so to Live, I would think it good for a man to spend al his life in that, and to do none other thing. I commend the Law, which biddeth to meditate and study the Scriptures alway, both night and day; and sermons and preachings to bee made, both morning, noon and eventide; and God to bee lauded and blessed in al times, to bedward, from bed, in our journeyes and all our other works. I for∣bid not to read, but I forbid to reason. Neither forbid I to reason so far as is good and godly: but I allow not that is done out of season, and out of mesure and good order. A man may eat too much of hony, bee it never so sweet; and there is time for every thing; and that thing, that is good, is not good, if it bee ungodly don. Even as a flower in winter is out of season; and as a womans apparel becometh not a man, neither contrarily, the mans the woman: neither is weep∣ing

convenient at a Bridall, neither laughing at a Buriall. Now if wee can observe and keep that is comely and timely in al other things, shal wee not then the rather do the same in the holy Scriptures? Let us not run forth, as it were wild horses, that can suffer neither bridle in their mouths, nor sitter on their backs Let us keep us in our bounds, and neither let us go too far on the one side, lest we return into Egypt, neither too far over the other, lest wee bee carried a way to Babylon. Let us not sing the song of our Lord in a strange land: that is to say, Let us not dispute the word of God at al adventures, as wel where it is not to bee reasoned, as where it is: and as wel in the ears of them that bee not fit therefore, as of them that bee. If wee can in no wise forbear, but that we must needs dispute, let us for∣bear thus much at the least, to do it out of time and place convenient. And let us entreat of those things, which bee holy, holily; and upon those things that bee mystical, mystically, and not to utter the divine Mysteries in the ears unworthy to hear them: but let us know what is comely, as wel in our silence and talking, as in our garments wearing, in our feeding, in our gesture, in our going, in al our other behaving. This contention and debate about Scripture and doubts thereof (spe∣cially when such as do pretend to ••ee the savourers and students thereof, cannot agree within themselves,) doth most hurt to our selves, and to the furthering of the cause and quarre••ls, that wee would not have furthered above al other things. And wee in this, saith hee, bee not unlike to them that being mad set their own houses on fire, and tha•• slay their own children, or beat their own parents. I mervail much saith hee, to recount whereof cometh all this desire of vain glory whereof cometh al this tongue-itch, that wee have so much delight to talk and clatter? And wherein is our communication? Not in the commendation of vertuous and good deeds, of hospitalit••, of love between Christian brother and brother, of love between man and wife, of Virginity and chastity, and of almes towards the poor: not in Psalmes and godly songs, not in lamenting for our sins, no•• in the repressing the affections of the bo••y, not in prayers to God. We talk of Scripture, but in the mean time we subdue not our flesh by fasting, watching and weeping: we make not this life a meditation of death: wee do not strive to bee Lords over our appetites and affections: wee go not about to put down our proud and high minds, to abate our fumish and rancorous stomacks, to restrain our lusts and bodily de∣lectations, our undiscrete sorrows, our lascivious mirth, our inordi∣nate looking, our insatiable hearing of vanities, our spe••king with∣out mesure, our inconvenient thoughts; and briefly, to reform our life and manners. But al our holines consists in Talking. And wee pardon each other from al good living,, so that wee may stick fast to∣gether in argumentation; as though there were no mo wayes to heaven but this alone, the way of speculation and knowledg, (as they take it,) but in very deed it is rather the way of superfluous conten∣tion and sophistication.

Hitherto have I recited the mind of Gregory Nazianzen in that book, which I spake of before.

The same Aucthor saith also in another place, that the Learning of a Christian man ought to begin of the fear of God, to end in matters of high speculation: and not con∣trarily

to begin with speculation, and to end in fear. For Speculation, saith hee, either high cunning or knowledg, if it be not stayd with the bridle of ••ea: to o••••end God, is daungerous, and enough to tumble a man 〈◊〉〈◊〉 down the hill. Therefore, saith hee, the fear of God must be the first beginning, and as it were an A. B. C. or an intro∣duction to all them, that shall enter into the very true and most fruit∣ful knowledg of holy Scriptures. Whereas is the fear of God, there is, saith ••ee, t••e keeping of the Commandments, there is the cleans∣ing of the flesh. Which flesh is a cloud before the Souls ey, and suf∣fereth i•• not purely to see the beam of heavenly light. Whereas is the cleansing of the flesh, there is the illumination of the holy Ghost, the end of al our d••••ires and the very light, whereby the verity of Scriptures is se••n and perceived.

This is the mind and almost the words of Gregory N••zia••zen, Doctor of the Gre••k Church; of whom S. Ierome saith, that unto his time the L••tine church had no Writer able to bee compared, and to make an even match with him.

Therefore to conclude this Latter part, Every man,* 4.33 that cometh to the reading of this hol•• book, ought to bring with him first and fore∣most this feat of Almighty God: and then next, a firm and stable pur∣pose to reform his own self according thereunto: and so to continue, proceed and prosper from t••••e to time; shewing himself to bee a sober and fruitful hearer and learner. Which if hee do, hee shall prove at length wel able to teach, though not with his mouth, yet with his Living and good example: which is sure the most lively and affectuous form and manner of teaching. Hee that otherwise inter∣medleth with this book, ••et him be assured, that once hee shal make account therefore, when hee shal have said to him, as it is written in the Prophet David, Peccatori dicit Deus, &c. Vnto the ungodly said God,* 4.34 why dost thou preach my La••es, and takest my Testament in thy mouth? Whereas 〈…〉〈…〉 to bee reformed, and hast been partakers with adulte∣rers. Tho•• hast l••t thy mouth speak wickedness, and with thy tongue thou hast set forth dec••••pt. Thou sattest and spakest against thy brother, and hast slandered thine own Mothers son. These things hast thou done, and I held my tongue, and thou thoughtest wickedly, that I am even such an one as thee self, but I wil reprove thee, and set before thee the things that thou hast done. O consider this yee that forget God, lest I pluck you away, and there bee none to deliver you. Whoso offereth mee thanks and praise, hee honour∣e•••• mee, and to him that ordereth his conversation right, wil I shew the Salvation of God.

Praise bee to God.

NUM. CV. Bucer and others Learned strangers from Lambeth to Cecyl, to pre∣fer the Petition of some poor French Protestants to the Protector.

Clarissimo Viro, Domino Sicilio, illustrissimi Principis Protectoris Angliae, à Secretis, Domino & amico summopere Colendo, & Charissimo.

GRatiam & benedictionem Domini nostri Iesu Christi, augeri tibi precamur,* 4.35 Vir ornatissime & religiosissime. Cum summa fide & studio ministrare oporteat Christo Domino nostro afflicto in membris suis, & nostris, non debuimus officium nostrum negare ijs captivis Domini, quorum caussam exponent hi Ecclesiae Gallicanae Ministri, Collegae nostri, & his ipsis fratribus & collegis nostris, ut utrósque tuae charitati comm••ndaremus, id T.D. à nobis boni consulet. Veniunt vero ad te hi Collegae nostri, jussu Reverendissimi Domini, ac Patroni nostri, Arch••••piscopi Cantuariensis, rogatum, ut Captivorum illorum Supplicatione••n velis offerre Illustrissimo Principi, D. Protectori, ad∣juncta tua commendatione; fidèmque faci••nt, eos, quorum offerunt Supplicationem, nulla alia, quam Religionis c••ussa, patriam suam de∣serere coactos, in hoc regnum venisse, tanquam ad Christi asylum. Quod cum ita habere propter testium sanctiratem, nihil dubitemus, D. T. quantum licet oramus, ut caussam horum Captivorum Christi apud Illustriss. Principem, D Protectorem, diligenter agas, & nostras quoque illius Celsitudini supplices preces, ad eam caussam offerre non graveris. Quod Christus Dominus tibi cumulatè rependet. Cui Illustrissimum Principem D. Protectorem, teque & tuos omnes etiam atque etiam commendamus. Lambethi XIII Augusti, Anno MDXLIX.

Tui in Domino

Martinus Bucerus.

Pet. Martyr.

Petrus Alexander.

Paulus Fagius.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 1.2

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 1.3

  Sir W. S. MSS.
• * 1.4

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 1.5

  Cranm. Reg.
• * 1.6

  Cranm. Reg.
• * 1.7

  Cleopatra, E. 6.
• * 1.8

  Cleopatra, E. 5.
• * 1.9

  Cotton Libr. Cleop. E. 6. p. 172.
• * 1.10

  Cott. Librar. Cleop. E. 6. p. 165.
• * 1.11

  Cotton Libr. Cleop. E. 6. p. 181.
• * 1.12

  The Pre∣amble to this Act may be read in the History of the Reforma∣tion, Part I. p. 145.
• * 1.13

  Cleopatra, E. 5.
• * 1.14

  From whence came Shaxton Bp. of Sarum, and Skip, Q. Annes Chaplain, and Bp. of Here∣ford.
• * 1.15

  Cleopatra, E. 6. p. 232.
• * 1.16

  Cleop. F. 1. p. 261.
• * 1.17

  Cleop. F. 2. p. 124.
• * 1.18

  C C.C.C. MS. Miscel. G.
• * 1.19

  Cleopatra, F. 1. p. 88.
• * 1.20

  Cleop. F. 1. p. 91.
• * 1.21

  Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 192.
• * 1.22

  This was writ with the ABps own hand. Al the rest of the Letter was his Secretaries:
• * 1.23

  Cleopatra, E. 5.
• * 1.24

  ABp Cranm. Regist.
• * 1.25

  ABp. Cranm. Regist.
• * 1.26

  Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 327.
• * 1.27

  Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 371.
• * 1.28

  Ex Dudithi•• Orationib. & Opuscul
• * 1.29

  Aphorismo∣rum, de consi∣deratione Eu∣charistiae.
• * 1.30

  Cleopatra, E. 5.
• * 1.31

  Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 36.
• * 1.32

  Cleop. E. 5.
• * 1.33

  The ABp. of Cant. Bp. Da∣vys.
• * 1.34

  Archb. Cant.
• * 1.35

  ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.
• * 1.36

  ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes. Mr. Cocks.
• * 1.37

  ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.
• * 1.38

  ABp. Cant.
• * 1.39

  Where is this distinction found? [The King's note.]
• * 1.40

  Now▪ since you confess, that the Apollystys [Apostles] did occupate the one part, which you now confes be∣longeth to Princes, how can you prove, that Ordering is only committed to you Bishops? [The Kings Note.]
• † 1.41

  Ubi hoc? [The Kings Note.]
• * 1.42

  ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes. Mr. Cocks.
• * 1.43

  ABp. Cant.
• * 1.44

  ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.
• * 1.45

  ABp. Cant.
• * 1.46

  ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.
• * 1.47

  ABp. Cant. Bp. Davyes.
• * 1.48

  Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 111.
• * 1.49

  Cleopatra, E. 5. p. 326.
• * 1.50

  MSS. C. C. CC. Miscellan. D.
• * 1.51

  MSS.C.C.C.C. Miscellan. D.
• * 1.52

  MSS. C. C C C. intit. Synoda∣lia.
• * 1.53

  Dr. Legh.
• * 1.54

  Foxij MSS.
• * 1.55

  Heresie.
• * 1.56

  The Erudi∣tion of a Chri∣stian man.
• * 1.57

  Cotton library. Vespas. D. 18.
• * 1.58

  But these are not the words of Erasmus, but S. Paul. Rom. XIII.8
• * 1.59

  In the Book of The Eruditi∣on, &c.
• * 1.60

  MSS.SrW.H.
• * 1.61

  Daius Cice∣strensis.
• * 1.62

  Aschamij Epp.
• * 1.63

  Becons Re∣ports.
• * 1.64

  MSS.C.C.CC. Miscellan. D.
• * 1.65

  DeCons••er. di 4. Non ratione, Domino proprie. Siquts. De Ca∣techumenis, Si∣qui, Vencrabilis, Baptizand.
• * 1.66

  Ex MSS. C.C.C.C. Miscellan. D.
• * 1.67

  Sr. W.H.MSS.
• * 1.68

  Buceri Scripta Angli••.
• * 1.69

  P. Martyri•• O∣pera.
• * 1.70

  Foxij MSS.
• * 1.71

  F••xij MSS.
• * 1.72

  Gen. 17.
• * 1.73

  E MSto. pri∣vato.
• * 2.1

  Sr. W.H.MSS.
• * 2.2

  Sr. W.H.MSS.
• * 2.3

  Foxij. M.S.S.
• * 2.4

  Privati MS.
• * 2.5

  Sr. W. H. M.S.S.
• * 2.6

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.7

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.8

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.9

  Sir W. H. M.SS.
• * 2.10

  Sir W. H. M.S.S.
• * 2.11

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.12

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.13

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.14

  MSS. C.C.C.C, Vol. intit. Epist. Viror. illustr.
• * 2.15

  Ex Bibliothe••. C.C.C.C.
• * 2.16

  G. Haddon.
• * 2.17

  Ex Bibliothec. C.C.C C.
• * 2.18

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.19

  Foxij MSS.
• * 2.20

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 2.21

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 2.22

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 2.23

  Sr. W.H.MSS.
• * 3.1

  MSS. D. Wil. Petyt.
• * 3.2

  MSS. D. Wil. Petyt.
• * 3.3

  Sr. W.H.MSS.
• * 3.4

  Foxij. MSS.
• * 3.5

  Sir W.H.MSS.
• * 3.6

  Foxes Acts.
• * 3.7

  Mar. 3:
• * 3.8

  Joh. 4.
• * 3.9

  Mat. 10.
• * 3.10

  2 Cor. 1••.
• * 3.11

  Titus. B. ••▪
• * 3.12

  Letters of the Martyrs.
• * 3.13

  Cotton Library, Titus B. 2.
• * 3.14

  Regist. Eccles. Christ. Ca••t.
• * 3.15

  Foxij. MSS.
• * 3.16

  Foxij MSS.
• * 3.17

  Foxij. MSS.
• * 3.18

  ••oxes Acts.
• * 3.19

  Registr Ec∣cles. Cant.
• * 3.20

  Registr. Ec∣cles. Cant.
• * 3.21

  Ex Balaei Cen∣t••••••ijs.
• * 3.22

  Martyrs Let∣ters.
• * 3.23

  Foxij MSS.
• * 3.24

  Foxij. MSS.
• * 3.25

  Foxij. MSS.
• * 3.26

  1 I••an. 2.
• * 3.27

  Matt. 10.
• * 3.28

  Psal. 2.
• * 3.29

  1 Joan. 2.
• * 3.30

  Heb. 13.
• * 3.31

  Cotton Library, Titus. B. 2.
• * 3.32

  C. C. C C. Libr. Synoda∣lia.
• * 3.33

  Foxij MSS.
• * 3.34

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 3.35

  An. 1563.
• * 3.36

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 3.37

  SirW.H.MSS.
• * 4.1

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 4.2

  Levit. 27.
• * 4.3

  Levit. 27.
• * 4.4

  Gen. 47.
• † 4.5

  Quid per hanc notam, Quaere.
• * 4.6

  Dan. 5.
• * 4.7

  Josue 7. 2 Macch. 5.
• * 4.8

  3 Macch. 9. 3 Macch. 4.
• * 4.9

  1 Cor. 9.
• * 4.10

  Mat. 10.
• * 4.11

  Deut. 25. 1 Cor. 7. 1 Tim. 3.
• * 4.12

  Gal. 4.
• * 4.13

  Acts 2.
• * 4.14

  Act. 5.
• * 4.15

  2 Macc. 1.3, 9.
• * 4.16

  SirW.H.MSS.
• * 4.17

  An. 1553.
• * 4.18

  sr. W.H. MSS.
• * 4.19

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 4.20

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 4.21

  SirW. H. MSS.
• * 4.22

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 4.23

  Sr. W.H.MSS.
• * 4.24

  SirW.H.MSS.
• * 4.25

  Sr. W. H. MSS.
• * 4.26

  Sr. W.H.MSS.
• * 4.27

  Psal. 119. a.
• * 4.28

  Mat. 4. a.
• * 4.29

  Luke 12. ••.
• * 4.30

  S. Chrysostom.
• * 4.31

  The conclu∣sion of the former part.
• * 4.32

  The Kings Highness hath allowed the Scripture as necessary for us.
• * 4.33

  The conclu∣sion of the latter part.
• * 4.34

  Psal. 50.
• * 4.35

  Sir W. H. MSS.