Memorials of the Most Reverend Father in God, Thomas Cranmer sometime Lord Archbishop of Canterbury wherein the history of the Church, and the reformation of it, during the primacy of the said archbishop, are greatly illustrated : and many singular matters relating thereunto : now first published in three books : collected chiefly from records, registers, authentick letters, and other original manuscripts / by John Strype ...

MEMORIALS OF Arch-Bishop CRANMER. BOOK I. (Book 1)

CHAPTER I. Cranmer's Birth, Education and Rise.

THE Name of this most Reverend Prelate,* 1.1 deserves to stand upon Eternal Record; having been the first Protestant Arch-Bishop of this Kingdom, and the greatest Instrument, under God, of the hap∣py Reformation of this Church of England▪ In whose Piety, Learning, Wisdom, Conduct and Blood, the Foundation of it was laid. And therefore it will be no unworthy Work to revive his Memory now, though after an hun∣dred and thirty Years and upwards. I pretend not to write a com∣pleat Narrative of his Life and Death, that being scarce possible at such a distance of Time, and in the want of full Intelligence and Information of the various Matters that passed through his Hands, and the Events that befel him. All that I attempt by this present Undertaking, is, to retrieve and bring to light as many Historical Pas∣sages as I can, concerning this Holy Prelate; by a careful and long search, not only into printed Books of History, but the best Ar∣chives, and many most precious and inestimable Manuscripts that have fallen into my hands.

I shall pass over, in a few words, his earlier Days,* 1.2 because I have so much to say of him in his riper Years. Aslacton, a Town in the County of Nottingham, was the Place of his Birth; and the second Day of Iuly, in the Year 1489, was the Day of it.* 1.3 He was the Son of Thomas Cranmer Esq a Gentleman of a right ancient Fami∣ly; whose Ancestor came in with the Conqueror: And for a long Series of Time the Stock continued in good Wealth and Quality▪ as it did in France; for there were extant, of his Name and Fami∣ly there, in the Reign of Henry the Eighth. One whereof came then into England, in company with the French Ambassador: To whom, for Relation-sake, our Bishop gave a noble Entertain∣ment▪

* 1.4Our Youth was put to learn his Grammar of a rude Parish-Clerk in that barbarous Age. Under whom he learn'd little, and endu∣red much, from the harsh and curst Disposition of his School-master. Though his Father were minded to have his Son educated in Learn∣ing, yet he would not he should be ignorant of Civil and Gentle∣man-like Exercises.* 1.5 Insomuch that he used himself to Shoot. And many times his Father permitted him to Hunt and Hauk, and to ride rough Horses: So that when he was Bishop, he feared not to ride the roughest Horses that came into his Stables; which he would do very comely. As otherwise at all times there was not any in his House that would become an Horse better. And after his Studies, when it was time for Recreation, he would both Hauk and Hunt, the Game being prepared for him. And sometimes he would shoot in the Long-Bow, and many times kill the Deer with his Cross-Bow, though his Sight was not perfect; for he was pore-blind.

* 1.6But to return to his younger Days. He lost his Father early; but his Mother, at the Age of fourteen Years, Anno 1503, sent him to study at Cambridg. Where he was nursled in the grossest kind of Sophistry,* 1.7 Logick, Philosophy Moral and Natural: Not in the Text of the old Philosophers, but chiefly in the dark Riddles of Duns, and other subtile Questionists. And in these he lost his Time, till he came to two and twenty Years of Age.* 1.8 After that, he gave himself to the reading of Faber, Erasmus, good Latin Authors, four or five Years together,* 1.9 unto the Time that Luther began to write. And then considering what great Controversy was in Matters of Religion, not only in Trifles, but in the chiefest Articles of our Sal∣vation, he bent himself to try out the Truth herein.

* 1.10And forasmuch as he perceived he could not judg indifferently in such weighty Matters, without the Knowledg of the Holy Scrip∣tures; therefore before he was infected with any Man's Opinions or Errors,* 1.11 he applied his whole Study three Years therein. After this, he gave his Mind to good Writers, both New and Old: not rashly running over them; for he was a slow Reader, but a diligent Marker of whatsoever he read, seldom reading without Pen in Hand. And whatsoever made either for the one Part, or the other, of things in Controversy, he wrote it out, if it were short, or at least noted the Author, and the Place, that he might find it, and write it out at lei∣sure: which was a great help to him in debating of Matters ever after.

* 1.12This kind of Study he used, till he was made Doctor of Divinity: which was about the Thirty-fourth Year of his Age, and about the Year 1523.

But before this, being Master of Arts, and Fellow of Iesus Col∣lege,* 1.13 he married a Gentleman's Daughter. And then leaving the College, he read the Common Lecture in Buckingham College; be∣fore that called Monks College, because Monks studied there; but now Magdalen College. But in a Year after, his Wife travailing with Child, both she and the Child died. And being now single again, immediately the Master and Fellows of his old College chose him in Fellow again: where he remained.

During his Residence here, divers of the ripest and solidest sort of Scholars were sought out of this University of Cambridg, to be trans∣planted into Cardinal Wolsey's new College in Oxon,* 1.14 to be Fellows there. Our Cranmer was nominated for one by Dr. Capon, to whom that Matter was, as it seems, intrusted by the Cardinal. And tho the Salary was much more considerable there, and the way to Prefer∣ment more ready, by the Favour of the Cardinal, to such as were his own Scholars; yet he refused to go, chusing rather to abide a∣mong his old Fellow-Collegians, and more closely to follow his Stu∣dies and Contemplations here: though he were not without danger for his incompliance with this Invitation, giving them that were con∣cerned great Offence hereat. But of those that went from Cam∣bridg at this time, who were all Men pick'd out for their Parts and Learning, these were the chief, Clark; Friar, afterwards Doctor of Physick. Sumner; Harman, afterwards Fellow of Eaton. Betts, af∣terwards Chaplain to Queen Ann. Cox, afterwards School-master to King E••ward. Frith, afterwards a Martyr. Baily, Godman; Drum, afterwards one of the six Preachers at Canterbury. Lawney, after∣wards Chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk. All these were cast into Prison for suspicion of Heresy; and divers through the hardship thereof died. So that well it was for Cranmer that he went not.

Soon after he took his Degree of Doctor of Divinity,* 1.15 and became the Reader of the Divinity-Lecture in his own College. And out of the value the University had of his Learning, he was appointed one of the Examiners of such as commenced Batchelors and Doctors in Divinity. According to whose Approbations, the University allow∣ed them to proceed. In which Place he did much Good; for he used to examine these Candidates out of the Scriptures. And by no means would let them pass, if he found they were unskilful in it, and unacquainted with the History of the Bible. So were the Fri∣ars especially, whose Study lay only in School-Authors. Whom therefore he sometimes turned back as insufficient, advising them to study the Scriptures for some Years longer, before they came for their Degrees, it being a shame for a Professor in Divinity to be un∣skilled in the Book, wherein the Knowledg of God, and the Grounds of Divinity lay. Whereby he made himself from the beginning hated by the Friars. Yet some of the more ingenuous sort of them afterward rendred him great and publick Thanks for refusing them; whereby, being put upon the Study of God's Word, they attained to more sound Knowledg in Religion. One of these was Dr. Barat, a White Friar, who lived afterwards in Norwich.

Not long after this,* 1.16 King Henry being perswaded that the Mar∣riage between him and Q. Katharine, Daughter to K. Ferdinand of Spain, was unlawful and naught, by Dr. Longland Bishop of Lincoln, his Confessor, and other of his Clergy; he sent to six of the best learned Men of Cambridg, and as many of Oxford, to debate this Question, Whether it were lawful for one Brother to marry his Brother's Wife, being known of his Brother? Of the which Cambridg Doctors, Cranmer was appointed for one, such was his Fame then in that Uni∣versity for Learning. But because he was not then at Cambridg, ano∣ther was chosen in his stead. These Learned Men agreed fully, with

one Consent, that it was lawful, with the Pope's Dispensation, so to do. But if Cranmer had been there, he would have been of ano∣ther Mind, as we shall see in the Sequel.

* 1.17This great Matrimonial Cause, gave the first step to Dr. Cranmer's Preferment: For when Fox and Gardiner, the one the King's Almo∣ner, and the other his Secretary, lighting by chance in Dr. Cranmer's Company, at one Mr. Cressies House, situate in Waltham-Abbey Pa∣rish in Essex, had on design fallen upon Discourse of that Matter, purposely to learn his Judgment therein, knowing him an eminent noted Reader of Divinity in Cambridg: He gave his own Sense of the Cause,* 1.18 in words to this effect:

I have nothing at all studied, said he, for the Verity of this Cause; nor am beaten therein, as you have been. Howbeit, I do think that you go not the next way to work, to bring the Matter unto a perfect Conclusion and End, especially for the satisfaction of the troubled Conscience of the King's Highness. For in observing the common Process, and frustratory Delays of these your Courts, the Matter will linger long enough; and peradventure in the end come to small effect. And this is most certain, said he, there is but one Truth in it. Which no Men ought, or better can discuss than the Divines. Whose Sentence may be soon known, and brought so to pass with little Industry and Charges, that the King's Conscience may there∣by be quieted and pacified. Which we all ought to consider, and regard in this Question or Doubt; and then his Highness in Con∣science quieted, may determine himself that which shall seem Good before God. And let these tumultuary Processes give place unto a certain Truth.

* 1.19His Opinion, thus unwillingly drawn from him, was so much liked of by them to whom he spake it, that they thought it worth their acquainting the King with it. Which they did within two days after at Greenwich. Whereupon the King commanded he should be sent for to the Court. Which was done, and he brought into the King's Presence. Who, having heard him discourse upon the Mar∣riage, and well observing the Gravity and Modesty, as well as Learn∣ing of the Man, resolved to cherish and make much of him. This was about August 1529,* 1.20 the King having commanded him to digest in Writing, what he could say upon the foresaid Argument; retain∣ed him, and committed him unto the Family and Care of the Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, named Sir Thomas Bolen, dwelling then at Durham-House: Esteeming him a fit Person for Cranmer to reside with, who had himself been employed in Embassies to Rome and Germany about the same Matter; and so able to instruct our Divine in particular Passages relating thereunto: And likewise would be sure to afford him all the Security, and Favour, and Aid possible, from the Prospect, that if the King's former Marriage could be pro∣ved unlawful, and thereby null and void, his own Family would be in a fair probability to be highly advanced, by the King's matching with his Daughter the Lady Ann Bolen.

* 1.21Nor was Cranmer unsutably placed here, in regard of the Disposi∣tion of his Noble Host, being accounted one of the learnedest Noble∣men in the Land, and endued with a Mind enclined to Philosophy.

Erasmus, who had good Intelligence in England, and knew this Earl himself, gives this Account of him to Damianus à Goes: Est enim Vir, ut uno ore praedicant omnes, unus prope inter Nobiles eruditus,* 1.22 ani∣mó{que} planè Philosophico. He was also much addicted to the Study and Love of the Holy Scriptures, as the same Erasmus in an Epistle to him mentioneth, and commendeth him for.* 1.23 I do the more congratu∣late your Happiness, when I observe the Sacred Scriptures to be so dear to a Man, as you are, of Power, one of the Laity, and a Courtier; and that you have such a desire to tha•• Pearl of Price. He was also a Patron of Learning and Learned Men. And if there were nothing else to testify this, it would be enough to say, that he was well-affect∣ed to the Great Erasmus, and a true valuer of his Studies. The World is beholden to this Noble Peer, for some of the Labours that proceeded from the Pen of that most Learned Man. For upon his desire Erasmus wrote three Tracts: One was, Enarrations upon the Twenty second Psalm, intituled, Dominus regit me; but more truly the Twenty third. Another was an Explication of the Apostles Creed. And the third, Directions how to prepare for Death. And from these Subjects, which this Noble-man chose to desire Erasmus his Thoughts of, we may conclude also his Pious and Religious Mind. At which his vertuous Accomplishments, as they rendred his House a sutable Harbour for the Learned and Pious Cranmer, so they were not a little encreased by his Converse and Familiarity there.

For while Cranmer abode here,* 1.24 a great Friendship was contracted between him and that Noble Family; especially the chief Members of it, the Countess, and the Lady Ann, and the Earl himself; who often held serious Conferences with him about the great Matter. And in the Earl's absence from Home, Letters passed between them; Cranmer writing to him of the Affairs of the Court, and of the Welfare of his Family, as well as of other more weighty Things. In one Letter, dated from Hampton-Court, in the Month of Iune, (which by Circumstance must be in the Year 1530.) he writ to him;* 1.25

That the King's Grace, my Lady his Wife, my Lady Ann his Daughter, were in good Health: And that the King, and my La∣dy Ann, rode the Day before to Windsor from Hampton-Court, and that Night they were look'd for again there; praying God to be their Guide.

And I cannot look upon this Pious and Learned Man's placing here in this Family,* 1.26 but as guided by a peculiar Hand of Divine Provi∣dence. Whereby this House became better acquainted with the Knowledg of the Gospel; and had the Seeds of true Religion scat∣tered in the Hearts of those Noble Persons that were related to it: Particularly of Her, who was afterwards to be advanced to that high and publick Station, to be Consort to the King. And that she be∣came a Favourer, and as much as she durst, a Promoter of the purer Religion, must, I think, in a great measure be owing thereunto.

When Cranmer had accomplished the King's Request,* 1.27 and finished his Book, he himself, the Secretary, and the Almoner, and other Learned Men, had in Commission to dispute the Cause in Question, in both the Universities. Which being first attempted at Cambridg,

Dr. Cranmer,* 1.28 by his Authority, Learning and Perswasion, brought over divers Learned Men in one Day, of the contrary Part and O∣pinion, to be on his Part. For being now, after some absence, re∣turned to Cambridg, divers of the University, and some of those Doctors that before had given in their Judgments to the King for the Validity of the Pope's Dispensation, repaired to him, to know his Opinion: And, after long Reasoning, he changed the Minds of Five of the Six. Then almost in every Disputation, both in Private Houses, and in the Common Schools, this was one Question, Whether the Pope might dispense with the Brother to marry the Brother's Wife, after Carnal Knowledg? And it was of many openly defended, that he might not. The Secretary, when he came Home, acquainted the King with what they had done, and how Dr. Cranmer had changed the Minds of Five of the said Learned Men of Cambridg, and of many others beside. Afterward this University, as well as the other, determined the King's Cause against the Pope's Dispensation.

* 1.29From an Academic, our Doctor being now become a Courtier, he so prudently demeaned himself, that he was not only dear to the Earl of Wiltshire's Family, but grew much favoured by the Nobility in general;* 1.30 as the Lord Herbert collects from the Historians of those Times; and especially by the King himself. He was very much a∣bout him, the King holding frequent Communication with him, and seemed unwilling to have him absent. Which may appear from hence; that when Cranmer was minded for some reason to resort to the Earl of Wiltshire, who was then from Hampton-Court, and as it seems at London, upon some Occasions of his own, he doubted, whether the King would let him go. And so he writ to him, that he would come the next Day to him, If the King's Grace let him not.

CHAP. II. Pole's Book about the King's Matrimony.* 1.31

* 1.32ABout this time, a Book of Reginald Pole, afterwards Cardinal, earnestly perswading the King to continue his Marriage with his Queen, fell into Dr. Cranmer's Hands. I do not find mention of this Book in any Historian, that hath come to my Hands. No, not in his Life published by Bacatellus, Bishop of Ragusa, though he hath there given us a Catalogue of his Books. But in likelihood the Rea∣son was, because this was some private Discourse, or Letter, chiefly intended for the King's own Use; as appears from some words of Cranmer concerning it, Viz.

That it was writ with that Elo∣quence, that if it were set forth, and known to the common Peo∣ple, [an evidence it was a more private Writing] it were not pos∣sible to perswade them to the contrary.

It was penned about the Year 1530, as may be collected from another Passage in the said Writing, wherein he mentioneth the King's living in Wedlock with Queen Katherine twenty Years, the expiration of which fell in about that Time. What induced Pole to write on this Subject, is to me uncertain; for he avoided, as much as could be, to meddle in this

Affair, out of Fear of the King's Displeasure, which was the Reason of his departing Abroad. Probably it was at the King's Command; like as some Years after he commanded him to write his Judgment of the Title of Supream Head, which he had lately assumed. Which occasioned Pole's four Books of Ecclesiastical Vnity. For some about the King had told him, it would have a great Influence upon the Peo∣ple, especially the Nobility, if he could bring Pole over to allow, and approve of his Marriage. Who was a Person, tho then but Young, yet highly valued in the Nation for his Piety, and Learning, and great Descent.

The Book was soon delivered, whether by the Earl of Wiltshire,* 1.33 or the King himself, unto the Examination and Consideration of Cranmer, now the great Court-Divine. Who, after he had greedily perused it, sent the Contents of it, in a Letter to his Friend and Patron the Earl, being then absent from Court. The Book, though the Argument of it chiefly depended upon Divinity, proceeded more on Political Principles than Divine. Take the following account of it, as Cranmer gave it in his said Letter.

First,* 1.34 Pole treated of the Danger of Diversity of Titles to the Crown. Which might follow, if the present Marriage with Queen Katherine were rejected, (in which there was an Heir) and another consummated. As appeared by the Titles and Pretensions of the two Houses of Lancaster and York. And that the King ought to provide against the Miseries that might be brought upon his Realm by the People, if he should reject his Daughter, whom they took for his Lawful Heir, and should perswade them to take another. Then he urged the Danger of incurring the Emperor's Displeasure, the Queen being his Aunt, and the Princess his Cousin. Then he proceeded to consider the Reasons that moved the King to his present Resolutions: Namely, That God's Law forbad marrying the Bro∣ther's Wife. And that the People, however averse at first, (besides that it belong••d not to them to judg of such Matters) would be content in the King's Doings, when they should know, how the ancient Doctors of the Church, and so many great Universities were on the King's Side. And, that however the Emperor might fall out with the King for this Matter, yet God would never fail those, that stood on his part, and refused to transgress his Commandments: and that England might depend on the French King's Aid, by virtue of the League, which he had entred into with the King, and the old Grudg, which he bore towards the Emperor. Afterwards Pole goes on to review these Reasons. And first, his Judgment was, that Scripture might be brought to justify this Marriage, and that there was as good ground of Scripture for that, as for the part which the King then took, namely, the unlawfulness of it. That if indeed he thought the King's Part was just, and that his Marriage were un∣doubtedly against God's Pleasure, then he could not deny, but that it should be well done for the King to refuse it, and take another Wife. Yet he confessed, that for his own part, he could not find in his Heart to have any Hand, or be any furtherer or abetter in it: Acknowledging however, that he had no good Reason for it, but only out of Affection and Duty to the King's Person. Because he

would not disannul the Princess his Daughter's Title, nor accuse the most part of the King's Life, as the Books written on the King's part did: As though he had lived in a Matrimony, Shameful, Abomina∣ble, Bestial, and against Nature. This seemed an high Comple∣ment of Pole's indeed, that he would rather chuse to let the King live and die in an habitual Breach of God's Law, than be guilty of some∣thing that might argue a want of civil Affection and Duty in him.

And as concerning the People, his Judgment was, That neither by Learning, nor Preaching, would they ever be brought into an ill Conceit of the King's former Marriage, and to think so dishonoura∣bly of their King, as to live so many Years in Matrimony so abomi∣nable. But as they had begun to hate Priests, this would make them much more to do so: nay, and the very Name of Learning too. As for the Authority of the Universities, they were many times led by Affection, which was well known. And he wished they had ne∣ver erred in their Determinations. He shewed, that they were brought to the King's Part with great difficulty. Moreover, against the Universities Authority, he set the Authority of the King's Fa∣ther, and his Council, the Queen's Father, and his Council, and the Pope and his.

Then he proceeded to Political Considerations, of the Pope, and Emperor, and the French King. That the Pope was a great Adver∣sary of the King's purpose, he had shewed divers tokens already; and that not without cause. Because if he should consent, he should do against his Predecessors, and restrain his own Power, which he would rather gladly enlarge, and likewise raise Seditions in many Realms, as in Portugal. Of whose King the Emperor married one Sister, and the Duke of Savoy the other. Then he went on extol∣ling the Emperor's Power, and lessening that of the French King, as to his aiding of us. Mentioning the Mischief the Emperor might do England, by forbidding only our trading into Flanders and Spain. That the French never used to keep their Leagues with us, but for their own Ends; and that we could never find in our Hearts to trust them. And that the two Nations never loved one another. And that if the French should but suspect, that this new Matrimo∣ny (of the King with the Lady Ann Bolen now purposed) should not continue, we must not expect Succor of them, but upon intole∣rable Conditions. And then lastly, he comes to deliberate for the saving the King's Honour. Which as it was impossible to do, if he proceeded one step further, for he had already, he said, gone to the very Brink; so he began to propound certain means for the rescue of it. Thus far is Cranmer's Relation of the Book.

But here he breaks off, the Messenger that tarried for the Letter being in haste: promising the next Day to come to the Earl, to whom he wrote all this, and relate the rest to him by Word of Mouth. These Means in short were (as I collect from some other Passages of this Letter) to refer the Matter wholly to the Pope, and to reject the thoughts of matching with the Lady Ann. The which was now much talked of; For the King and She were very great, and about this very time they both rode together from Hampton-Court to Windsor▪ though she were yet no more then the Lady Ann, without any other Title.

The Censure which our Divine gave of this Book, and the Writer, was this, (wherein his Modesty and Candor, as well as Judgment ap∣peared)

That Pole had shewed himself both Witty and Eloquent:* 1.35 And that for his Wisdom, he might have been of Counsel to the King: and such his Rhetorick, that if his Book should have been set forth, and known to the common People, he believed it were not possible to perswade them to the contrary.

Concerning that which he chiefly drove at, namely, That the King should commit his great Matter to the Pope's Judgment, Cranmer gave his Opinion,

That he seemed therein to lack much Judgment: And that though he pressed it with such goodly Eloquence, both of Words and Sentence, that he were likely to perswade many; yet him, he said, he perswaded in that Point nothing at all.

No, Cranmer had too well studied the Point, to leave such a Case of Conscience to the Pope's Decision. But in many other things in this Discourse of Pole, he professed, he was much satisfied. I have placed this whole Letter in the Appendix at the end of these Memorials,* 1.36 as I shall do many other Letters and Papers of value, partly for the Satisfaction of more curious Readers, that love to see Originals, and partly for the preservation of many choice Monuments, relating to this Man, and these Times, and for the transferring them to posterity.

CHAP. III. Cranmer's Embassies.

IN the Year 1530, Dr. Cranmer was sent by the King into France, Italy, and Germany, with the Earl of Wiltshire,* 1.37 Chief Ambas∣sador, Dr. Lee Elect Arch-Bishop of York, Dr. Stokesly Elect of London, Divines; Trigonel, Karn, and Benet, Doctors of the Law, to dispute these Matrimonial matters of his Majesty at Paris, Rome, and other places: Carrying the Book he had made upon that Sub∣ject with him. From France they took their Journey to the Pope;* 1.38 where Cranmer's Book was delivered to him, and he ready to justify it, and to offer a Dispute against the Marriage openly, upon these two Points, which his Book chiefly consisted of, viz.* 1.39

I. That no Man, Iure Divino, could, or ought to marry his Bro∣ther's Wife.

II. That the Bishop of Rome by no means ought to dispense to the contrary.

But after sundry Promises and Appointments made, there was no Man found to oppose him, and publickly to dispute these Matters with him. Yet in more private Argumentations with them that were about the Pope, he so forced them, that at last they openly granted, even in the Pope's chief Court of the Rota, that the said Marriage was against God's Law. But as for the Pope's Power of Dispensing with the Laws of God, it was too advantagious a Tenet to be parted with. But Dr. Cranmer boldly and honestly denied it utterly before them all.

The King's Ambassadors from the Pope repaired to the Emperor Charles V. Cranmer only being left behind at Rome, to make good his Challenge, and withal, more privately to get the Judgments and Subscriptions of the Learned Men there in the King's Case: which was one of his Businesses also in Germany after. What he did in this latter Affair, he signified by a Letter to Crook, another of the King's Agents for that purpose in Italy:* 1.40 Namely,

That his Suc∣cess there at Rome was but little: and that they dared not to at∣tempt to know any Man's Mind, because of the Pope, who had said, that Friars should not discuss his Power. And added, That he looked for little Favour in that Court, but to have the Pope and all his Cardinals declare against them.

* 1.41Here at Rome Cranmer abode for some Months. But in all the Journey he behaved himself so learnedly, soberly and wittily, that the Earl of Wilts gave him such Commendations to the King by his Letters,* 1.42 that the rest coming home, he sent him a Commission with Instructions to be his sole Ambassador to the Emperor in his said great Cause. Which Commissional Letters of the King to him bare date Ianuary 24. 1531.* 1.43 wherein he was stiled Consiliarius Regius & ad Caesarem Orator. By this opportunity of travelling through Ger∣many,* 1.44 following the Emperor's Court, by his Conferences he fully satis∣fied many Learned Germans, which afore were of a contrary Judg∣ment; and divers in the Emperor's own Court and Council also. One of the chiefest of these, and who suffered severely for it, was Cornelius Agrippa, Kt. Doctor of both Laws, Judg of the Preroga∣tive Court,* 1.45 and Counsellor to the Emperor, and a Man of deep Learning. Who confessed to the said Ambassador, that the Marriage was naught, but that he durst not say so openly, for fear both of the Pope and Emperor. Yet he was afterwards cast into Prison, where he died, for expressing his Mind, as was thought, somewhat more plainly in this Affair.

* 1.46While he was now abroad in Germany, he went to Norimberg, where Osiander was Pastor. And being a Man of Fame and Learn∣ing, our Ambassador became acquainted with him: sending for him sometimes to discourse with him; and sometimes he would go to Osiander's House, to visit him and his Study. This eminent Divine of the German Protestant Church he also gained to favour the King's Cause. For he wrote a Book of Incestuous Marriages, wherein he determined the King's present Matrimony to be unlawful. But this Book was called in by a Prohibition, printed at Augsburgh. And there was also a Form of a Direction, drawn up by the same Osi∣ander, how the King's Process should be managed: Which was sent over hither.* 1.47 Cranmer's Discourse with Osiander, at these their Meet∣ings, concerning divers Matters relating especially to Christian Doctrine, and True Religion, were so wise and good, that that great Divine stood in admiration of him, as though he had been in∣spired from Above. In one of their Conferences, Osiander com∣municated to him certain Papers, wherein he had been attempting to harmonize the Gospels: but by reason of the Difficulty that often arose, had thrown them aside. A thing this was which Cranmer declared to him his great Approbation of; as he was always a

Man greatly studious of the Scripture, and earnestly desirous that the right knowledg thereof might be encreased. So he vehemently exhorted him to go forward in this Study, and to finish it with all convenient speed: For that it would not only, (he said) be of use to the Church of Christ, but adorn it. These Admonitions gave new strength to Osiander to fall afresh about this Work, and at last to bring it to a conclusion. In the Year 1537, he published it, and de∣dicated it to Cranmer, then Arch-Bishop, the great Encourager of the Author.

In some of these Visits, Cr••nmer saw Osiander's Niece,* 1.48 and obtained her for his Wife. Whom when he returned from his Embassy, he brought not over with him: But in the Year 1534. he privately sent for her. And kept her with him till the Year 1539, in the se∣vere time of the six Articles; when he sent her back in Secret to her Friends in Germany for a time. By these Visits, and this Affini∣ty, there grew a very cordial Love between Cranmer and Osiander: and a great Correspondence was maintained by Letters between them long after. A parcel of these Letters in Manuscript, the Right Reverend the Bishop of Sarum mentioned in his History of the Re∣formation. Which he met with in the exquisite Library of Mr. Ri∣chard Smith, as he told a Friend of mine. But notwithstanding my enquiry after them, I had not the good fortune to see them, nor to find into whose Hands they were come, after the selling of that Library by Auction. Which Letters, if I could have procured a sight of, might have served somewhat perhaps in this my Under∣taking.

We are now slipp'd into the Year 1532.* 1.49 And among other Ser∣vices which he did Abroad, (besides his promoting the King's great Matrimonial Cause among the German Princes and States,* 1.50 as well as others) he was employed for the establishing and securing a Traffick, between the Merchants of England, and the Emperor's Low Countries. Concerning which the former Contract, it seems, began to shake, occasioned by that Luke-warmness of Affection, that now grew between these two Monarchs. About this Affair our Ambassador had divers Conferences with Monsieur Grandeville, the Emperor's great Minister, at Regensburgh. The effect of his last Sollicitation was, that Gr••ndeville had told him that the Diet concerning the said Contract was held in Flanders, where the Queen of Hungary was Governess; and therefore that the Emperor would do nothing therein without her advice; and that he would make answer by her, rather than by him. And so Cranmer desired the King, that it would please his Grace no further to look for An∣swer from him therein, but from the Queen, unto whom the whole Answer was committed.

Another Business our Ambassador was now agitating at this Court for the King, was,* 1.51 about sending Supplies to the Emperor against the Turk: Who had now made a formidable Invasion in Hungary, with an Army consisting of three hundred thousand Men. The Emperor had lately, by virtue of a former League, and for the Common Cause of Christianity, demanded certain Forces of the

King for this purpose. Now what measures his Ambassador was to take with the Emperor in this Affair, William Paget, his Maje∣sty's Servant (the same that was afterward Secretary of State) was dispatched to him with Instructions: Wherein were contained what Answer he should make to the Emperor's Demands. Which he re∣ported accordingly to Grandeville. The which Answer he delivered to him in writing, upon the desire of Grandeville, for this Reason, as he urged, that he might relate the same the more truly to the Em∣peror. He was now, in the Month of September, drawing towards the Turk from Abagh, a Place not far from Regensburgh, where our English Ambassador now resided; not having yet returned any Reply to him, prevented by that hurry of Business that then lay upon the Emperor. So that upon Grandeville's intimation to repair unto the Emperor at Lintz, which was in his way to Vienna; and that there he should have an Answer in Writing again, the Ambas∣sador followed thither, in Company with the Ambassador of France. And so he, with the other Ambassador, in eight or ten days space, furnished themselves with Wagons, Horses, Ships, Tents, and other things necessary to the Journey, for themselves and their Train.

* 1.52But before his departure, he informed the King of the News in those Parts. As, that the Turk resided still in Hungary in the same Place, invironed on all parts: Of which more at large he had writ∣ten in his former Letters. That King Ferdinando, the Emperor's Brother, who was then at Regensburgh, was to meet the Emperor at Passaw, fourteen miles from thence: and so both were to pass forth to Lintz, which was the mid-way from Regensburgh to Vienna. That the Emperor would tarry there to take Counsel what to do, and there all the Ambassadors should know his Pleasure.

* 1.53He sent the King also the Copy of the Emperor's Proclamation concerning a General Council, and a Reformation to be had in Ger∣many, for the Controversies of the Faith. Which he was constrained to do, his Affairs with the Turk pressing him so much. The Sum thereof was;

That his Imperial Majesty declared Peace throughout all Germany: Enjoining, that none should be molested for the Cause of Religion, until the Council should be called: or, in case there were none, until some other Means should be found out by the States of the Empire, for healing the present Divisions. And that he would use his utmost diligence, that a Council should be denounced within six Months, and the Year after to be commen∣ced. And that if this could not be obtained, then these Matters should be referred to the Imperial Diets, to be handled there. That in the mean time all Judicial Proceedings, relating to Reli∣gion, should be suspended; and that no Law-Suits should hereaf∣ter be commenced against the Protestants: and that in case any were,* 1.54 he commanded that they should be void and null.

This Edict was published in the Month of August this Year.

* 1.55Together with the aforesaid Proclamation, he transferred over to the King the Tax of all the States of the Empire; that is, How many Souldiers every Man was limited to find for Aid against the Turk. Whence our Ambassador made a particular Observation to his Master, for his better Direction, what number of Forces it were

equal for him to send; and to justify his Refusal to comply with the Emperor, in case he should have demanded more than was his Pro∣portion: Taking his Measures from the said Tax. And the Obser∣vation, which he made was this, That his Grace might perceive▪ that the greatest Prince in Germany (only the Duke of Burgundy, and Austria excepted) was not appointed above 120 Horsemen, and 554 Footmen. A Transcript of this Letter of Cranmer to the King, I have put in the Appendix.* 1.56 These Passages will serve to shew Dr. Cran∣mer's Diligence, Wisdom, and other Abilities in the Quality he now stood in of an Ambassador.

Being now resident in the Emperor's Court,* 1.57 the King made use of him in another Embassy, but to be more secretly made, to the Elector Frederick, Duke of Saxony, that the Emperor might not be privy to it. For in the Month of Iuly, Dr. Cranmer departed in∣cognito from Ratisbon, (where the Emperor was, and had there ap∣pointed a Diet,* 1.58 in order to the coming to some Terms of Peace with the Protestants, until a Council should be called) and came private∣ly to the Duke, then abiding in a certain Hospital, as it was called, and delivered Letters to him, and to Philip Duke of Lunenburgh, and Wolfgang Prince of Anhalt. At this first Congress, he assured the Elector of his Master the King of England's Friendship, as the Let∣ters he delivered imported. The next day he returned to the Elector's Court, Pontanus and Spalatinus, two of the Elector's Coun∣sellors, being present. Here at this Meeting he required divers things concerning Peace with the Emperor, the State of Religion, Aid against the Turk, and the Goods of the Church, which the Princes were said to invade. He spake magnificent things of the King his Master: as what mighty Aids he had offered the Emperor against the Turk; and as he told them, the French King would do. And so taking Letters to the King from Frederick, dated Iuly 15. he was dismissed. But four days after, he came again privately with one Servant only; and had conference with Spalatinus all alone: telling him, that he had forgot, as he pretended, one part of his Message: and that was, That not only his Master, but the French King, was ready to give Assistance to the Elector, and his Confede∣rates, in the case of Religion. And he desired to know in what state the Business of the Election of Ferdinand stood; whom, being the Emperor's Brother, he had made King of the Romans by a pre∣tended Election. Which Election gave offence, and Frederick, Duke of Saxony, had manifested Imperfect and Defective. What Answer was given to Cranmer was not known: Only it was thought that this was somewhat unseasonably acted, because saith my Author,* 1.59 there was Peace at this time between the Emperor and the English, which the Kings Ambassador by those Offers did desire to disturb. This it seems was the Judgment of the Protestants concerning this Overture to them by the King's Ambassador, as tho it were not sincere. But I do not find, but, that whatsoever Peace was now between the Emperor and the English, the former League with him was shaking by reason of the Emperor's disobliging the King, in siding so ear∣nestly with Queen Katharine, in the Controversy between the King and her.

CHAP. IV. Cranmer made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

* 1.60AND this great Trust the King, his gracious Master, commit∣ted to him, as a mark of the Honour he had for him, and a Sign of further Preferment he was minded to advance him to. And about this very time happened a fair Opportunity to the King to ma∣nifest his Favour to him; Warham, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, de∣parting this mortal Life, whereby that See became Vacant. The Preferment indeed seemed too great for Cranmer, at one stride to step into, without some other intervening Dignities, to have been first conferred on him. But the King, thinking him the fittest Man of all the English Clergy to be promoted to this high Office, resol∣ved to give it to him, though now absent abroad upon his Business. Hereupon the King commanded him to hasten Home, though he concealed the Reason from him, which was to take the Arch∣bishoprick he had designed for him. Which when he came Home, in Obedience to his Majesty, though much against his Inclination, and after many Refusals, proceeding from his great Modesty and Humility, and certain Scruples, at length he did accept.

* 1.61It doth not appear to me what Ecclesiastical Places he had before: only that he was the King's Chaplain, and Arch-deacon of Taunton. The Pope also, in honour to his Master, had constituted him Poeni∣tentiary General of England. He had also a Benefice, while he lived in the Earl of Wiltshire's Family, which was bestowed upon him by the King: A mention whereof I find in one of his Letters to the said Earl.

* 1.62It was in the Month of August 1532, that William Warham, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury died: a wise and Grave Man, a great Patron of the most Learned Erasmus, and once Lord Chancellor of England. Who seemed to foresee and foretell, or at least to conjecture, that Thomas Cranmer should succeed him, as judging him, in his own Mind, the fittest Person for the King's and Church's Service in that juncture, to enter upon that See. For this truth, methinks, we may pick out of those malicious words of Harpsfield in his Ecclesia∣stical History, viz. That Arch-Bishop Warham should say,

That a Thomas should succeed him; who by a loose and remiss indul∣gence of a licentious sort of Life granted to the People, and by unsound Doctrines, would more disgrace the Church of Canter∣bury, and all the rest of the Church of England, than Thomas the Martyr did amplify it by his Martyrdom. And that he admonish∣ed his Nephew, and Name-sake, William Warham, Arch-deacon of Canterbury, that if any Thomas should succeed in the See, while he lived, he should not by any means enter into his Service.

It is not unusual, (nay it is seldom otherwise) for Popish Historians to stuff their Histories with strange Prophecies and Falshoods, mix∣ed with some Truth. And I suppose the Matter might be no more than this. This grave and sober Arch-Bishop was sensible of the gross Encroachments of the Bishops of Rome upon the Authority of

the Kings of this Realm in their own Dominions: and his Judg∣ment stood for the restoring of this Imperial Crown to its antient Right and Soveraignty, and for the abridging the Papal Power. And knowing how learned a Man Dr. Thomas Cranmer was, and perceiving what an able Instrument he was like to prove in vindi∣cating the King's Right to the Supremacy in his own Kingdoms, the Arch-Bishop upon these Accounts might think him the fittest to succeed in the Archiepiscopal Chair, and might have some reason to believe that the King intended him thereunto.

And that Arch-Bishop Warham was of this Judgment,* 1.63 it may ap∣pear, if we trace some Footsteps of him. In the Year 1530, when all the Clergy were under a Praemunire, and a Petition was drawing up in the Convocation for that Cause, the King in the said Petition was addressed to by the Title of Supream Head of the Church, and Clergy of England. At this Title, when the Arch-Bishop found some of the Clergy to boggle, who were yet afraid openly to declare their disallowance of it, he took the opportunity of their Silence to pass the Title, by saying, That Silence was to be taken for their Con∣sent.

In the last Synod, wherein this Arch-Bishop was a Member, and the main Director, many things were debated about Abolishing the Papacy. This Synod was prorogued from April 26, to October 5.* 1.64 In the mean time he died. But had he lived, and been well, unto the next Sessions, some further Steps had been made in evacuating the Bishop of Rome's Usurpations; as may be guessed by what was done under his influence the last Sessions, when the Supremacy of that foreign Prelate was rejected.

Something more of this Arch-Bishop's Endeavours,* 1.65 of restoring the King to his Supremacy, appears by what Arch-Bishop Cranmer said to Brooks, Bishop of Glocester, before a great Assembly, not long before his Burning. Brooks had charged him for first setting up the King's Supremacy. To which Cranmer replied,

That it was Warham gave the Supremacy to Henry VIII, and that he had said, he ought to have it before the Bishop of Rome, and that God's Word would bear it. And that upon this the Universities of Cambridg and Oxford were sent to, to know what the Word of God would allow touching the Supremacy. Where it was rea∣soned and argued upon at length: and at last both agreed, and and set to their Seals, and sent it to the King, That he ought to be Supreme Head, and not the Pope.

All which was in Arch-Bishop Warham's Time, and while he was alive, three quarters of a Year before ever Cranmer had the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, as he also added in that Audience.

So that these things considered, we may conclude, that Warham did think, that none would be so fit to come after him as Cranmer, a Learned and diligent Man, to carry on this Cause, which he, be∣fore him, had begun: and so might speak of him as the properest Person to be advanced to this See.

To this I will add the Sense of an Ingenious and Learned Friend of mine concerning this Passage in Harpsfield's History:* 1.66 Which the Au∣thor also of the Athenae Oxonienses hath made use of to the good

Arch-Bishop's Discredit: and which Somner also had unluckily se∣lected, though without design to hurt his good Name, and is all he writes of him. But may it not be considered, saith he, that the pretended Martyr Thomas Becket,* 1.67 though he died in vindication of the Privileges of the Church, yet he was the first betrayer of the Rights of his See? He made the greatest Breach upon the Autho∣rity of the Primacy of Canterbury, by resigning the Arch-Bishoprick into the Pope's Hands, and receiving it again from him, as the Pope's Donation. But it is the Honour of the blessed Martyr, Tho∣mas Cranmer, that he was the first, who began to claim the Pri∣macy, and retrieve the Rights of his See from being slavishly sub∣jected to the Roman Power. Indeed, little credit is to be given to the Author, who first published this Story; considering what a Violent Man he was, and how much prejudiced against Cranmer, and interessed in the Popish Cause: and coming into the Arch-Deaconry of Canterbury by the deprivation of the Arch-Bishop's Brother.

* 1.68Cranmer Noluit Episcopari, had no mind to be Arch-Bishop. He loved his Studies, and affected Retirement, and well knew the Dan∣gers and Temptations of a publick Station. But especially he could not induce his Mind to take his Office from the Pope, and to swear Fidelity to him as well as to the King: whereby he should ensnare himself in two contrary Oaths. Wherefore when the King sent for him home from his Embassy in Germany, with a design to lay that honourable Burden upon him, he, guessing the Reason, first endea∣voured to delay his coming, by signifying to the King some Mat∣ters of Importance, that would require his tarrying there somewhat longer for the King's Service: Hoping in that while, the King might have bestowed the Place upon some other. In fine, our Historians say, he stayed abroad one half Year longer. But I find him in England in the Month of November, which was not much more than a quarter of a Year after Warham's Death. Then the King was mar∣ried to the Marchioness of Pembroke, and Cranmer was present. So that the King must have sent for him home in Iune, two or three Months before the Arch-Bishop's Death: probably while he was in a declining dying Condition. But after, when that which Cran∣mer seemed to suspect of certain Emergences in those parts, wherein the English State might be concerned, fell not out; the King again commanded his return Home. Now more perfectly knowing, by some of his Friends, the King's Intentions to make him Arch-Bishop, he made means by divers of his Friends to shift it off, desiring rather some smaller Living.

* 1.69At length the King brake his Mind to him, that it was his full Purpose to bestow that Dignity upon him for his Service, and for the good Opinion he conceived of him. But his long disabling himself nothing disswaded the King, till at last he humbly craved the King's Pardon, for that he should declare to him, and that was,

That if he should accept it, he must receive it at the Pope's Hand, which he neither would nor could do: for that his Highness was the only Supream Governour of the Church of England, as well in Causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal; and that the full Right of

Donation of all manner of Benefices and Bishopricks, as well as any other temporal Dignities and Promotions, appertained to him, and not to any other Foreign Authority. And therefore if he might serve God, him and his Countrey in that Vocation, he would accept it of his Majesty, and of no Stranger, who had no Authority within this Realm.

Whereat the King made a Pause; and then asked him how he was able to prove it. At which time he alledged several Texts out of Scripture, and the Fathers, proving the Supream Authority of Kings in their own Realms and Domini∣ons: and withal shewing the intolerable Usurpations of the Bishops of Rome. Of this the King talked several times with him; and perceiving that he could not be brought to acknowledg the Pope's Authority, the King called one Dr. Oliver, an eminent Lawyer, and other Civilians, and devised ••ith them, how he might bestow the Arch-Bishoprick upon him, salving his Conscience. They said, he might do it by way of Protestation: and so one to be sent to Rome to take the Oath, and do every thing in his Name. Cranmer said to this, It should be super animam suam: and seemed to be satisfied in what the Lawyers told him. And accordingly, when he was consecrated, made his Protestation,

That he did not admit the Pope's Authority any further, than it agreed with the express Word of God. And that it might be lawful for him at all times to speak against him, and to impugn his Errors, when there should be occasion.

And so he did.

Whether Warham, the Arch-deacon,* 1.70 had conceived any Prejudice against our new Arch-Bishop, by some warning given him by the former Arch-Bishop, as was hinted above; or whether he was wil∣ling to give place upon Cranmer's Entreaty, that he might provide for his Brother: so it was, that Edmund Cranmer, Brother to the Arch-Bishop, succeeded Warham in the Arch-deaconry of Canterbury,* 1.71 and the Provostship of Wingham. Who parted with both these Dignities by Cession. And by the Privity and Consent of the Arch-Bishop, he had a Stipend, or Pension, of sixty pounds per Annum, allowed him during his Life, out of the Arch-deaconary; and twenty pounds per Annum out of Wingham, by his Successor a∣foresaid. Who continued Arch-deacon until Queen Mary's Days, and was then deprived, and his Prebend, and his Parsonage of Ickham, all taken from him in the Year 1554, for being a married Clerk. The first was given to Nicholas Harpsfield; the second to Robert Collins, Bachelour of Law, and Commissary of Canterbury; and the third to Robert Marsh.

The King had before linked him into his great Business about Queen Katharine and the Lady Anne.* 1.72 So now when he had nomi∣nated him for Arch-Bishop, he made him a Party and an Actor in every step almost which he took in that Affair. For to fetch the Matter a little backward; Not long before the Archiepiscal See was devolved upon Cranmer, the King had created the Lady Anne Mar∣chioness of Pembroke, and taken her along with him in great State into France, when by their mutual Consent there was an Interview appointed between the two Kings. At Calais King Henry permitted Francis the French King to take a view of this Lady, who then made

both Kings a curious and rich Mask, where both honoured her by dancing: This was in the month of October. In the Month before I find a parcel of very rich Jewels were sent from Greenwich to Hampton Court by Mr. Norrys,* 1.73 probably he who was Groom of the Stole, and executed upon Queen Ann's Business afterwards. Which Jewels as some of them might be for the King's own wearing, now he was going into France; so in all probability others were either lent or given to the Marchioness to adorn and make her fine, when she should appear, and give her entertainment to the French King. For the sake of such as be curious,* 1.74 I have set down, in the Appendix, a Particular of these most splendid and Royal Jewels, from an O∣riginal signed with the King's own Hand in token of his Receit of them.

Immediately after the King's and ••••e Marchionesses return from France, he married her. At which Wedding, though very private, the Arch-Bishop was one that assisted,* 1.75 according to the Lord Herbert; but, according to the Author of the Britannic Antiquities, did the Sacred Office. When she was crowned Queen, which was Whit∣sontide following, the Arch-Bishop performed the Ceremonies. When, after that, the King had a Daughter by her, he would have the Arch-Bishop assist at the Christening, and be her Godfather. And before this, when Queen Katharine was to be divorced from the King, and the Pope's Dispensation of that Marriage declared Null, our Arch-Bishop pronounced the Sentence, and made the Declaration solemnly and publickly at Dunstable Priory. Thus the King dipped and engaged Cranmer with himself in all his Pro∣ceeding in this Cause. Now as all these doings had danger in them, so especially this last highly provoked the Pope for doing this without his Leave and Authority, as being a presumptuous Encroachment upon his Prerogative. Insomuch that a publick Act was made at Rome, that unless the King undid all that he had done, and restored all things in integrum, leaving them to his Decision, he would ex∣communicate him. And this Sentence was affixed and set up pub∣lickly at Dunkirk.* 1.76 Which put the King upon an Appeal from the Pope to the next General Council, lawfully called. The Arch-Bishop also, foreseeing the Pope's Threatning hovering likewise o∣ver his Head, by the King's Advice, made his Appeal by the English Ambassador there. I have seen the King's Original Letter to Dr. Bonner, ordering him to signify to the Pope, in Order and Form of Law,* 1.77 his Appeal, sending him also the Instrument of his Appeal, with the Proxy devised for that purpose. This bare date August 18th from his Castle at Windsor: I have reposited it in the Appendix. Which Order of the King Bonner did accordingly discharge, at an Audience he got of the Pope at Marceilles, November 7. And that Letter which the Lord Herbert saith, he saw of Bonner to the King, wherein he signified as much, must be his Answer to this of the King to him.

* 1.78Dr. Cranmer having now yielded to the King to accept the Arch-Bishoprick, it was in the beginning of the next Year, viz. 1533. March 30. and in the 24th of King Henry,* 1.79 that he received his Con∣secration:

But that ushered in with abundance of Bulls, some dated in February, and some in March, from Pope Clement, to the number of Eleven: as may be seen at length in the beginning of this Arch-Bishop's Register.

The first was to King Henry upon his Nomination of Cranmer to him to be Arch-Bishop.* 1.80 The Pope alloweth and promoteth him ac∣cordingly. The second was a Bull to Cranmer himself, signifying the same. The third Bull absolved him from any Sentences of Ex∣communication, Suspension, Interdiction, &c. It was written from the Pope to him, under the Title of Arch-deacon of Taunton in the Church of Wells, and Master in Theology; and ran thus:

Nos ne forsan aliquibus sententiis, censuris & poenis Ecclesiasticis, ligatus sis, &c. Volentes te a quibusvis excommunicationis, suspensionis, & interdicti, aliis{que} Ecclesiasticis sententiis, censuris, & poenis, a jure vel ab Homine, quavis occas••••••e vel causa latis, &c. Authoritate prae∣dicta, tenore praesentium, absolvimus, & absolutum fore nuntiamus, non obstantibus constitutionibus, & ordinationibus Apostolicis, &c. One might think, that this Bull was drawn up peculiarly for Cranmer's Case. Who, by reason he might have been suspected as infected with Lutheranism, or had meddled too much in the King's Matrimo∣nial Cause; and so intangled in the Churches Censures, might have need of such assoiling. But I suppose it was but a customary Bull. A fourth Bull was to the Suffragans of Canterbury; that is, to all the Bishops in the Province: signifying Cranmer's Advancement, to be their Metropolitan. Another to the City and Diocess of Canterbury. Another to the Chapter of the said Church. Another to the Vas∣sals of the Church; that is, to all such as held Lands of it. Ano∣ther to the People of the City. Another, wherewith the Pall was sent to the Arch-Bishop of York, and the Bishop of London. Ano∣ther, of the Destination of the Pall: Which the Bull saith, was ta∣ken de corpore B. Petri, to be presented to him by the Arch-Bishop of York, and the Bishop of London, or one of them, after he had received the Gift of Consecration. In this Bull of the Destination is an Order, not to use the Pall but on those proper Days which were expresly mentioned in the Privileges of the Church. On pur∣pose to beget a greater Esteem and Veneration of this, and whatso∣ever Baubles else came from Rome, and brought such Treasure thi∣ther.

The Arch-Bishop according to Custom,* 1.81 received these Bulls, which the Pope sent him to invest him with the Arch-Bishoprick. But he surrendred them up to the King; because he would not own the Pope, as the giver of this Ecclesiastical Dignity, but the King only, as he declared at his Trial before Queen Mary's Commissioners at Oxford in the Year 1555.

As to the Act of Consecration, first,* 1.82 They assembled in the Chap∣ter-House of the King's Colledg of S. Stephen, near the King's Palace of Westminster. Present as Witnesses Watkins, the King's Protho∣notary, Dr. Iohn Tregonwel, Thomas Bedyl Clerk of the King's Council, Richard Guent Doctor of Decrees, of the Court of Canter∣bury principal Official, and Iohn Cocks the Arch-Bishop's Auditor of the Audience, and Vicar-general in Spirituals. The first thing that

was done by the Arch-Bishop Elect, was for the satisfaction of his Conscience. Who was now before his Consecration to take an Oath of Fidelity to the Pope, which will follow by and by. This he saw consisted by no means with his Allegiance to his Soveraign. And therefore how common and customary soever it were for Bishops to take it; yet Cranmer in the first place, in the said Chapter-house, before the said Witnesses, made a Protestation; wherein he declared, that he intended not by the Oath that he was to take, and was customary for Bishops to take to the Pope, to bind himself to do any thing contrary to the Laws of God, the King's Prerogative, or to the Common-wealth and Statutes of the Kingdom: nor to tie him∣self up from speaking his Mind freely in Matters relating to the Reformation of Religion, the Government of the Church of Eng∣land, and Prerogative of the Crown. And that according to this Interpretation and Meaning only he w••••ld take the Oath, and no otherwise. This Protestation, because I think it is not recorded in our Historians,* 1.83 except Mason, (and in him imperfect) I have put it into the Appendix verbatim, as I transcribed it out of the Arch-Bishop's Register. And having made this Protestation, he bad the Prochonotary to make one or more publick Instruments thereof, and desired the forementioned Persons to be Witnesses thereunto. After this Protestation made, he in the presence of these Witnesses, being arrayed in Sacerdotal Garments, went up to the step of the high Altar, to receive Consecration; where was sitting in a Chair, honourably adorned, Iohn Longland the Bishop of Lincoln, having on his Pontificals, assisted by Iohn Voicy Bishop of Exon, and Henry Standish Bishop of S. Asaph; holding in his hand a Schedule with the Oath, which he was now going to take to the Pope: and having withal his Protestation, he, before the aforesaid Witnesses, asserted and protested, that he would read the Schedule, and perform the Oath therein contained under the said Protestation, which he said he made the same day in the Chapter-house before those Witnesses, and no otherwise, nor in any other manner. And then presently after, kneeling on his Knees, read the Schedule, containing the Oath to the Pope.* 1.84 Which I have reposited in the Appendix.

Then the Bishops proceeded to the consecrating of the Arch-Bishop. And then again, after the solemn Consecration was finished, being about to receive his Pall, when he was to take another Oath to the Pope, he protested again in the presence of the same Wit∣nesses, that he took the following Oath under the same Protestation as he made before in the Chapter-house, nor would perform it any other ways; and then took the Oath. And after he had taken it, desired the Prothonotary the third time to make a publick Instru∣ment or Instruments thereof. Which he did.

* 1.85To these Oaths I will add one more, which the Arch-Bishop took with a better Stomach to the King, for his Temporalties. This was for the most part the accustomable Oath of Bishops to the King, when they sued for their Temporalties; but hardly reconcilable with the Oath they had taken to the Pope: Because in this Oath was mentioned a renouncing of all Privileges and Grants of the Pope by virtue of his Bulls, that might be prejudicial to the King, and

an Acknowledgment, that they held their Bishopricks only of the King, which the Arch-Bishop worded more fully, viz. That he held his Archbishoprick of the King immediately and only, and of none other.* 1.86 I refer the Reader to the Appendix for this Oath.

One of the first Services the Arch-Bishop did for the King, was the pronouncing the Sentence of Divorce from his former Queen Katharine, which was done May 23; but drew an implacable ha∣tred upon him from the Pope and Emperor abroad, as well as the Papists at home. And Queen Mary would not forget it, when She came to the Crown, taking then her full Revenge upon him: though in the same Commission, wherein this Sentence was pronounced, sat the Bishops of Winton, London, Bath, Lincoln, and many other great Clerks. And though he pronounced the Sentence, he was but the Mouth of the rest, and they were all in as deep as he.

There is a short Account of Arch-Bishop Cranmer's Judgment of the unlawfulness of this Marriage, digested under twelve Articles,* 1.87 with his own Name writ by himself on the top of the Paper. Which Bishop Burnet transcribed from a Cotton Manuscript,* 1.88 and in∣serted into his History. It bears this Title: Articuli ex quibus plane admodum demonstratur, Divortium inter Henricum VIII. Angliae Regem Invictissimum, & Serenissimam Catharinam necessario esse faciendum. The twelfth and concluding Article is this:

We think that the pre∣tended Matrimony of Henry King of England, and Catharine the Queen, hath been, and is none at all, being prohibited both by the Law of God and Nature.

CHAP. V. The Arch-Bishop visits his Diocess.

AFter his Sentence against Q. Katharine,* 1.89 and confirmation of Q. Ann's Marriage, one thing he did, which looked as if he was not like to prove any great Friend to a Reformation. For he forbad all Preaching throughout his Diocess, and warned the rest of the Bishops throughout England to do the same,* 1.90 as I have it from an old Journal made by a Monk of St. Augustine's, Canterbury. But this was only for a time, till Orders for Preachers, and the Beads could be finished: it being thought convenient that Preaching at this Juncture should be restrained, because now the Matter of Sermons chiefly consisted in tossing about the King's Marriage with the Lady Anne, and condemning so publickly and boldly his doings against Q. Katharine, the Priests being set on work by her Friends and Faction.

In October or November the Arch-bishop went down to Canterbury,* 1.91 in order to a Visitation.

The third day of December the Arch-bishop received the Pontifi∣cal Seat in the Monastery of the Holy Trinity.* 1.92 And soon after, viz. the Ninth of the same Month, began to go on Visitation through∣out all his Diocess, that he might have finished that Work before the Sessions of the Parliament.* 1.93

This same Year a remarkable Delusion was discovered in the Arch-bishop's

Diocess, and even under his Nose, the Scene being chiefly laid in Canterbury, by some belonging to the Cathedral Church. For a certain Nun, called Elizabeth Barton, by marvellous Hypocrisy mocked all Kent, and almost all England: For which Cause she was put in Prison in London; Where she confessed many horrible things against the King and the Queen. This forenamed Elizabeth had many Adherents, but especially Dr. Bocking, Monk of Christ's-Church in Canterbury, who was her chief Author in her Dissimula∣tion. All of them at the last were accused of Treason, Heresy and Conspiracy. And so stood in Penance before the open Cross of S. Paul's in London; and in Canterbury in the Church-yard of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity, at the Sermon time they stood over the high Seat: where of the Preacher they were grievously rebuked for their horrible Fact. And in April the next Year, she, with Bock∣ing and Dering, another Monk of Canterbury, were led out of Prison through all the Streets of London unto Tyburn, where she and these Monks, and also two Brothers of the Minors, suffered with the rest upon the Gallows for Treason and Heresy.

* 1.94In the Month of November the Arch-bishop sent a Letter to Bonner the King's Ambassador at Marseilles, together with his Appeal from the Pope, to be there signified, as was hinted before. The reason whereof was this; Upon the King's Divorce from Q. Katharine, the Pope had by a publick Instrument declared the Divorce to be null and void, and threatned him with Excommunication, unless he would revoke all that he had done. Gardiner Bishop of Winton about this time, and upon this occasion, was sent Ambassador to the French King; and Bonner soon after followed him to Marseilles, Where Gardiner at the interview between the French King and the Pope, now was. For the King and the Council apprehended some Mischief to be hatching against the Kingdom by the Pope: who was now inciting the Emperor and other Princes to make War upon us. And indeed he had vaunted, as the Ld Herbert de∣clares, that he would set all Christendom against the King. And the Emperor in discourse had averred, that by the means of Scot∣land he would avenge his Aunt's Quarrel. The Arch-bishop in this Juncture had secret intimation of a Design to excommunicate him, and interdict his Church. Whereupon, as the King by Bonner, No∣vemb. 7, had made his Appeal from the Pope to the next General Council lawfully called; so by the King and Council's Advice, the Arch-bishop soon after did the same: sending his Appeal with his Proxy, under his Seal, to Bonner, desiring him together with Gar∣diner, to consult together, and to intimate his Appeal in the best manner they could think expedient for him. And this Letter he wrote by the King's own Commandment. It was not the Hand of the Arch-bishop, nor of his Secretary. So I suppose it was drawn up by some of his own Lawyers; and is as followeth:

* 2.1In my right hearty manner I commend me to you. So it is, as you know right well, I stand in dread, lest our Holy Father the Pope do intend to make some manner of prejudicial Process against me and my Church. And therefore having probable Con∣jectures thereof, I have appeal'd from his Holiness to the Gene∣ral

Council, accordingly as his Highness and his Council have advised me to do. Which my Appeal and Procuracie under my Seal, I do send unto you herewith; desiring you right-heartily to have me commended to my Ld of Winchester, and with his Ad∣vice and Counsel to intimate the said Provocation after the best manner, that his Lordship and you shall think most expedient for me. I am the bolder thus to write unto you, because the King's Highness commandeth me this to do, as you shall, I trust, further perceive by his Grace's Letter: Nothing doubting in your Goodness, but at this mine own desire you will be contented to take this Pains, though his Highness shall percase forget to write unto you therein. Which your Pains and Kindness, if it shall lie in me in time to come to recompense, I wol not forget it with God's Grace. Who preserve you, as my self. From Lambeth, the xxviith day of November.

Thomas Cantuar.

Cranmer being now placed at the Head of the Church of England,* 2.2 next under God and the King, and the chief care of it devolved upon him, his great study was conscientiously to discharge this high Vocation. And one of the first things, wherein he shewed his good Service to the Church, was done in the Parliament in the latter end of this Year 1533. When the Supremacy came under debate,* 2.3 and the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome was propounded, then the old Collecti∣ons of the new Arch-bishop did him good service; for the chief, and in a manner the whole burden of this weighty Cause was laid upon his Shoulders. Insomuch that he was forced to answer to all that ever the whole Rabble of the Papists could say for the defence of the Pope's Supremacy: And he answered so plainly, directly and truly to all their Arguments, and proved so evidently and stoutly, both by the Word of God, and Consent of the Primitive Church, that this usurped Power of the Pope is a meer Tyranny, and directly against the Law of God: and that the Power of Emperors and Kings is the highest Power here upon Earth: Unto which, Bishops, Priests, Popes and Cardinals ought to submit themselves, and are as much bound to obey, as their Temporal Subjects, or Lay-men, (as the Priests call them) that the Issue was the abolishing of that Foreign Papal Power, and the expulsion of it out of this Realm, by the full consent of Parliament.

A Licence dated Feb. 13. this Year,* 2.4 was granted by the Arch-Bi∣shop to Mary the Relict of Sir Henry Guilford Kt. to have the Eucha∣rist, Matrimony and Baptism,* 2.5 ministred in any Chappel or Oratory within her Mannors where she should reside, during her Life. And such a Licence, dated also Feb. 13. the next Year, was granted by him to Margaret Marchioness of Dorset. Whether indulged to them by the Arch-Bishop, the rather to free them from danger for not fre∣quenting their Parish-Churches, and for the avoiding the Superstitious and Idolatrous Worship there performed; and that there might be some private Places for purer worshipping God, and administration of the Sacraments; or only for the Convenience of those Ladies, the Reader hath liberty to judg.

* 2.6CHAP. VI. The Arch-bishop presseth the Translation of the Bible.

* 2.7THIS Rub of the Papal Power being now taken out of the way, and the King's Supremacy settled in the next Sessions of Parliament, in Novemb. 1534. a Way was opened for a Reformation of Errors and Abuses in Religion. So that, as the Arch-bishop judg∣ed it a thing impossible to make any amendment of Religion under the Pope's Dominion; so he thought it now (the same being dis∣patched out of the Realm) a mee•• time to restore the true Doctrine of Christ, according to the Word of God, and the old Primitive Church, within his Jurisdiction and Cure; and with the said Pope, to abolish also all false Doctrine, Errors and Heresies, by him brought into the Church; for the accomplishing of which he let pass no Op∣portunities.

* 2.8A Convocation now afforded him one. Our Arch-bishop, from his first entrance upon his Dignity, had it much in his mind to get the Holy Scriptures put into the Vulgar Language, and a Liberty for all to read them. The Convocation now was so well disposed, by the influence of the Arch-bishop and his Friends, that they did petition the King, that the Bible might be translated by some Learned Men of his Highnesses nomination. And as this good Motion was briefly made in the House by the Arch-bishop, so they agreed upon him to carry their Petition. But they clogged it with another, which the Arch-bishop did not so well approve of: For about the Month of De∣cember they pass'd this Order of Convocation.

The Bishops, Ab∣bots, Priors of this Upper House of Convocation, of the Province of Canterbury, met together in the Chapter-House of St. Paul; unanimously did consent, that the most Reverend Father the Arch-bishop, should make instance in their Names to the King, that his Majesty would vouchsafe, for the encrease of the Faith of his Subjects, to decree and command, That all his Subjects, in whose possession any Books of suspect Doctrine were, especially in the Vulgar Language, imprinted, beyond or on this side the Sea, should be warned, within three Months, to bring them in before Persons to be appointed by the King, under a certain Pain to be li∣mited by the King.

And that moreover his Majesty would vouchsafe to decree, that the Scriptures should be translated into the Vulgar Tongue, by some honest and learned Men, to be nominated by the King, and to be delivered unto the People according to their Learning.

This was resolved in the Convocation, Decemb. 19.

Accordingly the King issued out soon after his Proclamation. What this Proclamation was I do not know, unless it were one I meet with about this time, against bringing in, or printing seditious Books of Anabaptists and Sacramentaries, who were said to be lately come into the Realm: and against some of his own Subjects, who publick∣ly disputed in Taverns and other open Places, upon those Points of Religion, which the King was offended withal. For the Correcti∣on

and Regulating of which, the King in the said Proclamation com∣manded sundry Articles to be observed; which for the length of them I have put into the Appendix.* 2.9 Unless perhaps this Proclama∣tion may belong to the Year 1538.

About the month of Iune this Year,* 2.10 was a Book drawn up for Bishops and Priests, wherein was an Order for preaching; and in the same were Forms devised for the Beads, as well for Preachers, as Curates. In which Forms the King's Title of Supream Head was specified. In this Book was commandment given by the King, that ••very Preacher should, before Easter, once in solemn Audience, de∣••••are the usurped Jurisdiction, within this Realm, of the Bishop of ••ome, and the King's just Cause to decline from the same: and also to open and declare such things as might avow and justify the King's refusal of Marriage with the Princess Dowager, and his contract anew with Queen Ann. And also in the same Book an Order was given for the suppression of the General Sentence or Curse.* 2.11 This Book the Arch-bishop, who we may well suppose had a great hand in it, sent, by the King's Commandment, to all the Bishops, and to the Arch-bishop of York, though out of his Province: that Arch-bishop lying under some Jealousy as it seems with the King.

Therefore after the receit of the Book,* 2.12 the said Arch-bishop of York the next Sunday, which was the second Sunday after Trinity, went from Cawood to York, and there in his own Person declared, as well the King's Cause touching the Matrimony, as his refusal of the Pope's Jurisdiction, so fully, that nothing that needed to be o∣pened was left unspoken, as that Arch-bishop wrote himself to the King in his own Vindication. And that the Auditory might be the greater, he sent to York forthwith, upon the receit of the Book, to publish there, that he would be there the next Sunday following, and caused the Churches to make an end of their Service in such time, as every Man might have opportunity to be at the Sermon: and especially required the Mayor and his Brethren, and one Mr. Magnus, and Sir George Lawson, his Majesty's Chaplains to be there: And a very great Confluence there was. Then the Arch-bishop preached from that Text, Vxorem duxi, &c. Whence he took occasion to utter, and declare both his foresaid Matters, and the Injury done to the King's Highness by Pope Clement.

As the Convocation this Year had declared the Pope to have no Jurisdiction in this Kingdom, so this would not serve the King,* 2.13 till all the Learned and Spiritual Men in England had subscribed to it with their Hands. The Arch-bishop's Church of Canterbury began. For the Prior and Convent thereof, moved and influenced not a little by their Diocesan, solemnly subscribed an Instrument for abo∣lishing the Pope's Supremacy, and for acknowledgment of the King Supream Head of the Church of England, under this Position.* 2.14

Quod Romanus Episcopus non habet majorem aliq••am jurisdictionem a Deo sibi collatam in hoc regno Angliae, quam quivis externus Episcopus. That is,

That the Bishop of Rome hath not some greater Iurisdiction conferred upon him by God in this Realm of England, than any other Fo∣reign Bishop.

This was consented to by the Prior's own Hand subscribed, and sixty nine of the Convent besides. The Original whereof is in a Volume of the Cotton Library.* 2.15 In another place of the same Vo∣lume is extant the Subscription of the Bishops, Deans, and several Abbots; and after that, of the University of Oxford, and all the particular Colleges: and after that, the Names of all the subscrib∣ing Priors of England.

* 2.16The Arch-bishop was one employed about the Act of Succession, that was made the last Sessions of Parliament: which was to invest the Succession to the Crown upon the Heirs of Q. Ann; and that Q. Katharine should be no more called Queen, but Princess Dowager. In the Preamble to the Act, there were certain Touches against the Pope's Supremacy, and against his Power of dispensing in the King's former Marriage with his Brother's Wife, carnally known by him. To this Act all Persons were to swear, to accept and main∣tain the same, upon pain of Treason. The Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury, the Ld Chancellor Audley, Secretary Crumwel, the Abbot of Westminster, and others, were the King's Commissioners appointed to tender this Oath. The Nobility and Gentry took it, none de∣nying, to which they set their Hands in a long List.

On the 13th of April, the Commissioners sat at Lambeth to receive the Oaths of the Clergy, and chiefly those of London, that had not yet sworn; who all took it, not one excepted. And a certain Doctor, Vicar of Croyden, that it seems made some boggle before, went up with the rest: of whom Sir Thomas More, who then stood by, made an Observation, how, as he past, he went to my Lord's Buttery-hatch, and called for Drink, and drank valde familiariter; whether, saith he sarcastically, it were for Gladness, or Driness, or Quod ille notus erat Pontifici. The Oath also now was taken by Dr. Wylson, a great Court-Divine in those Days, who for Queen Katharine's Business was a Prisoner at this time, though a great while he was unsatisfied, and consulted much with Sir Thomas More a∣bout the Lawfulness of taking it.

* 2.17The same Day were conveyed hither from the Tower, Bishop Fisher, and Sir Thomas More, the only Layman at this Meeting, to tender this Oath to them. Who both, being separately called, re∣fused it. After the Clergy were sworn and dispatched, immedi∣ately Sir Thomas by himself was sent for the second time.* 2.18 Now he had much talk with the Lords, who would fain have brought him to comply. They urged him to declare the Cau∣ses why he would not Swear: But he excused his so doing. Then they charged him with Obstinacy: He said, it was not Obstinacy, but because he might not declare his Mind without peril of incurring the King's further Displeasure. He told the Commissioners, that for his part he condemned not the Consciences of any; but that he was dissatisfied in his own Conscience for cer∣tain Reasons.* 2.19 The Arch-bishop taking hold of this, spake to him thus,

That it appeared well, that Sir Thomas did not take it for a

very sure thing and a certain, that he might not lawfully swear, but rather as a thing uncertain and doubtful. But you know, said my Lord, for a certainty, and for a thing without doubt, that you be bound to obey your Soveraign Lord the King. And therefore are you bound to leave off the doubt of your unsure Conscience, in refusing the Oath, and take the sure way in obey∣ing of your Prince who commands you to Swear.

This Argu∣ment, as Sir Thomas confessed in one of his Letters to his Daugh∣ter Roper, seemed so subtil, and with such Authority coming out of so Noble a Prelate's Mouth, that he could answer again nothing thereto: but only that he thought with himself, that he might not so do, because that in his Conscience this was one of the Causes in which he was bounden, that he should not obey his Prince; sith that whatsoever other Folks thought in the Matter, (whose Consci∣ence or Learning, as he said, he would not condemn, or take upon him to judg) yet in his Conscience the Truth seemed on the other Side, wherein he had informed his Conscience neither suddenly nor slightly, but by long leisure and diligent search for the Matter.

In fine, the farthest Sir Thomas could be brought,* 2.20 and which he offered voluntarily that Morning, was to swear to the Succession, (which was the main Design of the Act) though not to the Pream∣ble. At parting the Lord Chancellor bad the Secretary, before More, take notice, that More denied not, but was content to swear the Succession. More assented and said, in that Point he would be con∣tented, so that he might see the Oath so framed, as might stand with his Conscience.

Fisher Bishop of Rochester, offered the same before this Assembly,* 2.21 that More had done: and in a Letter of his afterwards writ to the Se∣cretary, assigned the Reason why he could, with a good Conscience, swear to the Succession, viz. because he doubted not but that the Prince of a Realm, with the Assent of the Nobles and Commons, might appoint his Successors according as he pleased.* 2.22 In the Appen∣dix this Letter will be found, which Bishop Fisher writ upon occasion of the Secretary's Advice, who laboured to gain him, that he should write to the King, to declare his Mind to him in swearing to the Suc∣cession; and to petition him to let that suffice, because his Consci∣ence could not consent to the rest of the Act. The Secretary also had sent unto Fisher, lying in the Tower, Lee Bishop Elect of Lich∣field and Coventry; to whom he declared again, that he would take the Oath to the Succession; and moreover, that he would swear ne∣ver to meddle more in Disputation of the Matrimony, and promised all Allegiance to the King. But he told Lee, his Conscience could not be convinced, that the Marriage was against the Law of God, because of a Prohibition in the Levitical Law. See Lee's Letter, in the Appendix, to Secretary Crumwel.* 2.23

The Arch-bishop,* 2.24 soon after that meeting of the Commissioners at Lambeth, retired to Croydon: And being a Man not kind to his own Party and Perswasion only, and fierce and bloody-minded to them that differed from him, but compassionate towards all, Friend and Foe; his tender Spirit suggested to him, to make this serve for an Occasion to intercede for More and Fisher, to Crumwel; shewing him

in a Letter, dated April the 17th, how adviseable in his Judgment it would be to be satisfied with that Oath they had offered to swear, in case they would swear to maintain the said Succession against all Power and Potentates: Urging to him that there would be these Ad∣vantages gained thereby. First, That it would be a means to satisfy the Consciences of the Princess Dowager and the Lady Mary; who it seems made it a Matter of Conscience and Sin to abandon their Titles. Also, that it might tend to stop the Emperor's Mouth, and the Mouths of other their Friends, when Fisher and More, who had stickled so much for them, should now own that Succession, which would be in effect a disowning of them. Secondly, That it might be a means to resolve and quiet also many others in the Realm that were in doubt, when such great Men should affirm by Oath and Sub∣scription, that the Succession mentioned in the said Act was good, and according to God's Laws. And he thought, that after two such had sworn, there would be scarce one in the Kingdom would reclaim a∣gainst it. And thirdly, That though a great many in the Realm could not be brought to alter from their Opinions of the Validity of the King's former Marriage, and of the Bishop of Rome's Authority, that it would be a great Point gained, if all with one accord would own and acknowledg the Succession.

* 2.25Weaver, the Author of the Funeral Monuments, transcribed this Letter out of the Cotton Library, and inserted it into his said Book: and the thing he takes notice of therein, is the Wisdom and Policy of the prudent Arch-bishop. I shall take notice of another thing, and which I suppose was the great Cause that employed his Pen at this time, namely, his tender Heart, and abhorrence from Blood-shedding: Propounding these Politick Considerations to the Secretary, which were the properest Arguments to be used with a Statesman, and for him to use and urge before the King; that so he might be an Instru∣ment of saving the Lives of these Men, however they differed from him, and it may be were none of his very good Friends. This Let∣ter of the Arch-bishop's, as I my self took it from the Original, I thought worthy depositing among Cranmer's Monuments in the Ap∣pendix.* 2.26 But this Offer of theirs, notwithstanding the Arch-bishop's Arguments and Endeavours, would not be accepted. The King would not be satisfied with this Swearing by halves.

CHAP. VII. The Arch-bishop visits the Diocess of Norwich.

* 2.27THE Popish Bishops were now at a low ebb; and being under the Frowns of their Prince, other Men took the opportuni∣ties, upon their Slips, to get them punished. A Storm now fell up∣on Richard Nix Bishop of Norwich, a vitious and dissolute Man, as Godwin writes.* 2.28 Against him was a Premunire this Year (25 of Hen. VIII.) brought. That, De tout temps, there had been a Custom in the Town of Thetford in the County of Norfolk, that no Inhabitant of the same Town should be drawn in Plea in any Court Christian

for any Spiritual Causes, but before the Dean in the said Town. And there was a Presentment in the King's Court, before the Mayor of the Town, by twelve Jurors, that there was such a Custom. And be∣side, that whosoever should draw any Man out of the said Town, in any Spiritual Court, should forfeit six shillings and eight pence. The Bishop nevertheless cited the Mayor to appear before him, pro Salute animae: And upon his appearance libelled for that Cause, and enjoined him, upon pain of Excommunication, not to admit the said Presentment. And whenas the Bishop could not deny his Fact, Judgment was given, that he should be out of the King's Protection, his Goods and Chattels forfeited, and his Body in Prison during the King's Pleasure. For which he had the King's Pardon. Which was afterwards confirmed in Parliament.

This Bishop's Diocess was now in such disorder,* 2.29 that the Arch-bishop instituted a Visitation of that See; wherein William May LL. D. was the Arch-bishop's Commissary. The 28th of Iuly, the Bishop was called and summoned to appear, but appeared not: And so was pronounced Contumax.* 2.30 But at another meeting he sent Dr. Cap his Proctor, by whom he made a Protestation against their Doings and Jurisdiction; and that it was not decent for that Reverend Father to appear before him, the Arch-bishop's Official. However at ano∣ther meeting, the Bishop not appearing at the Time and Place ap∣pointed, Dr. May declared him obstinate, and to incur the Penalty of Obstinacy. After this the Bishop, by his Proctor, was willing to submit to obey Law, and to stand to the Command of the Church, and to do Penance for his said Contumacy, to be enjoined by the Arch-bishop, or his Commissary. At another Court the Bishop appeared in Person, and then shewed himself willing to take the said Commissary for Visitor, or any other in the Name of the Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury. This Bishop was now fourscore Years old, and blind, as appears by a Writing of his sent by his Proctor, dated Septemb. 1534. He died two Years after, and came in to be Bishop in the Year 1500.

This Bishop seems to have made himself very odious in his Diocess,* 2.31 by his Fierceness and Rigors against such as were willing to be better informed in Religion; whom he would stile Men savouring of the Frying-pan. He seized such Books as were brought from beyond-Sea, of which sort there were now many, which tended to lay open the Corruptions of the Church; and especially the New Testament, which he could not endure should be read. And when some of these commonly gave out, that it was the King's Pleasure that such Books should be read, he sent up studiously by the Abbot of Hyde, to have this shewed to the King; and begged his Letters under his Seal, to be directed to him, or any body else whom the King pleased in his Diocess, to declare it was not his Pleasure such Books should be a∣mong his Subjects, and to punish such as reported it was. He sent also a Letter to Warham then Arch-bishop of Canterbury, making his Complaint and Information to him, desiring him to send for the said Abbot, who should tell him what his Thoughts were for the sup∣pression of these Men; and intreating the Arch-bishop to inform the King against these erroneous Men, as he called them. Some part of his Diocess was bounded with the Sea, and Ipswich and Yarmouth,

and other Places of considerable Traffick, were under his Jurisdicti∣on.* 2.32 And so there happened many Merchants and Mariners, who by Converse from Abroad, had received knowledg of the Truth, and brought in divers good Books. This mightily angred the zealous Bi∣shop, and he used all the Severity he could to stop the Progress of Evangelical Truth, and wished for more Authority from the King to punish it; for his Opinion was, that if they continued any time, he thought they would undo them all, as he wrote to the Arch-bishop. This Letter is in the Appendix.* 2.33

Bishops Consecrated.

April the 19th, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, invested in his Pontificals,* 2.34 consecrated Thomas Goodrick, Doctor of Decrees, Bishop of Ely, in his Chappel at Croydon; together with Rowland Lee, Doctor of Law, Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry; and Iohn Salcot, alias Capon, Doctor of Law, Bishop of Bangor: being assisted by Iohn Bishop of Lincoln, and Christopher Bishop of Sidon.

CHAP. VIII. The Arch-bishop preacheth at Canterbury.

* 2.35IN order to the bettering the State of Religion in the Nation, the Arch-bishop's Endeavours, both with the King and the Clergy,* 2.36 were not wanting, from time to time. And something soon after fell out, which afforded him a fair opportunity: which was this. The King resolving to vindicate his own Right of Supre∣macy against the Encroachments of Popes in his Dominions, espe∣cially now the Parliament had restored it to him, being at Win∣chester, sent for his Bishops thither about Michaelmas, ordering them to go down to their respective Diocesses, and there in their own Persons to preach up the Regal Authority, and to explain to the People the Reason of excluding the Pope from all Jurisdiction in these Realms. Our Arch-bishop, according to this Command, speeds down into his Diocess to promote this Service for the King, and the Church too. He went not into the neerer parts of Kent about Otford and Knol, where his most frequent Residence used to be; because his Influence had a good effect for the Instruction of the People thereabouts in this, as well as in other Points of sound Religion: But he repaired into the East parts of his Diocess, where he preached up and down upon the two Articles, of the Pope's Usurpations, and the King's Supremacy. But the People of Canter∣bury being less perswaded of these Points, than all his Diocess be∣sides, there in his Cathedral Church, he preached two Sermons: wherein he insisted upon three things.

I. That the Bishop of Rome was not God's Vicar upon Earth, as he was taken. Here he declared by what Crafts the Bishop of Rome had obtained his usurped Authority.

II. That the Holiness that See so much boasted of, and by which Name Popes affected to be stiled, was but a Holiness in Name; and that there was no such Holiness at Rome. And here he launched out into the Vices and profligate kind of living there.

III. He inveighed against the Bishop of Rome's Laws. Which were miscalled Divinae Leges, and Sacri Canones. He said, that those of his Laws, which were good, the King had commanded to be observed: And so they were to be kept out of obedience to him. And here he descended to speak of the Ceremonies of the Church: that they ought not to be rejected, nor yet to be observed with an Opinion, that of themselves they make Men holy, or remit their Sins; seeing our Sins are remitted by the Death of our Saviour Christ. But that they were observed for a common Commodity, and for good Order and Quietness, as the Common Laws of the Kingdom were. And for this Cause, Ceremonies were instituted in the Church, and for a remembrance of many good things; as the King's Laws dispose Men unto Justice and unto Peace. And therefore he made it a general Rule, that Ceremonies were to be ob∣served as the Laws of the Land were.

These Sermons of the Arch-bishop,* 2.37 it seems, as they were new Doctrines to them, so they were received by them at first with much gladness. But the Friars did not at all like these Discourses: They thought such Doctrines laid open the Truth too much, and might prove prejudicial unto their Gains. And therefore by a Combina∣tion among themselves, they thought it convenient, that the Arch-bishop's Sermons should be by some of their Party confuted, and in the same place where he preached them. So soon after came up the Prior of the black Friars in Canterbury, levelling his Discourse against the three things that the Arch-bishop had preached. He asserted the Church of Christ never erred: that he would not slander the Bishops of Rome; and that the Laws of the Church were equal with the Laws of God.

This angry Prior also told the Arch-bishop to his Face, in a good Audience, concerning what he had preached of the Bishop of Rome's Vices, that he knew no Vices by none of the Bishops of Rome. And whereas the Arch-bishop had said in his Sermon to the People, that he had prayed many Years, that we might be separated from that See, and that he might see the Power of Rome destroyed, be∣cause it wrought so many things contrary to the Honour of God, and the Wealth of the Realm; and because he saw no hopes of amendment; and that he thanked God he had now seen it in this Realm; for this the Prior cried out against him, that he preached uncharitably.

The Arch-bishop not suffering his Authority to be thus affronted,* 2.38 nor the King's Service to be thus hindred, convented the Prior before him before Christmass. At his first examination, he denied that he preached against the Arch-bishop, and confessed that his Grace had not preached any thing amiss: But sometime afterward, being got free from the mild Arch-bishop, and being secretly upheld by some Persons in the Combination, he then said, he had preached amiss in many things, and that he purposely preached against him. This

created the Arch-bishop abundance of Slander in those parts. The Business came to the King's Ears, who seemed to require the Arch-bishop to censure him in his own Court.

But upon occasion of this, the Arch-bishop wrote his whole Cause in a Letter to the King,* 2.39 dated from his House at Ford, 1535. Decla∣ring what he had preached, and what the other had preached in con∣tradiction to him. And withal entreated his Majesty, that he, the Arch-bishop, might not have the judging of him, lest he might seem partial; but that he would commit the hearing unto the Lord Privy Seal, who was Crumwel: or else to assign unto him other Persons, whom his Majesty pleased; that the Cause might be jointly heard together. He appealed to the King and his Council,

If the Pri∣or did not defend the Bishop of Rome, though he had said nothing else, than that the Church never erred. For then they were no Errors, as he inferred, that were taught, of the Pope's Power; and that he was Christ's Vicar in Earth, and by God's Law Head of all the World, Spiritual and Temporal; and that all People must believe that de necessitate Salutis; and that whosoever did any thing against the See of Rome, is an Heretick. But if these be no Errors, then your Grace's Laws, said he, be Erroneous, that pro∣nounce the Bishop of Rome to be of no more Power than other Bishops, and them to be Traitors, that defend the contrary.

In fine, in the stomach of an Arch-bishop, and finding it necessary to put a stop to the ill designs of these Friars, he concluded,

That if that Man, who had so highly offended the King, and openly preached against him, being his Ordinary, and Metropolitan of the Province, and that in such Matters as concerned the Autho∣rity, Mis-living and Laws of the Bishop of Rome; and that also within his own Church: if he were not looked upon, he left it to the King's Prudence to expend, what Example it might prove unto others, with like colour to maintain the Bishop of Rome's Authority; and of what estimation he the Arch-bishop should be reputed hereafter, and what Credence would be given unto his preaching for time to come.

And he left his Majesty to hear the Testimony of Dr. Leighton, one of the King's Visitors, who was present at the Sermon the Arch-bishop then made. This Letter, the Contents whereof I have now set down, I have placed in the Appendix,* 2.40 as well worthy the preserving among the rest of the Mo∣numents of this Arch-bishop, as I transcribed it out of the Cotton Li∣brary. I do not find what Issue this Business had: but I suspect the Black Friars of Canterbury had a black Mark set upon them by the King for this Opposition of his Arch-bishop, in the discharge of his Commands.

But to speak a little of a Provincial Visitation, Iure Metropolitico, which the Arch-bishop had begun the last Year,* 2.41 viz. 1534, being his first Visitation. It was somewhat extraordinary; for such a Visi∣tation had not been in an hundred Years before. For this he got the King's Licence, to countenance his doings, knowing what oppositi∣ons he should meet with. In the Month of May we find him at his House at Otford about this Business: The main End whereof was to promote the King's Supremacy, and, as opportunity served, to cor∣rect

the Superstitions of this Church, and to inspect even Bishops and Cathedrals themselves.

In Apr. 1535,* 2.42 Cranmer had sent his Monition to Steph. Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, that he would visit his Diocess. The Bishop, who never lo∣ved the Arch-bishop, and being a great upholder of the old Popish Su∣perstitions, was the more jealous of this Visitation, opposing himself as much as he could against it; and would have picked an Hole in Cran∣mer's Coat, for stiling himself, in the Instrument of the Process, To∣tius Angliae Primas; as though this had been an high Reflection up∣on the King, and detracted much from his Supremacy. Of this therefore he went and made a Complaint to the King himself: and taking it in some Indignation, that the Arch-bishop should visit his Diocess, he pretended to the King, that the Clergy of his Diocess would be driven to great streights, and mightily oppress'd, if it should be now visited again, having been visited but five Years ago by his Predecessor Warham; especially being also to pay a new Duty, enjoined by the Parliament, namely, their Tenths; hoping hereby to evade the Arch-bishop's inspection into the Corruptions of the Diocess of Winchester.

All this Crumwel, his Friend, certified him of, by his Chaplain,* 2.43 one Champion. Winchester indeed, whatsoever he pretended, tendred not so much the King's Cause, as his own, that he might not be visi∣ted. For otherwise he would have complained to the King of this Matter before Cranmer's signification to him of a Visitation, since he always bare the Title of Primate of all England, as being the com∣mon Stile of the Arch-bishop. And if this Stile of Primacy was a diminution to the King, it would have been so to the Pope, when Winchester held him, as he did once, for Supream Head of the Church: but then he never made any complaint against those Arch-bishops that stiled themselves Primats. The Pope's Supream Au∣thority was not less thought of, because he had such Primates un∣der him, but rather more. And the King might therefore have such as were Primates under him, without any derogation to his Autho∣rity. Nor did Cranmer value at all Names and Titles; and if he thought it any thing interfering with the King's Honour, he would himself have been the first to sue for the taking it wholly away. This he signified in a Letter to Secretary Crumwel; which because it hath many excellent things declarative of the good Temper and Spirit of Cranmer, I have presented it to the Reader's Eye in the Appendix,* 2.44 being an Original in the Cotton Library.

And as Winchester had pick'd a Quarrel with him for one part of his Archiepiscopal Stile; so Stokesly Bishop of London,* 2.45 a Man of the same inveterate Temper against Cranmer, refused his Visitation, be∣cause he stiled himself, in his Monitions, Apostolicae Sedis Legatus. For under that Title he Convented that Bishop, with the Abbots, Priors, and Arch-deacon of London, to appear before him at a Visita∣tion, which he intended to hold at the Chapter-house in St. Paul's Church London. But the Bishop of London, and the Chapter, war∣ned him of assuming that Title, as making against the King's Prero∣gative. And at the Visitation it self in S. Paul's, they made a Pro∣testation; which was openly read. The import whereof was, that

they would not accept him as such a Legate, and neither admit nor submit to his Visitation under that Name; and required the Arch-bishop's Register to enter their Protestation. And upon his refusal thereof, delivered a Certificate of what they had done. Stokesly also contended with him for suspending all the Jurisdiction of the Bishop, Dean, and Arch-deacon, during his Visitation. To which the Arch-bishop answered, it was no more than his Predecessors had usually done in those Cases. In fine, they appealed, in their own justifica∣tion, unto the King, and desired his Licence to defend themselves against him by the Laws, and as the Parliament had provided. Thus they shewed before, their secret Malice, and violent Opposition against the good Arch-bishop, and how afraid they were of his Visitation; glad to catch any thing to enervate his Authority. The sum of which Appeal drawn up by Stokesly, being somewhat too long to be subjoined here,* 2.46 may be read in the Appendix.

Finally, upon the Arch-bishop's visiting of his Diocess, he entred three Protestations against it (as may appear in Stokesley's Register) for preserving his Privileges.* 2.47

* 2.48This Man ever carried himself perversely to the Arch-bishop. It was not long after this time, that the Arch-bishop, whose Mind ran very much upon bringing in the free use of the Holy Scripture in English among the People, put on vigorously a Translation of it. And that it might not come to be prohibited, as it had been, upon pretence of the Ignorance or Unfaithfulness of the Translators, he proceeded in this method.* 2.49 First, He began with the Translation of the New Testament; taking an old English Translation thereof, which he divided into nine or ten Parts; causing each Part to be written at large in a paper Book, and then to be sent to the best Lear∣ned Bishops and others; to the intent they should make a perfect Correction thereof. And when they had done, he required them to send back their Parts, so corrected, unto him at Lambeth, by a day li∣mited for that purpose: and the same course, no question, he took with the Old Testament. It chanced that the Acts of the Apostles were sent to Bishop Stokesly to oversee and correct. When the Day came, every Man had sent to Lambeth their Parts corrected, only Stokeslye's Portion was wanting: My Lord of Canterbury wrote to the Bi∣shop a Letter for his Part, requiring him to deliver them unto the Bringer his Secretary. He received the Arch-bishop's Letter at Ful∣ham. Unto which he made this Answer;

I marvel what my Lord of Canterbury meaneth, that thus abuseth the People, in giving them liberty to read the Scriptures: which doth nothing else but infect them with Heresy. I have bestowed never an Hour upon my Porti∣on, nor never will. And therefore my Lord shall have this Book again, for I will never be guilty of bringing the simple People into Error.

My Lord of Canterbury's Servant took the Book, and brought the same to Lambeth unto my Lord, declaring my Lord of London's Answer. When the Arch-bishop had perceived that the Bishop had done nothing therein,

I marvel, said he▪ that my Lord of London is so froward that he will not do as other Men do.

One Mr. Thomas▪ Lawney stood by;* 2.50 and hearing my Lord speak so much of the Bishop's untowardness, said, I can tell your Grace why my

Lord of London will not bestow any labour or pains this way. Your Grace knoweth well, that his Portion is a piece of New Te∣stament. But he being perswaded, that Christ had bequeathed him nothing in his Testament, thought it mere madness to bestow any labour or pain, where no Gain was to be gotten. And besides this, it is the Acts of the Apostles; which were simple poor Fellows, and therefore my Lord of London disdained to have to do with any of them. Whereat my Lord of Canterbury, and others that stood by, could not forbear from laughter.

This Lawney was a witty Man,* 2.51 and Chaplain to the old Duke of Norfolk, and had been one of the Scholars placed by the Cardinal in his New College at Oxon. Where he was Chaplain of the House, and Prisoner there with Frith, another of the Scholars. In the Time of the six Articles he was a Minister in Kent, placed there, I suppose, by the Arch-bishop. When that severe Act was past, more by the Authority of a Parliament, than by the Authority of the Word of God, it chanced, that my Lord of Norfolk meeting with this his Chaplain, said, O! my Lawney, (knowing him of old much to favour Priests Matrimony) whether may Priests now have Wives or no? If it please your Grace, replied he, I cannot well tell whether Priests may have Wives or no: But well I wot, and am sure of it, for all your Act, that Wives will have Priests. Hearken, Masters, said the Duke, how this Knave scorneth our Act, and maketh it not worth a Fly. Well, I see by it that thou wilt never forget thy old Tricks. And so the Duke, and such Gentlemen as were with him, went away merrily, laughing at Lawney's sudden and apt Answer. The Reader will excuse this Digression.

CHAP. IX. Monasteries visited.

THis Year the Monasteries were visited by Cramwel,* 2.52 Chief Vi∣sitor. Who appointed Leighton, Legh, Petre, London, his De∣puties, with Injunctions given them to be observed in their Visita∣tion. Indeed the King now had thoughts of dissolving them, as well as visiting them. Whose Ends herein were, partly because he saw the Monks and Friars so untoward towards him, and so bent to the Pope; and partly to enrich himself with the Spoils. Arch-bishop Cranmer is said also to have counselled and pressed the King to it▪ but for other Ends, viz. That out of the Revenues of these Mo∣nasteries, the King might found more Bishopricks; and that Dio∣cesses being reduced into less compass, the Diocesans might the better discharge their Office, according to the Scripture and Primitive Rules: And because the Arch-bishop saw how inconsistent these Foundations were with the Reformation of Religion; Purgatory, Masses, Pilgrimages, Worship of Saints and Images being effectual to their Constitution, as the Bishop of Sarum hath observed.* 2.53 And the Arch-bishop hoped that from these Ruins there would be new Foun∣dations in every Cathedral erected, to be Nurseries of Learning, for

the use of the whole Diocess. But however short our Arch-bishop fell of his Ends, desired and hoped for by these Dissolutions, the King obtained his. For the vast Riches that the Religious Houses brought in to the King, may be guessed by what was found in one, namely, S. Swithins, Winchester. An account of the Treasures where∣of I having once observed from a Manuscript in the Benet Library, thought not amiss here to lay before the Reader; which he may find in the Appendix.* 2.54

* 2.55When these Visitors returned home from their Visitation, they came well stock'd with Informations of the loose, wicked and abo∣minable Lives, and Irregularities of the chief Members of these Houses of Religion, having by diligent inquisition throughout all England collected them. These Enormities were read publickly in the Parliament-House, being brought in by the Visitors. When they were first read, nothing was done with these unclean Abbots and Pri∣ors:

But within a while, saith Latimer in a Sermon before King Edward,* 2.56 how bad soever the Rep••••ts of them were, some of them were made Bishops, and others put into good Dignities in the Church: that so the King might save their Pensions, which were otherwise to be paid them.

Now I will, at the conclusion of my Collections for this Year, set down the Names of the Bishops this Year consecrated, both Diocesan and Suffragan:* 2.57 there having b••en an Act of Parliament made in the six and twentieth of the King, (that is, the last Year) for furnishing the Diocesses with six and twenty Suffragans, for the better aid and comfort of the Diocesans: The Se••s whereof are all set down in the said Act. But I doubt whether there were ever so many made. At least the mention of the Acts of the Consecration of some of the Suffragans in the Province of Canterbury are omitted in the Register.

* 2.58Before this Act of Parliament enjoining the number of Suffragans, Suffragans were not unusual in the Realm. Whom the Bishops Dio∣cesans, either for their own ease, or because of their necessary ab∣sence from their Diocesses in Ambassies abroad, or Attendance upon the Court, or civil Affairs, procured to be consecrated to reside in their steads. Thus to give some Instances of them, as I have met with them. About the Year 1531, I find one Vnderwood, Suffra∣gan in Norwich, that degraded Bilney before his Martyrdom. Cer∣tain, bearing the Title of Bishops of Sidon, assisted the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury. One of these was named Thomas Wellys, Prior of S. Gregories by Canterbury. He, being Arch-Bishop Warham's Chap∣lain, was sent by him to Cardinal Wolsey, to expostulate with him in his Lord's Name, for encroaching upon his Prerogative Court. There was afterwards one Christopher, that bore that Title, and as∣sisted Arch-bishop Cranmer about these Times in Ordinations; and another Thomas, intitled also of Sidon, succeeded. Long before these, I find one William Bottlesham, Espicopus Navatensis, Anno 1382, at the Convocation House in London, summoned against the Wickli∣vites,* 2.59 that then shewed themselves at Oxford. Robert King, Abbot of Oseney, while Abbot, was consecrated titular Bishop, and called Episcopus Roannensis, a See in the Province of the Arch-bishoprick of

Athens. This is he that resigned Oseny, and Tame, under the name of Bishop of Reonen: Of which See the Bishop of Sarum was at a stand.* 2.60 He was translated from this imaginary Bishoprick to be Bi∣shop of Oxford, in the Year 1541. One Iohn Hatton had the Title of Episcopus Negropont: He was Suffragan under the Arch-bishop of York. Iohn Thornden, who was several times Commissiary of Oxon, while Arch-bishop Warham was Chancellor of that University, was stiled Episcopus Syrinensis. And hereafter,* 2.61 in the progress of this Book, we shall meet with a Bishop of Hippolitanum, who assisted Arch-bishop Cranmer at his Ordinations. These were but Titulary Bishops; and the use of them was, to supply the Diocesans absence, to consecrate Churches and Church-yards, and to reconcile them, to assist at Ordinations, and confer Orders, to confirm Children, and the like.

Sometimes these Suffragans had no Titles at all to any place,* 2.62 but were Bishops at large. Such an one, named Richard Martin, is met with in an old Register at Canterbury, who was Guardian of the Gray-Fryars there. By his last Will, made 1498, he gave a Library to the Church and Covent. He was Parson of Ickham, and Vicar of Lyd in Kent; and writ himself in the said Will,* 2.63 Bishop of the Vni∣versal Church: By which the Antiquarian supposed nothing else was meant, but that he was a Bishop in Name, endued with Orders, but not with Jurisdiction Episcopal, having no particular Charge to in∣tend, but generally officiating as Bishop in any part of the Christian Church. This I have writ, that the Reader may not be put to a stand, when he shall, in these Commentaries, meet with some of these Titular Bishops.

But proceed we now to the Bishops that were this Year Conse∣crated.

Diocesan Bishops.

April the 11th, Nicholas Shaxton was consecrated Bishop of Sarum,* 2.64 in the King's Chappel of S. Stephen, by our Arch-bishop, Iohn Bi∣shop of Lincoln and Christopher Sidoniens. assisting.

Septemb. the 15th, was the Act of Confirmation and Election of Edward Fox, Elect of Hereford,* 2.65 and of William Barlow Prior of the Priory of Canons Regular of Bisham, of the Order of S. Augustin Sarum, for the Bishoprick of S. Asaph. The Consecration of these two last are not inserted in the Register.

March the 18th,* 2.66 the Act of Confirmation and Election of George Brown, D. D. Provincial of the Order of Friars Augustin in the City of London, for the Arch-bishoprick of Dublin. Consecrated March the 19th by the Arch-bishop at Lambeth, Nicholas Bishop of Sarum, and Iohn Bishop of Rochester assisting.

Of this last-mentioned Bishop, I shall take some further notice,* 2.67 having been the first Protestant Bishop in Ireland, as Cranmer was in England; a great furtherer of the Reformation in that Land, being a stirring Man, and of good Parts and Confidence. He was first ta∣ken notice of by Crumwel, Lord Privy Seal, and by his sole means preferred to this Dignity in the Church of Ireland: upon the obser∣vation

that was taken of him, when he was Provincial of the Au∣gustin Order in England, advising all People to make their Applica∣tion only to Christ, and not to Saints. Whereby he was recom∣mended unto K. Henry, who much favoured him. When the King's Supremacy was to be brought in, and recognized in Ireland, which was the same Year wherein he was made Arch-bishop; he was ap∣pointed one of the King's Commissioners, for the procuring the No∣bility, Gentry and Clergy, to reject the Pope, and to own the King for Supream Head of the Church. In which Commission he acted with that diligence, that it was to the hazard of his Life, such op∣position was made to it in that Realm. At which time, in an As∣sembly of the Clergy, George Dowdal Arch-bishop of Ardmagh made a Speech to them, and laid a Curse upon those, whosoever they were, that should own the King's Supremacy. Within five Years after this, this Arch-bishop Brown caused all Superstitious Relicks and Images to be removed out of the two Cathedrals in Dublin, and out of the rest of the Churches in his Diocess; and ordered the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed, to be set up in Frames above the Altar in Christ's-Church Dublin. In K. Edward VI. his Reign, he received the English Common-Prayer-Book into that Realm, upon the King's Proclamation for that purpose, after much opposition by Dowdal. And it was read in Christ's-Church, Dublin, on Easter Day, 1551. He preached also a Sermon in Christ's-Church, for having the Scripture in the Mother-Tongue, and against Image-worship. And for this his forwardness and conformity in Religion, and the perverseness of the other Arch-bishop of Ardmagh, who had violently resisted all good Proceedings, the Title of Prima∣cy was taken from him, and conferred upon the Arch-bishop of Dublin: And Dowdal was banished, or, as others say, voluntarily left his Bishoprick. And then Goodacre, sent from England with Bale for the See of Ossory, succeeded. In Q. Mary's days, Dowdal was restored: and, being a great Man in this Reign, expulsed Arch∣bishop Brown from his See, for being a married Man: Who two or three Years after was succeeded by Hugh Corwin, (a Complier in all Reigns) and Brown soon after died.

Suffragan Bishops.

* 2.68The first of these standing in the Register of the Arch-bishop, was the Suffragan of the See of Ipswich. The Bishop of Norwich, according to the direction of the late Act,* 2.69 (wherein the Bishop was to nominate two for Suffragan to the King, and the King was to name one of them to the Arch-bishop, to receive Consecration) humbly signified to the King, that he was destitute of the Aid of a Suffragan; and so prayed him to appoint, either George, Abbot of the Monastery of S. Mary's of Leyston, or Thomas Mannyng, Prior of the Monastery of S. Mary's of Butley, to be his Suffragan; without mentioning for what place. And on the 7th of March, in the 27th of his Reign, he sent to the Arch-bishop to make the latter Suffragan of Gipwich. Who was accordingly consecrated by the Arch-bishop, and invested in insigniis Episcopalibus; Nicholas Bishop of Sarum, and

Iohn Bishop of Rochester, assisting. The Date not specified; but pro∣bably on the same Day with the Consecration following,* 2.70 there being the same Assistants.

The said Bishop of Norwich sent to the King,* 2.71 recommending to him to be Suffragan, Thomas de Castleacre, of the Cluniac Order, and Iohn Salisbury Prior of S. Faiths of Horsham, of the Order of S. Benet, both Priors of Monasteries in Norwich Diocess. The King sent to the Arch-bishop to consecrate Iohn the Prior of S. Faiths, for Suffragan of Thetford. Accordingly he consecrated him March the 19th, Ni∣cholas Bishop of Sarum, and Iohn Bishop of Rochester assisting.

CHAP. X. The Audience Court.

THE good Arch-bishop almost every Year met with new Op∣position from the Popish Clergy.* 2.72 The late Act for abolishing the Pope's Authority, and some Acts before that, for restraining of Applications to Rome,* 2.73 served them now as a Colour to strike at one of the Arch-bishop's Courts, viz. that of the Audience, (a Court which the Arch-bishops used to hold in their own Houses, where they received Causes, Complaints and Appeals; and had learned Civilians living with them, that were Auditors of the said Causes, before the Arch-bishop gave Sentence) pretending that he held it as the Pope's Legat: Urging also the great Troubles and Inconvenien∣ces it caused, both to the Clergy and the Laity; and that every Man must, by virtue of that Court, be forced up to London, from the farthest part of the Land, for a slanderous Word, or a Trifle. And that they thought it convenient, if it were the King's Pleasure to continue that Court, that he would settle it upon some other, and not upon the Arch-bishop, that so it might appear, the Original of that Court was from the King, and not from the Pope. And lastly, that it would not be safe to constitute the Arch-bishop the Pope's Le∣gat, because it would infringe the Power of the Vicar-General. This was drawn up in way of Petition and Complaint, either to the King or Parliament, by a Combination of some of the Convocation, as I suspect, the Paper being writ by the Hand of the Register of the Lower House of Convocation. The great Wheel we may be sure, that set a moving this Device, was Winchester, his never-failing Ad∣versary.

The King, notwithstanding,* 2.74 bad the Arch-bishop maintain his Court. And he answered all their Pleas against it; and by way of Protestation affirmed, that he kept not his Court by virtue of his Bull from Rome for Legat, and that none could suspect that he did. And that he saw no Cause, but that he might keep that Court by virtue of the late Act of Parliament, that gave Power to enjoy all things that were before had from the See of Rome. And finally, he an∣swered, that it was the King's Will and Command that he should continue his Court. To which the Convocation, or rather some part of it, made a Reply, that may be seen in the Appendix.* 2.75

But notwithstanding these Discouragements, (which were thrown in probably to hinder his good Designs) the Arch-bishop vigorously prosecuted a Reformation at this Convocation.* 2.76 Where, assisted by Crumwel, the King's Vicar General, he earnestly laboured for the re∣dress of several Abuses and Errors in the English Church. And that not without good Success at length. For after much deliberati∣on among the Clergy there assembled, and much opposition too, he got a Book of divers good Articles to that purpose to be agreed upon and subscribed. An account of which by and by shall follow.

CHAP. XI. Articles of Religion.

* 2.77NOW though I do not find the King went so far, as that it should be enjoined on all the Clergy to own the Articles of this Book by their own Hands subscribed, yet he published and re∣commended them to all his loving Subjects in general, to accept and repute them to be agreeable to God's Laws, and proper for the esta∣blishment of Peace and Concord: And further probably in prudence the King thought not fit yet to go, considering the great Disputes and Arguments that had happened in the Convocation hereupon. Now because this was one of the great Services our pious Prelate con∣tributed to the Church, and was one of the first Steps made in the Reformation of the Doctrine and Worship, it will not be amiss here, in order to the inlightning this History, to set down the Heads of this Book, though it be done by others before me. And notwith∣standing what the Noble Author of the History of Henry VIII,* 2.78 saith, he gathered by some Records, that this Book was devised by the King himself, and recommended afterwards to the Convocation by Crumwel, yet we have reason to attribute a great share therein to the Arch-bishop.

* 2.79They that are minded to see a Draught of these Articles from the Original, with the Royal Assent prefixed to them, may have it in Dr. Fuller's Church-History: Which he tells us he transcribed out of the Acts of the Convocation.* 2.80 The Bishop of Sarum also met with an Original of them, in the Cotton Library, wrote out fairly, as it seems for the King's own Use, and subscribed with all the Hands of the Convocation thereunto.* 2.81 He also hath inserted the Transcript of them in the first part of his History of the Reformation.

* 2.82In the Rebellion in the North, which happened this Year 1536, chiefly raised by Priests and Friars, many Copies of these Articles (for the Book was printed by Barthelet) did Crumwel send by the King's Order, to the Duke of Norfolk, the King's Lieutenant there, to disperse in those Parts, together with the Original Copy it self, as it was signed by the Hands of the Convocation, amounting to the number of 116 Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Arch-deacons, and Proctors of the Clergy. Which the said Duke had order to shew unto the Clergy and others, as occasion served; that they might understand it was a proper Act of the Church, and no Innovation of the King, and a

few of his Counsellors, as they gave out. And after he had made his use of this Original, he was required to reserve it safe for the King. This choice Treasure, which the King himself required such care to be taken of, Sir Robert Cotton afterwards procured, at his no small Expence, no doubt. It is very fairly written in Vellam; and at the bottom of the first Page is written, Robertus Cotton Bruceus, by Sir Robert's own Hand, signifying his Value of this Monument. It is still extant in that incomparable Library in the Volume Cleopatra E. 5. And there I have seen it, and diligently compared it. Ex∣cuse this Digression, and I now proceed to the Articles them∣selves.

These Articles were of two sorts: some concerning Faith,* 2.83 and some concerning Ceremonies.

The former sort were digested under these five Titles following.

I. The Principal Articles of Faith. And they were these.* 2.84

That all those things that be comprehended in the whole Body and Canon of the Bible, and in the three Creeds, are true, and constantly to be believed. That we take and hold the same for the most holy and infallible Words of God. That the Articles of the Faith, con∣tained in the Creeds, are necessary to be believed for Man's Salva∣tion. That the same words be kept, in which the Articles of Faith are conceived. That all Opinions contrary to the Articles; and which were condemned in the four first Councils, are to be utterly refused.

II. The Sacrament of Baptism.

That it was instituted and or∣dained by Iesus Christ as necessary to Everlasting Life. That by it all, as well Infants as such as have the use of Reason, have Remission of Sins, and the Grace and Favour of God offered them. That Infants, and Innocents must be Baptized, because the Pro∣mise of Grace and Everlasting Life, pertains as well to them as to those who have the use of Reason. And that therefore Baptized Infants shall undoubtedly be saved. That they are to be Baptized, because of Original Sin, which is remitted only by Baptism. That they that are once Baptized, must not be Baptized again▪ That the Opinions of Anabaptists and Pelagians are to be held for detestable Heresies. That those, who having the use of Reason, shall come to Baptism, shall obtain the Remission of all their Sins, if they come thereunto perfectly and truly repentant, confessing and believing all the Articles of the Faith, and having firm Cre∣dence and Trust in the Promise of God adjoined to the said Sa∣crament.

III. The Sacrament of Penance.

That that Sacrament was insti∣tuted of Christ in the New Testament, as a thing so necessary for Man's Salvation, that no Man that after his Baptism is fallen again, and hath committed deadly Sin, can without the same be saved. That such Penitents shall without doubt attain Remission of their Sins. That this Sacrament consists of Contrition, Con∣fession, and Amendment of Life. That Contrition consists, first, of Acknowledgment of our Sins. Unto which the Penitent is brought by hearing and considering the Will of God declared in his Laws, and feeling in his own Conscience that God is angry,

and this joined with Sorrow and Shame, and fear of God's Dis∣pleasure. That, secondly, it consists of Faith, Trust and Confi∣dence in the Mercies and Goodness of God: whereby the Penitent must conceive certain Hope, and repute himself justified, not for any Merit or Work done by him, but by the only Merits of the Blood of Iesus Christ. That this Faith is begotten and confirmed by the Application of Christ's Words and Promises. That Con∣fession to a Priest, the second part of Penance, is necessary, where it may be had. That the Absolution given by the Priest, was instituted of Christ, to apply the Promises of God's Grace to the Penitent. And that the words of Absolution, pronounced by the Priest, are spoken by the Authority given him by Christ. That Men must give no less Faith and Credence to the Words of Absolution, pronounced by the Ministers of the Church, than they would give unto the very Words and Voice of God himself. And that Men in no wise contemn this Auricular Confession. As to the third part of Penance, viz. Amendment of Life, That all are bound to bring forth the Fruits of Penance, that is to say, Prayer, Fasting and Alms-deeds, and to make Restitution and Satisfaction in Will and Deed to their Neighbour, and all other good Works, or else they shall never be saved. That Works of Charity be ne∣cessary to Salvation. That by Penance and such good Works we do not only obtain Everlasting Life, but deserve Remission or Mitigation of these present Pains and Affliction in this World.

Mark here by the way, how the Doctrine of Merits is propounded. Our Merits do not extend to Pardon and Everlasting Life, but only to the removal or abatement of temporal Afflictions.

IV. The Sacrament of the Altar.

That under the Form and Fi∣gure of Bread and Wine is verily and substantially contained that very same Body and Blood, which was born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered upon the Cross. And that the self-same Body and Blood of Christ is distributed unto, and received by all the Communi∣cants. That therefore this Sacrament is to be used with all due re∣verence and honour. And that before any receive it, he ought re∣ligiously to try and search his own Conscience.

V. Iustification.

That the word signifies Remission of Sins, and our Acceptation or Reconciliation into the Grace and Favour of God. That Sinners attain this Justification by Contrition and Faith joined with Charity. That neither our Contrition and Faith, nor any Work proceeding thence, can merit or deserve the said Justification. That the Mercy and Grace of the Father, promised freely for Christ's Sake, and the Merit of his Blood and Passion, be the only sufficient and worthy Causes thereof.

This was the Sum of the Articles concerning Faith. Those con∣cerning Ceremonies followed next: which were likewise comprised under five Titles.

* 2.85I. Of Images.

That they be representers of Vertue and good Example. That they be stirrers of Mens Minds, and make them often to remember and lament their Sins: especially the Images of Christ and our Lady. That it was meet they should stand in the Churches, but be none otherwise esteemed. That the Bishops

and Preachers diligently teach the People according to this Doctrine, lest there might fortune Idolatry to ensue. That they be taught also, that Censing, Kneeling, and Offering to Images, be by no means to be done, (although the same had entred by De∣votion, and fallen to Custom) but only to God and in his Ho∣nour, though it be done before the Images.

II. Of Honouring Saints.

That they are to be honoured, but not with that Confidence and Honour, that is due only unto God, trusting to attain at their Hands, that which must be had only of God. That most especially Christ is to be lauded and praised in them, for their excellent Vertues, which he planted in them; and for their good Example. And that they are to be taken, wherein they may, to be the Advancers of our Prayers and De∣mands unto Christ.

III. Of Praying to Saints.

That tho Grace and Remission of Sins be to be obtained only of God, by the Mediation of Christ; yet it is very laudable to pray to Saints in Heaven, to be Interces∣sors, and to pray for us and with us unto God, after this manner: All Holy Angels and Saints in Heaven, pray for us and with us unto the Father, that for his dear Son Iesus Christ his sake, we may have Grace of him, and Remission of our Sins, with an earnest purpose (not wanting ghostly Strength) to observe and keep his Holy Command∣ments, and never to decline from the same again unto our lives end. That in this manner we may pray to our Blessed Lady, Saint Iohn Baptist, or any other Saint particularly: So that it be done with∣out any vain Superstition; as to think that any Saint is more mer∣ciful, or will hear us sooner than Christ; or that any Saint does serve for one thing more than another. That Holy Days are to be kept to God, in memory of him and his Saints upon such Days as the Church hath ordained: but may be mitigated and moderated by the King, being Supream Head.

IV. Of Rites and Ceremonies.

As Vestments in God's Service, Sprinkling Holy Water, Giving Holy Bread, Bearing Candles on Candlemass-day, Giving of Ashes on Ash-wednesday, Bearing of Palms on Palm-sunday; Creeping to the Cross, and kissing it, and offering unto Christ before the same on Good-friday; Setting up the Sepulchre of Christ, Hallowing of the Font, and other-like Exor∣cisms and Benedictions, and laudable Customs. That these are not to be contemned and cast away, but continued, to put us in re∣membrance of Spiritual Things. But that none of these Ceremo∣nies have power to remit Sin.

V. Of Purgatory.

That Christians are to pray for Souls depar∣ted, and to commit them in their Prayers to God's Mercy, and cause others to pray for them in Masses and Exequies; and to give Alms to others to pray for them, that they may be relieved and holpen of some part of their Pain. But because the Place where they be, the Name thereof, and kinds of Pain there, is to us uncertain by Scripture, therefore we remit this, with all other things, to Almighty God; unto whose Mercies it is meet to commend them. That such Abuses be put away, which under the Name of Purga∣tory have been advanced. As to make Men believe, that through

the Bishop of Rome's Pardons, Souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and the Pains of it: or that Masses said at Scala Coeli, or otherwise in any Place, or before any Image, might de∣liver them from all their Pains, and send them streight to Hea∣ven.

* 2.86These are the Contents of that memorable Book of Articles. There are Reasons added now and then, to confirm the respective Te∣nets there laid down, and many Quotations of Holy Scripture, which for brevity sake I have omitted. Which one may conjecture to have been inserted by the Pen of the Arch-bishop: Who was the great Introducer of this Practice, of proving or confuting Opinions in Religion by the Word of God, instead of the ordinary Custom then used, of doing it by School-men and Popish Canons. We find in∣deed many Popish Errors here mixed with Evangelical Truths. Which must either be attributed to the Defectiveness of our Prelate's Knowledg as yet in True Religion, or being the Principles and Opinions of the King, or both. Let not any be offended herewith, but let him rather take notice, what a great deal of Gospel-Doctrine here came to light, and not only so, but was owned and propounded by Authority to be believed and practised. The Sun of Truth was now but rising, and breaking through the thick Mists of that Idolatry, Supersti∣tion, and Ignorance, that had so long prevailed in this Nation, and the rest of the World, and was not yet advanced to its Meridian Brightness.

CHAP. XII. Cranmer's Iudgment about some Cases of Matrimony.

* 2.87IN this Year then came forth two remarkable Books: whereof both the King, and the Arch-bishop and Bishops might be said to be joint Composers. In as much as they seemed to be devised by the Arch-bishop, and some of the Bishops; and then Revised, No∣ted, Corrected and Enlarged by the King.

* 2.88The one of these was the Book of Articles of Religion mentioned before. This Book bore this Title, Articles devised by the King's Highness, to stable Christian Quietness and Vnity among the People, &c. With a Preface by the King. Where the King saith, he was con∣strained to put his own Pen to the Book, and to conceive certain Ar∣ticles. Which words, I leave to the Conjecture of the Reader, whether by them he be enclined to think that the King were the first Writer of them, or that being writ and composed by another, they were perused, considered, corrected and augmented by his Pen.

* 2.89The other Book that came out this Year, was occasioned by a Piece published by Reginald Pole, intituled De Vnione Ecclesiastica. Which inveighing much against the King for assuming the Supremacy, and extolling the Pope unmeasurably, he employed the Arch-bishop, and some other Bishops, to compile a Treatise, shewing the Usurpations of Popes; and how late it was e're they took this Superiority up∣on them, some hundred Years passing before they did it. And that

all Bishops were limited to their own Diocesses by one of the eight Councils, to which every Pope did swear. And how the Papal Au∣thority was first derived from the Emperor, and not from Christ. For this there were good Arguments taken from the Scriptures and the Fathers. The Book was signed by both the Arch-bishops,* 2.90 and nineteen other Bishops. It was called the Bishops Book, because de∣vised by them.

The Lord Crumwel did use to consult with the Arch-bishop,* 2.91 in all his Ecclesiastical Matters. And there happened now, while the Arch-bishop was at Ford, a great Case of Marriage: Whom it con∣cerned I cannot tell, but the King was desirous to be resolved about it by the Arch-bishop, and commanded Crumwel to send to him for his Judgment therein. The Case was three-fold.

I. Whether Marriage contracted or solemnized in Lawful Age per Verba de presenti, and without carnal Copulation, be Matrimony before God or no?

II. Whether such Matrimony be consummate, or no? And,

III. What the Woman may thereupon demand by the Law Civil, after the death of her Husband? This I suppose was a cause that lay before the King and his Ecclesiastical Vicegerent, to make some determination of. And I suspect it might relate to Katharine, his late divorced Queen.

The Arch-bishop, who was a very good Civilian,* 2.92 as well as a Divine, but that loved to be wary and modest in all his Decisions, made these Answers.

That as to the first, he and his Authors were of Opinion, that Matrimony contracted per Verba de presenti, was perfect Matrimony before God. 2. That such Matrimony is not utterly consummated, as that term is commonly used among the School-Divines and Law∣yers, but by carnal Copulation. 3. As to the Woman's Demands by the Law Civil, he therein professed his Ignorance. And he had no learned Men with him there at Ford to consult with for their Judgments: only Dr. Barbar, (a Civilian, that he always retained with him) who neither could pronounce his Mind without his Books, and some learned Men to confer with upon the Case; But he added, that he marvelled, that the Votes of the Civil Lawyer should be required herein; seeing that all manner of Causes of Dower be judged within this Realm by the Common Laws of the same. And that there were plenty of well-learned Men in the Civil Law at London, that undoubtedly could certify the King's Majesty of the Truth herein, as much as appertained unto that Law: warily de∣clining to make any positive Judgment in a Matter so ticklish. This happened in the month of Ianuary.

And indeed in these Times there were great Irregularities about Marriage in the Realm: many being incestuous and unlawful.* 2.93 Which caused the Parliament, two or three Years past, viz, 1533. in one of their Acts, to publish a Table of Degrees, wherein it was prohibited by God's Law to marry. But the Act did not cure this Evil: many thought to bear out themselves in their illegal Con∣tracts, by getting Dispensations from the Arch-bishop: which crea∣ted him much trouble by his denying to grant them. There was one

Massy, a Courtier, who had contracted himself to his deceased Wife's Niece. Which needing a Dispensation, the Party got the Lord Crumwel to write to the Arch-bishop in his behalf: especially because it was thought to be none of the Cases of Prohibition con∣tained in the Act. But such was the Integrity of the Arch-bishop, that he refused to do any thing he thought not allowable, though it were upon the perswasion of the greatest Men, or the best Friends he had. But he writ this civil Letter to the Lord Crumwel upon this occasion.

* 3.1MY very singular good Lord, in my most hearty-wise I com∣mend me unto your Lordship. And whereas your Lord∣ship writeth to me in the favour of this Bearer, Massey, an old Servant to the King's Highness, that being contracted to his Sister's Daughter of his late Wife deceased, he might enjoy the Benefit of a Dispensation in that behalf; especially, considering it is none of the Causes of Prohibition contained in the Statute: Surely, my Lord, I would gladly accomplish your Request herein, if the Word of God would permit the same. And where you require me, that if I think this Licence may not be granted by the Law of God, then I should write unto you the Reasons and Autho∣rities that move me so to think; that upon Declaration unto the King's Highness, you may confer thereupon with some other Learned Men, and so advertise me the King's farther Resolution. For shortness of time, I shall shew you one Reason, which is this. By the Law of God many Persons be prohibited, which be not expressed, but be understood, by like Prohibition in equal de∣gree. As S. Ambrose saith, that the Niece is forbid by the Law of God, although it be not exprest in Leviticus, that the Unkle shall not marry his Niece. But where the Nephew is forbid there, that he shall not marry his Aunt, by the same is understood that the Niece shall not be married unto her Unkle. Likewise as the Daughter is not there plainly expressed, yet where the Son is forbid to marry his Mother, it is understood that the Daughter may not be married to her Father; because they be of like de∣gree. Even so it is in this Case and many others. For where it is there expressed, that the Nephew shall not marry his Unkle's Wife, it must needs be understood that the Niece shall not be married unto the Aunt's Husband, because that also is one equa∣lity of degree. And although I could allege many Reasons and Authorities mo for this purpose; yet I trust this one Reason shall satisfy all that be Learned, and of Judgment.

And as touching the Act of Parliament concerning the Degrees prohibited by God's Law,* 3.2 they be not so plainly set forth as I would they were. Wherein I somewhat spake my Mind at the making of the said Law, but it was not then accepted. I requi∣red then, that there must be expressed Mother, and Mother-in-Law; Daughter, and Daughter-in-Law; and so in further de∣grees directly upwards and downwards, in Linea recta; also Sister and Sister-in-Law, Aunt & Aunt-in-Law, Niece and Niece-in-Law. And this Limitation, in my Judgment, would have contained all

degrees prohibited by God's Law, expressed and not expressed: and should have satisfied this Man, and such others which would marry their Nieces-in-Law.

I have no News to send you from these Parts; but I much long to hear such News as be concurrent with you. And there∣fore if you have any good News, I pray you to send me some▪ Thus, my Lord, right heartily fare you well. At Ford, the 7th Day of September.

Your Lordship's own, Tho. Cantuarien.

About this Year as near as I can guess,* 3.3 the Arch-bishop made an Order concerning the Proctors of his Court of Arches. The Nume∣rousness and Irregularities of Proctors made these Civil Courts uneasy to the People. Complaints were made of their Clamorousness, by reason of the plenty of them, that neither Advocates nor Judges could be heard: of the Injuries they did to Advocates, in retaining and concluding Causes oftentimes without them: and of thrusting themselves into Causes without the knowledg or will of the Par∣ties, and such like. The Evils of which, long after endured, were endeavoured to be redrest by the Canons and Constitutions, made in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames I. Our Arch-bishop conceived, that in order to the Reformation of the Proctors, it were good to begin at first with a restraint of the Numbers of them. Wherefore he decreed, That whereas the Number of the Proctors in the Court of Arches was heretofore about Twenty, or four and Twenty, and my Lord's Grace at liberty to add more; Thence∣forth no more should be admitted, till the Number were reduced to Ten: and then that Number never to be encreased. This liberty, which his Predecessors always had, he willingly infringed himself of, out of no other intent, but for the benefit and ease of the People, whom he saw were inticed to Contention by the crafty Insinuations of this kind of Men, setting Neighbours together by the Ears for their own Lucre. And therefore the fewer of them, the better. And this Number he thought sufficient for the necessary Business of the Court.

But some looked upon this as a crafty Fetch,* 3.4 and Plot of the Proctors of that Time, upon the good Nature and pious Disposition of the Arch-bishop. That so all others being excluded from offici∣ating as Proctors, they might have all the Business of the Arches in their own Hands. And hence might divers Abuses come into that Court. And for the confirmation of this Order of the Arch-bishop for the tying of his Hands, they, who were Counsellors to the Arch-bishop in this matter, got it confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's-Church Canterbury. This giving Offence to many, there were some who drew up a long Paper against this Order, and presented it to the consideration of the Parliament; because it could be redressed no other way, the Arch-bishop having put it out of his own Power to do it. In this Paper they set forth, that the said Statute was prejudicial unto the Common-wealth, because the

Number of ten Proctors was not sufficient to dispatch the Causes that came into that Court: and so there must be Delays and prolix Suits, while these Proctors were attending other Causes in the Arch-bishop's Court of Audience, and the Bishop of London's Court of Consistory. Whereas before it had been seen by experience, that Twenty Proctors could not suffice for the managery of the Causes in these Courts, without Delays and Prorogations, from Day to Day. That Causes by this means could not be diligently attended, when there were many Causes, and few Proctors to look after them. And hereby many good Causes were like to perish for lack of good looking after. That this had occasioned the Proctors to neglect a very good Oath, called Iuramentum Calumpniae; which was the best Provision that could be against unlawful Suits, and lengthning them out further than was necessary. This Oath was, that the Parties, or the Proctors should swear, that they believed their Cause was just, and that they should not use unlawful Delays, whereby Justice might be deferred; that they should answer the Judg truly to what he should demand of them; that nothing should be given or promised to the Judges or any other Officer, besides the Fees allowed by Law, and that they should not procure any false Witness. Again, this Paper urged for a good Number of Proctors, that this would be a means, that the Judges could not so easily keep them in subjection, and fear of them: whereby they had been hindred some∣times in speaking freely before them in their Clients Causes. It was urged also, that it was a great discouragement to young Men in studying the Law, when there is so little prospect of Benefit thereby. Lastly, That it was contrary to the Civil and Canon Law, that permits any Man to be Proctor for another, a few ex∣cepted. But this Paper, notably enough written, may be read at large in the Appendix.* 3.5 And so I leave the Reader to judg of the Ex∣pediency of this Order of the Arch-bishop, by weighing the Arch-bishop's Reasons with these last mentioned. Surely this his Act de∣served commendation for his good Intentions thereby, though some lesser Inconveniences attended, which no doubt he had also well considered before he proceeded to do what he did.

* 3.6When Queen Ann, on May the 2d, was sent to the Tower, by a sud∣den Jealousy of the King her Husband: The next day, the Arch-bi∣shop extreamly troubled at it, struck in with many good Words with the King on her behalf, in form of a Letter of Consolation to him; yet wisely making no Apology for her, but acknowledging how di∣vers of the Lords had told him of certain of her Faults, which, he said, he was sorry to hear: And concluded, desiring that the King would however continue his Love to the Gospel, lest it should be thought, that it was for her sake only that he had favoured it. Being in the Tower, there arose up new Matter against Queen Ann, name∣ly, concerning some lawful Impediment of her Marriage with the King: and that was thought to be a Pre-Contract between her and the Earl of Northumberland. Whereupon the Arch-bishops of Can∣terbury and York were made Commissioners to examine this Matter. And she being before the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, confessed cer∣tain just, true and lawful Impediments, as the Act in the 26 of Hen.

VIII expresseth it; but not mentioning what they were. So that by that Act the said Marriage is declared never to have been good, nor consonant to the Laws. Yet the Earl of Northumberland being examined upon Oath before both the Arch-bishops, denied it: Upon the Truth of which, he received also the Blessed Sacrament. And the Lord Herbert saw an Original Letter to Secretary Crumwel, to the same import. But her Confession of it so far prevailed with the King, that he would be divorced from her; and with our Arch-bishop, that he performed it by due Order and Process of Law. And an Act passed, that the Marriage between the King and Queen Ann was null and void, and the Issue illegitimate.

The Arch-bishop granted a Licence,* 3.7 dated Iuly the 24th, with the full Consent of Richard Withipol, Vicar of Walthamstow in Essex, to George Monoux Alderman of London, and Thomas his Son, to have the Sacrament administred in his Chappel, or Oratory, in his House De Moones, now a Farm near Higham-hill, in the said Parish of VVal∣thamstow: Indulging therein to the Wife of the said Thomas to be pu∣rified, or churched, in the same Chappel. I the rather mention this, that it may serve to recal the Memory of that pious and charitable Citizen and Draper, Sir Geo. Monoux; who built the fair Steeple of that Parish-Church, and allowed a Salary for ever for ringing the great Bell at a certain Hour in the Night and Morning the Win∣ter half Year. He built also the North Isle of the said Church; in the Glass-windows whereof is yet remaining his Coat of Arms. In the Chancel his Body was interred, under a fair Altar-Monument yet standing. In the Church-yard he founded an Hospital and Free-School, and very liberally endowed it; though now the Endow∣ments are sadly diminished. He also made a Causeway over Wal∣thamstow-Marsh to Lockbridg, over the River Lee, for the conveni∣ency of Travellers from those Parts to London, and left wherewith to continue and keep it in Repair; but that also is lost, and the Ru∣ins now only to be seen. But enough of that.

The Germans conceived great hope of good to befal the Church by Cranmer's Influence, and Presidency in England; and took their opportunities of addressing to him.* 3.8 This Year Martin Bucer pub∣lished a large Book in Folio upon the Epistle to the Romans, intituled, Metaphrasis & En••rratio; and dedicated it in a long Epistle to the Arch-bishop. Wherein are sundry Expressions, which will shew, how well known abroad the Arch-bishop was already among the Protestants, and what an excellent Bishop they looked upon him to be, and how fixed their Eyes were upon him for doing great things towards a Reformation in England. For thus he writ in this Epistle, Te omnes praedicant animo praeditum Archiepiscopo, & tanti, sic{que} ad gloriam Christi comparati regni, Primate digno, &c.

That all Men proclaimed him endowed with a Mind worthy of an Arch-bishop and Primate of so great a Kingdom, and so dis∣posed to the Glory of Christ. That he had so attained to this high Estate in Christ by his spiritual Wisdom, Holiness of Life, and most ardent Zeal to render Christ's Glory more illustrious; that gathering together the Humble, and taking pity upon the Sheepfold, being indeed dispersed and scattered abroad, he always

sought and saved that which was lost, and brought back Christ's poor Sheep to his Fold, and the Pastures of everlasting Life, when they had been before most miserably harassed by the Servants of Superstition, and the Emissaries of the Roman Tyranny.

And after, speaking of the King's rooting out the Usurpation of the Pope▪ and his pretended Jurisdiction, by taking to himself the Supremacy, the said Learned Man excited Cranmer to a further Reformation, by telling him,

How easy now it would be for him, and the o∣ther Arch-bishops and Bishops, who were endued with the Spi∣rit and Zeal of Christ, from the remainders of the Ecclesiastical Administration, to retain what might contribute to the true edi∣fying of Consciences, the saving Instruction of Youth, and to the just Discipline and Polity of the whole Christian People. For when the Enemies were once removed out of the way, there could not then happen among us any extraordinary great Concussion of Religion, and Ecclesiastical Discipline, or any dashing one against another, as among them in Germany of necessity came to pass: striving so many Years, for the Church of Christ, against such obstinate Enemies.

* 3.9The Consecrations this Year were these.

Diocesan Bishops.

* 3.10Iune the 10th Richard Sampson, Doctor of Decrees, and Dean of the King's Chappel, was elected and confirmed Bishop of Chichester, by Resignation of Robert Sherburn,* 3.11 who was now very old. No Consecration set down in the Register.

* 3.12Iune William Rugg, a Monk, was consecrated Bishop of Norwich.* 3.13 This is omitted also, if I mistake not, in the Register. Probably he was consecrated with Sampson.

* 3.14Iuly the 2d, Robert Warton, Abbot of Bermondsey, was consecra∣ted Bishop of S. Asaph,* 3.15 at Lambeth, by the Arch-bishop, Iohn Bishop of Bangor, and William Bishop of Norwich, assisting.

Suffragan Bishops.

Octob. 20. William More, B. D. consecrated Suffragan of Colchester, by Iohn Bishop of Rochester, by virtue of the Arch-bishop's Letters Commissional to him, assisted by Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and Tho∣mas Bishop of Sidon. This More held the Monastery of Walden in Essex, an House of Benedictines, in Commendam (where Audley-end now stands) and surrendred it to the King 1539.

CHAP. XIII. The Bishops Book.

* 3.16 * 3.17THE pious ABp thought it highly conducible to the Christian Growth of the common People, in Knowledg and Religion, and to disintangle them from gross Ignorance and Superstition, in which they had been nursled up by their Popish Guides; that the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed, and the

Grounds of Religion, should be explained soundly and orthodoxly, and recommended unto their reading. Wherefore he consulting with the Lord Crumwel, his constant Associate and Assistant in such Mat∣ters; and by his and other his Friends, importuning the King, a Commission was issued out from him, in the Year 1537. to the Arch-bishop, to Stokesly Bishop of London, Gardiner of Winchester, Samp∣son of Chichester, Repps of Norwich, Goodrick of Ely, Latimer of Worcester, Shaxton of Salisbury, Fox of Hereford▪ Barlow of S. Da∣vids, and other Bishops and Learned Divines, to meet together, and to devise an wholsome and plain Exposition upon those Subjects, and to set forth a Truth of Religion purged of Errors and Heresies. Accordingly they met at the Arch-bishop's House at Lambeth. Their Course was, that after they had drawn up their Expositions upon each Head, and agreed thereto, they all subscribed their Hands, de∣claring their Consent and Approbation.

In the Disputations which happened among them in this Work,* 3.18 Winchester, the Pope's chief Champion, with three or four other of the Bishops, went about with all subtil Sophistry, to maintain all Idolatry, Heresy and Superstition, written in the Canon Law,* 3.19 or used in the Church under the Pope's Tyranny. But at the last, whe∣ther overpower'd with Number, or convinced by the Word of God, and consent of Ancient Authors, and the Primitive Church, they all agreed upon, and set their Hands to a Godly Book of Religion: Which they finished by the end of Iuly, and staid for nothing but the Vicar-General's Order, whether to send it immediately to him, or that the Bishop of Hereford should bring it with him, at his next coming to the Court. But the Plague now raging in Lambeth▪ and People dying even at the Palace-Doors, the Arch-bishop desired Crumwel, for the King's Licence to the Bishops to depart for their own Safety, their Business being now in effect drawn to a Conclusi∣on. Soon after the Bishops and Divines parted, and the Arch-bishop hastened to his House at Ford near Canterbury.

The Book was delivered by Crumwel to the King;* 3.20 which he at his leisure diligently perused, corrected and augmented. And then, af∣ter five or six Months, assigned Crumwel to dispatch it unto the Arch-bishop, that he might give his Judgment upon the King's Animad∣versions. A Pursevant brought it to Ford. The Arch-bishop ad∣visedly read and considered what the King had writ; and disliking some things, made his own Annotations upon some of the Royal Corrections: there especially, we may well imagine, where the King had altered the Book in favour of some of the old Doctrines and Corruptions. And when he sent it back again with those Annotati∣ons, he wrote these Lines to Crumwel therewith, on the 25th day of Ianuary.

MY very singular good Lord:* 3.21 After most hearty Com∣mendations unto your Lordship; these shall be to ad∣vertise the same; That as concerning the Book lately devised by me, and other Bishops of this Realm which you sent unto me, corrected by the King's Highness; your Lordship shall re∣ceive the same again by this Bearer, the Pursevant, with certain

Annotations of mine own concerning the same. Wherein I trust the King's Highness will pardon my Presumption, that I have been so scrupulous, and as it were a picker of Quarrels to his Grace's Book, making a great Matter of every little Fault, or ra∣ther where no Fault is at all. Which I do only for this Intent; that because now the Book shall be set forth by his Grace's Cen∣sure and Judgment, I would have nothing therein that Momus could reprehend. And I refer all mine Annotations again to his Grace's most exact Judgment. And I have ordered my Annota∣tions so by Numbers, that his Grace may readily turn to every place. And in the lower Margin of this Book, next to the Bind∣ing, he may find the Numbers, which shall direct him to the Words, whereupon I make the Annotations. And all those his Grace's Castigations, which I have made none Annotations upon, I like them very well. And in divers places I have made Annota∣tions; which places nevertheless I mislike not, as shall appear by the same Annotations.

* 3.22At length this Book came forth, printed by Barthelet, in the Year 1537, and was commonly called the Bishops Book, because the Bishops were the Composers of it. It was intituled, The godly and pious In∣stitution of a Christian Man; and consisted of a Declaration of the Lord's Prayer, and of the Ave Mary, the Creed, the Ten Com∣mandments, and the Seven Sacraments. It was Established by Act of Parliament, having been signed by the two Arch-bishops, nine∣teen Bishops, eight Arch-deacons, and seventeen Doctors of Divinity and Law.

* 3.23The Opinion that the Favourers of the Gospel had of this Book in those Times, may appear by what I find in a Manuscript of the Life of this Arch-bishop, by an unknown Author, that wrote it soon af∣ter the said Arch-bishop's Death:

A godly Book of Religion, not much unlike the Book set forth by K. Edward VI. except in two Points.* 3.24 The one was the real Pre••ence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament of the Altar. Of the which Opinion the Arch-bishop was at that time, and the most part of the other Bishops and lear∣ned Men. The other Error was of Praying, Kissing, and Kneeling before Images: Which, saith he, was added by the King, after the Bishops had set their Hands to the contrary.

But this Book came forth again two Years after, viz. 1540. (unless my Manuscript mistake this Year for 1543.) very much enlarged,* 3.25 and reduced into another Form, and bearing another Name, A necessary Doctrine and Erudition of any Christian Man. And because the King had put it forth by his own Authority, it was called now The King's Book, as before it was called The Bishops. But that none might be confounded in these Books, he may know that there was, in the Year 1536,* 3.26 another Book also called The Bishops Book, upon the same rea∣son that this was so called, because the Arch-bishops and Bishops had the making thereof. It was a Declaration against the Papal Supre∣macy, written upon occasion of Pole's Book of Ecclesiastical Vnion, mentioned before. And in the Year 1533, there came forth another Book in Latin called The King's Book,* 3.27 intituled, The Difference be∣tween

the Kingly and Ecclesiastical Power: reported to be made, as Bale writes, by Fox the King's Almoner. Which was transla∣ted into English,* 3.28 and put forth by Henry Lord Stafford in King Edward's Days. The King affecting to be thought Learned, affected also to have Books called by his Name; not that he was always the Author of them, but that they came out by his Authority, and had undergone his Corrections and Emendations.

But before we pass away from hence,* 3.29 it may be convenient to give the Reader a little taste of so famous a Treatise as that Bishop's Book was in those Days. And I will do it, not in my own words, but in the words of a very Learned and Eminent Man, the Answerer to Dr. Martin's Book against Priests Marriage, not far from the beginning of Q Mary, supposed to be Ponet Bishop of Winchester▪ then in Exile. Applying himself, in his Preface, unto the Queen's Prelats, he told them;

That in their Book intituled, The Institution of a Christian Man, presented by their whole Authorities, to the King of famous Memory, K. Henry VIII. In the Preface thereof they affirmed to his Highness, with one assent, by all their Learnings, that the said Treatise was in all Points concordant and agreeable to Holy Scrip∣ture: yea, such Doctrine, that they would, and desired to have it taught by all the Spiritual Pastors to all the King's loving Sub∣jects, to be Doctrine of Faith. And there intreating of the Sa∣crament of Orders, they desired to have it taught, that we be in no subjection to the Bishop of Rome, and his Statutes, but meerly sub∣ject to the King's Laws, under his only Territory and Jurisdiction. And that the Canons and Rules of the Church, were therefore allowable in the Realm, because the Assent of the King and of the People accepted the same. And that Priests and Bishops what∣soever, never had any Authority by the Gospel in Matters Civil and Moral, but by the Grant and Gift of Princes; and that it was alway, and ever shall be, lawful unto Kings and Princes, and to their Successors, with the Consent of their Parliaments, to revoke and call again into their own Hands, or otherwise to restrain all their Power and Jurisdiction given and permitted by their Authority, Assent or Sufferance, &c. Without the which, if the Bishop of Rome, or any other Bishop whatsoever, should take upon them any Authority or Jurisdiction in such Matters as be Civil, No doubt, said they, that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop, but ra∣ther a Tyrant, and an Usurper of other Mens Rights, contrary to the Laws of God; and is to be reputed a Subverter of the King∣dom of Christ. Yea, besides these things, and many other, as he added, they put in our Creed, or Belief, as an Article of Salvation or Damnation, that the Church of England is as well to be named a Catholick and Apostolick Church, as Rome Church, or any other Church where the Apostles were resident. And that they willed us to believe in our Faith, that there is no difference in Su∣periority, Preeminence or Authority, one over the other, but be all of equal Power and Dignity; and that all Churches be free from the Subjection and Jurisdiction of the Church of Rome. And that no Church is to be called Schismatical, as varying from the Unity of the Church of Christ, if it persist in the Unity of

Christ's Faith, Hope and Charity, and Unity of Christ's Doctrine and Sacraments, agreeable to the same Doctrine.

* 3.30And that it appertained to Christen Kings and Princes, in the discharge of their Duty to God, to reform and reduce again the Laws to their old Limits and pristine State, of their Power and Jurisdiction, which was given them by Christ, and used in the Primitive Church. For it is, say they, out of all doubt, that Christ's Faith was then most firm and pure, and the Scriptures of God were then best understood, and Vertue did then most abound and excel. And therefore the Customs and Ordinances then used and made, must needs be more conform and agreeable unto the true Doctrine of Christ, and more conducing to the edifying and bene∣fit of the Church of Christ, than any Custom or Laws used or made since that Time.

This he collected out of their Exposition of the Sacrament of Orders.

The said Learned Author observed, that this Doctrine was set forth by the whole Authority of the Bishops in those Days, presented by the Subscription of all their Names. And since the time of their presenting thereof, by the space almost of twenty Years, (that is, to the middle of Queen Mary) never revoked, but continually from time to time taught by this Book, and by such other Declarations.

* 3.31And that one more Particular relating to this Book may be known, namely, who the Bishops and other Divines were, that com∣posed it, and that were commissioned so to do, I shall record their Names, as they were found writ by the Hand of Dr. Sam. Ward, in his own Book, now in the possession of N. B. a Reverend Friend of mine; who hath well deserved of this History.

Thomas Cant. Io. Lond. Steph. Winton. Io. Exon. Io. Lincoln. Io. Bathon. Roland. Coven. & Litch. Tho. Elien. Nic. Sarum. Io. Bang. Edward Heref. Hugo. Wigorn. Io. Roffen. Ric. Cicestr. Guili∣elm. Norv. Guilielm. Menevens. Rob. Assav. Rob. Landav. Edoard Ebor. Cuthb. Dunelm. Rob. Carliolen.

Richard. Wolman, Archidiac. Sudbur. Guil. Knight, Archid. Rich∣mon. Io. Bell, Archid. Gloc. Edmund. Bonner, Archid. Leicestr. Iohn Skip, Archid. Dorset. Nic. Hethe. Archid. Stafford. Cuthb. Marshal, Archid. Nottingham. Rich. Curren. Archid. Oxon.

Gulielm. Cliff, Galfridus Downes, Robertus Oking, Radul. Bradford, Richardus Smith, Simon Matthew, Ioannes Pryn, Guliel. Buckmaster, Guliel. May, Nic. Wotton, Ric. Coxe, Ioannes Edmunds, Thomas Ro∣bertson, Ioannes Baker, Thomas Barret, Ioannes Hase, Ioannes Tyson, Sacrae Theologiae, Juris Ecclesiastici & Civilis Professores.

In the Year 1543. The same Book was printed again, amended much both in Sense and Language: yet not having any step in the Progress of the Reformation, more than the former, each Edition express positively the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament. But in this is much added about Free-Will, which it asserts, and Good Works. In 1544, the same was printed again at London in Latin, intituled, Pia & Catholica Christiani Hominis Institutio.

CHAP. XIV. The Arch-bishop visits his Diocess.

AS soon as this Business was over with the Arch-bishop and Bi∣shops at Lambeth;* 3.32 no Parliament sitting this Year, and a Plague being in London and Westminster, he went down, as was said before, into his Diocess. But before he went, he expressed a great desire to wait upon the King, being then, I suppose, at Hampton-Court, or Windsor; but he feared he should not be permitted, coming out of the smoaky Air, as he wrote to the Lord Crumwel, in that time of Infection. Yet he desired to know the King's Pleasure by him. He had a mind indeed to leave some good Impressions upon the King's Mind in the behalf of the Book, that he and the rest had taken such Pains about, and but newly made an end of. But whether he saw the King now or no, he had his Commission, and took it down with him. Which he advisedly did, the better to warrant and bear him out in what he intended to do in his Diocess, which he purpo∣sed to visit.

This was a Year of Visitation.* 3.33 For there was a new Visitation now again appointed throughout all England; to see how the People stood affected to the King, to discover Cheats and Impo∣stures, either in Images, Relicks, or such like. The Arch-bishop also thinking good now to visit his Diocess, procured the Licence of the Vice-Gerent, Lord Crumwel, so to do. Because, I suppose, all other Visitations were to cease, to give way to the King's Visita∣tion. And to render his Power of Visiting the more unquestionable, and void of scruple, he desired the Vice-gerent, that in drawing up of his Commission, his Licence to visit might be put into it by Dr. Peter; who was then, if I mistake not, Master of the Faculties to the said Vice-gerent, and afterwards Secretary of State. And be∣cause he would not do any thing without the Counsel and Allowance of the Vice-gerent, he asked his Advice, how he should order in his Visitation such Persons as had transgressed the King's Injunctions. Which came out the Year before under Crumwel's Name: Whereof some were for the restraint of the Number of Holy Days, a great cause of Superstition, and of the continuance of it. And af∣terwards other Injunctions came out: whereof the first was, that in all Parishes, once every Sunday, for a quarter of a Year to∣gether, the Supremacy should be taught, and the Laws to that in∣tent read. These Injunctions were in number Eleven, as they are set down in the Lord Herbert's History.* 3.34

The Vicar of Croydon under the ABp's Nose,* 3.35 had been guilty of certain Misdemeanors: Which, I suppose, were speaking or preaching to the disparagement of the King's Supremacy, and in favour of the Pope. Now before he went into the Countrey, and having as yet divers Bishops and Learned Men with him at Lambeth, he thought it advisable to call this Man before them at this time. But before he would do it, he thought it best to consult with Crumwel, and take his Advice, whether he should now do it, and before these Bishops

or not. So ticklish a thing then was it for the Bishops to do any things of themselves without the privity and order of this great Vice-gerent. Cranmer was aware of it, and therefore required Di∣rection from him in every thing.

* 3.36But whatsoever was done with this Vicar, the Arch-bishop was soon down in his Diocess; and having taken an Account of the People and Clergy, what Conformity they bare to the King's Laws and Injunctions; he found them superstitiously set upon the observa∣tion of their old Holy Days. Some whereof he punished, and o∣thers he admonished, according to the degree of their Crimes. And he discovered the chief Cause to lie in the Curates and Priests, who did animat•• the People to what they did: indeed their Interest and Gain was concerned. The great inconvenience of these Holy Days lay partly in the numerousness of them: so that the attendance up∣on them hindred dispatching, and doing Justice in Westminster-hall in the Terms, and the gathering in Harvest in the Countrey: partly in the Superstitions that these Holy Days maintained, in the idola∣trous Worship of supposed Saints: and partly in the Riot, Debau∣chery and Drunkenness, that these Times were celebrated with among the common People; and lastly, the Poverty it brought upon the meaner sort, being detained from going about their ordinary La∣bours and Callings, to provide for themselves and Families.

* 3.37For the prevention of these Superstitions for the Future, and to make the People more obedient to the King's Laws, he gave out strict Orders to all Parsons of Parishes, upon pain of Deprivation, that they should cause the abrogated Holy Days not to be observed for the future; and to present to the Arch-bishop all Persons in their re∣spective Parishes, as should do contrary to any of the King's Ordi∣nances already set forth, or that should be hereafter by his Autho∣rity, relating to the Doctrine and Ceremonies of the Church. And this course he conceived so good an Expedient, that he counselled the Lord Vice-gerent, that all Bishops in their several Diocesses might be commanded to do the same, for the avoiding of Disobedience and Contention in the Realm. By which means, he said,

The Evil-Will of the People might be conveyed from the King and his Council, upon the Ordinaries. And so the Love and Obedience of the People better secured to their Soveraign.

Such was his care of his Prince, to preserve him in the Affections of his People, that he was willing to take upon himself their Enmity, that it might not light upon the King. But Cranmer had observed these Holy Days were kept by many, even in the Court under the King's Eye; which he well knew was an Example and Encouragement to the whole Nation. And therefore he signified to the Lord Crumwel, that they could never perswade the People to cease from keeping them, when the King's own Houshold were an Example unto the rest to break his own Or∣dinances.* 3.38 See his Letter to Crumwel in the Appendix.

CHAP. XV. The Bible printed.

HE was now at Ford; and it was in the Month of August,* 3.39 when something fell out, that gave the good Arch-bishop as much Joy as ever happened to him in all the time of his Prelacy. It was the printing of the Holy Bible in the English Tongue in the great Volume. Which was now finished, by the great Pains and Charges of Richard Grafton the Printer. Osiander, who knew the Arch-bi∣shop well, when he was the King's Ambassador in Germany, saith of him, that he was Sacrarum Literarum Studiossimum. Indeed he always had a great value for the Scriptures, because they were the Word of God: and extraordinary desirous he was, from the very first entrance upon his Bishoprick, that the People might have the liberty of reading it; and for that purpose, to have it interpreted into the Vulgar Language. And so by Crumwel's means, he got leave from the King, that it might be translated and printed. The care of the Translation lay wholly upon him; assigning little Portions of this Holy Book to divers Bishops and Learned Men to do; and being dispatched, to be sent back to him. And to his inexpressible Satisfaction, he saw the Work finished in this Year, about Iuly or August.

As soon as some of the Copies came to his Hand,* 3.40 one he sent to Crumwel, entreating him, that he would present it from him to the King, (and no question he thought it the noblest Present that ever he made him;) and withal to intercede with his Majesty, that the said Book might by his Authority be both bought and used by all indif∣ferently. Both which Crumwel did. For which the Arch-bishop was full of Gladness and Gratitude; and wrote two Letters to him soon after one another, wherein he thanked him most heartily, telling him,

How he had hereby made his Memory famous to Posterity within the Realm, among all such as should hereafter be favourers of God's Word: and that he should hear of this good Deed of his at the last Day. That for his part, it was such a content to his Mind, that he could not have done him a greater pleasure, if he had given him a thousand Pounds. And that such Knowledg would ensue hereupon, that it should appear he had done excellent Ser∣vice both to God and the King.

He also particularly spake of the Bishop of Worcester, how highly obliged he was sure he was to him for this. But I refer the Reader to his own Letters, which follow.

MY very singular good Lord;* 4.1 In my most harty wise I com∣mend me unto your Lordship. And whereas I understand, that your Lordship at my Request hath not only exhibited the Bible which I sent unto you, to the King's Majesty, but also hath obtained of his Grace, that the same shall be allowed by his Au∣thority to be bought and read within this Realm; My Lord, for this your Pains, taken in this behalf, I give you my most hear∣ty

Thanks: Assuring your Lordship, for the Contentation of my Mind, you have shewed me more pleasure here, than if you had given me a thousand Pounds; and I doubt not but that hereby such Fruit of good Knowledg shall ensue, that it shall well appear hereafter, what high and excellent Service you have done unto God and the King. Which shall so much redound to your Honour, that besides God's Reward, you shall obtain perpetual Memory for the same within this Realm. And as for me, you may reckon me your Bondman for the same. And I dare be bold to say, so may ye do my Lord of Worcester. Thus, my Lord, right hartily fare ye well. At Ford, the xiii day of August.

Your own Bound-man ever, T. Cantuarien.

And in another Letter fifteen days after, he again renewed his Thanks.

* 5.1MY very singular and special good Lord, In my most harty wise I commend me to your Lordship. These shall be to give you most hearty Thanks, that any Heart can think, and that in the Name of them, which favour God's Word, for your di∣ligence at this time, in procuring the King's Highness to set forth the said God's Word, and his Gospel, by his Grace's Authority. For the which Act, not only the King's Majesty, but also you shall have a perpetual Laud and Memory of all them that be now, ••or hereafter shall be God's faithful People, and the Fa∣vourers of his Word. And this Deed you shall hear of at the Great Day, when all things shall be opened, and made manifest. For our Saviour Christ saith in the said Gospel, that whosoever shrinketh from Him and his Word, and is abashed to profess and set it forth before Men in this World, he will refuse him at that Day: And contrary, whosoever constantly doth profess Him and his Word, and studieth to set that forward in this World, Christ will declare the same at the Last Day before his Father and all his Angels, and take upon him the Defence of those Men.

* 5.2Now because by these Letters of the Arch-bishop it appears how instrumental Crumwel was, when the Bible was printed, to procure the setting it forth by the King's Authority, I will here relate more at large what Countenance and Assistance he gave to this pious Work all along, and those that were concerned and employed in the doing of it.

The Bible, as Fox speaks, had been printed in the Year 1532, and reprinted again three or four Years after. The Un∣dertakers and Printers, were Grafton and Whitchurch, who prin∣ted it at Hamburgh. The Corrector was Iohn Rogers, a Lear∣ned Divine, afterwards a Canon of St. Paul's in King Edward's Time, and the first Martyr in the next Reign. The Transla∣tor was William Tyndal, another Learned Martyr, with the help of

Miles Coverdale, after Bishop of Exeter. But before all this second Edition was finish'd, Tyndal was taken and put to death, for his Reli∣gion, in Flanders, in the Year 1536. And his Name then growing into ignominy, as one burnt for an Heretick, they thought it might prejudice the Book, if he should be named for the Translator thereof: and so they used a feigned Name, calling it Thomas Matthews Bible; though Tyndal before his death had finished all but the Apocrypha, which was translated by Rogers abovesaid, who added also some Mar∣ginal Notes. In this Bible were certain Prologues, and a special Table collected of the common Places in the Bible, and Texts of Scripture for proving the same: And chiefly the common Places of the Lord's Supper, the Marriage of Priests, and the Mass. Of which it was there said, that it was not to be found in Scripture. This Bible giving the Clergy offence, was gotten to be restrained. Some Years after came forth the Bible aforesaid, wherein Cranmer had the great Hand; which, as I suppose, was nothing but the former corrected, the Prologues and Table being left out.

When Grafton had finished this Work,* 5.3 and printed off fifteen hun∣dred Bibles at his great Charge, amounting to five hundred Pounds, (a round Sum in those days) the Ld. Crumwel desired to have six of his Books. Which he forthwith sent by his Servant, a clear Man of all suspicion of any Infection, coming that day out of Flanders, Grafton not adventuring to come himself with the Books, because of the In∣fection at London where he was. These Books therefore he sent, toge∣ther with a Letter of Thanks, for being so assistant in the publicati∣on; (which, as he writ in his Letter, the Arch-bishop said, the Ti∣dings of did him more good than the Gift of ten thousand Pounds) and for procuring the King's Licence, which was thought fit to be signified in the Title Page in red Letters, thus, Set forth by the King's most gracious Licence. But several would not believe the King had licensed it: and therefore he desired further of Crumwel, that he would get it licensed under the Privy Seal, which would be a Defence for the present, and for the future. But take the Letter as Grafton himself penned it.

MOST humbly beseeching your Lordship to understand,* 6.1 that according to your Request, I have sent your Lordship six Bibles; which gladly I would have brought my self, but because of the Sickness which remaineth in the City: and therefore I have sent them by my Servant, which this day came out of Flanders. Requiring your Lordship, if I may be so bold as to desire you, to accept them as my simple Gift, given to you for those most godly Pains; for which the heavenly Father is bound, even of his Justice to reward you with the Everlasting Kingdom of God. For your Lordship's moving our most gracious Prince to the Allowance and Licensing of such a Work, hath wrought such an Act worthy of Praise, as never was mentioned in any Chronicle in this Realm: and, as my Lord of Canterbury said, the Tydings thereof did him more good than the gift of 10000 l. yet certain there are which believe not, that it pleased the King's Grace to license it to go forth. Wherefore if your Lordship's Pleasure were such

that we might have it Licensed under your Privy Seal, it would be a Defence at this present, and in time to come, for all Ene∣mies and Adversaries of the same. And forasmuch as this Re∣quest is for the maintenance of the Lord's Word, which is to maintain the Lord himself, I fear not, but that your Lordship will be earnest therein. And I am assured that my Lord of Can∣terbury, Worcester, and Salisbury, will give your Lordship such Thanks, as in them lieth. And sure ye may be, that the Heaven∣ly Lord will reward you for the Establishment of his Glorious Truth. And what your Lordship's Pleasure is in this Request, if it may please your Lordship to inform my Servant, I and all that love God heartily are bound to pray for your Preservation all the days of our Life. At London the xxviii day of this present Month of August, 1537.

Your Orator while he l••veth, Richard Grafton, Grocer.

* 6.2And as this Printer had addressed to Crumwel for the Privy Seal, so he apprehended now a further need of the Corroboration of Au∣thority, upon another Account. For some observing how exceeding acceptable the English Bible was to the common People, were de∣signing to print it in a less Volume and smaller Letters: whereby it would come to pass, that Grafton would be undersold; and so he and his Creditors would be undone: and besides, it was like to prove a very ill Edition, and very Erroneous. Insomuch that Grafton affirmed, they would commit as many Faults as there were Senten∣ces in the Bible. And it must needs be so, because then the Printers were generally Dutchmen within the Realm, that could neither speak nor write true English: nor for Covetousness-sake would they allow any Learned Men at all to oversee and correct what they printed, as formerly it had been printed, but Paper, Letter, Ink and Correction would be all naught. Therefore he desired one Favour more of the Lord Crumwel;* 6.3 and that was, to obtain for him of the King, that none should print the Bible for three Years but himself. And to move him, he said he was sure the Bishop of Canterbury, and other his special Friends would not be unthankful to him. He ur∣ged to him, that his whole Living lay upon this Point. And for the better and quicker sale of his Books, he desired also, that by his Commandment in the King's Name, every Curate might be obliged to have one; ••hat they might learn to know God, and to instruct their Parishioners; and that every Abby should have six, to be laid in several places of the Convent. He wished some Commissions might be issued out to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and the Bi∣shops of Sarum and Worcester; and they would readily cause this to be done in their Diocesses. To which he earnestly added his own Arguments to provoke Crumwel to yield to his request. This Letter may be found in the Appendix.* 6.4

CHAP. XVI. Many Suffragan Bishops made.

IT was now forbidden by the Parliament, and in pursuance there∣of, by the Bishops in their several Diocesses,* 6.5 that the Feast of S. Thomas a Becket, the pretended Martyr, should be celebrated any more; nor of S. Laurence, nor of divers others, the Feasts of the Twelve Apostles excepted, and of our Lady, S. Michael,* 6.6 and Mary Magdalene. Also the Feast of the Holy Cross was forbid; and com∣manded, that none should presume to keep those Feasts Holy; that is, they should ring no Bells, nor adorn their Churches, nor go in Procession, nor do other such-like things as belonged to the Celebra∣tion of Festivals. So when S. Thomas's Eve came, which had used constantly by the Arch-bishops of Canterbury, and their Domesticks to be celebrated by Fasting, Arch-bishop Cranmer took no notice of that Eve, but eat Flesh, and supped in his Parlour with his Family. Which created much Observation, it having never been seen before; the Arch-bishop thinking it unworthy, that a Man of that Devotion to the See of Rome, and disloyalty to his natural Prince, should b•• so religiously commemorated.

Bishops Diocesan Consecrated.

March the 25th, Robert Holgate, Master of the Order of Sempring∣ham, was consecrated Bishop of Landaff,* 6.7 in the Chappel of S. Mary in the Conventual Church of Friars Preachers of the City of London, by Iohn Bishop of Rochester, by virtue of Letters Commissional from the Arch-bishop to him; Iohn Bishop of Bangor, and Nicolas Bishop of Sarum, assisting. This Holgate was either Abbot or Prior of S. Mary Watte, an House of Gilbertines, which he held in Com∣mendam, and surrendred in the Year 1539.

Suffragan Bishops.

Iune the 24th▪ Iohn Bird,* 6.8 S. Th. P. Provincial of the Order of Friars Carmelites of the City of London, was consecrated Suffragan of the See of Penrith, in Landaff Diocess. And,

Lewis Thomas, formerly Abbot of the Monastery of Kynmer,* 6.9 Suf∣fragan Bishop of the See of Salop; both consecrated at Lambeth by the Arch-bishop. The Assistant Bishops at this Consecration not mentioned in the Register.

Of Bird, a word or two;* 6.10 I find him in Norwich about the Year 1531. busy with Bilney before his Death. He was a Person K. Hen∣ry made use of; for in the Year 1535, he, with Fox the Almoner, and Bedel a Clark of the Council, were sent to Q. Katharine, divor∣sed from the King, to forbear the Name of Queen. Which never∣theless she would not do.* 6.11 He preached certain Sermons before the King against the Pope's Supremacy. Bale, in his Exposition upon the Revelations, makes him to be one of the Ten Horns that shall hate the Whore. Godwin asserts of him, that he was once Bishop of Ossory. Bale in his Centuries, mentions not at all his being an Irish

Bishop; but naming his Preferments, first calls him Episcopus Penri∣censis: In 1539, made Bishop of Bangor; and removed to Chester 1541. He was married, and therefore upon Q. Mary's access to the Crown, was deprived of his Bishoprick; but complied with the old Religion. I find him alive in the Year 1555, being then at Fulham at Bishop Bonner's,* 6.12 and there he lodged. Upon his coming, he brought his Present with him, a Dish of Apples, and a Bottle of Wine. While he was here, he exhorted Mr. Hawkes, Convented for pretended Heresy before Bonner, to learn of his Elders, and to bear with some things, and be taught by the Church, and not to go too far. In that Queen's Reign he became Bonner's Suffragan, and Vicar of Dunmow in Essex.

* 6.13November the 4th, Thomas Morley, formerly Abbot of Stanley in Sarum Diocess, of the Cistertian Order, was consecrated in the Chap∣pel of Lambeth, Suffragan of the See of Marlborough, by the Arch-bishop, assisted by Iohn Bishop of Lincoln, and Iohn Bishop of Ro∣chester.

* 6.14December the first, the Arch-bishop, according to the Direction of the Act for Suffragan Bishops, nominated to the King two Persons, out of which he might elect a Suffragan for Dover, viz. Richard Yngworth Prior of the Priory of Langley-Regis, and Iohn Codenham, both Doctors in Divinity. December the 8th, The King answered Cranmer's Letter by his Privy Seal: wherein he appointed Yngworth to be consecrated for his said Suffragan. And accordingly December the 9th, Iohn Bishop of London, by virtue of Commissional Letters from the Arch-bishop, assisted by Iohn Bishop of Rochester, and Ro∣bert Bishop of St. Asaph, consecrated the said Yngworth. On the 10th, the Arch-bishop issued out his Commission to the said Suffra∣gan, ordaining him his Suffragan by those Presents, until he should think fit to withdraw his said Commission again. Signifying, that what he was to do, was, within his Diocess and City of Canterbury, and Jurisdiction of Calis, and the Marches thereof, to confirm Chil∣dren, to bless Altars, Chalices, Vestments, and other Ornaments of the Church; to suspend Places and Churches, and to reconcile them; to consecrate Churches and Altars new set up; to confer all the lesser Orders; to consecrate Holy Oil of Chrism and Holy Unction; and to perform all other things belonging to the Office of a Bishop. The Bishop's Letter to the King, desiring him to appoint him a Suffragan, out of those two above-named; And the Arch-bishop's Commissio∣nal Letters to Suffragan Yngworth,* 6.15 may be seen in the Appendix. And he that is minded to read the Form of the King's Mandate to the Arch-bishop for making a Suffragan, may find it in The History of the Reformation.* 6.16

The Reason why the Arch-bishop all this while, that is, from the first making the Act, in the Year 1534, to this Time, had nomina∣ted none for Suffragan to this See till now, might be, because there seemed to be a Suffragan already, even the same that had been in the time of Arch-bishop Warham,* 6.17 namely, Iohn Thornton▪ Prior of Do∣ver; who was one of the Witnesses appointed by that Arch-bishop to certify what was found and seen at the opening of S. Dunstan's Tomb. Richard Thornden seems to have succeeded Yngworth in this

Office some Years after; and was very dear to the Arch-bishop, ha∣ving been by him preferred to be Prebend of Canterbury; though he proved very false to him, and was among those that made a treache∣rous Combination against him in the Year 1543. And in Q. Mary's Time became a great Persecutor.

December the 9th, Iohn Hodgkin, Professor of Divinity,* 6.18 was consecrated at the same time, and by the same Bishops as above; but to what See is not mentioned. The Bishop of London▪ together with this Hodgkin, had nominated to the King Robert Struddel Pro∣fessor of Divinity. Both he recommended to the King by Letters, to be made Suffragans at large, without mention of any See in his Diocess; but only expressing that his Diocess wanted the comfort of Suffragans, that might bear a part in his Cure; and so mentioned those two: adding, that the King might appoint them to some See within the Province of Canterbury. Hodgkin, if I mistake not, was consecrated Suffragan of Bedford: And was afterwards one of those that assisted at the Consecration of Arch-bishop Parker. He was a Black Friar. In the Year 1531, he, with Bird, laboured with Bil∣ney at Norwich, a little before his Death, to bring him off from the Doctrines for which he was condemned. Afterwards Hodgkin coming nearer under the Arch-bishop's Eye, by his means came to better knowledg in Religion, and married a Wife; but in Queen Mary's Time put her away.

March 24. Henry Holbeach, Prior of the Cathedral Church of Wigorn, S. T. P. (Hugh Bishop of Wigorn,* 6.19 having recommend∣ed him to the King for Suffragan Bishop of Bristow) was accord∣ingly consecrated in the Bishop of London's Chappel, in the said Bishop's House, situate in Lambeth-Marsh, by the said Bishop, Hugh Bishop of Wigorn, and Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, assist∣ing.

CHAP. XVII. The Bible in English allowed.* 6.20

THE next Year I find the careful Arch-bishop again at Canter∣bury,* 6.21 looking after his Charge. And here he read Lectures upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Hebrews, half the Lent, in the Chapter-House of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity.

Now, viz. 1538. the Holy Bible was divulged, and exposed to common sale; and appointed to be had in every Parish-Church.* 6.22 And then, that the Sacred Book might be used with the more benefit, both of the Clergy and Lay-People, for this Reason a Declaration was issued out, to be read openly by all Curates, upon the publish∣ing of this Bible: shewing the godly Ends of his Majesty in per∣mitting it to be in English: and directions how they should read and

hear it. Namely, to use it with Reverence and gre•••• Devotion: to conform their Lives unto it; and to encourage those that were under them, Wives, Children and Servants, to live according to the Rules thereof; that in doubtful Places, they should confer with the Learned for the Sense, who should be appointed to preach and explain the same, and not to contend and dispute about them in Ale∣houses and Taverns. They that are minded to read this Declara∣tion,* 6.23 may find it in the Appendix. This Bible was of so quick sale, that two Years after it was printed again.

* 6.24It was wonderful to see with what joy this Book of God was re∣ceived, not only among the Learneder sort, and those that were no∣ted for Lovers of the Reformation, but generally all England over, among all the Vulgar, and common People; and with what greediness God's Word was read, and what resort to Places where the read∣ing of it was. Every body that could, bought the Book, or busily read it, or got others to read it to them, if they could not them∣selves; and divers more elderly People learned to read on purpose. And even little Boys flocked among the rest to hear Portions of the Holy Scripture read.* 6.25 One William Maldon, happening in the Company of Iohn Fox, in the beginning of the Reign of Q. Eliza∣beth, and Fox being very inquisitive after those that suffered for Re∣ligion in the former Reigns, asked him, if he knew any that were persecuted for the Gospel of Iesus Christ, that he might add it to his Book of Martyrs; He told him▪, he knew one that was whipp'd by his own Father in K. Henry's Reign for it. And when Fox was very inquisitive who he was, and what was his Name, he confessed it was himself: and upon his desire he wrote out all the Circum∣stances. Namely, That when the King had allowed the Bible to be set forth to be read in all Churches, immediately several poor Men in the Town of Chelmsford in Essex, where his Father lived and he was born, bought the New-Testament, and on Sundays fat reading of it in the Lower end of the Church: many would flock a∣bout them to hear their reading; and he among the rest, being then but fifteen Years old, came every Sunday to hear the glad and sweet Tidings of the Gospel. But his Father observing it, once angrily fetch'd him away, and would have him to say the Latin Mattins with him. Which grieved him much. And as he returned at other times to hear the Scripture read, his Father still would fetch him a∣way. This put him upon the thoughts of learning to read English, that so he might read the New Testament himself. Which when he had by diligence effected, he and his Father's Apprentice bought the New Testament, joining their Stocks together; and to conceal it, laid it under the Bed-straw, and read it at convenient Times. One night, his Father being asleep, he and his Mother chanced to discourse concerning the Crucifix, and kneeling down to it, and knocking on the Breast then used, and holding up the Hands to it, when it came by on Procession: This he told his Mother was plain Idolatry, and against the Commandment of God, where he saith, Thou shalt not make any graven Image, nor bow down to it, nor wor∣ship it. His Mother enraged at him for this, said, Wilt thou not

worship the Cross, which was about thee when thou wert Christ∣ned, and must be laid on thee when thou art dead?* 6.26 In this heat the Mother and Son departed, and went to their Beds. The Sum of this Evening's Conference she presently repeats to her Husband: which he impatient to hear, and boiling in Fury against his Son, for denying worship to be due to the Cross, arose up forthwith, and goes into his Son's Chamber, and like a mad Zealot, taking him by the Hair of his Head with both his Hands, pulled him out of the Bed, and whipped him unmercifully. And when the Young Man bore this beating, as he related, with a kind of Joy, conside∣ring it was for Christ's Sake, and shed not a tear; his Father, seeing that, was more inraged, and ran down and fetched an Halter, and put it about his Neck, saying he would hang him. At length, with much intreaty of the Mother and Brother, he left him almost dead. I extract this out of the Original Relation of the Person himself, wrote at Newington, near London, where he afterwards dwelt. Which relation he gave to Iohn Fox.

This Year Nicolson, a very Learned Man,* 6.27 greatly acquainted with Tindal and Frith, and who by reason of trouble from the Bishops formerly, for the better concealing of himself for time to come, called himself Lambert, was adjudged to the Flames, and cruelly burnt. Wherein our Arch-bishop and the Lord Crumwel unhappily had their hands; the one in reading the Sentence against him De Haeretico comburendo, by the King's Commandment: and the Arch-bishop first in having him before him in a judiciary way, and af∣terwards in disputing publickly against him in favour of the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence. The first occasion of Lambert's Troubles was this. At the hearing of a Sermon of Dr. Taylor (he who was afterwards Bishop of Lincoln, and a favourer of the Gospel) preach∣ed by him at S. Peter's Cornhil, he came and presented him with Ten Reasons against Transubstantiation, written by him. Dr. Taylor▪ by Dr. Barnes his means, who, though in other things he favoured a Reformation, and suffered Death upon the Six Articles; yet was hot against Sacramentaries at this time, thinking the broaching that Doctrine might throw in some Impediment to the progress of the Gospel; Dr. Taylor, I say, by Barnes his Advice, carried these Rea∣sons to the Arch-bishop. Who, upon this, conventing Lambert be∣fore him, endeavoured to reclaim him, by holding much discourse with him. The News of this came to the Court. And by the insti∣gation of the Bishop of Winchester, the King resolved to dispute with him himself in a very publick and solemn manner: and that because he had appealed from the Bishops to the King.

The Day being come, and the King present, with all his Bishops on the right Hand, and his Nobles on the Left,* 6.28 accompanied with his Lawyers and other Attendants, on purpose to terrify him, and to make an open Signification, that though he had cast off the Pa∣pal Supremacy, yet he intended not to be a favourer of Heresy so called; first commanded Richard Sampson Bishop of Chichester (Fox saith it was Day Bishop of Chichester, but in that he was mistaken, for he was not yet Bishop) to begin, and give the Reason of the meeting. He appointed the Bishops now present to answer Lambert's

Ten Reasons, as Fox; or his Eight, as the Bishop of Chichester in his Declaration mentioned.* 6.29 The Arch-bishop answered the second, for the King himself had disputed against the first. The Arch-bishop, according to his mild Temper, but withal according to the false Opinion, which he then most confidently maintained, stiling him Brother Lambert, desired the Matter might be decided indifferently between them. And that if he convinced Lambert by Scripture, Lambert would be willing to come over from his Opinion: But if Lambert on the other hand could by Scripture convince him, he promised to imbrace his Opinion. Then he fell upon Lambert's Reason, which was taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, where Christ appeared unto Paul by the way. Disputing from that place, that it was not disagreeable to the Word of God, that the Body of Christ may be in two places at once. Which being in Heaven, was seen the same time by S. Paul upon the Earth. And, said the Arch-bishop,

If it may be in two places, why by the like Reason may it not be in many places?

In what order and course the rest of the Bishops disputed, or rather baited this poor Man, it is uncertain, only Winchester had the sixth place, Tunstal of Durham next to him, and next Stokesly Bishop of London. Richard Bishop of Chichester, who was reputed a Man of great Learning, had his course, to whose turn it came to confute Lambert's Sixth Reason, which was taken from that of S. Paul to the Romans,* 6.30 Who hath ascended up to Heaven, to bring Christ down from thence? His Argument is preserved in the Cotton Library.* 6.31 I refer the Reader to the Appendix, where he shall meet with it. Whereby may be seen after what a haughty and indecent manner this meek Confessor of Christ was dealt with▪ as though they designed rather to run him down, and brow-beat him, than answer him.

CHAP. XVIII. The Arch-bishop's Iudgment of the Eucharist.

* 6.32BUT to return to Cranmer, whose Opinion in the Point of the Sacrament we will stay a little upon. He was now a strong ••tickler for the Carnal Presence, and seemed greatly prejudiced to that Opinion. There was one Ioachim Vadianus, a Learned Man of S. Gal in Helvetia, and an Acquaintance of the Arch-bishop's. He had framed a Treatise, intituled, Aphorisms upon the Consideration of the Eucharist, in six Books: Which were intended to prove no Cor∣poral Presence. This Book he presented to the Arch-bishop: but though he loved him as a Learned Man, yet he declared himself much displeased with his Argument; and wrote to him,

That he wished he had employed his Study to better purpose, and that he had begun his Correspondence with him in some better and more appro∣ved Subject: Adding, That he would be neither Patron nor Approver of that Doctrine, until he saw stronger Proofs for it.

And so much did he dislike Oecolampadius and Zuinglius their Opinion in this Mat∣ter, that he applied that Censure of S. Hierom concerning Origen to

them;

That where they wrote well, no body writ better; and where ill, no body worse. And he wished those Learned Men had gone no further, than to confute Papistical Errors and Abuses, and had not sown their Tares with their good Corn.

That which detained our Arch-bishop in this Error,* 6.33 was the Ve∣neration he had for the Ancient Doctors of the Church, whose Writings, as he then thought, approved the Doctrine of this gross Presence; judging that none could ever reconcile those Authors to the contrary Opinion. Indeed he judged it the very Doctrine of the Fathers from the beginning of the Church: And he reckoned that it must be a Truth, because otherwise it could not consist with God's Goodness to his Spouse, to leave her in such blindness so long. It seemed also that he built this his Error upon the words of Scripture, taking the sense of This is my Body literally.

Vadian by this Book had intended to have brought Cranmer off from this Opinion. And before him several Attempts had been made that way; but he remained so rooted therein, that he seemed to be ever unmoveable. He supposed also, that the giving up this Doctrine would prove a great Impediment to the Work of the Gospel, that now proceeded well in the Nation. He advised and beseeched all, both Lutherans and Zuinglians, that the Churches of Christ would lay aside their Controversies in that Matter, and agree and unite in a Christian Concord together, that they might propagate one sound pure Doctrine, consonant to the Discipline of the Primitive Church. And this would be the way to convert even Turks themselves to the Obedience of the Gospel. But I recommend the Reader to the Arch-bishop's own Letter to the said Vadianus; wherein he may see how fast and firm he stuck to this Doctrine in these days. He will find it in the Appendix.* 6.34

Sanders, in his lying Book of the English Schism, would make his Reader believe,* 6.35 that Cranmer was of this Opinion for another Reason, namely, because his Master K. Henry thought so: and that he had so devoted himself to him, that he in all things whatsoever believed, and did, in conformity to him: giving Cranmer therefore the Nick-name of Henricianus. But we must attribute that Suggestion to the well-known venemous Pen of that Man, who cared not what he writ, so he might but throw his Dirt upon the Reformation, and the Reformers. The said Author with the same Malice would have it, that Cranmer was very variable and inconstant, having been first for a Corporeal Presence, afterwards a Lutheran, and then a Calvinist: And that he thus changed his Opinion, as a Sycophant and Flatterer, to comply with every Man's Humour that was uppermost. That all the time of K. Henry, he remained of that King's Opinion, who was a vehement Enemy to Luther; but when he was dead, he became wholly Lutheran, and put forth a Catechism dedicated to K. Edward, and printed it, in which he taught, that every Christian that re∣ceived the Sacrament, either under the Bread, or in the Bread, or with the Bread, certainly received into his Mouth the very true Body and Blood of Christ. But that scarce a Month passed, when the Wretch (that is his word) understood, that the Duke of Somerset, the King's Governour, was a Calvinist, and not a Lutheran, What

should he do? He printed his Catechism again, changed the word; and of an Henrician and a Lutheran, became a Calvinist.

* 6.36But to give a more true and respectful account of our Arch-bishop, as to his continuance in this Opinion, and his change of it. Hitherto we have seen his Opinion for a Corporal Presence. In the next Year, (viz. 1539.) I find one Adam Damplip of Calais, a Learned Preacher, convented before him, and several other Bishops, for not holding the Real Presence. From which Opinion the Arch-bishop, with the rest, did endeavour to bring him off: Though then he marvelled much at the Answers that Damplip made, and confessed openly and plainly, that the Scripture knew no such term as Transubstantiation. In the Year 1541, he had one Barber, a Master of Arts of Oxford, brought before him for denying the said Corporal Presence: the Arch-bishop disputed again earnestly for that Doctrine against this Man, yet could not but admire at his readiness in citing his Places out of S. Augu∣stin, nor could tell how to confute them, as Mr. Raphe Morice his Secretary related afterward to Iohn Fox.* 6.37 And this Tenet he held to the very last Year of K. Henry, that is, to the Year 1546. When by more mature and calm deliberation, and considering the Point with less prejudice, and the sense of the Fathers more closely; in conference with Dr. Ridley, afterwards Bishop of Rochester, and his Fellow-Martyr, he at last quitted and freed himself from the Fet∣ters of that unsound Doctrine; as appears by the Epistle Dedicatory before his Book of the Sacrament in Latin, printed by the Exiles at Embden. Which Epistle we may give credit to, being written (as is thought) by Sir Iohn Cheke, who well knew the Arch-bishop, and Matters relating to him.

* 6.38After Arch-bishop Cranmer and Ridley had changed their Opinion, Latimer not long after changed his in this Point. For as they all three died Martyrs at Oxon, I am willing to join them together here. It was but seven Years before his Burning that he relinquish'd that old Error, that is, about the Year 1547, as he confessed to Dr. VVeston in his Disputation. There is an Argument the said Latimer made use of, to prove the deceit of the Blood of Hales; which Argument supposes him then of this Opinion. It was pretended by the Priests, that none could see this Blood, but those that were confessed and absolved by the Priest, and so clean in Life; and their seeing of it, was a sign they were so. But said Latimer in those Times, for the exposing of this Fraud;* 6.39

Those Wretches that scourged Christ, and nailed him to his Cross, did see his Blood with their bodily Eyes, and yet were not in clean Life. And we see the self-same Blood in form of Wine, when we have consecrate, and may both see it, feel it, and receive it to our Damnation, as touching bodily receiving.

We shall perhaps say more of the Arch-bishop's Opini∣on in the Eucharist, when we come to speak of his Book relating to that Argument.

* 6.40Divers Priests now, as well Religious as Secular, had married themselves, after the Example of the Arch-bishop, who kept his Wife secretly with him. But some of these married Priests were so indiscreet, that they lived publickly and openly with their Wives, though the Ecclesiastical Laws were in force against such Marriages,

nor had they any Allowances by the King and Realm in Parliament; Only some had Dispensations (as 'tis said) from the Arch-bishop. Therefore the King, prest by some of the Papists about him, (who began now, after Lambert's Death, to listen to them) set forth a Pro∣clamation, Novemb. 16. for the stopping of such Matrimonies. Which ran in this Tenor.

That the King's Majesty understanding that a few in number of this his Realm, being Priests, as well Religious as other,* 6.41 had taken Wives, and married themselves, &c. His Highness in no wise minding, that the generality of the Clergy of this his Realm should, with the Example of such a few number of light Persons, proceed to Marriage without a common Consent of his Highness, and his Realm; Did therefore streightly charge and command, as well all and singular the said Priests, as have attempted Mar∣riages, that be openly known, as all such as would presumptuously proceed to the same, that they, ne any of them, should minister any Sacrament, or other Ministry Mystical: Ne have any Office▪ Dignity, Cure, Privilege, Profit or Commodity, heretofore ac∣customed and belonging to the Clergy of this Realm; but should be utterly, after such Marriages, expelled and deprived from the same; and be had and reputed as Lay-persons to all intents and purposes. And that such as should after this Proclamation, con∣trary to his Commandment, of their presumptuous Mind, take Wives and be married, should run in his Grace's Indignation, and suffer further Punishment and Imprisonment at his Grace's Will and Pleasure.

Dat. xvi. Novembris, Anno Regni sui xxx.

Wherein we may observe what a particular regard the King had for the Arch-bishop in relation to his Wife, that the danger of the Proclamation might not reach him, by limiting the Penalty, not to such as were married and kept their Wives secretly, but to such as should marry hereafter, and such as kept them openly. And we may observe further, that it seemed to be in the King's Mind in due time, to tolerate Marriages to Priests by Act of Parliament, which that Clause seems to import, that these Priests had married themselves without a common Consent of his Highness and his Realm.* 6.42 And Bishop Ponet, or whoever else was the Author of the Defence of Priests Mar∣riage, assures us, that the King intended to permit Priests to take Wives, knowing how necessary it was to grant that Liberty; and he affirms, that it was not unknown to divers that heard him speak oft of that Matter. But was hindred by some jealous Councellors, that pretended, how ill the People would take it had it been done by his Authority.

The Sect of Anabaptists did now begin to pester this Church;* 6.43 and would openly dispute their Principles in Taverns and publick places, and some of them were taken up. Many also of their Books were brought in and printed here also: which was the cause that the King now set out a severe Proclamation against them and their Books. To which he joined the Sacramentaries, as lately with the other come into the Land; Declaring,

That he abhorred and de∣tested their Errors; and that those that were apprehended, he would make Examples. Ordering, that they should be detected▪

and brought before the King or his Council; and that all that were not, should in eight or ten days depart the Kingdom.

This Procla∣mation may be read in the Appendix. Num. VIII. Where I have misplaced it.

* 6.44A Commission also was then given out to the Arch-bishop, to Iohn Bishop of Lincoln, Rich. Bishop of Chichester, and others, against this Sect. Which Commission was signed at the bottom by Thomas Crumwel.

* 6.45It was observed, that the Parsons, Vicars and Curates did read confusedly the Word of God, and the King's Injunctions, lately set forth, and commanded by them to be read: humming and hauking thereat, that almost no Man could understand the meaning of the In∣junction. And they secretly suborned certain spreaders of Rumors and false Tales in Corners, who interpreted the Injunctions to a false sense. And because there was an Order, that all Christnings, Marriages and Burials should be registred from time to time, and the Books surely kept in the Parish Churches, they blew abroad, that the King intended to make new Exactions at all Christnings, Weddings and Burials: adding, that therein the King went about to take away the Liberties of the Realm, for which they said, Thomas a Becket died. And they bad their Parishioners, not∣withstanding what they read, being compelled so to do, that they should do as they did in Times past, to live as their Fathers; and that the old Fashion is the best: and other crafty and seditious Para∣bles they gave out among them.

* 6.46This forced the King to write his Letters to the Justices of Peace, to take up such seditious Parsons, Vicars and Curates. And in these Letters is explained the true Reason of Thomas a Becke••'s Contention with K. Henry II. As that he contended, that none of the Clergy offending should be called to account, or corrected, but in the Bishop's Courts only, and not by the Laws of the Realm: and that no King should be Crowned but by the Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury only.

* 6.47The Church of Hereford being now become vacant by the Death of Fox, (an excellent Instrument of the Reformation) the Arch∣bishop committed the custody of the Spiritualities to Hugh Coren Do∣ctor of Canon Laws, and Prebendary of that Church, and by him visited the Church and Diocess, and gave certain Injunctions to the Parsons,* 6.48 Vicars, and other Curats there. These Injunctions, as I find them in Cranmer's Register, were eight in number. Which I shall not here insert at large, because they may be met with in the History of the Reformation.* 6.49 But in short, they enjoined the Obser∣vation of the King's Injunctions, given by his Majesty's Commissa∣ries in the Year 1536. They enjoined,

that they should have by the first of August, a whole Bible in Latin and English; or at least a New Testament in the same Languages. That they should every day study one Chapter of the Bible or Testament, conferring the Latin and English together; and to begin at the beginning of the Book, and so continue to the End. That they should not discourage any Lay-men from reading the Bible, but encourage them to it. And to read it for the Reformation of their Lives, and Knowledg of

their Duty; and not to be bold and presumptuous in judging of things before they have perfect Knowledg. That they should, both in their Preachings and Confessions, and in other their Doings, excite their Parishioners unto such Works as are commanded by God ex∣presly: Adding, that for this God should demand of them a strict Reckoning. And to teach them, that other Works which they do of their own Devotion, are not to be so highly esteemed as the other. And that for the not doing them, God will not ask any Account. That no Friar have any Cure or Service in their Churches, unless he were dispensed withal and licensed by the Ordinary. That they ad∣mit no young Person to the Sacrament, who never received it before, unless such Person openly in the Church, after Mass upon a Holy∣day, say the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Command∣ments. That they twice a Quarter declare the Bands of Matrimo∣ny, and the danger of using their Bodies, but with such Persons as they might by the Law of God; and that no privy Contracts be made, as they would avoid the extream Peril of the Laws of the Realm.

No Diocesan Bishop Consecrated this Year.

Bishops Suffragans.

Robert Bishop of S. Asaph recommended to the King Iohn Bradley,* 6.50 Abbot of the Monastery of Milton, of the order of S. Benedict, or William Pelles, both Batchellors of Divinity, to the Dignity of Suf∣fragan within the Diocess [Province rather] of Canterbury,* 6.51 men∣tioning no particular See. The Bishop of Bath and Wells also re∣commended two to the King, out of which to nominate a Suffragan to some See within the Province of Canterbury, viz. William Finch, late Prior of Bremar, and Richard Walshe, Prior of the Hospital of S. Iohn Baptist of Bridgewater.

April the 7th,* 6.52 William Finch was nominated by the King to the Arch-bishop to be Consecrated for Suffragan of Taunton; and then consecrated in the Chappel of S. Maries in the Conventual Church of the Friars Preachers, London, by Iohn Bishop of Rochester, by virtue of Letters Commissional from the Arch-bishop, Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and William Suffragan of Colchester assisting. And,

March the 23.* 6.53 Iohn Bradley was consecrated Suffragan of Shafts∣bury, in the Chancel of the Parish-Church of S. Iohn Baptist in Southampton, by Iohn Bishop of Bangor, by the Letters Commissio∣nal of Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Iohn Ipolitanen▪ and Thomas Suffragan of Marleborough, assisting.

CHAP. XIX. The Act of Six Articles.

THIS Year, October the 6th, I meet with a Commission,* 6.54 ad Fa∣cultates, granted from the Arch-bishop to a famous Man, Ni∣colas Wotton, LL. D. a Man of great Learning, and made use of

by the King afterwards in divers Embassies, and a Privy-Counsellor to King Henry,* 6.55 and his three Children successively Princes of the Realm, and Dean of Canterbury and York. This Commission was in pursuance of a late Act of Parliament, to this Tenor, That in what∣soever Cases, not prohibited by Divine Right, in which the Bishop of Rome, or Roman See, heretofore accustomed to Dispence, and also in all other Cases in which the Bishop or See of Rome accustomed not to dispence, if so be they were not forbid by Divine Right; in these Cases the Arch-bishop had Power granted him to Dispense. In this Office he constituted Wotton his Commissary or Deputy, for the Term of his natural Life. He succeeded Edmund Boner, Master of the Arch-bishop's Faculties,* 6.56 now preferred to the Bishoprick of Hereford. So that Cranmer took notice of the Merits of this Man, who was so much made use of afterwards in the Church and State; and was of that great Esteem and Reputation, that he was thought on, in the begin∣ning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign for ABp of Canterbury. In the Year 1528. he was Doctor of Laws, and the Bishop of London's Official. In the Year 1540, he was Resident for the King in the Duke of Cleve's Court; and had been employed in the Match between the King and the Lady Ann of that House the Year before; and perhaps this might be the first time he was sent abroad in the King's Business.

* 6.57In the Year 1539, the King took occasion to be displeased with the Arch-bishop and the other Bishops of the new Learning, as they then termed them,* 6.58 because they could not be brought to give their Consent in the Parliament, that the King should have all the Mona∣steries suppressed to his own sole use. They were willing he should have all the Lands as his Ancestors gave to any of them; but the Re∣sidue they would have had bestowed upon Hospitals,* 6.59 Grammar-Schools for bringing up of Youth in Vertue and good Learning, with other things profitable in the Common-wealth. The King was hereunto stirred, by the crafty Insinuations of the Bishop of Win∣chester, and other old dissembling Papists. And as an effect of this Displeasure, as it was thought, in the Parliament this Year, he made the terrible bloody Act of the Six Articles: Whereby none were suf∣fered to speak a word against the Doctrine of Transubstantiation, upon pain of being burnt to Death as an Heretick, and to forfeit all his Lands and Goods, as in case of Treason. And moreover, it was made Felony, and forfeiture of Lands and Goods, to defend the Communion in both kinds, Marriage in a Priest, or in any Man or Woman that had vowed Chastity: or to say any thing against the necessity of Private Masses and Auricular Confession. Which Arti∣cles were plainly enough designed against any that should dare to open their Mouths against these Romish Errors, and especially to impose Silence, and that on pain of Death, upon many honest Preachers that were now risen up, and used to speak freely against these Abuses; and as a good means to keep the poor People still se∣curely in their old Ignorance and Superstition.

But before this Act passed, marvellous great struggling there was on both Parts,* 6.60 for and against it. But the side of the Favourers of the Gospel at this time was the weaker, the King, now enclining

more to the other Party, for the reason abovesaid, and for other Causes: Wherein I refer the Reader to the Conjectures of the Lord Herbert. The Bishops disputed long in the House, some for it, and some against it.* 6.61 The Arch-bishop disputed earnestly three days against it, using divers Arguments to disswade passing the Act. Which were so remarkable for the Learning and Weight of them, that the King required a Copy of them. And though he was re∣solved not to alter his purpose of having this Act made, yet he was not offended with the Arch-bishops freedom, as knowing the Sin∣cerity of the Man. Even those in the House that dissented from him, were greatly taken with the Gravity, Eloquence, and Learning he then shewed, and particularly the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. Who told him so at his Table soon after: being sent by the King to him, to comfort him under his dejection for this Act, with Crum∣wel, and many other Lords. The Papist Writers say he opposed it, because himself was a Married Man, and so it would touch him close. But it is plain, that there were other of these Six Articles which he utterly disliked. And especially he abhorred the rigorous penalty of the Act. But hereupon he privately sent away his Wife into Germany among her Friends. On this side also were, beside the Arch-bishop, the Bishops of Ely, Sarum, Worcester, Rochester, and St. Davids: York, Durham, Winchester, and Carlile went vigorously the other way. Against the former the King himself argued, with his Learning, out of the Scriptures; and would by all means prove these Articles thence. The Parliament Men said little against this Bill, but seemed all unanimous for it: Neither did the Lord Chan∣cellor Audley, no, nor the Lord Privy Seal, Crumwel, speak against it: the Reason being, no question, because they saw the King so resolved upon it. Nay, it came to be a flying Report, that the Arch-bishop of Canterbury himself, and all the Bishops, except Sarum, consented. But this is not likely, that Cranmer, who had so openly and zealously opposed it, should be so soon changed, and brought to comply with it. Nay, at the very same time it passed, he staid and protested against it, though the King desired him to go out, since he could not consent to it. Worcester also, as well as Sa∣rum, was committed to Prison: and he, as well as the other, resign∣ed up his Bishoprick upon the Act.

In the foresaid Disputation in the Parliament-house,* 6.62 the Arch-bi∣shop behaved himself with such humble modesty, and obedience in word towards his Prince; protesting the Cause not to be his, but God's; that neither his Enterprize was misliked of the King, and his Allegations and Reasons were so strong, that they could not be re∣futed. Great pity it is, that these Arguments of the Arch-bishop are lost; which I suppose they are irrecoverably, because Fox that lived so near those Times, and so elaborate a Searcher after such Papers, could not meet with them; and all that he could do, was to wish that they were extant to be seen and read. However I will make my Conjecture here, that I am apt to think, that one of the main Mat∣ters insisted on by him at this time, was against the cruel Penalty an∣nexed to these Articles. For I find in one of the Arch-bishop's Ma∣nuscript Volumes, now in Benet-College Library, there is in this

very Year, a Discourse in Latin upon this Subject, Num in haereti∣cos jure Magistratui gravius animadvertere liceat: Decisio Vrbani Rhe∣gii, Interprete Iacobo Gisleno. Anno 1539. Which Book I suppose he might at this juncture have read over, and made use of.

* 6.63The Dukes and Lords of Parliament, that as above was said, came over to Lambeth to visit and dine with him, by the King's Com∣mand, used words to him to this Tenor;

The King's Pleasure is, that we should in his behalf cherish and comfort you, as one, that for your travail in the late Parliament, declared your self both greatly Learned, and also Discreet and Wise: And therefore, my Lord, be not discouraged for any thing that past there contrary to your Allegations. The Arch-bishop replied, In the first place, my Lords, I heartily thank the King's Highness for his singular good Affection towards me, and you all, for your pains. And I hope in God, that hereafter my Allegations and Authorities shall take place, to the Glory of God, and Commodity of the Realm.

Every of the Lords brought forth his Sentence in commendation of him, to shew what good-will both the King and they bare to him. One of them entred into a Comparison between the said Arch-bishop and Cardinal Wolsey, preferring the Arch-bishop before him for his mild and gentle Nature; whereas he said, the Cardinal was a stub∣born and churlish Prelate, that could never abide any Noble-man. The Lord Crumwel,* 6.64 as Cranmer's Secretary relates, who himself heard the words,

You, my Lord, said he, were born in an happy Hour I suppose; for do or say what you will, the King will always take it well at your Hands. And I must needs confess, that in some things I have complained of you to his Majesty; but all in vain, for he will never give credit against you, whatsoever is laid to your Charge: But let me, or any other of the Council be complained of, his Grace will most seriously chide, and fall out with us: And therefore you are most happy, if you can keep you in this State.

* 6.65The Roman Zealots having obtained this Act of the Six Articles, desisted not, but seconded their Blow by a Book of Ceremonies to be used by the Church of England, so intituled; all running after the old Popish strain. It proceeded all along in favour of the Roman Church's superstitious Ceremonies, endeavouring to shew the good signification of them. The Book first begins with an Index of the Points touched therein; viz.

Churches and Church-yards, the hallowing and reconcileing them. The Ceremonies about the Sacrament of Baptism. Ordering of the Ministers of the Church in general. Divine Service to be sung and said in the Church. Mattins, Prime and other Hours. Ceremonies used in the Mass. Sundays, with other Feasts. Bells. Vesture and Tonsure of the Ministers of the Church, and what Service they be bound unto. Bearing Candles upon Candlemass-day. Fasting Days. The giving of Ashes. The covering of the Cross and Images in Lent. Bearing of Palms. The Service of Wednesday, Thursday and Friday before Easter. The hallowing of Oil and Chrism. The washing of the Altars. The hallowing of the Font upon Satur∣day in the Easter-Even. The Ceremonies of the Resurrection in

Easter-Morning. General and other particular Processions. Be∣nedictions of Bells or Priests. Holy Water, and holy Bread. A general Doctrine to what intent Ceremonies be ordained, and of what value they be.

The Book it self is too long to be here in∣serted; but such as have the Curiosity,* 6.66 may find it in the Cotton Li∣brary, and may observe what Pains was taken to smooth and var∣nish over the old Supperstions. I do not find this Book mentioned by any of our Historians. The Bishop of Winchester, with his own Pen, hath an Annotation in the Margin of one place in the Book. And I strongly suspect he was more than the Revisor of it; and that it was drawn up by him and his Party, and strongly pushed on to be owned as the Act of the Clergy.* 6.67 For this Year there was a Convo∣cation. The King had sent his Letters, written March the 12th, in the 30th Year of his Reign, viz. 1538. to the Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury, for summoning a Convocation, to meet together at St. Paul's the second day of May. But this Assembly, by the King's Letters to him, was prorogued till November the 4th. At this Convocation, I suppose, these Articles were invented and propounded to the House. All this long Book, in behalf of the Ceremonies, did our laborious Metropolitan put himself to the pains of answering, and thereby hindred the Reception of it. For concerning this, I do interpret that Passage of Fox, viz. That the Arch-bishop confuted eighty eight Articles devised by a Convocation, and which were laboured to be received, but were not. But to return to the six Articles.

Great triumphing now there was on the Papists Side,* 6.68 as appears by a Letter wrote from some Roman Catholick Member of the House of Lords to his Friend. Which may be read in the Appendix.* 6.69 But after some time, the King perceiving that the said Arch-bishop and Bishops did this thing, not of Malice or Stubbornness, but out of a zeal they had to God's Glory and the Common-wealth, reformed in part the said Six Articles, and somewhat blunted the Edg of them.

March 20. Two Commissions were sent to the Arch-bishop to take the Surrender of two Houses of Religious Persons; namely,* 6.70 that of Christ's-Church Canterbury, and that of Rochester.

Towards the latter end of this Year,* 6.71 several new Bishopricks were founded out of old Monasteries; and several Deaneries and Colleges of Prebends out of divers Priories belonging to Cathedral Churches. Herein as Crumwel, so Cranmer had a great Hand. Who laboured with the King, that in these New Foundations there should be Rea∣ders of Divinity, Greek and Hebrew, and Students trained up in Religion and Learning. From whence, as a Nursery, the Bishops should supply their Diocesses with honest and able Ministers. And so every Bishop should have a College of Clergy-men under his Eye, to be preferred according to their Merits. For it was our Arch-bishops regret, that the Prebendaries were bestowed as they were. This Complaint Bishop Burnet tells us he saw in a long Letter of Cranmer's own hand.* 6.72

Bishops Confirmed.

In Arch-bishops Cranmer's Register I find these Bishops Confirmed,* 6.73 their Consecrations being omitted.

August the 11th, Iohn Bell, LL. D. brought up in Baliol College, and Arch-deacon of Glocester,* 6.74 was Confirmed Bishop of Worcester, upon the Resignation of Bishop Latimer, in the Chappel of Lambeth. He is stiled in the Register,* 6.75 the King's Chaplain and Councellor.

* 6.76November the Iohn Skyp, D. D. Arch-deacon of Dorset, and once Chaplain to Queen Ann Bole••, was Confirmed Bishop of Hereford. The King's Letter to the Archbishop to consecrate him bears date November 8.

CHAP. XX. The Arch-bishop in Commission.

* 6.77THE next Year, viz. 1540. The Arch-bishop lost his great Friend and Assistant in carrying on the Reformation, I mean the Lord Crumwel.* 6.78 And when he was, by Popish Craft and Malice, taken off, their next Work was to sacrifice Cranmer. And many were the Accusations that were put up against him: and Trial was made many ways to bring him to his Death, or at least to bring him in dis∣grace with the King.

* 6.79And first they thought to compass their Ends against him by oc∣casion of a Commission now issued out from the King to a select Number of Bishops, whereof the Arch-bishop was one, (which Commission was confirmed by Act of Parliament) for inspecting in∣to Matters of Religion, and explaining some of the chief Doctrines of it. These Commissioners had drawn up a set of Articles, fa∣vouring the old Popish Superstitions. And meeting together at Lam∣beth they produced them, and vehemently urged that they should be established, and that the Arch-bishop would yield to the Allow∣ance of them; especially seeing there was a signification, that it was the King's Will and Pleasure that the Articles should run in that Tenour. But they could not win the Arch-bishop neither by Fear nor Flattery; No, though the Lord Crumwel at this very time lay in the Tower. There was not one Commissioner now on his part, but all shrank away, and complied with the Time: and even those he most trusted to, viz. Bishop Hethe of Rochester, and Bishop Skip of Hereford. The Arch-bishop as he disliked the Book already drawn up by them, so he presented another Book, wherein were divers Amendments of theirs. After much arguing and disputing, nor could the Arch-bishop be brought off, Hethe, and Skip, with a Friend or two more, walked down with him into his Garden at Lambeth, and there used all the Perswasion they could; urging to him, that the King was resolved to have i•• so, and the Danger therefore of op∣posing it. But he honestly persisted in his constancy: telling them,

That there was but one Truth in the Articles to be concluded up∣on, which if they hid from his Majesty, by consenting unto a contrary Doctrine, his Highness would in process of Time perceive the Truth, and see how colorably they had delt with him. And he knew, he said, his Grace's Nature so well, that he would ne∣ver after credit and trust them. And they being both his

Friends, he bad them beware in time, and discharge their Con∣sciences in maintenance of the Truth.

But though nothing of all this could stir them, yet what he said, sufficiently confirmed the Arch-bishop to persist in his Resolution.

The Arch-bishop standing thus alone, went himself to the King,* 6.80 and so wrought with him, that his Majesty joined with him against all the rest of them; and the Book of Articles past on his side. When indeed this stifness of Canterbury was the very thing his Ene∣mies desired; thinking that for this Opposition, the King would certainly have thrown him into the Tower; and many Wagers were laid in London about it. So that this ended in two good Issues; that the Arch-bishop's Enemies were clothed with Shame and Dis∣appointment, and a very good Book, chiefly of the Arch-bishop's composing, came forth for the Instruction of the People, known by the Name of A necessary Erudition of any Christian Man. A parti∣cular Account whereof may be read in the History of the Reformation.* 6.81 This vexed Winchester to the Heart, that his Plot took no better Effect: but he put it up, till he should find other Opportunities to attack him, which after happened, as we shall see in the sequel of this Story.

But this Matter deserves to be a little more particularly treated of:* 6.82 The King had, as was said before, appointed several of the Eminent Divines of his Realm, to deliberate about sundry Points of Religion then in Controversy, and to give in their Sentences distinctly. And that in regard of the Germans, who the last Year had sent over in Writing, the Judgment of their Divines respecting some Articles of Religion; and had offered his Majesty to appoint some of their Di∣vines to meet some others of the King's, in any Place he should as∣sign; or to come over into England to confe•• together. And also in regard of a more exact review of the Institution of a Christian Man, put forth about two or three Years before, and now intended to be published again, as a more perfect Piece of Religious Instruction for the People. The King therefore, being minded thorowly to sift di∣vers Points of Religion, then started and much controverted, com∣manded a particular number of Bishops, and other his Learned Chaplains and Dignitaries, to compare the Rites and Ceremonies, and Tenets of the present Church, by the Scriptures, and by the most Ancient Writers; and to see how far the Scripture, or good Antiquity did allow of the same. And this I suppose he did by the instigation of Arch-bishop Cranmer.

The Names of the Commissioners were these;* 6.83 Cranmer ABp of Canterbury, Lee ABp of York, Boner Bishop of London, Tunstal Bishop of Durham, Barlow Bishop of S. David's, Aldrich Bishop of Carlisle, Skyp Bishop of Hereford, Hethe Bishop of Rochester, Thirleby Bishop Elect of Westminster; Doctors, Cox, Robinson, Day, Oglethorp, Redman, Edgeworth, Symonds, Tresham, Leyghton, Curwen, Crayford. Where we may wonder, not to see the Name of the Bishop of Win∣ton: But if we consider the Reason the King gave why he left him out of the Number of his Executors, viz. because (as he told seve∣ral Noble-men then about him) that Bishop was a turbulent wilful Man; and if he were joined with them, they should have no quiet

in their Consultations: The same Reason we may conclude moved the King now in these Deliberations about Religion to lay him aside. These Persons were generally learned and moderate Men, and such as we may conjecture the Arch-bishop had the Nomination of to the King. However, we may be sure, Winchester was not idle at this time.

* 6.84And first the Doctrine of the Sacraments was examined, by pro∣pounding seventeen distinct Questions drawn up, as I have reason to conclude, by the Arch-bishop, on which the Divines were to consult. But each one was to set down in Writing his Sense of every of these Questions singly and succinctly. These Questions are the same with those in the History of the Reformation.* 6.85 The Right Reverend Au∣thor hath set down there the several Answers that those Bishops and Divines, that he met with in Bishop Stillingfleet's Manuscript, made to each Question; which I shall not now repeat after him. But I find in a Cotton Book a few Pages that deserve (according to my poor Judgment) to be transcribed,* 6.86 of something which is not in that History, being the Answers of other Bishops and Divines in the same Commission. The first is Nameless; but for some Reasons I believe him to be the Bishop of Durham. Each Page consisteth of three Columes; the middle Colume contains the Questions. On one side-Colume is writ his Answer to each Question; on the other side-Colume are the King's Notes upon the Answer, wrote by his own Hand:* 6.87 I refer the Reader to the Appendix for this. There follow in the Cotton Book, Solutions of each of these Questions by another, omitted by the Bishop of Sarum in his History. He is nameless also, but appears to have been some popishly affected Bishop, but yet one that conversed much with the Arch-bishop, the Bishop of S. David's, and Dr. Cox, and was, I suppose, Thirleby Elect of Westminster: For in many places in the Margin of his Paper, are set the Names of those Men; for what purpose I do not know, unless to signify their Judgments as agreeable with his; though in these very places some∣times their Minds and his differ. This Man's Answer also was per∣used by the King, who sometimes writ his own Objections in the Margin.* 6.88 This also I have cast into the Appendix.

* 6.89In the conclusion of this famous Consultation upon these seventeen Articles concerning the Sacraments (their Resolutions being drawn up in Writing under their own hands.) The Arch-bishop having these Discourses given into his hand, for the King's Use, drew up a Summary of each Man's Judgment: Which together with his own, he caused to be written fairly out by his Secretary, and so presented to the King.* 6.90 The Bishop of Sarum hath saved me the trouble of writing them out in this Work, having presented them already to the World in his History,* 6.91 from another Manuscript than the Cotton Book which I make use of, which is a true Original. The Arch-bishop's Summary may be found among the Collections in the said History, against the word Aggrement in the Margin, and the Arch-bishop's own Judgment against his Name in the Margin. At the conclu∣sion of his Paper, which he sent to the King, he subscribed thus, most warily and modestly, with his own Hand,

T. Cantuarien. This is mine Opinion and Sentence at this pre∣sent; which nevertheless I do not temerariously define, but refer the Judgment thereof unto your Majesty.

Besides these 17 Questions,* 6.92 there are in this choice Cottonian Ma∣nuscript, divers others propounded to another Combination of Bi∣shops and Divines, perhaps about this time, or rather, I conceive, three Years before, with their Answers under their Hands thereunto, being called together in order to the composing the Book called The Institution. As, concerning Confirmation; Whether this Sacrament be a Sacrament of the New Testament, instituted by Christ, or not? What is the outward Sign, and invisible Grace, that is conferred in the same? What Promises be made, that the said Graces shall be re∣ceived by this Sacrament? The Bishop of Sarum hath printed among his Collections, the Resolutions of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London to these Queries; having taken them out of this Manuscript Volume which I use. But there be here the Opinions of many more, both Bishops and other Dignitaries of the Church: As namely the Arch-bishop of York, the Bishops of Ely, Rochester, Lin∣coln, Bangor, and Sarum. Then follows the Opinion of the Bishop of London, and next of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury. Then come the Judgments of Dr. Wotton Dean of Canterbury, Dr. Barber Arch-dea∣con of Cleveland, and Warden of All-Souls Oxon, and one of the Convocation in 1562. Dr. Bell a Civilian, employed in the King's Business against Queen Katharine, Arch-deacon of Glocester, and soon after Bishop of Worcester; Dr. Wolman Dean of Wells, Dr. Marshall Arch-deacon of Nottingham, Dr. Cliff Treasurer of the Church of York, Dr. Edmunds, the same, I suppose, that was Master of Peter-house, Cambridg; Dr. Downs Chancellor of the Church of York; Dr. Marmaduke, the same probably that was called Marmaduke VValdeby; Dr. Robinson, for Robertson, I suppose, Arch-deacon of Leicester; Dr. Smith, he probably that was Professor of Divinity in Oxon; Dr. Buckmaster, and another nameless.

And as these Learned Men treated of this Point of Confirmation, so by the various Heads and Discourses I meet with here, they all gave their Judgments of divers other chief Points of Religion; as De Fide, De Salvatione, De Matrimonio, De Poenitentia, De Sa∣cramentorum usu, and De auriculari Confessione. Where is a Letter of the King's own writing, in answer to somewhat the Bishop of Dur∣ham had writ upon that Argument. This Royal Letter the Bishop of Sarum hath printed in his History. Of Priests Marriage;* 6.93 where∣of the King wrote a short Discourse. Of Pilgrimages; Of Purga∣tory; of this there is a Discourse wrote by Latimer. And after fol∣lows another by the King. Latimer's Discourse is animadverted up∣on by the King's Pen in the Margin; De utra{que} specie. Three or four large Discourses thereupon, in favour of Receiving in one Kind: One whereof was part of the King's Answer to the German Ambas∣sadours, that were sent hither about a Treaty, in the Years 1538, and 1539. The Second is part of an Apology, by an English Di∣vine, to those German Protestants, for Communion in one Kind,

and for private Mass. And this latter probably is the Bishop of Dur∣ham's, because the Correction of the Paper, (transcribed as it seems by his Secretary) here and there is his own Hand.

So that some of these Discourses were, I make no doubt, drawn up by the Divines for the King's Use, in order to his Answer to the Writing, which the German Agents the last Year had composed, before their Voyage home. But these Papers, some English and some Latin, are so large, that they would too much swell this Vo∣lume, and intangle the Thred of the Discourse, if I should here in∣sert them: And therefore I must omit them, and proceed to other matters.

* 6.94In this thirty second Year of the King, by a seasonable Law, a stop was put to an Evil that now mightily prevailed: Namely, the frequency of Divorces. For it was ordinary to annul Marriages, and divide Man and Wife from each other, who it may be had lived long together, and had Children in Wedlock: When upon any disgust of Man or Wife, they would withdraw from one another; and so in effect make their Children Bastards, upon pretence of some Pre-contract or Affinity: Which by the Pope's Law required a Divorce. The King himself took particular care of this Act, and there were two rough Draughts of it, which I have seen in the Cotton Library: both which he himself revised diligently, and cor∣rected with his own Pen. These Divorces the Arch-bishop highly disliked; and might probably have laid before the King the great Inconveniences, as well as Scandal, thereof. It troubled him to see how common these Divorces were grown in Germany, and After-Marriages, and Bigamy. There is a Letter of his to Osiander, the German Divine, concerning Matrimony: In what Year written ap∣peareth not; unless perhaps in this Year, or the following, now that the King was employing his Thoughts about redress of this Business.* 6.95 The sum of the Letter, is to desire Osiander to supply him with an Answer to some things, that seemed to reflect a Fault upon those in Germany that professed the Gospel; and that was, that they al∣lowed such as were divorsed to marry again, both Parties divorsed being alive: and that they suffered, without any Divorce, a Man to have more Wives than one. And Osiander had acknowledged as much expressly to Cranmer, in a Letter, seeming to complain of it, and added, that Philip Melancthon himself was present at one of these Marriages of a second Wife, the first being alive.

Indeed if any thing were done among those Protestants, that seemed not just and fair, to be sure Cranmer should presently be twitted in the Teeth for it. And then he was fain to make the best Answers he could, either out of their Books, or out of his own In∣vention. And he was always asked about the Affairs in those Parts. And sometimes he was forced to confess some things, and be ready to blush at them, (such a concern had he for Germany) as concerning their Allowance of Usury, and of Concubines to their Noble-men: as he wrote to the said German. But I will not longer detain the Reader from perusing the excellent Learned Letter of the Arch-bishop,* 6.96 which he may find in the Appendix, concerning this Subject.

CHAP. XXI. The largest Bible printed.

THE largest English Bible coming forth in Print this Year,* 7.1 wherein our Arch-bishop out of his Zeal to God's Glory had so great an influence, I shall here take occasion to give some account of the Translation of, as well as I can, there having been no exact Story thereof any where given, as I know of.

The first time the Holy Scripture was printed in English,* 7.2 (for written Copies thereof, of Wickliffs Translation, there were long be∣fore, and many) was about the Year 1526. And that was only the New Testament translated by Tindal, assisted by Ioy and Constantine, and printed in some Foreign Parts, I suppose at Hamburgh or Antwerp. For in this Year I find, that Cardinal Wolsey and the Bishops con∣sulted together for the prohibiting the New Testament of Tindal's Translation to be read. And Tonstal Bishop of London▪ issued out his Commission to his Arch-deacons for calling in the New Testa∣ment.* 7.3 This Year also Tonstal and Sir Thomas More bought up al∣most the whole Impression, and burnt them at Paul's Cross. I think it was this first Edition, that Garret, alias Garrerd, Curate of Hony-Lane, afterwards burnt for Heresy, dispersed in London and Oxford.

Soon after Tindal revised his Translation of the New Testament,* 7.4 and corrected it, and caused it again to be printed about the Year 1530.* 7.5 The Books finished were privily sent over to Tindal's Bro∣ther, Iohn Tindal, and Thomas Patmore Merchants, and another young Man; who received them and dispersed them. For which having been taken up by the Bishop of London, they were adjudged in the Star-Chamber, Sir Thomas More being then Lord Chancellor, to ride with their Faces to the Horse Tail, having Papers on their Heads, and the New Testaments and other Books (which they dispersed) to be fastened thick about them, pinned or tacked to their Gowns or Clokes, and at the Standard in Cheap themselves to throw them into a Fire made for that purpose:* 7.6 and then to be fined at the King's Pleasure. Which Penance they observed. The Fine set up∣on them was heavy enough, viz. eighteen thousand eight hundred and forty Pounds and ten Pence: as was extant to be seen in the Records of the Star-Chamber.

Anno 1531. The Bishops came into the Star-Chamber,* 7.7 and com∣muning with the King's Counsel, and alledging that this Testament was not truly translated, and that in it were Prologues and Prefaces of Heresy and Raillery against Bishops; upon this Complaint the Testament, and other such like Books were prohibited. But the King gave Commandment to the Bishops at the same time, that they calling to them the best Learned out of the Universities, should cause a New Translation to be made; so that the People might not be ignorant in the Law of God. But the Bishops did nothing in obedience to this Commandment.

The same Year, viz. 1531. in the Month of May,* 7.8 Stokesly Bishop of London, (as Tonstal, his Predecessor, had done four or five Years

before) caused all the New Testaments of Tindal, and many other Books which he had bought up, to be brought to Paul's Church∣yard▪* 7.9 and there openly burnt.

* 7.10In the Year 1537. The Bible, containing the Old and New Testa∣ments, called Matthews Bible, of Tindal's and Roger's Translation, was printed by Grafton and Whitchurch at Hamburgh, to the number of fifteen hundred Copies. Which Book obtained then so much Favour of the King, by Crumwel's and Canterbury's Means, that the King enjoined it to be had by all Curates, and set up in all Parish-Churches throughout the Realm.* 7.11 It was done by one Iohn Rogers, who flou∣rished a great while in Germany, and was Superintendent of a Church there; being afterwards a Prebend of S. Paul's, and the first Martyr in Queen Mary's Days. He is said, by my Author, to have translated the Bible into English from Genesis to the end of the Revelations, making use of the Hebrew, Greek, Latin, German, and English [that is Tyndal's] Copies. He added Prefaces, and Notes out of Luther: and dedicated the whole Book to King Henry, under the Name of Thomas Matthews,* 7.12 by an Epistle prefixed; mind∣ing to conceal his own Name. Graston, and the rest of the Mer∣chants concerned in the Work, thinking that they had not Stock enough to supply all the Nation, and this Book being of a Volume not large enough, and considering the Prologues and Marginal Notes gave offence to some, and being put on by those that favoured the Gospel, that as many as possible could be, might be printed, for the dispersing the Knowledg of Christ and his Truth; they resolved to imprint it again, which they intended should be of a larger Volum•• than any before: and therefore it was called, when it came forth, The Bible in the largest Volume. They intended also, in order to this Edition, to have the former Translation revised, and to omit several Prologues and Annotations. And Miles Coverdale was the Man now, that compared the Translation with the Hebrew, and mended it in divers places, and was the chief Overseer of the Work. But though they left out Matthews's, that is Roger's Notes, yet they resolved to make Hands and Marks on the sides of the Book: which meant, that they would have particular notice to be taken of those Places, being such Texts as did more especially strike at the Errors and Abuses of the Romish Church.

* 7.13Grafton resolved to print this Bible in Paris, if he could obtain leave, there being better Paper and cheaper to be had in France, and more dextrous Workmen. For this purpose the Lord Crumwel, who stood by him in this Enterprize, procured Letters of the King, as Fox relates, to Francis the French King, which were conveyed to Boner then Ambassador at that Court, for him to present them to that King. The Contents of which Letters of King Henry were to this effect,

For a Subject of his to imprint the Bible in English in his Dominion, both in regard of his Paper and Workmen.

The King at the same time wrote to his said Ambassador to aid and assist the Undertakers of this good Work in all their reasonable Suits. Boner did not only present this Letter to Francis, and obtained with good Words the Licence desired, but he shewed great Friendship to the Merchants and Printers, and so encouraged them, that the Work

went on with good Speed and Success. And to shew, how well af∣fected he was now to the Holy Bible, he caused the English there in Paris to print the New Testament in English and Latin,* 7.14 and took off a great many of them himself, and distributed them to his Friends. But the Principle, that moved Boner in all this, was, that he might the better curry Favour with Crumwel, and recommend himself to him, who being the great Favourite now with the King, was the fittest Instrument for his Rise. The Letters Patents that Boner procured of the French King for the printing this Bible, may be seen in the Appendix.* 7.15 Wherein indeed I do not find any speci∣fication of King Henry's Letters to Francis, but only mention made that he had sufficient Testimony, that the said Henry had allowed them to print the Bible as well in Latin as English, and being finished, to bring the Impression safely over.

But notwithstanding this Royal Licence,* 7.16 such was the oversway∣ing Authority of the Inquisition in Paris, that the Printers were had up into the said Inquisition. For in the Year 1538, there was an Instrument dated December the 17th, coming from Henry Garvais, S. Th. D. Prior of the Convent of the Friars-Preachers, Paris, and Vicar-General of the Venerable Father, Friar Matthew Ory, of the same Order, and D. D. Inquisitor-General of Heretical Pravity in the whole Kingdom of France, by Apostolical and Regal Authority especi∣ally Deputed: Setting forth,* 7.17

That since from the Translation of the Sacred Scriptures, as well of the Old Testament as New, into the Mother-Tongue, which cometh to the Hands of the simple, it is found in these last Days, that some have taken occasion of Error in the Faith; and that it is provided by Edicts of the Supream Court of Parliament, that none should print the Old and New Testament in his Mother-Tongue, or sell it being printed; and that it was known to him, that one Francis Regnault, a Book∣seller of the City of Paris in those Days, did print the Bible in the Vulgar Britannick, or English Language; by reason of which, Scandals and Errors might arise in the Church: Therefore he gave out his Order to all Priests, Vicars, Curates, &c. to cite the said F. Reginault, and all other that it might concern, to answer, &c. And to inhibit them under Canonical Pains, to imprint the said Bible, nor to make away, or conceal, from him or his Posses∣sion, the Sheets that are already printed, unless they were seen by him, and otherwise appointed. Dated at Paris, under the Seal used in such cases, and the Sign Manual of the Notary Publick, or sworn Scribe of the said Holy Inquisition.

Le Tellier.

But before this happened,* 7.18 they were gone through even to the last part of the Work. And then great Troubles arose: The Printer was sent for by the Inquisitors, and charged with certain Articles of Heresy: And the English-men likewise that were at the Cost and Charges hereof, and the Corrector Coverdale. Therefore finding it not safe to tarry any longer, they fled away as fast as they could, leaving behind them all their Bibles, the Impression consisting of five and twenty hundred in Number; which were seized. And if

you would know what was done with them, the Lieutenant-Crimi∣nal caused them to be burnt in M••••bert-place, as heretical Books. Only a few escaped,* 7.19 the Lieutenant selling them for Waste-paper to a Haberdasher, being about four dry-Fats full. But however not long after, the English that were concerned in this Work, by the Encouragement of Crumwel, went back to Paris again, and got the Presses, Letters, and Printing-Servants, and brought them over to London. And so became Printers themselves, which before they ne∣ver intended. And so at length in this Year 1540, they successfully printed off the Bible of the largest Volume: and after that there were sundry other Impressions also.

* 7.20To this Impression of the Bible, that came forth in these trouble∣some Times, and through extraordinary Opposition, the King gave Countenance, commanding the buying and setting it up. For as it had been printed about three Years before; and Crumwel, the King's Vicar-General, in his Injunctions in the King's Name, had ordered all Incumbents of Livings to provide one, and to set it up publickly in their Churches: So this Year the King, by his Proclamation in the Month of May, did again command, that this Bible of the lar∣gest Volume should be provided by the Curates and Parishioners of every Parish, and set up in their Churches. For as yet, notwith∣standing the first Injunctions, many Parishes in the Realm were de∣stitute of them: Whether it were by reason of the unwillingness of the Priests to have the English Bible, or the People to be any ways acquainted with it, for fear it should make them Hereticks, as their Curats told them. He stinted also the Time, namely, that it should be every where provided before All-Saints Day next coming, and that upon a Penalty of forty Shillings a Month, after the said Feast, that they should be without it. The said Proclamation also set the Price, at ten Shillings a Book unbound; and well Bound and Clas∣ped, not above twelve Shillings. And charged all Ordinaries to take care for the seeing this Command of the King the better exe∣cuted.

* 7.21And upon this, Boner, being now newly Bishop of London, set up six Bibles in certain convenient Places of S. Paul's Church; together with an Admonition to the Readers, fastned upon the Pillars to which the Bibles were chained, to this Tenor;

That whosoever came there to read, should prepare himself to be edified and made the better thereby. That he should join thereunto his readiness to obey the King's Injunctions made in that behalf. That he bring with him Discretion, honest Intent, Charity, Reverence, and quiet Behaviour. That there should no such Number meet together there, as to make a Multitude. That no Exposition be made thereupon, but what is declared in the Book it self. That it be not read with Noise in time of Divine Service: Or that any Dis∣putation or Contention be used at it.

* 7.22But it was not much above two Years after, that the Popish Bishops obtained of the King the suppression of the Bible again. For after they had taken off the Lord Crumwel, they made great complaint to the King (their old Complaint) of the Translation, and of the Prefaces: Whereas indeed and in truth, it was the Text it self, ra∣ther

than the Prefaces or Translation that disturbed them. Where∣upon it was forbid again to be sold, the Bishops promising the King to amend and correct it, but never performed it. And Grafton was now, so long after, summoned and charged with printing Matthews's Bible. Which he, being timerous, made Excuses for. Then he was examined about the great Bible, and what the Notes were he int••nded to set thereto. He replied, that he added none to his Bible, when he perceived the King and the Clergy not willing to have any. Yet Grafton was sent to the Fleet, and there remained six Weeks; and before he came out, was bound in three hundred Pounds, that he should neither sell nor imprint any more Bibles, till the King and the Clergy should agree upon a Translation. And they procured an Or∣der from the King, that the fals•• Translation of Tindal, as they cal∣led it, should not be uttered, either by Printer or Bookseller; and no other Books to be retained, that spoke against the Sacrament of the Altar: No Annotations or Preambles to be in Bibles or New Te∣staments in English, (that so they might keep Scripture still as ob∣scure as they could): Nor the Bible to be read in the Church, and nothing to be taught contrary to the King's Instructions. And from henceforth the Bible was stopp'd during the remainder of King Hen∣ry's Reign.

But however for some certain Ends,* 7.23 the King restrained now and then the use of the Scriptures, to comply with the importunate Suits of the Popish Bishops; yet his Judgment always was for the free use of them among his Subjects, and (in order to) that for the translating and printing them. For proof of which, I will recite the words of the Translator of Erasmus's Paraphrase upon S. Luke, in his Preface thereunto; viz. Nic. Vdal, a Man of Eminency in those Days, a Canon of Windsor, and a Servant unto Q. Katharine▪ the King's last Wife;

His most Excellent Majesty, from the first day that he wore the Imperial Crown of this Realm, foresaw that to the execu∣ting the Premisses, [viz. to destroy counterfeit Religions, and to root up all Idolatry done to dead Images] it was necessary, that his People should be reduced to the sincerity of Christ's Religion by knowing of God's Word. He considered, that requisite it was his Subjects were nur••led in Christ by reading the Scriptures, whose Knowledg should easily induce them to the clear espying of all the Slights of the Romish Juggling. And therefore as soon as might be, his Highness, by most wholsome and godly Laws, pro∣vided that it might be lawful for all his most faithful loving Sub∣jects to read the Word of God, and the Rules of Christ's Disci∣pline, which they professed. He provided, that the Holy Bible should be set forth in our own Vulgar Language, to the end that England might the better attain to the Sincerity of Christ's Do∣ctrine, which they might draw out of the clear Fountain and Spring of the Gospel.

CHAP. XXII. The Arch-bishop retired.

* 8.1OUR Arch-bishop, after the unhappy Death of the Lord Crum∣wel, so excellent an Instrument in correcting the Abuses of Re∣ligion, out of sorrow and care of himself, betook himself to more Retirement, and greater Privacy. For in and after this Year 1540, I find nothing in his Register, but the Acts of Confirmations, and Elections, and Consecrations of Bishops, as Bishopricks fell vacant: the Arch-bishop very seldom Consecrating any himself, but com∣missionating others by his Letters to Confirm and Consecrate. And nothing to be found a great way on in the Register concern∣ing giving Ordinances and Injunctions to the Diocess or Province. And no wonder, for there was now no Vicegerent in Ecclesiasticals, to be ready to hearken to the Arch-bishop's Directions and Counsels for reforming Abuses, and to see them executed in the Church. And his own Sorrows, and the Troubles he met with in these Times from his Enemies, made him judg it convenient for him now more warily to conceal himself till better Days.

* 8.2But before the Death of Crumwel, when Boner, Bishop Elect of London, was to be consecrated, the Arch-bishop probably not liking him, and seeing through him, whatever his Pretences were; and therefore declining to have any hand in his Preferment; sent his Commission in April to Stephen Bishop of Winchester, Richard Bishop of Chichester, Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and Iohn Bishop of Hertford, [i. e. Hereford] to consecrate him. Which it is said in the Regi∣ster they did accordingly, per Sacri chrismatis unctionem, & manuum suarum impositionem. In this Consecration, the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury insisted, it seems, upon an ancient Privilege of their Church, which I do not find in this Register they had at other Con∣secrations done; namely, that the Consecration should be celebrated at the Church of Canterbury, and at no other Church or Oratory, without their Allowance. And so in a formal Instrument, they gave their Licence and Consent, directed to the Arch-bishop, to proceed to the Consecration elsewhere.* 8.3 The Letter is from Thomas the Prior, and the Chapter of Canterbury; and it ran thus.

Licet antiquitus fuerit salubriter ordinatum, hactenus{que} in & per totam vestram Provinciam Cantuar' inconcussè observatum, quod quili∣bet Suffragan••us Ecclesiae vestrae Metropoliticae Christi Cantuar' memo∣ratae in Ecclesia vestra Metropolit' Cantuar' & non alibi, pntialiter consecrari & benedici debeat, &c.

Yet they gave their Consent, that he might be Consecrated in any other Oratory: But yet so, that neither they, nor the Church, received any Prejudice, and re∣serving to themselves a decent Cope, as every Suffragan of the Church of Canterbury, according as his Profession was, ought to give to the same Church by Right and ancient Custom; and the Rights, Liberties, Privileges, and other Customs of the said Church always, and in all things, being safe.

The renewing of this their old pretended Privilege look'd like some check to the Arch-bishop,

and as though they required of him a sort of dependence on them now more than before; and it shewed some secret Ill-will to∣wards him, which brake out more openly not long after, as we shall shew in the Process of our Story.

In the Register is also recorded Boner's Oath of Fidelity to the King against the Bishop of Rome: Which I will add here,* 8.4 that Men may see with what little Affection to the Pope this Man was let into the Bishoprick, which he afterwards made so much use of for him and his Usurpations; though thereby he stands upon Record for ever for Perjury. But the Oath was this:

Ye shall never consent nor agree, that the Bishop of Rome shall practise, exercise, or have any manner of Authority, Jurisdicti∣on or Power, within this Realm, or any other the King's Domi∣nions, but that ye shall resist the same at all times to the uttermost of your Power: And that from henceforth ye shall accept, repute, and take the King's Majesty to be the only Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England, &c. So help you God, and all Saints, and the Holy Evangelists.

Signed thus, ✚ In fidem praemissorum Ego Edm. Boner Elect. & Confirmat. Londoniens. huic praesenti chart a subscripsi.

By the Arch-bishop's Letters,* 8.5 bearing date May 20. he made Ro∣bert Harvey B. LL. his Commissary in Calais, and in all the other Neighbouring Places in France, being his Diocess. A Man surely wherein the good Arch-bishop was mistaken, or else he would never have ventured to set such a Substitute, of such bigotted cruel Princi∣ples, in that place. This Harvey condemned a poor labouring Man of Calais, who said,* 8.6 he would never believe that any Priest could make the Lord's Body at his pleasure. Whereupon he was accused before the Commissary, who roundly condemned him to be burnt, inveighing against him, and saying, He was an Heretick, and should die a vile Death. The poor Man said, He should die a viler shortly. And so it came to pass; for half a Year after, he was hang'd, drawn and quartered for Treason.

He seemed to have succeded in the room of a Man of better Prin∣ciples,* 8.7 called Sir Iohn Butler: Who was deprived of his Commissa∣riship by some Bishops, Commissioners from the King for the exa∣mining several Persons suspect of Religion in Calais. The Council there had, about the Year 1539, complained of him as a maintainer of Damplip, a learned and pious Preacher there. So he was sent for into England, and charged to favour Damplip, because he preached so long there, and was not restrained nor punish'd by him: He an∣swered warily and prudently, that the Lord Lisle, Lord Deputy, and his Council, entertained and friendly used him, and countenanced him by hearing him preach; so that he could not do otherwise than he did. After long attendance upon the King's Commissioners, he was discharged, and returned home, but discharged also of his Com∣missary's place too.

And having been an Officer of the Arch-bishop's, I will add a word or two more concerning him. About the Year 1536, he was apprehended in Calais, and bound by Sureties not to pass the Gates of that Town,* 8.8 upon the Accusation of two Souldiers, that he should have said in contempt of the Corporal Presence, That if the Sacra∣ment of the Altar be Flesh, Blood and Bone, then there is good Aqua vitae at John Spicer's: Where probably was very bad. This Butler, and one Smith, were soon after brought by Pursevants into England; and there brought before the Privy-Council in the Star-Chamber, for Sedition and Heresy, (which were Charges ordinarily laid against the Professors of the Gospel in those Times) and thence sent to the Fleet: and brought soon after to Bath-place, there sitting Clark Bishop of Bath, Sampson Bishop of Chichester, and Reps Bishop of Norwich, the King's Commissioners.

And no wonder he met with these Troubles: For he had raised up the hatred of the Friars of Calais against him,* 8.9 by being a Discove∣rer and Destroyer of one of their gross Religious Cheats. There had been great talk of a Miracle in S. Nicolas Church, for the con∣viction of Men, that the Wafer after Consecration was indeed tur∣ned into the Body, Flesh and Bones of Christ. For in a Tomb in that Church, representing the Sepulchre, there were lying upon a Marble Stone three Hosts sprinkled with Blood, and a Bone repre∣senting some Miracle. This Miracle was in writing, with a Pope's Bull of Pardon annexed, to those, I suppose, that should visit that Church. There was also a Picture of the Resurrection, bearing some relation to this Miracle. This Picture and Story Damplip freely spake against in one of his Sermons, saying, that it was but an Illusion of the French before Calais was English. Upon this Sermon, (the King also having ordered the taking away all superstitious Shrines) there came a Commission to the Lord Deputy of Calais, to this Sir Iohn Butler, the Arch-bishop's Commissary, and one or two more, that they should search, whether this were true; and if they found it not so, that immediately the Shrine should be plucked down; and so it was. For breaking up a Stone in the corner of the Tomb, instead of the three Hosts, the Blood and the Bone, they found souldered in the Cross of Marble lying under the Sepulchre, three plain white Counters, which they had painted like unto Hosts, and a Bone, that is in the tip of a Sheep's Tail. This Damplip shewed the next Day, being Sunday, unto the People; and after that, they were sent to the King by the Lord Deputy. But this so angred the Friars and their Creatures, that it cost Damplip his Life, and Commissary Butler much trouble, and the loss of his Office.

After Harvey, Hugh Glazier B. D. and Canon of Christ's-Church, Canterbury,* 8.10 succeeded in the Office of Commissary to the Arch-bishop fo•• Calais. He was once a Friar, but afterwards favoured the Refor∣mation. He was put up to preach at Paul's Cross the first Lent af∣ter King Edward came to the Crown: and then asserted the observa∣tion of Lent to be but of human Institution.* 8.11

This Year the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was altered from Monks to Secular Men of the Clergy, viz. Prebendaries, or Canons, Petticanons, Choristers and Scholars. At this Erection were present

Thomas Cranmer Arch-bishop, the Lord Rich Chancellor of the Court of the Augmentation of the Revenues of the Crown; Sir Christopher Hales Knight, the King's Attorney, Sir Anthony Sentleger Knight, with divers other Commissioners.* 8.12 And nominating and electing such convenient and fit Persons, as should serve for the Furniture of the said Cathedral Church according to the new Foundation, it came to pass, that when they should elect the Children of the Grammar-School, there were of the Commissioners more than one or two, who would have none admitted, but Sons, or younger Brethren, of Gen∣tlemen. As for other Husband-mens Children, they were more meet they said for the Plough, and to be Artificers, than to occupy the place of the Learned sort. So that they wished none else to be put to School, but only Gentlemens Children. Whereunto the most Reverend Father the Arch-bishop, being of a contrary Mind, said,

That he thought it not indifferent so to order the matter. For, said he, poor Mens Children are many times endued with more singular Gifts of Nature, which are also the Gifts of God, as with Eloquence, Memory, apt Pronunciation, Sobriety, and such like; and also commonly more apt to apply their Study, than is the Gentleman's Son delicately Educated. Hereunto it was on the other part replied, That it was meet for the Ploughman's Son to go to Plough, and the Artificer's Son to apply the Trade of his Parents Vocation; and the Gentleman's Children are meet to have the knowledg of Government and Rule in the Common-Wealth. For we have, said they, as much need of Ploughmen, as any other State. And all sorts of Men may not go to School. I grant, replied the Arch-bishop, much of your meaning herein, as needful in a Common-wealth: But yet utterly to exclude the Ploughman's Son, and the Poor Man's Son from the benefit of Learning, as though they were unworthy to have the Gifts of the Holy Ghost bestowed upon them, as well as upon others, is as much to say, as that Almighty God should not be at liberty to be∣stow his great Gifts of Grace upon any Person, nor no where else, but as we and other Men shall appoint them to be employed, ac∣cording to our Fancy, and not according to his most godly Will and Pleasure: Who giveth his Gifts both of Learning, and other Perfections in all Sciences, unto all Kinds and States of People in∣differently. Even so doth he many times withdraw from them and their Posterity again those beneficial Gifts, if they be not thankful. If we should shut up into a strait Corner the bountiful Grace of the Holy Ghost, and thereupon attempt to build our Fancies, we should make as perfect a Work thereof, as those that took upon them to build the Tower of Babel. For God would so provide, that the Off-spring of our best-born Children should peradventure become most unapt to learn, and very Dolts, as I my self have seen no small number of them very dull, and without all manner of Capacity. And to say the truth, I take it, that none of us all here being Gentlemen born (as I think) but had our beginning that way, from a low and base Parentage. And through the be∣nefit of Learning, and other Civil Knowledg, for the most part all Gentlemen ascend to their Estate. Then it was again answered,

That the most part of the Nobility came up by Feats of Arms, and Martial Acts. As though, said the Arch-bishop, that the noble Captain was always unfurnished of good Learning and Knowledg to perswade and disswade his Army Rhetorically. Who rather that way is brought unto Authority, than else his manly Looks. To conclude, the poor Man's Son, by pains∣taking, will for the most part be learned, when the Gentleman's Son will not take the pains to get it. And we are taught by the Scriptures, that Almighty God raiseth up from the Dunghil, and setteth him in high Authority. And whensoever it pleaseth him of his Divine Providence, he deposeth Princes unto a right humble and poor Estate. Wherefore if the Gentleman's Son be apt to Learning, let him be admitted; if not apt, let the poor Man's Child that is apt enter his Room.

With words to the like effect. Such a seasonable Patron of poor Men was the Arch-bishop.

Bishops consecrated.

April the 4th, Edmond Boner LL. D. Bishop of Hereford, conse∣crated Bishop of London,* 8.13 and Nicolas Hethe, consecrated Bishop of Rochester, in a Chappel in S. Paul's, on the North side of the Nave, by Stephen Bishop of Winton,* 8.14 assisted by Richard Bishop of Chichester, Robert Bishop of S. Asaph, and Iohn Bishop of Hereford; by virtue of Commissional Letters from the Arch-bishop.

* 8.15December the 29th, Thomas Thirlby, consecrated the first Bishop of Westminster in S. Saviours Chappel, near the Sepulchre of Henry VIII. in the Church of Westminster, by the Bishop of London; assisted by Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, and Iohn Suffragan of Bedford, by Let∣ters Commissional from the Arch-bishop.

* 8.16Dr. Butts, the King's Physician, first moved him to take Dr. Thirl∣by into his Service; for that the said Thirleby was accounted a favourer of all such as favoured sincere Religion. The Arch-bishop soon became acquainted with him, and liked his Learning, and his Qualities so well, that he became his good Lord towards the King's Majesty, and commended him to him, to be a Man worthy to serve a Prince, for such singular Qualities as were in him. And indeed the King soon employed him in Embassies in France and elsewhere: So that he grew in the King's Favour by the means of the Arch-bishop; who had a very extraordinary Love for him, and thought nothing too much to give him, or to do for him. And we may conclude it was by his means, that after the dissolution of the Bishoprick of Westminster, he was preferred to Norwich, in the Year 1550. He complied with King Edward's Proceedings all his Reign; and so he did with Queen Mary's during hers, being then translated to Ely. And was then made use of to be one of the Bishops, (Boner being the other) that were sent to Oxon, to degrade the Arch-bishop, which he did with Tears. If this Bishop did not, to his uttermost endeavour, practise to save the Arch-bishop's Life,* 8.17 he not only did him much wrong, but also abused his singular Benevolence with over-much Ingratitude. I use the words of Morice the Arch-bishop's Secretary, as though he suspected he did not.

CHAP. XXIII.* 8.18 All-Souls College visited.

THE following Year, the College of All-Souls, Oxon,* 8.19 under∣went the Arch-bishop's Visitation, by virtue of a Commission, May 12. to Iohn Cocks, the Arch-bishop's Vicar-general in Spirituals, Iohn Rokesby LL. D of the Arches, Walter Wright LL. D. Publick Notary, and Iohn Warner M. D. Warden of the College. This Vi∣sitation was occasioned upon a Complaint of the very ill and loose Behaviour of the Members of that House.* 8.20 The College grew scan∣dalous for their Factions, Dissentions, and Combinations one against another; for their Compotations, Ingurgitations, Surfeitings, Drun∣kennesses, enormous and excessive Comessations. They kept Boys in the College, under pretence of poor Scholars. They entred not into Orders, and became not Priests after they were Masters of Art: Nor observed their Times of Disputations. Their Habit and Appa∣rel was gaudy. And other things there were among them contrary to the Statutes of the College. This Visitation was prorogued, and all the Visitors were reduced to one, viz. Dr. VVright. And in concusion, the Arch-bishop gave them a Set of Injunctions, Decla∣rations and Interpretations of their Statutes, to the number of Four and twenty. One was for the better frequenting Chappel, and singing the Service. Another for the Residence of the Warden, not to be absent above sixty Days in a Year. The rest were, to observe, at the Dean's Command, the solemn Times of Disputation. That such Bachelors of Arts that were Fellows, should take their Degrees of Masters of Arts, when they were standing for it. That several of them, being Masters of Arts, should take Priests Orders. That the Master and the rest, Fellows and Scholars, should wear long Gowns to their Heels, plain Shirts, and not gathered about the Neck and Arms, and adorned with Silk; and the rest should wear decent Garments. Concerning keeping Boys, beside such as were Servants; that if any of the Fellows, Scholars, or Servants of the College, shall keep any poor Scholars, Boy, or Youth, to lodg with him in his Chamber, or within the College, to nourish him with the Fragments of the College, after such a Day, that he be then admo∣nished by the Warden, or Sub-warden, &c. and such Boys to be ex∣pelled the College.

But it seems this Visitation did not effect the good Ends intended by it:* 8.21 For not long after another Commission for the Visitation of this College, was given by the Arch-bishop to Iohn Barbar LL. D. Official of his Court of Canterbury.

In the Month of October,* 8.22 there issued out the King's Letters to our Arch-bishop for taking away superstitious Shrines. Which I sup∣pose the Arch-bishop himself procured, having complained to the King, how little effect former Orders from his Majesty had taken, (and particularly in his own Church) for the Images and Bones of supposed Saints; with all the Monuments of their pretended Mira∣cles, to be taken away and defaced: and how his Injunctions were

illuded, which commanded, that there should be no Offerings nor setting up Candles to them in any Church, and specially in the Ca∣thedral Church of Canterbury; which once before had been scoured of these Superstitions, when Thomas a Becket's Tomb, and the the Riches thereof were taken away. The King in this Letter com∣manded him to cause due search to be made in his Cathedral Church for Shrines, and coverings of Shrines, &••. and to take them away, that there remain no memory thereof; and to command all the Cu∣rats and Incumbents of Livings to do the like.

The King's Letters were as follow.

By the KING.

* 9.1MOST Reverend Father in God, right Trusty, and right in∣tirely Well-beloved, We greet you well: Letting you wit, that whereas heretofore, upon the Zeal and Remembrance which we had to our bounden Duty towards Almighty God, perceiving sundry Superstitions and Abuses to be used and embraced by our People,* 9.2 whereby they grievously offended Him and his Word; We did not only cause the Images and Bones of such as they re∣sorted and offered unto, with the Ornaments of the same; and all such Writings and Monuments of fained Miracles, wherewith they were illuded, to be taken away in all places of our Realm; but also by our Injunctions commanded, that no Offering, or setting of Lights or Candles, should be suffered in any Church, but only to the Blessed Sacramen•• of the Altar: It is lately come to our knowledg, that this our good Intent and Purpose notwithstanding, the Shrines, Coverings of Shrines, and Monuments of those things, do yet remain in sundry places of our Realm, much to the slander of our Doings, and to the great Displeasure of Almighty God, the same being means to allure our Subjects to their former Hypo∣crisies and Superstition; and also that our Injunctions be not kept, as appertaineth. Fro [for] the due and speedy reformation where∣of, we have thought meet by these our Letters, expresly to Will and Command you, that incontinently upon the Receipt hereof, you shall not only cause due search to be made in your Cathedral Church for those things; and if any Shrine, Covering of Shrine, Table, Monument of Miracles, or other Pilgrimage, do there con∣tinue, to cause it to be taken away, so as there remain no memo∣ry of it: But also that you shall take order with all the Curats, and others, having Charge within your Diocess, to do the Sembla∣ble. And to see that Our Injunctions be duly kept, as ap∣pertaineth, without failing, as we trust you, and as you woll answer to the contrary. Yeven [under] our Signet, at our Town of Hull, the iiii day of October, in the xxxiiii Year of our Reign.

This was dated from Hull, for the King was now in his Progress towards Scotland, to meet the Scots King according to appointment; though he met him not.

Whereupon the Arch-bishop, by his Letter dated from Lambeth, Oct. 15. to Richard Lyel LL. D. Dean of the Deaneries of Shoreham,

Croyden, Bocking, Risburgh, Terring and Pageham, enjoined him to take care to execute the King's Will: To cite before him with all speed, all and singular the Ministers of the Collegiate Churches;* 9.3 and Rectors, Vicars and Priests of the Parish-Churches within the Deaneries aforesaid; and then to declare to them the Contents of the King's Letters, and to command them to observe exactly the King's Injunctions. The like Letters he also sent to Edmond Cran∣mer Arch-deacon of Canterbury. An Answer to which the said Edmond wrote to the Arch-bishop, dated Oct. 29. signifying his do∣ing according to the Arch-bishop's Commandment. The like were written to Hugh Glazier, the Arch-bishop's Commissary General in the Town of Calais, and the Marches of the same. Who sent his Answer to the Arch-bishop, Nov. 24. from the Town of Calais.

I am apt to think that these Letters of the King were Circulary, and sent with the same Command to all the Bishops to see executed in their several Diocesses; though the Effect of them was, according as the Bishops themselves stood affected.

This Year an exchange was made by the Abp of the Mannor of Bi∣shopsb••rn for Bekesburn,* 9.4 with Sir Iohn Gage, Comptroller of the King's Houshold. Bekesburn, anciently called Livingsb••rn, was healthfully and conveniently seated, lying an easy distance from Canterbury, whensoever the Arch-bishops were minded to be retired. This place ABp Parker took a great delight in, and intended greatly to enlarge by Buildings; but died before he began his Purpose. ABp Cranmer made considerable Buildings here, and probably would have done more, had he continued in his Prelacy. In the Year 1552, he finish∣ed the Gate-house now standing; as appears from the North and South sides thereof, wherein are two Stones set in the Brick-work, with the Letters of his Name T. C. and Coat of Arms, and Motto, Nosce Teipsum, & Deum; together with the Date, 1552. This Man∣nor now returned to the Church again; from whence it had been for some time severed; only the Owners changed. For whereas, before the Dissolution of the Monasteries, it belonged to the Priors of Christ-Church, Canterbury; now it came to the Arch-bishops. This Man∣nor was not given to Christ-Church till after the Year 1400. Thomas Goldstone, a Prior of that Church, and a great Builder, built the Mannor-house for a Mansion for the Priors, and a Chappel annexed, and a new Hall adjoining to the Dormitory, and divers other Edifices there;* 9.5 as we learn from the History of the Priors of Canterbury late∣ly published. To which we may add a Record in that Church, to direct us in the Computation of the Time: Viz. Anno Dom. 1508. In vigiliis S. Marci Capella dedicatur in Manerio de Lyvyngsborn,* 9.6 procu∣rante Thoma Goldston. At the Dissolution this was alienated and gi∣ven to Gage; and from him it came to Arch-bishop Cranmer and his Successors. And the Bargain was confirmed by Act of Parliament, Anno Henr. 34.

The Arch-bishop,* 9.7 as he had opportunity, preferred Learned and Pious Men in his Diocess, in the Benefices of his Church; and such who freely preached against the Pope, and his Superstitions, against Images, and the Worship of them. The chief of these were Nic. Ridley (afterwards Bishop of London) whom he made Vicar of

Herne, and Prebend of Canterbury; and Iohn Scory (afterwards Bishop of Chichester) whom he made one of the six Preachers; Michael Drum, and Lancelot Ridley, worthy Men, were two more of the Six. These he preferred, and divers others about through his Diocess, that set the Abuses of Popery open before the Peoples Eyes in their Sermons. This so angred the Men of the old Religion, and parti∣cularly some of his own Church in Canterbury, that they detected them to the Arch-bishop, by articling against them for their Doctrine. This they did this Year, when the Arch-bishop visited his Church. And about two Years after they did so again, as shall be taken notice of in due Season.

* 9.8About this time it was, that Serles and Shether, two of the Six Preachers of Canterbury, were by the Arch-bishop's Censure put to Recantation for some unsound Passages they had preached. Which made them such Enemies to the Arch-bishop, and such Contrivers of his Ruin, by devising and drawing up a great number of Articles against him, if they could have accomplished their Design, as shall be seen hereafter under the Year 1543. It was observed of Shether at this time, that after the pronouncing his Recantation, or Declara∣tion, he added these words,

Good Christians, I take God to record, that I never preached any thing to you in my Life but the Truth.

And so in short gave himself the Lie, and overthrew all the Recan∣tation he had made before.

* 9.9The latter end of the Year there was a Convocation: Wherein one of the Matters before them was concerning the procuring a true Translation of the New Testament. Which was indeed intended, not so much to do such a good Work, as to hinder it. For having decried the present Translation, on purpose to make it unlawful for any to use it, they pretended to set themselves about a new One. But it was merely to delay and put off the People from the common use of the Scripture: As appeared plainly enough, in that the Bishops themselves undertook it. And so having it in their own Hands, they might make what delays they pleased. For in the third Session, a Proposition was made for the Translation, and an Assignation to each Bishop of his Task. As Matthew to the Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury, Mark to the Bishop of Lincoln, Luke to Winton, Iohn to Ely: and so of the rest. But the Arch-bishop saw through all this. And therefore, in a Sessions that followed after, told the House from the King, to whom I suppose he had discovered this Intrigue, that the Translation should be left to the Learned of both Univer∣sities. This was a Surprize to the Bishops, who all, except Ely and S. David's, protested against it, and began to undervalue the Suf∣ficiency of the Universities, as much decayed of late; and that they were but young Men: and that the greatest Learning lay in the Con∣vocation-men. But the Arch-bishop roundly said, that he would stick by his Master's Will and Pleasure; and that the Vniversities should ex∣amine the Translation.

Bishops Consecrated.

May 29, being Sunday,* 9.10 William Knight was Consecrated Bishop of Bath and Wells by Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, by Virtue of the Arch-bishop's Letters to him, assisted by Richard Suffragan of Dover, and Iohn Suffragan of Bedford, in the Chappel of the said Bishop of Bath's House, situate in the Minories without Aldgate.

September the 25th, Iohn Wakeman, late Abbot of Teuksbury,* 9.11 was Consecrated the first Bishop of Glocester, by the Arch-bishop, Edmond Bishop of London, and Thomas Bishop of Westminster assisting.

Iohn Chambre B. D. was Consecrated first Bishop of Peterburgh,* 9.12 Octob. 23. in the Cathedral Church of Peterburgh, in the Presbytery there, by Iohn Bishop of Lincoln, Thomas Bishop of Ely, and William Bishop of Norwich, by Commission from the Arch-bishop.

February the 19th, Arthur Bulkeley,* 9.13 in the Chappel of Iohn Incent LL. D. Dean of St. Paul's, by Iohn Bishop of Sarum, by virtue of Letters Commissional from the Arch-bishop, William Bishop of St. David's and Iohn Bishop of Glocester assisting.

Robert King, another Abbot, and Titular Bishop Reonen,* 9.14 Suffra∣gan to the Bishop of Lincoln, was this Year Consecrated Bishop of Oxford. The Date, or his Consecrators I cannot assign, the Act be∣ing omitted in the Arch-bishop's Register. He was first a Monk of Rewly, a Priory without Oxford, of the Cistertian Order. Then Abbot of Bruerne in Oxfordshire. After, Abbot of Thame, of which he was also called Bishop: and lastly of Oseney. Both which he surrendred to the King at the dissolution of Monasteries. This Man, when Suffragan, preached at S. Mary's in Stamford, where he most fiercely inveighed a∣gainst such as used the New Testament. In Q. Mary's Reign he was a persecutor of the Protestants, and died, 1557.

CHAP. XXIV. The King's Book revised.

THE Arch-bishop was this Year, among other things,* 9.15 employ∣ed in the King's Book, as it now was called, that is, The Eru∣dition of any Christian Man, spoken of before.* 9.16 For the King was minded now to have it well reviewed, and if there were any Errors, and less proper Expressions, to have them corrected and amended. And so to have it recommended unto the People as a compleat Book of Christian Principles, in the stead of the Scripture; which upon pretence of their abuse of, the King would not allow longer to be read. Accordingly a Correction was made throughout the Book: and the correct Copy sent to Cranmer to peruse. Which he did, and added his own Annotations upon various Passages in it at good length. And had it not been too long, I had transcribed it wholly out of a Volume in the Benet-College Library. But for a taste take this that follows. In the Title, under his own Hand, was this written,

Animadversions upon the King's Book.

Vpon the Chapter of Original Sin.

* 9.17For the first Offence of our Father Adam.] No Man shall be damned for the Offences of Adam, but for his own proper Offences, either Actual, or Original. Which Original Sin every Man hath of his own, and is born in it, although it came from Adam.

The principal means (viz. God's Favour) whereby all Sinners attain their Iustification]. This Sentence importeth, that the Favour and Love of the Father of Heaven towards us, is the Means whereby we come to his Favour and Love. And so should one thing be the Means to it self. And it is not the use of Scripture to call any other the Means and Mediator for us, but only Jesus Christ, by whom our access is to the Father.

Having assured Hope and Confidence in Christ's Mercy, willing to enter into his perfect Faith.] He that hath assured Hope and Confidence in Christ's Mercy, hath already entred into a perfect Faith, and not only hath a Will to enter into it. For perfect Faith is nothing else but assured Hope and Confidence in Christ's Mercy.

Vpon the Explication of the Tenth Commandment.

Without due Recompence.] This Addition agrees not well with the Coveting of another Man's Wife, wherein is no Recompensation. And in the other things, although Recompensation be made, yet the Commandment nevertheless is transgrest and broken.

Vpon another Chapter concerning Obedience to the Civil Power.

By his Ordinate Power.] This word Ordinate Power obscureth the Sentence in the understanding of them that be simple and unlear∣ned: and among the Learned it gendreth Contention and Disputati∣on, rather than it any thing edifieth. Therefore methinketh it bet∣ter, and more plain as it is in the print, or else to say, By his Ordi∣nance. For the Scripture speaketh simply and plainly, Potestati ejus quis resistit?

By these few Passages, which I have carefully taken out of the Arch-bishop's own Book, may be seen of what a Critical and Exact Judgment he was.

* 9.18But besides these Adversaria in these Papers of the Arch-bishop's Annotations, there be divers large Discourses of his, upon several Heads of Religion, drawn up, as I conceive, upon the King's Com∣mand, to be inserted into his Book above mentioned. I have ex∣tracted some of these Discourses; as upon Faith, Justification, and Forgiveness of Injuries: Wherein may be seen his sound Opinion in those great Doctrines of Christian Religion. I took also out of the same Volume, some Specimen of three other Discourses of his. One with this Title, writ by his own Hand, De Consolatione Christi∣anorum

contra metum mortis. Ex Doctoribus Ecclesiasticis. Compi∣led, I guess, as well for his own use, being not inapprehensive of his ticklish Station and Danger, from so many and implacable Ene∣mies which he had, as to be inserted in the aforesaid Book. The others were two Exhortations, to take the Pains of Sickness well, and Adversity patiently: the one taken out of Cyprian, the other out of S. Augustin, Lib. De visitatione infirmorum. The Specimen of them are in the Appendix; as also the Discourses of Faith,* 9.19 Justifica∣tion, and Forgiveness of Injuries.

This Year Boner Bishop of London set forth Injunctions for the Clergy of his Diocess,* 9.20 containing Directions for their Preaching and Conversation; together with a Catalogue of certain Books prohibi∣ted: Which the Curats were to enquire after in their respective Pa∣rishes, and to inform their Ordinaries of them, and of those in whose possessions they found them. Among these Books were the English Testament of Tindal, and divers other Pieces of the said godly and learned Man; some Prefaces and Marginal Glosses of Thomas Mat∣thews in his English Bible. A Book of Friar Barnes. The Supplica∣tion of Beggars. The Practice of Prelates. The Revelation of An∣tichrist. The Church of Iohn Rastal. The Disputation between the Father and the Son. The Preface made in the English Primers by Marshal. This Marshal was he, I suppose, whose Christian Name was Cutbert, and was D. D. and Arch-deacon of Nottingham, and died about 1549. At this Book I will stop a little, being a Book of Eminency and Remark in those Times; and that hath such a strain of Truth and serious Piety in it, that it seems very probable, that the Arch-bishop had a considerable hand it, and procured the Publication of it, Cum privilegio Regali. It was stiled A Goodly Primer, or Book of Prayers, and called The King's Primer. I speak of the second Edition, which was about the Year 1535. It began with an Ad∣monition to the Reader, containing very sharp and severe Reflecti∣ons upon the Popish Devotions, and praying to Saints. And to∣wards the conclusion, the Writer professeth,

That this his Admo∣nition proceded neither of blynde Zele, or Affection, neyther of Wyll or Purpose to offend or displease any Man, moch less than to displease any Saint in Heven; and in no wyse than our blessed Lady, but evin of very pure Love to the Honour of God, and Helth of Mennes Souls.

Then followeth a pious Exposition of the Ten Commandments; and the Creed. Then is a general Confession of Sin. Which goes according to the Commandments, after this manner: 1. I have not set my whole Belief, Confidence, Trust and Hope in thee, &c. 2. I have divided thy Worship and Honour from Thee, and given it to thy Creatures, and to dead things, imagined of my own fond Fantasy; I mean, in the misusing of Images. 3. I have abased thy Name, &c. 4. In the Sabbath-day I have not given my self to hearing, reading and learning the Holy Scriptures, &c. Then comes an Exposition upon the Lord's Prayer, and the Salutation.

Some short Prayers. Some Graces before and after Meat; most of which are Graces still retained in our English Primers, after the Catechism. And the Method of the Book is the same with our Childrens Primer now in use. In this Edition there was a Litany added, with a Preface before it, directly against praying to Saints, and shewing the difference of the Case, between present∣ing our Petitions to God, and presenting a Petition to an Earthly King: that though this latter cannot be done without the mediation of some Servant of the King, yet the former may be done immediately to God, in the Name of Christ. Besides, he said, there were many doubtful Saints: that many Saints canonized by the Bishop of Rome, whether they were Saints or no, he committed to the secret Judgment of God. By this taste of the Preface, you ea∣sily see, why Bishop Boner placed it among the prohibited Books, to be diligently searched for. The Litany the Author added, for the sake of many People, that thought there could be no right Prayers without they were in the old form of Processions, which were by way of Litany, or Supplication to Angels and Saints. And so he writ in this Preface, that it was for the Conten∣tation of such weak Minds, and somewhat to bear their Infirmities, that he had at this his second Edition of the Primer, caused the Litany to be printed. In this Litany all doubtful Saints are left out, and he addresseth only to the Holy Angels S. Michael; S. Raphael, &c. to pray for us; And the Blessed Apostles, S. Peter, S. Paul, S. Andrew, &c. The Prayer for the King, nameth K. Henry VIII, and his gracious Son Prince Edward. In the Kalendar Thomas a Bec∣ket's Days are still retained in red Letters. But I suppose that was done of course by the Printer, using the old Kalendar. In the same Book is a large and pious Paraphrase on Psalm LI. A Dialogue between the Father and the Son. Meditations on Christ's Passion; and many other things.

* 9.21By somewhat that happened this Year, the Arch-bishop proved very instrumental in promoting the Reformation of corrupt Reli∣gion in the Neighbouring Nation of Scotland: which this Year had received a great Overthrow by the English Army; and great Numbers of Scotish Noblemen and Gentlemen were taken Prisoners, and brought up to London, and after disposed of in the Houses of the English Nobility and Gentry, under an easy Restraint. The Earl of Cassillis was sent to Lambeth;* 9.22 where the good Arch-bishop shew∣ed him all Respects, in providing him with Necessaries and Conve∣niences, but especially in taking care of his Soul. He detected to him the great Errors of Popery, and the Reasons of those Regula∣tions that had been lately made in Religion in England. And so successful was the Arch-bishop herein, that the Earl went home much enlightned in true Religion; which that Nation then had a great aversion to, for they highly misliked the Courses King Henry took. Which Prejudices the King understanding, endeavoured to take off, by sending Barlow Bishop of S. Davids to Scotland, with the Book of The Institution of a Christian Man. Which nevertheless

made no great Impression upon that People. But this that happened to the Scotish Nobility, that were now taken Prisoners, and especi∣ally this Guest of the Arch-bishop, becoming better enclined to Reli∣gion by the Knowledg they received while they remained here, had a happier Effect, and brought on the Reformation that after hap∣pened in that Kingdom.

The Parliament being summoned in Ianuary,* 9.23 in order to the King's making War with France, (whither he intended to go in Person) the Arch-bishop resolved to try this Occasion to do some good Service again for Religion, which had of late received a great stop. His En∣deavour now was to moderate the severe Acts about Religion, and to get some Liberty for the Peoples reading of the Scripture.* 9.24 Cranmer first made the Motion, and four Bishops, viz. Worcester, Hereford, Chichester and Rochester, seconded him. But Winchester opposed the Arch-bishop's Motion with all earnestness. And the Faction combi∣ned with so much Violence, that these Bishops and all other fell off from the Arch-bishop; and two of them endeavoured to perswade the Arch-bishop to desist at present, and to stay for a better Oppor∣tunity. But he refused, and followed his Stroke with as much vigour as he could; and in fine, by his perswasion with the King and the Lords, a Bill past. And the King was the rather inclined thereun∣to, because he being now to go abroad upon a weighty Expedition, thought convenient to leave his Subjects at home as easy as might be. So with much struggling, an Act was past, intituled, An Act for the Advancement of True Religion, and the Abolishment of the contrary. In this Act, as Tindal's Translation of the Scriptures was for∣bidden to be kept or used, so other Bibles were allowed to some Persons, excepting the Annotations and Preambles, which were to be cut or dashed out. And the King's former Proclama∣tions and Injunctions with the Primers, and other Books printed in English, for the Instruction of the People before the Year 1540, were still to be in force, which it seems before were not. And that every Nobleman and Gentleman, might have the Bible read in their Houses: and that Noble Ladies, and Gentlewomen, and Merchants might read it themselves. But no Men or Women under those Degrees. That every Person might read and teach in their Houses, the Book set out in the Year 1540, (which was, The necessary Erudition of a Christian Man) with the Psalter, Primer, Pater noster, Ave, and Creed in English. But when Winchester and his Party saw that they could not hinder the Bill from passing, they clogged it with Provisoes, that it came short of what the Arch-bishop intended it; as that the People of all sorts and conditions universal∣ly might not read the Scriptures, but only some few of the higher Rank. And that no Book should be printed about Religion without the King's Allowance. And that the Act of the Six Articles should be in the same Force it was before.

A Bishop Consecrated.

* 9.25Iune the 25th, being Sunday, Paul Bush, Provincial of the Bon∣hommes, was consecrated the first Bishop of Bristol, by Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, assisted by Thomas Bishop of Westminster, and Iohn Suf∣fragan of Bedford. This Consecration was celebrated in the Parish-Church of Hampton in the Diocess of Westminster.

CHAP. XXV. Presentments at a Visitation.

* 9.26BY the Act above-mentioned, the generality of the People were restrained from reading the Holy Scriptures.* 9.27 But in lieu of it was set forth by the King and his Clergy, in the Year 1543, a Do∣ctrine for all his Subjects to use and follow; which was the Book a∣bovesaid: and all Books that were contrary to it, were by Authority of Parliament condemned. It was printed in London by Thomas Bar∣thelet. This Book the Arch-bishop enjoined to be made publick in his Diocess, (as I suppose it was in all other Diocesses throughout the Kingdom) and allowed no preaching or arguing against it. And when one Mr. Ioseph, once a Friar in Canterbury, now a learned and earnest Preacher, (and who was afterward preferred to Bow-Church in London) had attempted to preach against some things in the Book, the Arch-bishop checked and forbad him: For indeed there were some Points therein, which the Arch-bishop himself did not ap∣prove of, foisted into it by Winchester's Means and Interest at that time with the King. Which Bishop, politickly as well as flattering∣ly, called it The King's Book, a Title which the Arch-Bishop did not much like; for he knew well enough Winchester's Hand was in it. And so he told him plainly in K. Edward's Time, when he might speak his Mind; telling him in relation thereunto, That he had se∣duced the King. But because of the Authority of the Parliament ratifying the Book, and the many good and useful Things that were in it, the Arch-bishop introduced and countenanced it in his Diocess, and would not allow open preaching against it.

* 9.28The Arch-bishop, about the Month of September, held a Visita∣tion in Canterbury: chiefly because of the Jangling of the Preachers, and the divers Doctrines vented among them, according as their Fancies, Interests or Judgments led them. The Visitation proceed∣ed upon the King's Injunctions and other late Ordinances. And here I shall set down before the Reader some of the Presentments, as I take them from an Original in a Volume that belonged to this Arch∣bishop.* 9.29 Wherein notice may be taken, what ignorance was then in some of the Priests; what bandying against one another, and what good Progress the Gospel did begin to make, and what good Numbers of Priests and Lay-men there were, that savoured of the Gospel-Doctrine.

* 9.30Sir Humphrey Chirden, Parson of S. Elphins, on a Sunday in Lent,

said,

If Iudas had gone to God and confessed his Fault, saying Peccavi, as he went unto the Priests, he had not been damned.* 9.31

This Passage was plain enough levelled against confessing to a Priest. But this was presentable, because against the Six Articles.

One Lancaster, the Parson of Pluckley, was presented, because that when one Giles said, That he blessed himself daily and nightly, say∣ing, In nomine Patris, & Filii & Sp. Sancti; and then said, In the Honour of God and our Lady, and all the company of Heaven, and for all Christen Souls, that God would have prayed for, a Pater∣noster, an Ave, and a Creed; the said Parson said to him, That if he knew it of Truth, that the said Giles used the same form of Pray∣er, he would not accompany him, nor once drink with him.

Vincent Ingeam, a (Justice of Peace I suppose) commanded, on Easter Munday, 33^o of the King, that no Man should read, or hear the Bible read, upon pain of Imprisonment: and cast two into Pri∣son, the one for speaking against him therein, and the other for show∣ing him the King's Injunctions concerning the same. He repugned against the Doings of the Commissary, for taking down the Image of S. Iohn, by the King's Commandment. Where I find, among other witnesses to this, one Daniel Cranmer, a Relation doubtless of the Arch-bishop.

Sir Thomas, Curate of Sholden, and Thomas Sawier set up again four Images, which by the King's Commandment were taken down, for Abuses by Pilgrimages and Offerings: viz. S. Nicolas, S. Stephen, S. Laurence, and our Lady.

Another accused for forsaking his own Parish-Church at the time of Easter, two Years together, [not liking his Parish-Priest for his af∣fection to the Gospel] and for going to Walsingham [in Pilgrimage▪] and that he would at no time shew to the Vicar a lawful Certificate, that he had received the Blessed Sacrament at the time commonly accustomed, as a Christen Man ought to do. And obstinately re∣fused to learn his Pater Noster, Ave, Credo, and Ten Command∣ments in English, according to the King's Injunctions.

Sir Edward Sponer, Vicar of Boughton, had not declared to his Parishioners the right use of Ceremonies, neither shewed the dif∣ference between them, and Works commanded by God, as he is com∣manded by the King's Proclamation. He had not preached against the Bishop of Rome his usurped Power, and set forth the King's Su∣premacy, as he is bound by the King's Injunctions, and other his Proceedings. He hath not preached his Quarters Sermons, neither at Boughton, nor at his Benefice in the Mersh. He never declared, that the Even of such Saints, whose Days be abrogated, be no Fasting-days.

The Arch-deacon of Canterbury (that was Edmund the Arch∣bishop's Brother) the morrow after the Ascension was three Years, took out of the Church of S. Andrews in Canterbury, three lamp Tapers brenning before the Sacrament, and a Coat from a Rood, and did violently break the Arms and Legs of the Rood.

Sir William Kemp, Vicar of Northgate, had not read the Bible since Pentecost, as he was commanded by the Ordinary. He doth not de∣clare to his Parishioners the right use of Holy Water, Holy Bread,

bearing of Candles upon Candlemassday, giving of Ashes, bearing of Palms, creeping to the Cross. For lack wherof the most part of the said Parish be as ignorant in such things, as ever they were. And many of them do abuse Holy Water, insomuch that against Tem∣pests of Thunder and Lightning, many run to the Church for Holy Water to cast about their Houses, to drive away Evil Spirits and De∣vils, notwithstanding the King's Proclamations in the same. He hath not read to them the King's Injunctions, as he ought to do, by reason whereof his Parish be blind and ignorant in them.

Bartholomew Ioy confessed to his Curate in general, saying, I am a Sinner. And when the Vicar asked him, wherein he had sinned, he answered, that he had confessed himself to the Lord already, and that he would make none other Confession at that time; and so de∣parted.

Iohn Tofts, Christopher Levenysh, Bartholomew Ioy, in the 30th of the King, pulled down all the Pictures in the Church of Northgate in Canterbury, except only the Rood, Mary and Iohn, the Twelve Apostles, the Picture of our Lady and S. Iohn Baptist. And in the thirty fourth of the King, Tofts pulled down the Picture of our Lady, and had her and the Tabernacle home to his House, and there did hew her all to Pieces. And at another time, the same Tofts openly, with a loud Voice, read the Bible in English in the Church to his Wife, Sterkies Wife, George Tofts Wife, to the Midwife of the same Parish, and to as many others as then were present.

Ioanna Meriwether of S. Mildreds Parish, for displeasure that she bare towards a young Maid, named Elizabeth Celsay, and her Mo∣ther, made a Fire upon the Dung of the said Elizabeth; and took a holy Candle, and dropt upon the said Dung. And she told unto her Neighbours, that the said Enchantment would make the Cule of the said Maid to divide into two parts.

Rafe, the Bell-ringer of Christ-Church, at the Burial of Dr. Champion, [the Arch-bishop's Chaplain] after the Priest had censed his Grave, and a Boy was bearing away the Censers and the Coals, called after the Boy, and took the Censers, and poured the hot Coals upon him in his Grave, to the great slander of the said Dr. Champion, as though he had been an Heretic, worthy burning. Also he said, the King was con∣tent that all Images should be honoured as they were wont to be.

Coxson, Petty Canon of Christ-Church, made his Testament, by the advice of Mr. Parkhurst, Mr. Sandwich and Mr. Mills, Canons of the said Church; and gave and bequeathed to every Vicar of Christ-Church twenty Pence, that had a pair of Beads, and would say our Lady Psalter for his Soul departed. And this was executed according to the Will.

The Parson of Alyngton never preached in the Church of Alyng∣ton, nor declared against the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome, nor set forth the King's Supremacy according to the King's Procla∣mations, Letters and Injunctions. He hath been a great setter forth in his Parish of the Maid of Kent, Pilgrimages, fained Relicks, and other such Superstitions; and yet never recanted, and reproved the same, according to the King's Majesty's Injunctions. He hath not declared to his Parishioners, that the Eves of such Holy-days as be

abrogate, be no Fasting-days, according to the King's Injunctions. So upon the Sundays, Candlemass-day, Ash-wednesday, Palm-Sun∣day, and Good-Friday, he hath not declared the true use of the Ceremonies, used those Days according to the King's Proclamation.

The Curate of Stodmersh did dissuade Men from eating of White∣meats the last Lent, and rebuked them that did eat White-meats. About Alhallontide was twelve-month he preached in S. Dunstan's Church beside Canterbury, that Men should love God, and fear God, but not to trust him too much.

Turnor, in the time of his being at Chartham, did cast no Holy Water, neither before the Sacrament, nor upon any Altar in the Church, (except the high Altar.) Nor also before the Crucifix in the Rood-loft, according to the laudible Ceremony. He christned three Children upon one day, and did not anoint them with Holy Oil, neither upon Back nor Belly. He neither incensed the Crucifix in the Rood-loft, nor any Altar in the Church, except the high Al∣tar: Nor distributed any Holy Candles among his Parishioners, as hath been accustomed.

Sir Iames Newnam and one Lawrence, took down an Image of our Lady; to the which was no Offering, except Candles at the Purifica∣tion of Women: nor any Miracles noted to be done there by the said Image.

Scory, one of the six Preachers, said, that much Superstitions were used in the Church, as making of Crosses upon Palm-Sunday, set∣ting of them up, and Blessing them with the Holy Candles; Ring∣ing of Bells in the Thunder.

For think you, said he, that the Devil will be afraid, or flee away at Cross-making, hurling of Holy Water, ringing of Bells, and such other Ceremonies; when he was not a∣fraid to take Christ himself, and cast him on his Back, and set him on a Pinacle? Those things that be good of themselves, may not utterly be put away, although they be abused. For then the Holy Sacrament of the Altar should be set aside, which is daily bought and sold.

Serles, one of the six Preachers, in a Sermon said,

If the Preacher preach Error and erroneous Doctrine, the simple Man, though he receive it and believe it, it doth not infect nor corrupt him. And this he repeated twice. He said also, that Moses sent Letters from Hell, to teach the State thereof, and how Men should live. And another likewise out of Heaven. Item, they say, (said he) that only Faith justifies, and that it maketh no matter how we do live: Christ died for us, and by his Blood hath washed all our Sins away; there∣fore what needeth us to fast or pray?

Sandwich a Canon of Christ's-Church, said in his Sermon in the Year 1542.

Whereas a good Christian or Evil, preach∣ed unto you truly the Word of God, as I report me to the Conscience of you all; yet some that have evil Ears, did Evil report of me. But if their Ears were cut off, as Malchus's was, and set up where every Man might wonder at them, I think therein a Man should not wish much against Charity. At another time, in the Year 1543. he said in his Sermon, Some, if they are given to Goodness, to follow the Decrees of Holy Church, to kneel

before the Blessed Sacrament, they will counsel them from the same, and say, Deus in manufactis Templis non habitat. They will have none of the Holy Doctors. They will not have S. Augustin, S. Am∣brose, S. Hierom, S. Gregory, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, &c. Since the time we have been given to new Fangles, the Spirit of new Fangle hath brought in the Spirit of Error. But what Remedy then, said he, to obtain the Spirit of Truth again? Of that, said he, I spake the last time that I preached, and shewed you that we must re∣turn where we went out. We must return to our Dog, to our Con∣science again; and that will certify us where is the Truth.

Shether, one of the six Preachers, said,

That there was one strait Way to the Truth, in which we & all Men have gone a long time; saving a few now of late, not being content to follow that Trade, have wandred in divers Pathways to seek a neerer way to the Truth. But they are like unto one, that being clean lost, was fain to ask which way he might go to the end of his Journey? And to such it was answered, You be clean out of the Way, and there is none other means for you, but even to turn back again, and to begin your Jour∣ney again where you left.

Nothing at all, as the Informer adds, admonishing the People of the Way, which Men had lost, by defend∣ing and retaining the Usurpations of Rome: Nor no mention, that the King's Majesty hath reformed the Abuses of Superstitious Reli∣gion. But even as one, that would have all things honestly refor∣med, to revert again into their Superstition, for the maintenance of all Blindness and Error, commanded every Man to turn back, and to begin where they left.

Dr. Willowby the Vicar of Chilham, keepeth still in his Church a certain Shrine gilt, named S. Austin's Shrine: Which Shrine was conveyed from S. Austin's of Canterbury, unto the Parish-Church of Chilham, at the suppression of the Monastery of S. Austin's. Item, a Rood there, which had Shoes of Silver, being a Monument of Pil∣grimage, or Offering, standeth yet still, being only spoiled of the Monument. He said, Images had Power of God to help sick People, vowing unto them, the Communication then being of our Lady of Cutupstreet, between the said Vicar and own Dawson of Chartham, a Miller. Memorandum, that Potter's Wife was banished out of Fe∣versham, for her suspect lying with Dr. Willowby, and also was com∣pelled to forsake Chilham for the same, about two or three Years past; and yet she remains in the Company of the said Doctor.

Serles, mentioned before, in a Sermon made in the Chapter-house of Christ's-Church, An. 1543, said, Some that occupy this place of Preach∣ing, say no Mattins, Mass nor Even-song once in a Quarter. They be never seen confessed, nor to occupy Porteous, nor Mass-Book. These use no Vocal Prayer: Beware of their Doctrine. In the Church of Leneham in the Day of Assumption, he said, That as the Moon is in the Full at fourteen Days, even so Mary was conceived fully with Christ, when she was fourteen Years old. Item, he said, That if one had looked in Mary, when she was full conceived with Christ, he should have perceived him in his Mother's Womb, with a Bush of Thorns on his Back: For he was Crucified, Crowned, and pricked with Thorns. That Mary bare Christ poorly; for she had

no Fire, but begged a Coal of one, and a Stick of another to warm her Child. He preached, that Mary nourished her Son with Milk, but not with material Milk, but with Milk that came from Heaven: For no Woman else can nourish her Child with material Milk, than she that is conceived by knowledg of Man. [And no question this Heavenly Milk came along the milky Way.] That all the whole Faith of the World remained in Mary only for the space of three Days and three Nights. That Faith was dead in the Apostles, and in all the World, from the Death of Christ till his Resurrection, and remained in the Virgin Mary whole and only. That the Sorrows that she had, were greater and more painful than Christ's, but for Death only. That Christ descended into Hell, and rose the third Day and ascended into Heaven, and many more with him; saying thus, Mul∣ta corpora ascenderunt cum Christo, ut perhiberent testimonium. In Ashford he preached, that Prayer was not acceptable with God, but in the Church only, and no where else; alledging this Text, Domus mea domus orationis vocabitur. Then and there he said also, You Fel∣lows of the new Trick, that go up and down with your Testaments in your Hands, I pray you what Profit take you by them? [this last Passage relating to the Testament, was interlined by Cranmer him∣self]. As Adam was expulsed out of Paradise for meddling with a Tree of Knowledg, even so be we for meddling with the Scripture of Christ. He said, There were some that said, that part of the Ave Maria was made to a Strumpet. That Christ in the Gospel con∣founded Mary Magdalene with two Parables, likening her to an Ale∣stake, and to a poor Woman whom an Emperor had married, and in his presence did lie with a leprous Lazar-man. Anno 1542, Preach∣ing in Kennyngton-Church on Good-friday, he said, That as a Man was creeping to the Cross upon a Good-friday, the Image loosed it self off the Cross, and met the Man before he came to the Cross, and kiss'd him. At the Funeral of Mr. Boys, he preached, That by the receiving of the Sacraments and Penance, all a Man's deadly Sins were forgiven clearly, but the venial Sins remained; and for them they that died should be punished, except they were relieved by Masses and Dirges after their Death. [This that follows is Cranm••r's hand,] He preacheth no Sermon, but one part of it is an Invective against the other Preachers of Christ's Church.

Shether preached at Sandwich in the Year 1542, That Baptism taketh away but only Original Sin. At another time there, That every Man, since the Passion of Christ, hath us much Liberty and Free-will, as ever Adam had in Paradise before his Fall. That the new Preachers, with the liberty of the Gospel, have caused our Li∣vings to be worse than the Turks. That Zacharias, and Elizabeth his Wife, kept all the Commandments of God▪ and that it was a light thing for every Man to keep them, if he would. That Christ and Baptism did nothing else but wash away Original Sin▪ and that if any Man after Baptism did fall, he must purchase Remission of his Sins by Penance, as Mary Magdalene did. That a certain King was sick of a Leprosy, and had a Vision to go to Iordan to be washed, and should be whole. And as he was in his good Intent going, h•• thought that he had as good and sweet Water in his own Country, as that

was; and so returned back and washed himself therein, but nothing at all he thereby mended: And then he went to Iordan, and so was made whole. He compared Man's Conscience to a Dog. Beware of these false Preachers, which preach to you new Fangles. Will you know how to discern a true Preacher from a False? You have a Dog, which is your Conscience: Whensoever you shall come to any Ser∣mon, ask your Dog, What he saith unto it? If he say, it be good, then follow it: but if your Dog bark against it, and say it is naught, then beware and follow it not. Adding these words, If you will ask your Conscience, What she thinks of such new Fangles as are brought into the Church of God, she will say, that they be naught. He also preached, that Men now-a-days say, that Holy Water signifieth of Christ Blood. O! these are very glorious words. But it is not fit, good Christians, that such new Fangles and Fantasies of Men should be brought into the Church of God. Item, In all his Sermons he commonly useth to make Invectives against the other Preachers of this Cathedral Church; making the People believe, that the Preachers of the Church, preach nothing but a carnal Li∣berty, new Fangles, new Auricular Confession, Prayers, Fasting, and all good Works. This last is added by Cranmer's Hand, as are also several other Passages above, according as he himself took the Examination.

And as the Gospellers thus articled against the Papists, so the Pa∣pists were as hot in drawing up Articles against the Gospellers.

Scory, before-mentioned, was accused, that he preached in a Ser∣mon at S. Elphies, on Ascension-day 1541. That there was none in Heaven but Christ only; [meaning, I suppose, as Mediators there with God, in opposition to the Intercession of Saints]. Then fol∣loweth, writ by Cranmer's hand, these words;

The Witnesses a∣gainst him, were Bradkirk Priest, Shether, Marden, Colman;

Ad∣ding,

These four be Witnesses against all the Articles of Ridley and Scory, in the first Detection made to me two Years past.

Then follow more Accusations of Scory. He preached in August ••ast, in the Chapter-house of Christ's-Church, That no Man may pray in any wise in Latin, or other Tongue▪ except he understand what he prayeth. And that Priests and Clarks do offend, taking any Money or Reward for saying Dirige and Mass. He said▪ that some Preachers brought in their Sermons Gesta Romanorum, perswading to the Peo∣ple, that it was the Gospel or the Bible. Another time, Anno 1541▪ he preached in Lent in Christ's-Church, Canterbury▪ That only Faith justifies; and he that doth deny, that only Faith doth justify, would deny, if he durst be so bold, that Christ doth justify. He preached at Christ's-Church another time, That the Supper of the Lord, which is Sacrificium & Hostia, is not Hostia pro peccatis, but Hostia L••••dis. He preached at Faversham, Anno 1542▪ in the Feast of Dedication▪ That the Dedication of material Churches was instituted for the Bi∣shop Profits; and that he could not see by Scripture, that they might use any such Fashions for that purpose, as for Conjuration. And then they must conjure the Devil out of the Ground, or out of the Lime and Stones. And if so, then it were as necessary for every Man's House to be consecrate or dedicate. Admit, quoth he, that

the Dedication of the same were lawful, yet the Bishops should al∣ways preach, (for that is their Office); and other Men might and may consecrate them as well as they.

Item, This sumptuous adorning of Churches, is against the old Fashion of the Primitive Church. They had no such Copes, nor Chalices, nor other Jewels, nor Gildings, nor Paintings of Ima∣ges, as we now have. And therefore if I were Curate, I would sell all such things, or lay them to pledg to help the Poor.

At Christmass last there was a general Procession by the King's Ma∣jesty, and Mr. Scory preached these words:

Every Country hath a Custom to chuse a Patron. As England hath chosen S. George; Scotland, S. Andrew, &c. thinking, rather by intercession of Saints to obtain the Victory of their Enemies. But, good People, quoth he, forasmuch as Saints be circumscript, it is not possible for the Saint that is in the North, to hear the Prayer that is made in the South; nor that Saint that is in the South, to hear the Prayer that is made in the North. But this last Passage of the Christmass Sermon hath a Cross struck through it.

Ridley, the Prebendary, was charged, Sept. 22. 1543, that he preach∣ed at S. Stephens, in the Rogation Week, Anno Reg. 32. that Auri∣cular Confession was but a meer positive Law, and ordained as a god∣ly Means for the Sinner to come to the Priest for Counsel; but he could not find it in Scripture. And that there was no meeter Terms to be given to the Ceremonies of the Church, than to call them Beg∣garly Ceremonies. That Te Deum hath been sung commonly in English at Herne, where the said Mr. Doctor is Vicar.

Brooks, one of the six Preachers, was accused for preaching, That all Masters and Mistresses were bound to eat Eggs, Butter and Cheese in Lent, to give Example to their Housholds to do the same. [This the Papists thought a breaking of Lent, to allow this eating of White-meats, whereas Fish only ought to be eaten.] And he thought, that the Ceremonies of the Church were but Beggarly Ceremonies, and that was the meetest Term he could give them.

Thomas Carden, Vicar of Lime, in a Lenten-Sermon, Anno 1543, said, He supposed S. Katharine was rather a Devil in Hell, than a Saint in Heaven. And that the People said naught, and that this term was naught to say, That they should receive their Maker at Easter; but they should say, we shall receive our Housel. He preached, That the Water in the Font is no better than other Wa∣ter is.

Drum, one of the six Preachers, in the Year 1543, preached in a Sermon made in Christ's-Church, that we may not pray in an Un∣known Tongue; for if we do, we do but mock with God, and of God we be mocked. As if a Man do come to a Lord, and babble to him words he knoweth not, the Lord will but mock him, and ac∣count him for a Fool. So thy Prayer, Man, not understood, is but babbling; and for that before God thou art but a Fool. Your Psal∣mody and Song in the Church is so taken with God, if that you, which do occupy your selves therein, do not understand it. And thou, that so babblest, dost break the Command of God: For it is written, Non accipies nomen Dei in vanum. And you do call on God

vainly, when you do call upon him in a Tongue that you understand not. Wherefore to such as know not the Latin, it must be needful to pray in the Mother-Tongue. Item, That the Material Church is a thing made and ordained to content the Affections of Men, and is not the thing that pleaseth God, nor that God requires; but is a thing that God doth tolerate for the weakness of Men. For as the Father contenteth his Child with an Apple, or a Hobby-horse; not because these things do delight the Father, but because the Child, ruled by Affections, is more desirous of these things than the Father is rejoiced in the Deed: So Almighty God, condescending to the Infirmities of Man, and his weakness, doth tolerate material Churches, gorgeously built, and richly decked; not because he requires, or is pleased with such things. This Drum was one of the Cambridg Men, that Car∣dinal Wolsey transplanted into his College at Oxon, and who suffered Imprisonment there some time after with Cox and Frith, and divers others of the same College for Matters of Religion. But however Drum afterwards fell away into Papistry.

Lancaster, Parson of Pluckley, useth not in the Church-porch any Hally Water, according to the laudable Custom of the Church. A great part of his Parish useth not to receive Hally Bread. Going on Procession, he useth not to rehearse Sancta Maria, nor any other Saints Names.

The Curate of Much Mongam, going on Procession, refuseth, and will in no wise sing, nor say, the Litany in such manner as all other Curates do.

* 9.32All these Collections I have made out of the Original of this Visi∣tation of the Arch-bishop. Wherein may be seen the particular Matters in these Times vented and tossed about in the Pulpits; the trifling way of Popish Preaching, consisting in ridiculous lying Fables and Stories, as is used still in the Popish Countries; and with how much more Solidity, Truth and Reason the Sermons of those, who favoured the Gospel, were replenished. We may observe here also, how diligent our Arch-bishop was in his care of his Diocess, and the pains he took to come to a perfect Detection of his Clergy, in order to their Regulation, and divers other things, which an ingenious Reader will take notice of.

* 9.33The Arch-bishop had all the Prebendaries and Preachers before him in his Consistory, at Croydon, on Trinity-Sunday was twelve Month; where he argued with them, instructed, rebuked, exhorted them, according as he saw needful for ever Man, with relation unto the Articles above-said. He told Serles, who had preached in favour of Images in Churches, as Representatives of Saints, and not Idols,

That Imago & Idolum was one thing; but the one was the Latin, the other the Greek. To which Gardiner, a Prebend of the Church, replied, That he did not think, that an Image and an Idol was one, but that an Image, not abused with Honor, is an Image, and not an Idol.

This saying of the Arch-bishop did so gaul them, that they took occasion after, in their Sermons, to confute it. And they lyingly reported in Canterbury, that the ABp should say, He would be even with Gardiner, or that Gardiner should repent his

reasoning with him. Whereas all that Cranmer said, was, that the Communication that Gardiner had that Day, should be repeated again at his Grace's coming to Canterbury. The same day the Arch∣bishop told them, that he had set in their Church six Preachers, three of the old Learning, and three of the New. Now Gardiner told him, he thought that would not be for the most quietness in Preachers. The Arch-bishop replied, that he had shewed the King's Grace what he had done in that Matter, and that the King's Plea∣sure was, that it should be so. He then also gave them Warning, that none should inveigh against others in their Sermons.

CHAP. XXVI. A black Cloud over the Arch-bishop.

SOon after this,* 9.34 a great and black Cloud hung over our Arch-bi∣shop's Head, that threatned to break upon him in Thunder and Lightning. The Prebendaries and others of the Church of Canter∣bury for the most part were addicted to the Pope and the old Super∣stitions. Which the Arch-bishop endeavouring to abolish, and to bring in truer knowledg of Religion among them, caused them to do what they could to oppose him. And indeed they usually carried themselves disobligingly enough to him. Which made him say to one of them, viz. Gardiner, alias Sandwich, You and your Company hold me short, but I will hold you as short. They seemed now to have a fair Advantage against him, upon account of the Statute of the Six Articles: which the King at this time stood much upon the exe∣cution of; and did give out, that he required Justices and others, his Officers, in their several Places, to give notice of all Disobedience against it. The Bishop of Winchester also was now in great Favour with the King, a constant Adversary to Canterbury, and implacably set against the New Learning, as it was then called. He thought to take this opportunity to deal so effectually with the King, as to get the Gospel destroyed, and all that adhered to it. And moreover, about this time was given out a saying ordinarily, That the Bishop of Winchester had bent his Bow to shoot at some of the head Deer: Mean∣ing, as the Issue made manifest, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Queen Katharine Par, and others of the Court.

And to carry on his Purpose, he being a Privy-Counsellor himself,* 9.35 had an understanding with some of the Council, who were of his Mind, and ready to second these his Ends: as among the rest was Baker, the Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations. These were his Confidents at home. Abroad, to be his Soliciter, and his great Agitator, he had a very fit Man for his purpose, one Dr. London, Warden of New-College Oxon, Prebend of Shipton in the Church of Sarum, Canon of Windsor, and Dean of Osenay, a very busy Zealot. Who was in his Time the great Contriver and Practiser of Mischief against good Men, that could not comply with Papal Superstitions. He was one of the three, that some Years before now prosecuted most rigorously the good Students in the Cardinal's College, when

by Imprisonment and hard Usage several of them died. But this Man was met with: not long after this, suffering publick shame for Perjury, and died in a Jail. At one and the same time Winchester, with this his trusty Partner, London, was driving on two Games to∣gether: The one was to bring into trouble several of the King's own Court, that were Favourers of the Gospel; not liking that such should be so near the King: and the other was to overthrow the good Arch-bishop, and his Friends in his Diocess of Canterbury, and to extinguish that Light of the Gospel that began notably to shine there.

* 9.36For the compassing the first, they procured among them a special Sessions to be held at Windsor: Wherein they not only, upon the Six Articles, condemned four poor honest Men, viz. Persons, Filmer, Testwood and Marbeck, whereof the three former were burnt to Death; but they drew up a bundle of Indictments against a very great many,* 9.37 and some of Eminency about the King, as Cardin and Hobby, Knights, of the King's Privy-Chamber; with the Ladies, Harman and Welden, Snowbal and his Wife, and a great many more of the King's true and peaceable Subjects. One Ockham, that served for Clark of the Peace at that time, had these Indictments ready, to carry them to the chief Patron of these Plots, the Bishop of Winchester. But this Design, notwithstanding the Privacy and crafty Contrivance of it, took not effect; but he rather brought himself into Disgrace thereby. For one Fulk, belonging unto the Queen, being at Sessions at Windsor at that time, and observing what was done, hastily rode to Court, and discovered to the Persons con∣cerned what was hatching against them, letting them know, that Ockham was coming with his Indictments to the Bishop of Winchester: who as soon as he had received them, would without doubt have laid them before the King and his Council. But by this seasonable Notice they way-laid Ockham, and Cardin and others seized him, and all his Papers, as soon as he came to Court, before he got to Winchester. These Papers were perused by some of the Privy-Coun∣cil; and seeing what large numbers, it may be, of themselves and of their Friends, as well as others, were indicted, and designed for Death, they thought fit to acquaint the King with it. And he, not liking such bloody Doings, gave them all a Pardon: And observing how Winchester was the great Agen•• in all this, never liked him after.

But Winchester and London had other Irons in the Fire against the Arch-bishop and his Friends at and about Canterbury:* 9.38 and particu∣larly Dr. Ridley a Prebendary, Scory, Lancelot Ridley, and Drum, three of the Preachers. And to bring Mischief upon these, by the instigation of Winchester and practice of London, several of the Pre∣bendaries, and some of the Six Preachers, combine in a Resolution to draw up Accusations, both against the Arch-bishop and against his Friends. But neither did this Winchester's second Plot succeed, but rather drew Shame upon himself, and those that assisted in it.

* 9.39There is a Volume in the Benet College Library, intitled, Accusa∣tio Cranmeri: wherein are contained the rough Papers of the Exa∣minations, that were taken of these Accusers of the Arch-bishop;

the Interrogatories put to them; their Confessions and Submissions to the Arch-bishop. Upon which Papers this was writ by the hand of Arch-bishop Parker, in whose possession they afterwards came, viz.

Memorandum, That King Henry, being divers times by Bishop Gardiner, informed against Bishop Cranmer, and the said Gardiner having his Instructions of one Dr. London, a stout and filthy Pre∣bendary of Windsor, who there convicted [of Perjury] did wear a Paper openly, and rode through the Town with his Face to∣ward the Horse-tail; and also had Information of Mr. Moyles, Mr. Baker, and of some others promoted by the said Cranmer; (Whose Tales he uttered to the King) perceiving the Malice, trusted the said Cranmer with the Examination of these Matters; which he did of divers Persons, as by this doth appear.

Hence I have carefully extracted some Particulars,* 9.40 that I may give a particular Account of this exquisite Piece of Malice; which aimed at nothing less than this good Man's Life, and that they might make him tread the same Path with his Friend Crumwel two or three Years before, as a Reward of his endeavours in setting forward a Reformation in the Church.

But first I will set down the Names of the Prebendaries and Preachers of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury,* 9.41 because we shall have occasion often to mention divers of them.

Canons of Canterbury, Anno 1543.

Richard Thornden Suffragan of Dover, Arthur Sentleger, Richard Parkhurst Parson of Leneham, Nicolas Ridley, Iohn Meines, Hugh Glazier, William Hunt, William Gardiner, Iohn Milles, Iohn Daniel, Robert Goldson, Iohn Baptist.

The Six Preachers.

Robert Serles Vicar of Charing, Michael Drum, Lancelot Ridley, Iohn S••ory, Edmund Shether, Thomas Brooke.

Many of these he had himself preferred, and was a special good Lord unto. And yet such was the ingratitude of several of them, that they voluntarily yielded to be made Tools to carry on this wicked Machination against him. The Names of the chief Actors were Thornden, who lived in the Arch-bishop's Family, and eat at his Table, and with whom he used to converse most familiarly: Gardiner, whom Cranmer had taken as his own Child▪ and he had resigned up himself to him with Heart, Body and Service, as he once solemnly professed to th•• Arch-bishop: Sentleger, Milles, Parkhurst, Serles and Shether; and one Dr. Willoughby, beneficed in Kent, and the King's Chaplain.

Their first Attempt which they made was,* 9.42 to prefer Bills of Ac∣cusation against the Arch-bishop's Chaplains and Preachers, viz. The two Ridleyes, Scory, Turner, Bland, Drum, Lancaster and others; and slantingly through their Sides, striking at the Arch-bishop himself. This they did to the Justices at their Sessions, upon the Statute of the Six Articles. And that by the suggestion of London; who

thought it convenient that the Articles should first be carried to the Sessions, and from thence returned to the Council-Board. Willoughby, being the King's Chaplain, and a Man of some Quality, was pre∣vailed with to present the Articles to the Justices, and to make them willing to meddle in this Affair, which otherwise they had no great Stomach to do, fearing they might draw the King's displeasure upon themselves. Willoughby, by the direction of London, told Moyle and Thwaits, and the other their Fellow-Justices, That they should be shent for suffering such Preaching and Contention, without doing any thing therein to stop it. And this was that they drove at; that after these Articles were preferred from the Justices up to Court, and seen and read by the King and Council, a Commission should then be obtained: and such put into the Commission, as might ef∣fectually take order with the Preachers. And these three Prebenda∣ries, Parkhurst, Gardiner and Mills, they laboured especially to be put in Commissioners; and that the Arch-bishop himself should be left out: For so London had promised.

* 9.43Their next Care was to prepare the Articles. Gardiner and Serles are extraordinary diligent in this Work, and had been gathering Matter a good space before. The Writings were finished at Justice Moyle's House. And Willoughby seems to be the Man that offered the Bill in Court. They dealt earnestly with Baro, Clark of the Peace, to draw up the Indictment against the good Men complained of in their Bill of Articles, (the chief whereof were Iohn Bland, and Richard Turner) but he denied it. And when the Jury, that were to be sworn, came, they took them not orderly as they stood in the Panel, but overleaped some of them, and left them unsworn, that they might be sure to have such Men as would do their Business. After they had proceeded thus far, their next Care was to get their Articles sent up to the Court, and laid before the King and Council.

* 9.44And to these foresaid Articles, they drew up another Book against the Arch-bishop himself▪ the matter being first plotted between Dr. London and Serles, a discontented Man, lately imprisoned. And this created them a new Diligence, and divers Journeys from Kent to London to take their Instructions, and from London to Kent, to get their Informations. And there was at last a parcel of Articles (Trifles for the most part) raked out of the Dunghil, picked up any where, and from any Person without Proof. For they had nothing to shew for the truth of them, but Hear-say and Report, and scarce∣ly that. Serles inveighles Dr. Willoughby into this Business, and brings him into acquaintance with Dr. London. In whose House the Articles are first read, to whom it was propounded to present them. But when Searles had said, that the things mentioned in the Articles were such as were openly spoken, Willoughby replied,

Though he heard such things, he was not sure they were true; and there was no Record to affirm them true, no Witnesses Hands being subscribed.

And so made a great boggle at presenting them, and put Serles upon that Work. But London urged Willoughby to carry them to the Council, telling him, that it would be a Matter of great Danger for him, being so near the King, if he should not

give information of such ill things in that Country where he lived; especially knowing the King's Pleasure, that such Matters should not be concealed, but that complaint should be made of them to Him and his Council. And he bad him not fear; for that he himself had made such a Spectacle † 9.45 at Windsor in bringing to light abomi∣nable Heresies, (meaning in causing those three poor Men to be burnt, and indicting so many more their Maintainers) whereat the King, he said, was astonished, and angry, both with the Doers and Bearers. And therefore if he should now shrink, he should shew himself to be no true Subject. Upon these words, which created some fear in Willoughby, if he should decline what London put him on to do, he was content to present them.

Thus having gotten a Person ready for this part of the Drudgery, to prefer the Complaints against the Arch-bishop, London writ them over again, and added other new Articles, as he pleased.* 9.46 Which Serles himself liked not: But London said, he meant, by putting in some things, to bring the Matter before the Justices, and certain of the Spirituality for his purpose. Matters, many of them, of mere untruth, and not so much as the pretence of a Rumor for. But he told Willoughby and Serles, that it should never be known to be their doings. And so Willoughby took the old Copy with him into Kent, to get it recorded, and signed with Hands. And London sent a Copy to the Bishop of Winchester. Willoughby being now at Canter∣bury about this Business, requiring the Prebendaries to sign the Ar∣ticles, they all refused. Up rode Willoughby to London again, and acquaints Dr. London therewith with a heavy heart. Then he began another practice, to tamper with the Justices, bidding Willoughby let them know, that the King would be angry with them for taking no more notice of the Disorders in Kent. London went also himself to Moyles Lodging, a Leading Justice then in Kent, and talked with him, exhorting him to forward this Work against the Arch-bishop; telling him, That he himself had taken up my Lord of Canterbury before the Council; meaning thereby to signify to him, that he need∣ed not to fear him so much as he seemed to do, or his Interest at the Court. Upon this Moyle sent to several other Gentlemen and Justi∣ces to search out for any Priests that wanted a Crown, [as a Reward for their Information] who should enquire about the Country for what things were rumoured against the Arch-bishop. And so as ma∣ny Rumors and Bruits as were brought, were presently turned in∣to Articles. But Moyle warily sent all the Reports that came to his hand to the Arch-bishop, not so much out of good-will to him, as that he might pretend to discharge his Duty in giving Information to the Diocesan of Abuses in his Diocess: thereby also reckoning to avert the Displeasure of the Arch-bishop from himself. But this London liked not of, and told him he would mar all.

At length Serles and Willoughby had got together a mass of Ac∣cusations; whether true or false mattered not,* 9.47 but a great heap they made. For these two were the chief Collectors of Articles, both at Canterbury, and other Places in Kent: London having ad∣vised them to get as much Matter as could be devised; for it would be the goodliest Deed, as he said, and the most bounden Act to the

King that ever they did. These Reports were digested into two or three Books. Serles brought up some of the Articles roughly drawn to London; and London transcribed them, and brought them to the Bishop of Winchester: and there they were copied out by German Gardiner, his Secretary, another busy Man.

* 9.48Gardiner, the Prebendary, by this time had gotten a Book of Ar∣ticles, signed by the rest of the Prebendaries, and Willoughby brought them up: some of the Prebendaries coming up too, being about to be the Presenters of the Book themselves. Winchester, and Baker, Chan∣cellor of the Court of Augmentations, gave the said Prebendaries encouragement to proceed in what they went about. And busy London to make the Articles the better entertained, when they should be presented to the Council, had officiously shewn the Copy of them to several of the said Council before-hand.

* 9.49I must here give this further note concerning Serles: that he was so zealous a Man, that he had the Year before put up to the Coun∣cil Articles against the Preachers of the Gospel. But they were such, that the Council thought not fit the King should see them. Which he complained of; and it seems at his return was clapt up in Prison for his pains, for some either malicious Insinuations, or irregular Pra∣ctices herein.

* 9.50Shether was another of the Gang, and one of the forwardest in this invidious Business against the innocent Arch-bishop. He was one of those that came up to London to present the Bill. It may be guessed what a hot-headed Man he was, by a passage we meet with concerning him,* 9.51 when he was Proctor at Oxford in the Year 1535. In which Year he made such a Combustion betwixt the Uni∣versity and the Towns-men, that they being enraged against him, he went in danger of his Life. So that he and his Company were fain to go armed when they went abroad. And when he was out of his Proctorship, the University allowed him to defend him∣self from the Towns-men at the University Charge, if he should be set upon by them. This Shether brought up also his Collections to one Ford his Brother-in-Law, to write them out: which amounted to a great Book of two days Labour. For they were resolved to have enough; and to make out in Bulk, what was wanting in Truth.

* 9.52Take an hint or two here of Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, the secret Machine in all this ingrateful Work. Coming once from the Council, that then was beyond the Sea at Calais, about the time of the Breach with France, he after hearing Mass at the Cathedral Church at Canterbury, took his Name-sake Gardiner, the Prebendary, by the Hand, and asked him how he did, and how they did in Canterbury? meaning in relation to Religion professed in the City. And when Gardiner answered, But meetly; he enquired, How they did within the House among themselves, with relation to the Church-men belonging to it? He told him, That they did not agree all in Preaching. So do I hear, said Winchester. Then he asked, wherein they did not agree? Gardiner then repeated somewhat of Ridley's and Scory's Sermons: and this among other things,

That Prayer ought to be made in a Tongue known, and not in a

Tongue unknown; for so it were but babling. Winchester then said, He missed. For the Germans themselves are now against that saying. Well, said he, this is not well. My Lord of Canterbury will look after this, I doubt not, or else such Preaching will grow unto an evil Inconvenience: I know well he will see Remedy for it. Well, how do you do with them? Gardiner replied, My Lord, Hardly: I am much marked in my Sermons. And I cannot tell whe∣ther I be taken, or no. I pray your good Lordship of your Counsel, what were best for me to do. I had rather leave Preaching betimes, than to be taken in my Sermons. Then said Winchester, Do thus: Write your Sermons into a Book, every word, as you will preach it; and when you go into the Pulpit, deliver your Book unto the chief∣est Man there, that can read, and let him take heed of your Book while you do preach, and say no more, but that you have written and studied for; And I warrant you, you shall do well enough. And when you do hear any Man preach any otherwise then well, hold you contented, and meddle not; so shall you do best.

Then he past forth his time in Communication concerning the Ordinances of their Choir, their Statutes, their Masses, and Hours of them. And at the last sent for Ridley the Prebendary, and had some confe∣rence with him: but what, it is uncertain.

The bulky Articles being at last hammered out and made ready,* 9.53 London now required Willoughby to deliver them to the Council; which he would fain have shrunk from. He then charged him upon his Allegiance to go with him to the Council-Chamber-Door, mean∣ing to have him into the Council. Having gotten him there, he went in, and informed some of the Privy-Council, (and Friends, I suppose, to the Matter) that Dr. Willoughby was without, desiring he might be called in. Willoughby was before instructed by London to use words to the Council to this Tenor, when he should deliver his Articles: viz.

That the King and they had been at great Char∣ges, and taken great Pains to set a good and godly Way among them, [meaning the Statute of the Six Articles.] And for all that they had with them in Kent the most enormous Heresies. And because he heard, that it was the King's Will and Pleasure, that every Man, on pain of his Allegiance, should bring in what he knew, or else if he knew and did conceal it, it should be his damage; therefore in discharge of his Duty, he came to tender that Bill of Articles.

But this Speech was not delivered that Day, the Council not being at leisure. And lest some People, knowing the pragmatical temper of London, might be jealous what he did at the Court, and suspect it was for no Good to the Professors of the Gospel, it was studiously given out, that he was there for some Promotion from the King.

The next day the sedulous Man carried Willoughby to the Lord Privy-Seal, [Lord Russel, if I mistake not] with his Articles;* 9.54 but neither would my Lord-Privy-Seal see them, having no leisure, as he pretended: I suppose, because he liked them not, and loved my Lord of Canterbury. The Day after London carried him to the Bishop of Winchester. Into whom he went and tarried an Hour, carrying

in the Copy of the Articles. In which time, no question, the Bishop and his trusty Substitute contrived for the managing of the Matter. Soon after Willoughby being with Winchester, and desiring him, That he might not be put to present the Articles, not being able to testify to the Truth of them, Winchester bade him

Fear not to do his Duty: and that if the Matter were not to be abidden by, the Doers should bear the blame, and not the Presenter. And that it was all our Duties to stand in such things as were contrary to the King's Injunctions.

But notwithstanding Willoughby got himself excused, and delivered them not; but the Prebendaries soon after Easter did.

* 9.55The Articles are not specified in the Papers I use; but by the In∣terrogatories and other Passages, it appears that some of them were these that follow:

That he rebuked Serles for that he preached, that Images might be permitted in the Church, as Representatives of Saints, and not be Idols. Item, That the Arch-bishop spake openly before all the Prebendaries and Preachers in Consistory, that the King's Pleasure was to have the Six Preachers consist of three of the New Learning, and three of the Old. Item, That Serles and Shether underwent Censure laid upon them by the Arch-bishop for some∣what they had preached, when the Honesty of their Audience of∣fered themselves to testify, that they were falsely accused, and that that which was laid against them was not true: and although they were a great Number, yet they could not be admitted. That they were Innocent Preachers, and being Innocent, were condemned, the one to Prison, and the other to read a Declaration of false surmised Articles. Item, That those that would speak against evil Opinions, dared not; for if they did, they were complained of, and called Se∣ditious Persons, stirring the People to Commotion: and complaining to their Ordinary, they got nothing but displeasure; and the evil Preachers had much more Favour and Boldness. Item, That there were two Images of Christ, and two of our Lady, that were taken down; whereunto was neither Oblation, nor any Lights standing before them.

* 9.56Other Articles, which were of Serles his own collecting, as appears by the Interrogatories, that Cranmer under his own hand had prepared to put to him, were such as these, and were chiefly against the Arch-bishop's Commissary. That there were a great number of evil Preachers in Canterbury Diocess.

That the Arch-bishop's Com∣missary [Dr. Leigh] in his Visitation, commanded, that the Wax-Candles, blessed upon Candlemass-day, should not be delivered unto the People. That Holy-Water should not be born, nor cast into Mens Houses. That in some Churches, by the Commissaries com∣mand, all the Images were pulled down, and hewed with Axes. That the Commissary was most conversant with Abjured Persons, and other suspect of Heresy, aiding, maintaining, and succouring them. That Ioanna Bochier was delivered by the Favour of the Com∣missary. [Whereas indeed she was by the King's Pardon. This is she that was afterwards burnt for Arianism in King Edward's Days]. That one Giles came to Canterbury, in a Courtier's Coat, and a Beard, being a Priest, and there lodged ten Days. And one Hardes, a

Justice, complained of him to the Commissary, but the Commissa∣ry did nothing. [Whereas in truth he was not a Priest, but a Lay∣man.] That a Taylor in Canterbury did openly read and expound the Scripture in his own House: and open resort thither was suffered by the Commissary. That the Master of S. Iohn's in Canterbury at his Death refused to receive, and despised the Blessed Sacrament: and yet by the Sufferance of the Commissary, was both buried like a true Christian, and also was of very many praised for a good and holy Man. That Mr. Bland in communication with Mr. Sponer, Vicar of Boughton, denied Auricular Confession to be requisite, and deli∣vered his Opinion to the said Sponer in Writing. Which the Com∣missary hearing, desired Sponer to let him see the Writing, swear∣ing that he would not keep it from him: But when he had the Bill, he put it into his Purse. That the Commissary resigned a Benefice to the said Bland, binding Bland, and his Successor, by a Writing made under the Hand of my Lord of Canterbury, and the Chapter, to pay unto him, and his Assigns, a great part of the clear yearly Value for many Years.

This was the Sum of Serles's Articles: but most of them were found to be frivolous and false.

Articles yet more against our Arch-bishop were,* 9.57

That he held a constant correspondence with Germany, sending Letters thither, and receiving Letters thence.

That he gave out a great many Exhibiti∣ons in Germany, and had many Pensioners there. (In relation to which, there seemed to be a design carrying on, that the Bishop of Winchester should seize some of these Letters of the Arch-bishop. For Gardiner told him whose Hands they past through, namely one Fuller of Canterbury, and that if the said Bishop would send for him, and command him upon his Allegiance, he should know more. Or at least, that he might make use of Fuller for a Witness to serve to prove this Article.) Moreover, they put in their Articles,

That his Grace's Sister was a Milner's Wife, and that She and her Husband lived nine or ten Years together in Canterbury. And then that She married to one Mr. Bingham, her former Husband being yet alive: and that Mr. Commissary married her Daughter. And though he were thus a married Priest, yet he was joined with Mr. Dean [Wotton] to be one of the Proctors of the Clergy in the Convocation-house: and not of their Election, but that it was obtained by the Interest of his Affinity.

The chief Witnesses and Persons concerned as Vouchers and In∣formers, were, Roper, Balthazar a Chirurgion, Heywood, Moor,* 9.58 Bec∣kinsal, German Gardiner.

At length, after much adoe, some of the Prebendaries,* 9.59 in the Name of the Church of Canterbury, delivered into the Council not long after Easter, the Articles swelled to a good Quantity of Paper. And so they came at last into the King's Hand. Having received them, he bade Baker the Chancellor of the Court of Augmentation, a Kentish Man, being one of the Privy-Council, and a Privado in this Matter, to send to Canterbury for some to prove the Articles. The said Chancellor orders the Dean, ignorant of the Matter, to send to Shether & Serles to come up as secretly as might be to London. Being come up, Shether repairs to the Dean: Who ••ad him with Gar∣diner

and Parkhurst, to go to the Chancellor who sent for them. Being come before him, he said to them,

That the King had a Book against the Arch-bishop delivered to him; which he had himself perused. And because that he perceived, that they could say some∣what, wishing also for Serles, (who was not yet come) he told them the King willed them to say what they knew; fearing no Person, but to dread only one God and one King.

Whereupon they took the Book, and drew out such Articles as they could witness of. He bad them return to Canterbury, and provide the Witnesses there; and that She∣ther the youngest should come back again, after he had perfected the Book in the Day and Year, and to bring it with him. From him they applied again to the Bishop of Winchester, the great Wheel, and shewed him what Baker had said to them.

CHAP. XXVII. The King the Arch-bishop's Friend in this Danger.

* 9.60THE King well perceiving the Malice of the Men, and a Plot contrived against an honest and innocent Man, strengthned with the Favour and Aid of Winchester, and several of the Coun∣sellors, and the imminent danger the Arch-bishop was in, except he himself did interpose, it pleased God to turn the King's Heart to him. So he put the Book of Articles in his Sleeve; and passing one Evening in his Barge by Lambeth-Bridg, the Arch-bishop stand∣ing at the Stairs to do his Duty to his Majesty; he called him into the Barge to him; and accosting him with these words, O my Chap∣lain, now I know who is the greatest Heretick in Kent, communicated to him these Matters, shewing him the Book of Articles against him and his Chaplains, and bad him peruse it. This both surprised, and troubled the Arch-bishop not a little: that those of his own Church, and Justices of the Peace whom he had obliged, should deal so trea∣cherously with him. He kneeled down to the King, and well-know∣ing how false the Articles were,* 9.61desired him to grant a Commission to whomsoever it pleased him, to try the Truth of these Accusati∣ons, so as from the highest to the lowest they might be well punished, if they had done otherwise than became them. The King told him

He would grant a Commission, and that such Affiance and Confidence he had in his Fidelity, that he should be the chief Commissioner himself, to whom he would wholly commit the Examination, with two or three more such as he should chuse.

When the Arch-bishop replied, That it would not seem indifferent to make him a Commis∣sioner, who was a Party accused; the King told him,

That he was sure he would not halt with him, although he were driven to accuse himself, but would speak the Truth of himself, if he had offended.

The King added, That he knew partly how the Matter came about, [namely, by Winchester's subtile means] and that if he handled the Matter wisely, he should find a pretty Conspiracy against him. The King named but one, viz. Dr. Belhouse, to be in the Commis∣sion; and the Arch-bishop named Dr. Iohn Cocks his Vicar-General,

and Anthony Hussey his Register. The Commissi••n was made out of hand, and he was commanded to go himself into Kent upon it: And the King commanded the Commissioners particularly, that it should be sifted out, who was the first Occasion of this Accusation. Pre∣sently every one that had meddled in this Detection, shrunk away, and gave over their hold.

The Arch-bishop came to Feversham himself, and there, as it seems,* 9.62 sat upon the Commission, and drew up some Interrogatories with his own Hand for some of these Informers; and having summoned these Ac∣cusers before him, argued and expostulated meekly, and sometimes earnestly with them; chiefly insisting upon their Ingratitude and Disingenuity with him. He asked Sentleger, if he were at Home on Palm-sunday? (that was the Day, when the Prebendaries signed the Articles) Sentleger saying, He was then at his Benefice, the Arch∣bishop declared the Procession done that Day, as he called it; and said, Whether he and the rest were present that Day, they were all knit in a Bond among them, which he would break: adding, in a passionate way of Expression;

O, Mr. Sentleger, I had in you and Mr. Parkhurst, a good Judgment, and especially in you; but ye will not leave your old Mumpsimus.

To which Sentleger boldly replied, That he trusted they used no Mumpsimus's, but those that were consonant to the Laws of God and the Prince. And with She∣ther, one of the busiest Enemies the Arch-bishop had in this Affair, the Arch-bishop so fatherly discoursed and argued, that Shether could not forbear weeping. He and Serles, two of the chief Agents, were committed to Custody.

But Shether presently dispatcheth his Servant to the Bishop of VVinchester, declaring how he and Serles were in Durance,* 9.63 and re∣commended their Case to him. VVinchester went into the Council-Chamber, probably to try his Interest with the Council to get them released. But it seems he soon perceived how the King stood affect∣ed, and so there was nothing yet to be done: And therefore he told the Servant, he could give him no Answer as yet. A Day or two af∣ter, at the Servant's departing, he told him,

That his Master was a Child for weeping to the Arch-bishop, when he should have an∣swered; and that he should not weep for shame, but answer like a Man; and that he should take a good Heart, for he should have Friends. That he would not forget him: but he must know of the Council first what to do;

and so desired the Servant to have him re∣commended to the Prebendaries all in general; bidding him tell them,

That my Ld of Canterbury could not kill them, and that there∣fore they should bear their Sufferings; for all he did was against him∣self, and that he should see what would come of it.

Ford, a Brother-in-law of Shether's, and a Party, told the Servant,

That he should tell his Brother, that he should never recant; for if he did, he would never be his Friend while he lived, nor none should that he could let; and that my Lord of VVinchester should be his Friend.

But to return to the Arch-bishop's Examination of them.* 9.64 When he asked them what the reason was of these their doings; they pre∣tended one one thing, and another another. Gardiner said, that which moved him was, Because he observed such Jarrings among

them, and so much Unquietness about Matters of Religion; and that he thought it was by the Arch-bishop's Sufferance: Which the Arch-bishop convinced him was false. Shether pretended that Baker, the Chancellor of the Augmentations, had willed him to mark the chief Fautors of new Opinions. VVilloughby desired Dr. Thornton, who was very great with the Arch-bishop, but secretly false to him, that he would let his Lordship know, that he never put up Article against any Man in his Life; for that he was charged to have put up, or ready to have put up, the Articles. Thornton bad him stick to it, and not be afraid; for, saith he, I have spoken my Mind to the Council there∣in, as I am bound, and so be you, being the King's Chaplain.

* 9.65But the Arch-bishop left the further discovery of this Mischief to the diligence of Cockes and Hussey his Officers: this was about Au∣gust. They sat six Weeks, saith my Manuscript; but being secret Favourers of the Papists, handled the Matter so, that nothing would be disclosed and espied, but every thing colourably was hid. The Arch-bishop secretly observed this; but Morice his Secretary wrote to Dr. Butts the King's Physicians, and Sir Anthony Denny of his Bed-Chamber, That if the King sent not some others to assist the Arch-bishop, than those that were with him, it was not possible any thing should come to light; wishing that Dr. Legh, or some such other stout Man, that had been exercised in the King's Ecclesiastical Af∣fairs in his Visitation, might be sent to him. And Dr. Legh was soon dispatched with Instructions from the King into Kent, with the King's Ring, which he delivered to the Arch-bishop on Alhollow-Even. And with Dr. Legh, Dr. Rowland Taylor another Civilian, a bold and stirring Man, was joined; who afterwards was burnt for his constancy in Religion.

* 9.66These new Commissioners startled the Delinquents; and they be∣gan to be very uneasy, and full of Anger, as well as Fear. One cried,

Thank my Lord's Grace; that is a way to have Quietness in Kent, to have Dr. Legh there. Of Dr. Taylor they said, he was a Man of an evil Judgment, and notified for, and brought up in the same.

And another, reflecting upon these Men, said,

I would all Ambitious Knaves were hang'd; I would all maintainers of new Opinions were hang'd; I would all Knaves that break Orders were hang'd; I would all Knaves that are against the Common-Wealth were hang'd.

* 9.67Hussey the Register, who had the Examinations of these Men, had private Conferences with them; and let Serles and Sandwich (alias Gardiner) have the Copies of their Accusations, before they were to be called before Legh, that they might the better know what Answers to make.

* 9.68But to proceed, to see what Course Dr. Legh took. Immediately upon his coming, according to the King's Advice, he gave Commis∣sion to about nine or ten of the Arch-bishop's Officers and Gentlemen, such as were tried Men of Wit and Audacity, to go and search the Purses, Chests and Houses of certain Prebendaries and Gentlemen, viz. such as were deemed or suspected to be of this Confederacy, within the Cathedral Church and without; and what Letters and Writings they could find with them, to bring to the Arch-bishop and him.

They all went about their Work in the same Hour; and within four Hours after, the whole Conspiracy was discovered, by finding of Letters, some from the Bishop of Winchester, some from Dr. London at Oxon, and from Justices of the Shire. In the Chambers and Chests of some Gentlemen of the County, were found Letters serving to that purpose. And among the rest there came to the Arch-bishop's Hand two Letters, one of Thornton, and the other of Dr. Barber;* 9.69 whom the ABp retained with him in Houshold, for expedition of Matters in Suit before him, being his Officer, and as a Counsellor to him in the Law when need required: Both promoted by him; Thornton, who was Suffragan of Dover, he made Prebendary of his Church, and whom he always set at his own Mess. The Arch-bishop taking them a-part, shewed them their Letters, and upbraided them with their Falseness and Ingratitude. They fell down on their Knees to the Arch-bishop, and with many Tears begged his Pardon, acknow∣ledging that they had been a Year ago tempted to do what they had done.

The Arch-bishop before them casting up his Hands to Heaven,* 9.70 ap∣plied himself to God, thanking him that he had, in the midst of so many Enemies and false Friends, vouchsafed him one great Friend and Master, meaning the King, without whose Protection, as he said, he were not able to stand upright one Day. He prayed God to make them good Men, and bad them ask God forgiveness, seeing he had never deserved such usage at their Hands. He added, that now he perceived there was no Fidelity nor Truth among Men; and that he was brought to that Point, that he feared his left Hand would accuse his Right: But that he needed not to marvel at it, seeing Christ prophesied of such a World to come in the latter Days.* 9.71 He prayed God of his Mercy to finish that Time shortly: and so dismist them with gentle and comfortable words. And it was observed, that there never after appeared, neither in his Countenance nor his Words, any remembrance thereof. But he thought fit no more to trust them; and so discharged them of his Service. And so he did one Mr. Talbot, another false Man, which was also of his Counsel and Chamber. But Dr. London took occasion hence to say, That they could tell a shrewd Tale, if they were examined; and that it was not for nought they were put out of Service, as tho the reason were, that they should no more have opportunity of knowing any of the Arch-bishop's Doings or Sayings.

All the foresaid seized Papers and Writings, were put into a Chest,* 9.72 and brought up to Lambeth, the King being minded to peruse them, and to punish the Principals. In fine, divers of the chief of the Knot were committed to Prison, where they remained till the next Year, some more closely confined than others; all during the Arch-bishop's Pleasure. All that the Arch-bishop required of them, was Repentance and Recantation, and an ingenuous confession of their Faults and Falseness to him. Abiding for some time under Affliction, their Spirits began to mollify; and then, by supplicatory Letters to the Arch-bishop, they begged his Pardon, made their Confessions, and desired their Liberty.

About which time a Parliament was at hand. Then great labour was made by their Friends for a General Pardon from the King, procuring him a Subsidy,* 9.73 the easier to obtain it. Which indeed fol∣lowed, and wiped away all Punishment and Correction for their Fault. But without the King's Indulgence, they were like suddenly to have had their Liberty by the Arch-bishop's Intercession for them, being a Man that delighted not in revenge.

* 9.74In the before-mentioned Manuscript Volume, belonging to Benet-College, whence I have extracted most of these Relations, are re∣maining the Interrogatories prepared for Dr. London, wrote by the Arch-bishop's own Hand, together with the humble Confessions and Letters of Willoughby, Gardiner, Serles, Milles, Sentleger, and others concerned.* 9.75 Some of which I have transcribed into the Appen∣dix. Gardiner's Expressions seemed so penitent, stiling the Arch-bishop his Father, that it made such an Impression upon the Arch-bishop's Heart, that when he saw him next, he told him, Ye call me Father, in good Faith I will be a Father to you indeed. Yet this very Man, so ingrateful he was, that soon after this kind Reconciliation of the Arch-bishop to him, and (as it seems) his deliverance out of Pri∣son, he and the rest had fresh Communications together again: Inso∣much that the Arch-bishop was fain to enter upon a new trouble with them, putting them under Restraint again, and interrogating them concerning their late Communication. Unless this Letter of Gardiner writ unto his Grace, may admit of a more favourable In∣terpretation.

MOST honourable Father; Unadvisedly, as God shall save me, I have offended your Grace; and I think not the con∣trary, but that some back Friend hath done me more hurt and hindrance, than I have at your Grace's Hands deserved. For I know well in mine own Conscience, I have nothing so highly of∣fended, as I do perceive that your Grace is informed of me. In good Faith I speak it of my Conscience, and before God, I would I were under Ground. For now have I lost that, which I never thought to lose again: Yea that of which had I was as glad as ever I was of Benefit received in this World, as knoweth my Sa∣viour Christ Jesus: Who preserve your Grace.

Yours, VVill. Gardiner.

* 10.1But while these things were transacted at Canterbury, on the Arch-bishop's behalf, against these false Accusers, Dr. London, one of the great Incendiaries, was censured at Windsor. For he, and one Sy∣mons a Lawyer, and Ockham, that laid Traps for others, were catch'd at length themselves. They were Men that busied themselves in framing Indictments, upon the six Articles, against great Numbers of those that favoured or professed the Gospel, and in sending them to Court to Winchester; who was to prefer the Complaints to the Coun∣cil. The King being more and more informed of their base Conspi∣racies, and disliking their bloody Dispositions, commanded the Council should search into the Matters. And so London and his

Fellows being examined before the said Council, were in the end found to be perjured, in denying, upon their Oaths, what they had indeed done, and was proved manifestly to their Faces. Hereupon they were adjudged perjured Persons, and appointed to ride through Windsor, Reading and Newbery, where they had done most Mischief, with their Faces towards the Horse-Tail, and a Paper upon their Heads, declaring their Crime; and to stand upon the Pillory in each of those Towns. And that Punishment they underwent, and then were sent to the Fleet. London not long after died there, probably out of Shame and Sorrow: This was the End of one of these Con∣spirators. German Gardiner was a Year after hanged, drawn and quartered, as a Traitor, for denying the King's Supremacy. And the Bishop of Winchester after this, never had Favour or Regard of the King more. And Heywood, another of the Crew of the Infor∣mers and Witnesses, was condemned for Treason with Gardiner; but making a Recantation, his Life was spared.

CHAP. XXVIII. The Arch-bishop falls into more Troubles.

AFter this, the Arch-bishop received two terrible Shocks more, if I am right in the placing them, as I think I am, though I leave Fox to follow Morice, the Arch-bishop's Secretary, in his Ma∣nuscript Declaration of the said Arch-bishop. The former was a Complaint that was made openly against him in Parliament; and the latter, when the Lords of the Privy-Council accused him unto the King, and required that he should be sent to the Tower.

Sir Iohn Gostwick, a Knight for Bedforshire,* 10.2 a Man of great Ser∣vice in his Time, but Papistical, stood up in the House, and laid to his Charge his Sermons and Lectures, both at Sandwich and Canter∣bury, containing, as he said, manifest Heresy against the Sacrament of the Altar. Though it was much they should accuse him in that Point, seeing he then held a Corporal Presence; but it displeased them that it was after the Lutheran way, rather than after theirs of Transubstantiation. But the King perceived easily this proceeded of Malice, for that he was a Stranger in Kent, and had neither heard the Arch-bishop preach nor read there. Knowing thereby that he was set on, and made an Instrument to serve other Mens Purposes; the King marvellously stormed at the Matter, calling Gostwick open∣ly, Varlet, and said,

That he had plaid a villanous part, to abuse in open Parliament the Primate of the Realm, especially being in Fa∣vour with his Prince as he was. What will they do with him, said he, if I were gone?

Whereupon the King sent word unto Gostwick, by one of his Privy-Chamber, after this sort;

Tell the Varlet Gostwick, That if he do not acknowledg his Fault unto my Lord of Canterbury, and so reconcile himself towards him, that he may become his good Lord, I will soon both make him a poor Gostwick, and otherwise punish him to the Example of others. He wondred (he said) he could hear my Lord of Canterbury

preaching out of Kent. And that if he had been a Kentish-Man, he might have had some more shadow to put up an Accusation a∣gainst him.

Now Gostwick, hearing of this grievous Threat, came with all possible speed unto Lambeth, and there submitted him∣self in such sorrowful case, that my Lord out of hand not only for∣gave all his Offences, but also went directly unto the King for the ob∣taining of the King's Favour; which he obtained very hardly, and upon condition, that the King might hear no more of his meddling that way. This happened, I suppose, in the Parliament that began in Ianuary,* 10.3 and continued till March 29. 1544. The Arch-bishop's Palace at Canterbury was this Year burnt, and therein his Brother-in-Law, and other Men, according to Stow.

I find no Bishops Consecrated in this Year.

* 10.4At length the Confederacy of the Papists in the Privy-Council (whereof I suspect the Duke of Norfolk to be one,* 10.5 a great Friend of Winchester's, by whose Instigation this Design was set on Foot) came and accused him most grievously unto the King;

That he, with his Learned Men, had so infected the whole Realm with their un∣savoury Doctrine, that three parts of the Land were become abo∣minable Hereticks. And that it might prove dangerous to the King, being like to produce such Commotions and Uproars, as were sprung up in Germany. And therefore they desired, that the Arch-bishop might be committed unto the Tower, until he might be examined.

The King was very strait in granting this. They told him,

That the Arch-bishop being one of the Privy-Council, no Man dared to object Matter against him, unless he were first committed to durance. Which being done, Men would be bold to tell the Truth, and say their Consciences.

Upon this P••rswasion of theirs, the King granted unto them, that they should call him the next Day before them, and, as they saw cause, so to com∣mit him to the Tower.

* 10.6At Midnight, about Eleven of the Clock, before the Day he should appear before the Council, the King sent Mr. Denny to my Lord at Lambeth, willing him incontinently to come over to VVestminster to him. The Arch-bishop was in Bed, but rose straitway and repaired to the King, whom he found in the Gallery at VVhitehall. Being come, the King declared unto him what he had done, in giving Li∣berty to the Council to commit him to Prison: for that they bare him in hand, that he and his learned Men had sown such Doctrine in the Realm, that all Men almost were infected with Heresy; and that no Man durst bring Matter against him, being at Liberty, and one of the Council. And therefore I have granted to their Request, said the King; but whether I have done well or no, what say you, my Lord? The Arch-bishop first humbly thanked the King, that it had pleased him to give him that warning before-hand. And that he was very well content to be committed to the Tower for the trial of his Doctrine, so that he might be indifferently heard; as he doubted not but that his Majesty would see him so to be used. Whereat the King cried out,

O Lord God, what fond Simplicity have you, so to permit your self to be imprisoned, that every

Enemy of yours may take Advantage against you? Do not you know, that when they have you once in Prison,* 10.7 three or four false Knaves will soon be procured to witness against you, and condemn you; which else, now being at Liberty, dare not once open their Lips, or appear before your Face? No, not so, my Lord, (said the King) I have better regard unto you, than to permit your Enemies so to overthrow you. And therefore I will have you to Morrow come to the Council, which no doubt will send for you. And when they break this Matter unto you, require them, that being one of them, you may have so much Favour, as they would have themselves; that is, to have your Accusers brought before you. And if they stand with you, without regard of your Allegations, and will in no Condition condescend unto your Re∣quest, but will needs commit you to the Tower, then appeal you from them to our Person, and give to them this my Ring; (which he then delivered unto the Arch-bishop) by the which (said the King) they shall well understand, that I have taken your Cause into my Hand from them. Which Ring they well know, that I use it for no other Purpose, but to call Matters from the Council into mine own Hands, to be ordered and determined.

And with this good Advice Cranmer, after most humble Thanks, departed from the King's Majesty.

The next Morning, according to the King's Monition,* 10.8 and his own Expectation, the Council sent for him by Eight of the Clock in the Morning. And when he came to the Council-Chamber-Door, he was not permitted to enter into the Council-Chamber, but stood without among Serving-men and Lacquies above three quarters of an hour; many Counsellors and others going in and out. The Mat∣ter seemed strange unto his Secretary, who then attended upon him; which made him slip away to Dr. Butts, to whom he related the manner of the thing. Who by and by came, and kept my Lord Company. And yet e're he was called into the Council, Dr. Butts went to the King, and told him, that he had seen a strange Sight. What is that, said the King? Marry, said he, my Lord of Canter∣bury is become a Lacquey, or a Serving-man: For to my knowledg, he hath stood among them this hour almost at the Council-Chamber-Door. Have they served my Lord so?

It is well enough, said the King, I shall talk with them by and by.

Anon Cranmer was called into the Council, there it was declared unto him, That a great Complaint was made of him, both to the King and to them, That he, and others by his Permission, had infected the whole Realm with Heresy: And therefore it was the King's Pleasure that they should commit him to the Tower, and there for his Trial, to be examined. Cranmer required, as is before declared, with many, both Reasons and Perswasions, that he might have his Accusers come there before them, before they used any further Extremity against him. In fine, there was no Intreaty could serve, but that he must needs depart to the Tower.

I am sorry, my Lords, said Cranmer, that you drive me unto this Exigent, to appeal from you to the King's Majesty; who by this Token hath resumed this Matter into his own Hand, and dischargeth you thereof.

And so delivered the

King's Ring unto them. By and by the Lord Russel swore a great Oath, and said,

Did not I tell you, my Lords, what would come of this Matter? I know, right well, that the King would never permit my Lord of Canterbury to have such a Blemish, as to be imprisoned, unless it were for High-Treason.

And so as the man∣ner was, when they had once received that Ring, they left off their Matter, and went all unto the King's Person, both with his Token, and the Cause.

* 10.9When they came unto his Highness, the King said unto them;

Ah, my Lords, I thought that I had had a discreet and wise Coun∣cil, but now I perceive that I am deceived. How have you hand∣led here my Lord of Canterbury? What make ye of him? A Slave? Shutting him out of the Council-Chamber among Serving∣men. Would ye be so handled your selves? And after such taunt∣ing words as these spoken, the King added, I would you should well understand, that I account my Lord of Canterbury as faithful a Man towards me, as ever was Prelate in this Realm, and one to whom I am many ways beholden, by the Faith I owe unto God, and so laid his Hand upon his Breast. And therefore who loveth me, said he, will upon that Account regard him.

And with these words all, and especially my Lord of Norfolk, answered and said,

We meant no manner of Hurt unto my Lord of Canterbury, that we requested to have him in Durance. Which we only did, because he might, after his Trial, be set at Liberty to his greater Glory. Well, said the King, I pray you use not my Friends so. I per∣ceive now well enough, how the World goeth among you. There remaineth Malice among you one to another; let it be avoided out of hand, I would advise you.

And so the King departed, and the Lords shook Hands every Man with the Arch-bishop. Against whom never more after durst any Man spurn, during King Henry's Life. And because the King would have Love always nourished between the Lords of the Council and the Arch-bishop, he would send them divers times to Dinner with him. And so he did after this Reconciliation.

* 10.10Thus did the King interpose himself divers times between his Arch-bishop, and his irreconcileable Enemies the Papists: and ob∣serving, by these Essays against him, under what Perils he was like to come hereafter for his Religion, about this Time it was, as I con∣jecture, that the King changed his Coat of Arms. For unto the Year 1543, he bore his Paternal Coat, of Three Cranes Sable, as I find by a Date set under his Arms, yet remaining in a Window in Lambeth-House. For it is to be noted, That the King per∣ceiving how much ado Cranmer would have in the Defence of his Religion, altered the Three Cranes, which were parcel of his Ancestors Arms, into Three Pelicans, declaring unto him,

That those Birds should signify unto him, that he ought to be ready, as the Pelican is, to shed his Blood for his young Ones, brought up in the Faith of Christ. For, said the King, you are like to be tasted, if you stand to your Tackling at length.

As in very deed many and sundry times he was shouldered at, both in this King's Reign, as you have heard, and under the two succeding Princes.

CHAP. XXIX. Occasional Prayers and Suffrages.

OCcasional Prayers and Suffrages, to be used throughout all Churches, began now to be more usual than formerly. For these common Devotions were twice this Year appointed by Autho∣rity, as they had been once the last; which I look upon the Arch-bishop to be the great Instrument in procuring: That he might by this means, by little and little, bring into use Prayer in the English Tongue, which he so much desired: and that the People, by under∣standing part of their Prayers, might be the more desirous to have their whole Service rendred intelligible; whereby God might be ser∣ved with the more Seriousness and true Devotion.

The last Year there was a plentiful Crop upon the Ground:* 10.11 But when the Time of Harvest drew near, there happened a great Plague of Rain. So in August Letters were issued out from the King to the Arch-bishop, that he should appoint cert••in Prayers to be used for the ceasing of the Wet-weather; and to write to the rest of the Province to do the like. But hear the King's Letter.

MOST Reverend Father in God, right Trusty,* 11.1 and right in∣tirely Beloved, We greet you well. And forasmuch as there hath been now a late, and still continueth, much Rain, and other unseasonable Weather, whereby is like to ensue great Hurt and Damage to the Corn and Fruits now ripe upon the Ground, unless it shall please God, of his infinite Goodness, to stretch forth his holy Hand over us: Considering, by sundry Ex∣amples heretofore, that God at the Contemplation of earnest and devout Prayers, oftentimes extended his Mercy and Grace; and hath also assuredly promised, that whensoever we call upon him for Things meet for us, he will grant unto us the same: We, having the Governance and Charge of his People committed unto Us, have thought good to cause the same to be exhorted by You, and other the Prelats of this our Realm, with an earnest repentant Heart for their Iniquities, to call unto God for Mercy; and with devout and humble Prayer and Supplication, every Person, both by himself apart, and also by Common-Prayer, to beseech him to send unto us such seasonable and temperate Weather, to have in those Fruits, and Corn on the Ground, which hitherto he hath caused so plenteously to grow.

For the which purpose we require you, and nevertheless com∣mand you, to send unto all your Brethren, the Bishops within your Province, to cause such general Rogations and Processions to be made incontinently within their Diocesses, as in case like here∣tofore hath been accustomed in this behalf accordingly.

Yevon under our Signet, at our Manor of the Moor, the 20th Day of August, the XXXV Year of our Reign.

The Arch-bishop accordingly sent his Order, dated August 23. 1543. to Edmond Bishop of London, that there might be Prayers and Sup∣plications in his Diocess every Fourth and Sixth Days of the Week. And the like Order was dispatched to all the other Bishops in his Pro∣vince;

By their Prayers, as was accustomed, to implore God's Mercy to avert his Wrath, that the People had justly deserved. And not to cease their Prayers and Suffrages till further Order from him.

* 11.2It is not so evident, that these Prayers were in the English Tongue. But in the Year following, viz. 1544. there were, without Contro∣versy, certain Suffrages drawn up in our Mother-Tongue by the Arch-bishop's means; which he intended to be universally observed every where. Upon the Arch-bishop's pious Motions, as it seems, the King issued out his Letters to him, dated in Iune, for the publi∣cation of these Prayers in English, to be from thenceforth continually used in the Church; together with setting forth the King's Injuncti∣ons, by Preaching and good Exhortation, that the People, who be∣fore did but slackly observe their Devotions, for want of understand∣ing the Divine Service, might henceforth more frequently and more fervently resort to religious Worship.

I shall not here set down the King's Letter, as I transcribed it out of Arch-bishop Cranmer's Register,* 11.3 because Bishop Burnet hath prin∣ted it already in his first Volume, among the Collections, pag. 264. It runs in such a pious strain, as tho none but the Arch-bishop had been the Suggestor thereof.

That since at that time Christendom was plagued with Wars, Hatred and Dissensions, and in no Place was Peace and Agreement: and since it was out of the Power of Man to redress these Miseries, God alone being able to restore Peace, and unite Mens Hearts; Therefore the King was resolved to have general Processions used in all Churches, with all Reverence and Devotion of the People. And because the not understanding the Prayers and Suffrages formerly used, caused that the People came but slackly to the Processions; therefore the King now had pub∣lished certain Prayers in our Native Tongue. Which he, with his present Letter, had sent to the Arch-bishop, for the special Trust and Confidence he had of his Godly Mind, and the earnest desire that was in him for the setting forth of God's Glory, and the true worshipping of his Name. And that these Prayers should not be observed for a Month or two, as his other Injunctions had been, but that they, together with the Injunctions, should be ear∣nestly set forth by Preaching, good Exhortation, and otherwise; in such sort as they might feel the Godly Taste thereof, and godly and joyously with Thanks receive, embrace, and frequent the same. Commanding the Arch-bishop, that he should not only cause the same Suffrages to be used in his own Diocess, but signify the King's Pleasure in this regard to all other Bishops of his Pro∣vince. And that he should have a special respect hereunto; and make report, if any did not with good dexterity accomplish the same. It was given under the King's Signet, at his Manor of S. Iames's, Iune 11. in the 36th of his Reign.

I have not met with these Suffrages; which if I had, I should have been enclined to

publish them here; and the rather, because I believe they were of Cranmer's own composing.

According to this Letter, the Arch-bishop dispersed his Letters to Edmund Bishop of London, and the other Bishops, with a Copy of the Suffrages to be used: urging withal, the observation of all the King's Injunctions heretofore promulgated, for the confirming and establishing of Sacred Religion.

About August this Year,* 11.4 the King was upon going himself in Per∣son to invade France, against which Nation he was now in Hostili∣ty; and had prepared a mighty Army by Land and Sea for that pur∣pose. Now the Arch-bishop was again called upon by the Privy-Counsellors, to appoint Processions in the English Tongue through the Realm, for the King's good Success in this great Expedition. The Councils Letter ran in this Tenor.

AFTER our right-hearty Commendations to your good Lord∣ship: These shall be to signify to the same,* 12.1 That the King's Highness having so provided for the Safety of his Grace's Realm, as the great Malice of his Enemies shall, by the Grace of God, take small effect: For the repulsing of which, his Highness hath in a readiness to set abroad, at the furthest on Wednesday next, such a puissant Navy, as hath not been seen assembled in the re∣membrance of Man: Considering nevertheless, that all Victories and good Successes come only at the Direction and Appointment of God, following herein that Trade of such a Christian Prince, as he is, hath devised to have Processions throughout the Realm, in such sort as in like Cases hath heretofore laudably been accustomed. Requiring your Lordship therefore, to take Order incontinently, that from henceforth, through your Province, the said Processions be kept continually upon the accustomed Days, and none other∣wise; and sung or said, as the number of the Quoire shall serve for the same, in the English Tongue; to the intent, that there may be an Uniformity in every Place. Whereby it may please God at all times to prosper his Majesty in all his Affairs: And the rather, to have regard at this time unto the Uprightness of his Grace's Quarrel, and to send his Highness victorious Success of the same. And thus we bid your Lordship most heartily well to fare. From Petworth, the 10th Day of August.

Your Lordship's assured loving Friends, W. Essex, St. Wynton, Ant. Brown. Will. Paget.

The Copy of this Letter the Arch-bishop dispatched to the Bishop of London; and in a Letter of his own, he first stirred him up to take care of making due Provisions for the religious Performance of these Prayers in his Diocess, upon consideration of the King's great Wars by Land and Sea, and his Wars in France, in Scotland, and in the Parts about Bulloign. Then he enjoined him, and all the Bishops in his Province, every Fourth and Sixth Day, to retire to Prayer and Supplication to God; and that the People should, as he wrote, Con∣cinna

modulatione & una voce cunctipotentem Deum Sabaoth, omnis Victoriae largitorem unicum, sanctè & piè, non labiis sed corde puro a∣dorent:

In becoming Harmony, and with one Voice, holily and piously, not with the Lips, but with a pure Heart, adore the Al∣mighty God of Sabaoth, the only giver of all Victory.

* 12.2And in these smaller Matters our Arch-bishop was fain now to be contented to busy himself, since about this Juncture Winton or his Party had the Ascendent, and did all at Court. Concerning these latter Times of King Henry, when the Popish Bishops carried all be∣fore them again; and the Acts of Parliament that were made, whereby the Bishops were empowred to call Sessions as oft as they would, to try those that gave not due Obedience to the Superstitions of the Church,* 12.3 and that upon pain of Treason: Thus Iohn Bale complains, whose Words may give us some light into the sad Condi∣tion of these Times.

Still remaineth there Soul-Masses, of all Abominations the principal; their prodigious Sacrifices, their Censings of Idols, their boyish Processions, their uncommanded Worshippings, and their Confessions in the Ear, of all Traitery the Fountain; with many other strange Observations, which the Scripture of God knoweth not. Nothing is brought as yet to Christ's clear Institution, and sincere Ordinance, but all remaineth still as the Antichrists left it. Nothing is tried by God's Word, but by the ancient Authority of Fathers. Now passeth all under their Title. Though the old Bishops of Rome were of late Years proved Antichrists, and their Names razed out of our Books; yet must they thus properly, for old Acquaintance, be called still Our Fathers. If it were naught afore, I think it is now much worse; for now are they become laudable Ceremonies, whereas before-time they were but Ceremonies alone. Now are they become necessary Rites, godly Constitutions, seemly Vsages, and civil Or∣dinances, whereas afore they had no such Names. And he that disobeyeth them, shall not only be judged a Felon, and worthy to be hanged, by their new-forged Laws, but also condemned for a Traitor against the King, though he never in his Life hindred, but rather to his Power hath forwarded the Common-Wealth. To put this with such-like in Execution, th•• Bishops have Autho∣rity, every Month in the Year if they list, to call a Session, to Hang and Burn at their pleasure. And this is ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament, to stand the more in Effect.

Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, had by his Policy and Interest, brought things thus backward again,* 12.4 and exalted the Power of the Bishops, that of late Years had been much eclipsed. And so he plainly told one Seton, a Man of Eminency in these Times, both for Piety and Learning in London; who met with Troubles there, about the Year 1541, for a Sermon preached at S. Anthonies, against Justi∣fication by Works. This Seton being now it seems fallen into new Troubles, and brought before the aforesaid Bishop; when he was able no longer to withstand the manifest Truth, said to him,

Mr. Seton, we know ye are Learned, and plenteously endued with Knowledg in the Scriptures, yet think not that ye shall over∣come us. No, no, set your Heart at rest, and look never to

have it said, that ye have overcome the Bishops. For it shall not be so.

Robert Holgate Bishop of Landaff,* 12.5 was this Year preferred to the See of York. His Confirmation is mentioned in the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Register: Wherein is set down an Oath which he then took, of Renunciation of the Pope, and Acknowledgment of the King's Supremacy, very full and large. Afterwards I find the same Oath administred to Kitchin Elect of Landaff, and Ridley Elect of Rochester, and Farrar of S. Davids. But I think it not unworthy to be here set down as I find it, seeming to be a new Form drawn up, to be henceforth taken by all Bishops. And this Arch-bishop of York the first that took it.

I Robert Arch-bishop of York Elect,* 12.6 having now the Vail of Darkness of the Usurped Power, Authority and Jurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome, clearly taken away from mine Eyes, do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience, that neither the See, nor the Bishop of Rome, nor any Foreign Potestate hath, nor ought to have, any Jurisdiction, Power or Authority within this Realm, neither by God's Law, nor by any just Law or Means. And though by Sufferance and Abusions in Time past, they afore∣said have usurped and vindicated a feigned and unlawful Power and Jurisdiction within this Realm, which hath been supported till few Years past; Therefore because it might be deemed, and thought thereby, that I took or take it for Just and Good, I there∣fore do now clearly and frankly renounce, forsake, refuse and re∣linquish that pretended Authority, Power and Jurisdiction, both of the See and Bishop of Rome, and of all other Foreign Powers: And that I shall never consent or agree, that the foresaid See or Bp of Rome, or any of their Successors, shall practise, exercise, or have any manner of Authority, Jurisdiction or Power within this Realm, or any other the King's Realms or Dominions; nor any Foreign Potestate, of what State, Degree, or Condition he be; but that I shall resist the same to the uttermost of my Power; and that I shall bear Faith, Troth, and true Allegiance to the King's Majesty, and to his Heirs and Successors declared, or hereafter to be declared, by the Authority of the Act, made in the Sessions of his Parliament holden at Westminster, the 14th day of Ianuary, in the 35th Year, and in the Act made in the 28th Year of the King's Majesty's Reign. And that I shall accept, repute, and take the King's Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, when they, or any of them shall enjoy his Place, to be the only Supream Head in Earth, under God, of the Church of England and Ireland, and all other his Highness Dominions. And that with my Body, Cunning, Wit, and uttermost of my Power, without Guile, Fraud, or other un∣due Means, I shall observe, keep, maintain and defend all the King's Majesty's Stiles, Titles and Rights, with the whole Effects and Contents of the Acts provided for the same, and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made within the Realm, in and for that purpose, and the Derogation, Extirpation and Extinguish∣ment of the usurped and pretended Authority, Power and Juris∣diction

of the See and Bishop of Rome, and all other Foreign Po∣testates as afore. And also as well his Statute made in the said 28th Year, as his Statute made in the Parliament holden in the 35th Year of the King's Majesty's Reign, for Establish∣ment and Declaration of his Highness Succession, and all Acts and Statutes made and to be made in Confirmation and Corro∣boration of the King's Majesty's Power and Supremacy in Earth, of his Church of England and of Ireland, and all other his Grace's Dominions. I shall also defend and maintain, with my Body and Goods, with all my Wit and Power. And thus I shall do a∣gainst all manner of Persons, of what State, Dignity, Degree or Con∣dition soever they be; and in no wise do nor attempt, nor to my Power suffer, or know to be done or attempted, directly or indi∣rectly, any thing or things privily or apertly, to the let, hindrance, damage or derogation of any of the said Statutes, or any part thereof, by any manner of Means, or for or by any manner of Pre∣tence. And in case any Oath hath been made by me to any Per∣son or Persons, in Maintenance, Defence or Favour of the Bishop of Rome, or his Authority, Jurisdiction or Power, or against any the Statutes aforesaid, I repute the same as vain and adnichilate. I shall wholly observe and keep this Oath. So help me God, and all Saints, and the Holy Evangeles.

And then after this Oath, followed the Prayers before the Benedi∣ction of the Pall, and the Ceremonies of delivering it.

CHAP. XXX. The Arch-bishop Reformeth the Canon Law.

* 12.7OUR Arch-bishop seeing the great Evil and Inconvenience of Canons and Papal Laws which were still in Force,* 12.8 and studied much in the Kingdom, had in his Mind now a good while to get them suppressed, or to reduce them into a narrower Compass, and to cull out of them a set of just and wholsome Laws, that should serve for the Government of the Ecclesiastical State. And indeed there was great need of some Reformation of these Laws: For most of them extolled the Pope unmeasurably, and made his Power to be above that of Emperors and Kings. Some of them were,

That he that acknowledged not himself to be under the Bishop of Rome, and that the Pope is ordained of God to have the Primacy over the World, is an Heretick. That Princes Laws, if they be against the Canons and Decrees of the Bishop of Rome, be of no Force. That all the Decrees of the Bishop of Rome ought to be kept perpetually, as God's Word spoken by the Mouth of Peter. That all Kings, Bishops and Noblemen, that believe or suffer the Bishop of Rome's Decrees in any thing to be violated, are accur∣sed.

That the See of Rome hath neither Spot nor Wrinkle. And abundance of the like, which the Arch-bishop himself drew out of the Canon Laws,* 12.9 and are set down by the Bishop of Sarum in his History.

Therefore by the Arch-bishop's Motion and Advice, the King had an Act past the last Year, viz. 1544.* 12.10

That his Majesty should have Authority, during his Life, to name thirty two Persons;* 12.11 that is to say, sixteen Spiritual, and sixteen Temporal, to examine all Ca∣nons, Constitutions and Ordinances, Provincial and Synodal, and to draw up such Laws Ecclesiastical, as should be thought by the King and them convenient to be used in all Spiritual Courts.

Accord∣ing to this Act, tho it seems this Nomination hapned some time before the making of the same, the King nominated several Persons to study, and prepare a Scheme of good Laws for the Church. Who brought their Business to a Conclusion, and so it rested for a time. The Arch∣bishop being now to go down into Kent, to meet some Commissio∣ners at Sittingborn, went to Hampton-Court to take his leave of the King. There he put him in mind of these Ecclesiastical Laws, and urged him to ratify them. So the King bad him dispatch to him the Names of the Persons, (which had been chiefly left to Cranmer's Election) and the Book they had made. This care he, going out of Town, left with Heth Bishop of Rochester.

So that these Laws, by the great Pains of the Arch-bishop,* 12.12 and some Learned Men about him, were brought to that good Perfection, that they wanted nothing but the Confirmation of the King. And there was a Letter drawn up ready for that purpose for the King to sign. It was directed to all Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Clerks, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, Knights and Gentlemen, and all others of whatsoever Degree, his Subjects and Liege-men: Giving them to understand,

That in the room of the corrupt Laws, Decrees and Statutes that proceeded from the Bishops of Rome, which were all abolished, he had put forth by his Authority another Set of Eccle∣siastical Laws, which he required to be observed, under pain of his Indignation.* 12.13

The Copy of this Letter may be read in the Ap∣pendix. But whatsoever the Matter was, whether it were the King's other Business, or the secret Oppositions of Bishop Gardiner, and the Papists, this Letter was not signed by the King.

I have seen the Digest of these Ecclesiastical Laws in a Manuscript in Folio, fairly written out by the Arch-bishop's Secretary,* 12.14 with the Title to each Chapter prefixed, and the Index of the Chapters at the beginning, both of the Arch-bishop's own Hand. In many pla∣ces there be his own Corrections and Additions, and sometimes a Cross by him struck through divers Lines. And so he proceeded a good way in the Book. And where the Arch-bishop left off, Pe∣ter Martyr went on, by his Order, to revise the rest in the Me∣thod he had begun. And in the Title, De Praescriptionibus, the greatest part of the seventh Chapter is Martyr's own writing, viz. beginning at this word Rumpitur,* 12.15 which is in Pag. 248. of the prin∣ted Book, Lin. 23. and so to the end of the Chapter. So that this Manuscript I conjecture was the first Draught of these Laws, pre∣pared in the Reign of King Henry, and revised in the Reign of King Edward his Successor, when P. Martyr was appointed by that King's Letters to be one of those that were to be employed in this Work; who was much at this Time with the Arch-bishop. In this Draught were several Chapters afterwards added, partly by Cranmer, and partly

by Martyr. There was yet a latter, and more perfect Draught of these Laws, as they were compleated and finished in King Edward's Reign. This Draught fell into the Possession of Arch-bishop Par∣ker. From whence he published the Book in the Year 1571, inti∣tuling it, Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, &c. Which was printed again in the Year 1640. Both these Manuscript Draughts were diligently compared together by Iohn Fox; and the main Difference seemed to consist, in putting the latter into a new Method, and pla∣cing the Titles differently.

* 12.16For in this Matter Cranmer was much busied in King Edward's Reign also, being greatly desirous to bring that good Work to per∣fection. For he thought it greatly inconvenient, when the Pope's Power was abrogated, that his Laws should remain in Force; holding it highly necessary, that the Nation might have a Body of wholsome Laws, for the good Administration of Justice in the Spiri∣tual Courts. Wherefore he procured in the fifth Year of that King, Letters Commissional to him, and seven more, diligently to set about the perusal of the old Church-Laws; and then to compile such a Bo∣dy of Laws, as should seem, in their Judgments, most expedient to be practised in the Ecclesiastical Courts and Jurisdictions: These se∣ven were, Thomas Goodrick Bishop of Ely, Richard Cox the King's Almoner, Peter Martyr, William May, Rowland Taylour, Iohn Lucas and Richard Goodrick. But the Matter was in effect wholly intrust∣ed by the King to the Arch-bishop, who associated to himself in the active part of this Work, Taylour, Martyr and Haddon. The Me∣thod they observed in managing this Affair, was, that after they had finished a Title, and drawn it up, it was then sent to Dr. Had∣don, who was a Civilian, and an accurate Latinist, to peruse: And if any thing was less elegantly expressed, to correct it. So I find at the Title De Decimis, these words writ by Cranmer; This is finished by us, but must be over-seen again by Dr. Haddon. Thus for instance, I observe these Corrections by Haddon's Pen, in the Chapter intituled, De Commodis quae perveniunt à Sacris ritibus; instead of Gratiarum actionis mulierum a partu, he corrected it, Levatarum puer∣perarum: And in another place, Cuicun{que} hoc Praerogativum est, in∣stead of hoc Praerogativum, he put, Hoc peculiare jus tribuitur, quod Praerogativum vocant. But his Corrections are very few, and but of words less proper: The Work and Words were mainly Cranmer's own. But all this great and long Labour of the Arch-bishop came to no effect, by reason of the King's untimely Death, and it may be, the secret opposition of Papists.

* 12.17At the same time that he being at Hampton-Court, dealt with the King concerning the Reformation of the Canon-Laws, he also gave him an Account of a Business his Majesty had imployed him in, and with him also Heth and Day Bps of Worcester and Chichester, and some other of his Chaplains, and Learned Men; whom he had of late appoin∣ted with the Arch-bishop to peruse certain Books of Service, deli∣vered by the King to them, wherein there were many Superstitions fit to be amended. Which the Arch-bishop, in the Name of the rest, at this time acquainted the King with: As namely, the Vigil, and ringing of Bells all the Night long upon Alhallow-Night; and

the covering of Images in the Church in the time of Lent, with the lifting the Vail that covereth the Cross on Palm-Sunday, and kneel∣ing to the Cross at the same time. He moved the King in his own Name, and the Name of the rest, that these things might be abo∣lished, and the Superstitions, and other Enormities and Abuses of the same. And that because all other Vigils, which in the beginning of the Church were godly used; yet for the manifold Superstitions and Abuses, which did after grow by means of the same, were many Years past taken away throughout Christendom, and there remained nothing, but the Name of the Vigil in the Calendar, saving only upon Alhallow-Day at Night, he moved that it might be observed no more. And because creeping to the Cross was a greater Abuse than any of the other, (for there the People said, Crucem tuam adoramus, Domine: And the Ordinal saith, Procedant Clerici ad Crucem adorandum nudis pedibus: and it followeth in the said Ordinal, Ponatur Crux ante ali∣quod Altare, ubi à Populo adoretur: Which by the Bishop's Book, intituled, A necessary Instruction, is against the second Command∣ment) therefore he desired of the King, that the creeping to the Cross might also cease hereafter.

These superstitious Usages were allowed in the Articles of Reli∣gion, put forth Anno 1536.* 12.18 Cranmer then not having Interest enough to procure the laying them aside, or thinking it then not a fitting season to attempt it, as being in vain to oppose what the King him∣self at that time approved of. But now the King listned to the Arch-bishop, and bad him confer with the Bishop of Worcester, and send to him their Thoughts, what course they would advise him to take for Redress. The Arch-bishop accordingly consulted with the said Bishop, who then went along with Cranmer in the Reformation. The Effect of which was, as the Arch-bishop wrote to the King soon after from Bekesbourn,

That his Majesty should send his Letters to both the Arch-bishops to reform these Superstitions; and they to send in the King's Name to all the Prelates within their respective Provinces to the same purpose.

The Arch-bishop withal sent to the King the Minutes of a Letter to be sent to him, the said Arch-bishop, to that intent. He also advised the King, that at the same time that this Alteration was commanded to be made, he should set forth some Doctrine which should declare the Cause of the abolishing these U∣sages, for the Satisfaction of the Consciences of the People. For he knew well, as he wrote, that the People would think the Honour of Christ was taken away, when this honouring of the Cross was taken away: And therefore that they should need some good In∣struction herein. He nominated the Bishops of Worcester and Chi∣chester, and some other his Graces Chaplains for the preparing this:

And this, he said, would make the People obey him without mur∣muring; nay, be thankful to him for shewing them the Truth: And it would be a Satisfaction to other Nations, when they should see the King do nothing but by the Authority of God's Word, and for the setting forth of God's Honour,* 12.19 and not the diminishing thereof.

This Letter of the Arch-bishop to the King is extant in the Paper-Office, whence the Bishop of Sarum extracted a Copy.

These things were agitated in the Bishop of VVinchester's Absence, whom the King had sent Ambassador this Year with the Bishop of VVestminster to Charles the Emperor, about the Mediation of a Peace between England and France.* 12.20 The Arch-bishop took this occasion to move the King in these good Purposes for a further Reformation of Abuses in Religion; towards the which the King appeared to be in so good a Mind, VVinchester being absent, who, if he had been at Home, would undoubtedly have done his Endeavour to put a Check to these Attempts. But it must be attributed to his being Abroad, that the King gave an Ear to the Arch-bishop, and apointed a Set of more moderate Bishops and Divines to prepare Matter for his Allowance and Ratification. But VVinchester, tho at a distance, had Informa∣tion of these Designs by his Intelligencers; and by making the King believe, that if he suffered any Innovations in Religion to proceed, the Emperor would withdraw his Mediation for a League: by these crafty Means of this Man, these good Motions proceeded no further.

* 12.21So that there were two Abuses in Religion, which our Arch-bishop by Time and seasonable Inculcation, brought the King off from. He had a very great Esteem for Images in Churches, and for the Worship used to the Cross. And many Disputations and Discourses happened between the King and the Arch-bishop concerning them. Once at the King's Palace at Newhal in Essex, Canterbury and Winchester being alone with the King, a Talk happened about Images, and the Arguments that were used for abolishing them were considered. The Arch-bishop, who built all his Arguments upon the Word of God, produced the second Commandment, and thence he raised his Argument. But the King discussed it as a Commandment relating only to the Jews, and not to us; as VVinchester relates in one of his Letters to the Duke of Somerset; adding, (because the reasoning was so much to his own Mind) That the King so discussed it, that all the Clerks in Christen∣dom could not amend it. And when at another time, one had used Arguments against the Image of the Trinity, whether Cranmer, or some else I know not, VVinchester heard the King answer them too: So possess'd was the King once with an Opinion of retaining them; and yet at length, by the Arch-bishop's wise and moderate Carriage and Speeches, the King was brought to another Opinion, and to give his Orders for the abolishing of a great many of them; namely of such as had been abused. But when he had done this, he would not forgo the other, but commanded Kneeling and Creeping to the Cross. And gross was the Superstition that was committed in this blind Devotion; which the King, by the Arch-bishop's means being at length sensible of, was prevailed with, that this also should no more be used, as you heard before.

There was one thing more this careful Arch-bishop recommended to the King this Year.* 12.22 He was troubled for his Cathedral Church of Canterbury, observing how the Revenues of it were diminished, and made away daily by the Prebendaries thereof, to satisfy the insatia∣ble Greediness of the Laity, and it may be their own too. And the Courtiers and others were hard to be withstood, when they were minded to rake from the Church. The Practice was, that when any were minded to get a Portion of Land from the Church, they

would first engage the King therein, and so the Church was to make it over to him. An•• then by Gift, or for some trifling Consideration, as a Sale, it was conveyed to them from the King. Nay, sometimes they would use the King's Name, without his know∣ledg.

Cranmer had the Honesty and the Courage to make Complaint of this Abuse and Injury done to the Revenues of the Cathedral.

That those of the Church, to their Disquietment, and also great Charges, did alienate their Lands daily, as it was said, by the King's Commandment: But he was sure, he said, that others had gotten the best Lands, and not his Majesty. Therefore he sued, that when his Majesty was minded to have any of their Lands, that they might have some Letters from him to declare his Pleasure, without the which they were sworn to make no Alienation: and that the same Alienations might not be made at other Mens Pleasures, but only to his Majesty's Use.

By which Means it is likely, the Prebendaries had more quiet Possession of their Lands for the time to come.

By this Time the Arch-bishop had compassed two very good Things,* 12.23 in order to the furthering the Common People in Know∣ledg and True Religion. The one was, that he brought in among the Laity a more common use of the Scriptures; and the other, that Sermons were more frequently preached than had been be∣fore. But both these, to the Grief of the Arch-bishop, were sadly abused: For now the Contending of Preachers in their Pulpits, one against another, grew more and more, and became most scanda∣lous. So that few preached the Word of God truly and sincerely, but ran almost wholly upon Matters controverted; and in that rail∣ing manner, that their Expressions were very provoking. So that this came to the sowing of Discord among the People, instead of pro∣moting Love, Unity, and solid Religion. The Laity on the other hand, some of them railed much on the Bishops, and spoke con∣temptibly of the Priests, and taunted the Preachers. The Scrip∣tures were much read, but the Effect of it appeared too much in their making use of it only for Jangling and Disputation upon Points of Religion, and to taunt at the Ignorance or Error of Priests. O∣thers on the other hand, to be even with the Gospellers, made it their Business to derogate from the Scripture, to deal with it irre∣verently, and to rhime and sing, and make sport with it in Ale∣houses and Taverns. These things came to King Henry's Ears,* 12.24 which made him very earnestly blame both the Laity and Spiri∣tuality for it, in a Speech which he made at the Dissolution of his Parliament this Year.

A Bishop Confirmed.

Anthony Kitchin, alias Dunstan, D.D.* 12.25 was Elected and Confirmed Bishop of Landaff, May 2. The ABp sent his Commissional Letters, dated the same Day, to Thomas Bishop of Westminster for his Consecration: But the Consecration is not entred in the Register.

His Oath to the King began thus:

I Anthony Kitchin, Elect Bi∣shop of Landaff, having now the Vale of Darkness of the Usur∣ped Power, Authority and Jurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome, clearly taken away from mine Eyes, do utterly testify and declare in my Heart, that neither the See, nor the Bishop of Rome, nor any Foreign Potestate hath, or ought to have, &c. as before.

* 12.26Another Proclamation was set out the next Year, (which was the last issued out under this King) prohibiting again Tindal's and Coverdale's English New Testament,* 12.27 or any other than what was permitted by Parliament; and also the English Books of Wickliff, Frith, &c. the King being vexed with the Contests and Clamours of the People one against another, while they disputed so much of what they read, and practised so little.

* 12.28A small matter oftentimes creates great Brablings and Contenti∣ons in Fraternities. Such a small thing now occurred in the Arch-bishop's Church. Two of the Prebends were minded to change Houses; but the rest it seems made some Opposition, as reckoning it contrary to a certain Statute of that Church. The Arch-bishop hearing hereof, seasonably interposed, and interpreted their Statute for them. The Preachers also of this Church, seem not to have been fairly dealt with by the Prebends, both as to their Lodgings and Benefits. But at a late Chapter they had obtained an Order in their behalf. This the Arch-bishop now, who favoured Preach∣ing, reminded them speedily to make good. Concerning both these Affairs, he wrote this Letter to them, for the preserving Quietness, Peace and good Order in his Church.

* 13.1AFter my hearty Commendations: Whereas I am informed, that you be in doubt whether any Prebendary of that my Church, may exchange his House or Garden with another Pre∣bend of the same Church-Living, and that you be moved by this Statute so to think, which here followeth; Statuimus ut Canoni∣cus de novo Electus, & demissus in demortui, aut resignantis, aut quovismodo cedentis aedes succedat. These be to signify unto you, that neither this Statute, nor any other Reason that I know, maketh any thing against the Exchange between two Prebends Living, but that they may change House, Orchard or Garden du∣ring their Life, this Statute or any other Reason contrary not∣withstanding. And whereas you have appointed your Preachers at your last Chapter, their Chambers and Commodities, I require you that they may be indelayedly admitted thereunto, according to that your Order. Thus fare you well. From my Mannor of Croyden, the 12th of December, 1546.

Th. Cantuariens.

To my loving Friends, the Vice-dean and Prebendaries of my Church in Canterbury.

This was the last Year of King Henry. And the two last things the Arch-bishop was concerned in by the King, were these. The King commanded him to pen a Form,* 13.2 for the Alteration of the Mass into a Communion. For a Peace being concluded between Henry and the French King, while that King's Ambassador, Dr. Annebault was here, a notable Treaty was in hand by both Kings, for the promoting that good Piece of Reformation in the Churches of both Kingdoms, of abolishing the Mass. The Kings seemed to be firm∣ly resolved thereon, intending to exhort the Emperor to do the same. The Work our King committed to the Arch-bishop, who no question undertook it very gladly. But the Death of the King prevented this taking Effect.

The last Office the Arch-bishop did for the King his Master,* 13.3 was to visit him in his last Sickness, whom of all his Bishops and Chap∣lains he chose to have with him at that needful Hour, to receive his last Comfort and Counsel. But the King was void of Speech when he came, though not of Sense and Apprehension. For when the King took him by the Hand, the Arch-bishop speaking comfortably to him, desired him to give him some Token, that he put his Trust in God through Iesus Christ, according as he had advised him; and thereat the King presently wrung hard the Arch-bishop's Hand, and soon af∣ter departed, viz. Ianuary the 28th.

The End of the First Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  A worthy Work to re∣vive his Me∣mory.
• * 1.2

  His Family.
• * 1.3

  Anno 1489.
• * 1.4

  Account of his younger Years.
• * 1.5

  Life of Cranm. in the MSS. C.C.C.C.
• * 1.6

  Sent to Cam∣bridg, An. 1503.
• * 1.7

  Life of Cranm. inter Foxii MSS.
• * 1.8

  Anno 1511.
• * 1.9

  Anno 1516.
• * 1.10

  Sets himself to study the Scripture.
• * 1.11

  Anno 1519.
• * 1.12

  Is made Do∣ctor of Divi∣nity, An. 1523.
• * 1.13

  Marries.
• * 1.14

  Refuses to go to Wolsey's Col∣lege, Oxon.
• * 1.15

  He is made one of the U∣niversity Ex∣aminers.
• * 1.16

  The King's great Cause first proposed to the Univer∣sities.
• * 1.17

  The Occasion of his Rise.
• * 1.18

  His Opinion of the King's Cause.

  Life of Cran∣mer, in theMSS. C.C.C.C.
• * 1.19

  The King sends for him.
• * 1.20

  Anno 1529.
• * 1.21

  Sutably placed with the Earl of Ormond.
• * 1.22

  Epist. 19. li. 27.
• * 1.23

  Impensius gratu∣lor tuae soelicita∣ti, quod homini potenti, Lalco, & Aulico, perspici∣am etiam sacra•• Literas ••sse cor∣di, te{que} nobili•• illius Margaretae desiderio ten••ri. Epist. 34. lib. 29.
• * 1.24

  Friendshipand Correspon∣dence between the Earl and Cranmer.
• * 1.25

  Anno 1530.
• * 1.26

  A Providence in his being placed here.
• * 1.27

  Cranmer Di∣sputes at Cam∣bridg.
• * 1.28

  MS. Life of Cranmer.
• * 1.29

  Grows dear to the King and his Court.
• * 1.30

  Li••e of Henr. 8. p. 375.
• * 1.31

  An. 1530.
• * 1.32

  Pole's Book a∣gainst the King's Dissol∣ving his Mar∣riage.
• * 1.33

  Cranmer per••••ses it.
• * 1.34

  His account of it.
• * 1.35

  Cranmer's Cen∣sure thereof.
• * 1.36

  Num. 1.
• * 1.37

  He is employ∣ed in Ambas∣sies,
• * 1.38

  To the Pope.
• * 1.39

  Offers him a Dispute in Fa∣vour of the King's Cause.
• * 1.40

  Hist. Refor. P. 1. p. 89.
• * 1.41

  To the Empe∣ror.
• * 1.42

  Life of Cran. inter Foxii, MSS.
• * 1.43

  An. 1531.
• * 1.44

  Hist. Luther. Per Seckendorf.
• * 1.45

  Cornelius Agrip∣pa gained by Cranmer to the King's Cause.
• * 1.46

  Becomes ac∣quainted with Osiander.
• * 1.47

  Multa graviter, multa sapienter, ••c plan•• divini∣tus d•• Christiana doctrina, ac ve∣ra religione dis∣putares. In Ep. Dedicat. ante Harmon. E∣vangel.
• * 1.48

  And marries his Kinswo∣man.
• * 1.49

  An. 1532.
• * 1.50

  Treats with the Emperor about the Con∣tract of Traf∣fick.
• * 1.51

  And about sending Sup∣lies against th•• Turk.
• * 1.52

  Sends the King the News in those Parts;
• * 1.53

  And the Pro∣clamation for a General Council.
• * 1.54

  Sleid. Com∣ment.
• * 1.55

  And the Tax of the States of the Em∣pire.
• * 1.56

  N^o II.
• * 1.57

  He goes in an Embassy to the Duke of Saxony, and o∣ther Protestant Princes.
• * 1.58

  Hist. Luthera∣nism. per Seckendors.
• * 1.59

  Seckendorf, ub•• supra.
• * 1.60

  Made Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury.
• * 1.61

  His Dignities before he was Arch-Bishop.
• * 1.62

  Arch-Bishop Warham fore∣tells a Thomas to succeed him.
• * 1.63

  Arch-Bishop Warham for the King's Supre∣macy.
• * 1.64

  A••t. Brit.
• * 1.65

  Cranmer's Te∣stimony of Warham.
• * 1.66

  A reflection upon a Passage relating to Cranmer in Harpsfield's History▪
• * 1.67

  Antiq. of Cant.
• * 1.68

  Cranmer tries to evade the Arch-Bishop∣rick.
• * 1.69

  Declares the reason thereof to the King.
• * 1.70

  The Arch-bi∣shop's Bro∣ther is made Arch-deacon of Canterbury.
• * 1.71

  Somner Hist. of Cant. p. 322. ex lib. Eccles. Cant.
• * 1.72

  The King link∣ed Cranmer with him in all his proceed∣ings about Q: Katharine.
• * 1.73

  Anno 1532. Sept. 21.
• * 1.74

  Append. N^o III.
• * 1.75

  Rex D. Annam Bullenam, Thoma Cran∣mero, sacra Ministrante, Vxorem duxit.
• * 1.76

  The King and the Arch-bishop appeal from the Pope to a General Council.
• * 1.77

  The King writes to Dr. Bonner in that behalf. N^o. IV.
• * 1.78

  An. 1533.
• * 1.79

  The Arch-Bishop is con∣secrated.
• * 1.80

  The Pope's Bulls.
• * 1.81

  The Arch-Bi∣shop surren∣ders them to the King.
• * 1.82

  The Method of the Consecra∣tion.
• * 1.83

  De Minister. p. 154. N^o. V.
• * 1.84

  N^o. VI.
• * 1.85

  The Arch-Bi∣shop's Oath for the Temporal∣ties.
• * 1.86

  N^o. VII. The Arch-bi∣shop pro∣nounceth the Divorce.
• * 1.87

  The Arch-bi∣shop's Judg∣ment of the Marriage.
• * 1.88

  Vol. I. Collect. p. 95.
• * 1.89

  The Arch-bi∣shop forbids preaching.
• * 1.90

  Foxii MSS.
• * 1.91

  Visits his Dio∣cess.
• * 1.92

  August. Monks Journal.
• * 1.93

  The Delusion of a Nun in Kent.
• * 1.94

  The Arch-bi∣shop appeals from the Pope.
• * 2.1

  The Arch-bi∣shop's Letter to Bonner. Cleopat. E. 6.
• * 2.2

  Disputes in thé Parliament a∣gainst the Pope's Supre∣macy.
• * 2.3

  Life of Cranm. inter Foxii MSS.
• * 2.4

  Licences for Chappels.
• * 2.5

  Cran. Reg:
• * 2.6

  An. 1534.
• * 2.7

  The Arch-Bishop labours the Reforma∣tion of the Church.
• * 2.8

  What he did this Convoca∣tion.
• * 2.9

  N^o. VIII.
• * 2.10

  A Book for preaching, and the Beads.
• * 2.11

  Dispersed by the Arch-bi∣shop to all the Bishops.
• * 2.12

  The Arch-bi∣shop of York preaches at York.
• * 2.13

  The Clergy and Universi∣ties subscribe against the Pope.
• * 2.14

  Cleopat. E. 6. p. 208.
• * 2.15

  Page 458.
• * 2.16

  Cranmer and o∣thers admini∣ster the Oath of Succession to the Clergy.
• * 2.17

  And to Sir Thomas More who refused it.
• * 2.18

  Sir Thomas More's Letters.
• * 2.19

  Cranmer's Ar∣gument with him.
• * 2.20

  More offers to swear to the Succession it self.
• * 2.21

  Bishop Fisher offers the same.
• * 2.22

  N^o. IX.
• * 2.23

  N^o. X.
• * 2.24

  The Arch-bi∣shop writes to Crumwel in their behalf.
• * 2.25

  The Arch-bi∣shop's endea∣vour to save the Lives of More & Fisher.
• * 2.26

  N^o. XI.
• * 2.27

  A Premunire brought a∣g••••nst Bishop Nix.
• * 2.28

  Cotton Libra••. Cleop. F. 1.
• * 2.29

  The Arch-bishop visit•• this Bishop's See.
• * 2.30

  Cranmer's Reg.
• * 2.31

  The Bishop of Norwich a Pe••∣secutor.
• * 2.32

  An. 1535.
• * 2.33

  N^o. XII.
• * 2.34

  Goodrick Lee, and Salcot con∣secrated Bi∣shops.
• * 2.35

  An. 1535.
• * 2.36

  The Arch-bishop preach∣es up the King's Supre∣macy at Can∣terbury.
• * 2.37

  A Prior preaches a∣gainst him.
• * 2.38

  Whom he con∣vents before him.
• * 2.39

  The Arch-bishop ac∣quaints the King with the matter.
• * 2.40

  N^o. XIII.
• * 2.41

  A Provincial Visitation.
• * 2.42

  Winchester here∣in opposeth him.
• * 2.43

  The ABp's vindication of his title of Primate••
• * 2.44

  N^o. XIV.
• * 2.45

  The Bp of London refu∣seth his Visi∣tation.
• * 2.46

  N^o. XV.
• * 2.47

  And protests ••gainst him.
• * 2.48

  Cranmer sends him a part of the New Te∣stament to translate. And his Answer.
• * 2.49

  ••••xii MSS.
• * 2.50

  ••••wney's Jest upon S••okesly.
• * 2.51

  Who this Law∣ney was.
• * 2.52

  Monasteri•••• visited. The ABp for their Dissolution.
• * 2.53

  Hist. R••••. P. ••. p. 189, 190.
• * 2.54

  N^o. XVI.
• * 2.55

  The Visitors Informations.
• * 2.56

  Second Ser∣mon.
• * 2.57

  Bishops Dio∣cesan and Suf∣fragan conse∣crated.
• * 2.58

  Suffragan Bps usual in the Realm.
• * 2.59

  Ex Regist. ABp Courtney.
• * 2.60

  Hist. Re••. Coll. p. 148. Godwin's Catal.
• * 2.61

  Ath. Oxonien.
• * 2.62

  Bishops with∣out Title.
• * 2.63

  Sumner's Antiq. of Cant.
• * 2.64

  Nic. Shaxton.
• * 2.65

  Edward Fox. William Barlow.
• * 2.66

  George Brown.
• * 2.67

  A Memorial of the good Ser∣vices of ABp Brown in Ire∣land.

  Life and Death of Geo. Brown, printed in Dublin.
• * 2.68

  Tho. Mannyng.
• * 2.69

  Regist. Cran.
• * 2.70

  An. 1536.
• * 2.71

  Iohn Salisbury.
• * 2.72

  An. 1536.
• * 2.73

  The ABp's Audience Court struck at.
• * 2.74

  The Abp. de∣fends it▪
• * 2.75

  N^o. XVII.
• * 2.76

  The ABp. pro∣moting a Re∣formation in the Convoca∣tion.
• * 2.77

  Articles pub∣lished and re∣commended by the King.
• * 2.78

  Life Hen. VIII. p. 466.
• * 2.79

  The Original thereof.
• * 2.80

  Book V. p. 213.
• * 2.81

  Addenda to the Collection, Num. 1.
• * 2.82

  The Original sent into the North to shew to the Rebels.
• * 2.83

  The Contents of them.
• * 2.84

  Articles of Faith.
• * 2.85

  Articles rela∣ting to Cere∣monies.
• * 2.86

  A Conjecture, that the Pen of the ABp was here.
• * 2.87

  Two remarka∣ble Books published.
• * 2.88

  I. The Book of Articles.
• * 2.89

  II. A Book a∣gainst the Pope, called the Bishop's Book.
• * 2.90

  Herbert's Life of K. Henry, p. 418.
• * 2.91

  Certain Cases of Matrimony put to the ABp.
• * 2.92

  His Solution.
• * 2.93

  Refuseth to grant a Dis∣pensation for the Marriage of a Relation.
• * 3.1

  Cleopatra E. 5. His Letter thereupon.
• * 3.2

  Vid. Fox Acts, p. 960.
• * 3.3

  He restrain the Number of Proctors.
• * 3.4

  Which some complain of to the Parlia∣ment.
• * 3.5

  N^o. XVIII.
• * 3.6

  The ABp di∣vorseth Queen Ann.

  Life of King Henry p. 446.
• * 3.7

  A Licenc•• ••or a Chappel. Cran. Regist.
• * 3.8

  Bucer dedi∣cates this Year a Book to the ABp.
• * 3.9

  Bishops Con∣secrated.
• * 3.10

  Rich. Sampson.
• * 3.11

  Cran. Regist.
• * 3.12

  William Rugg.
• * 3.13

  Godwin's Catal.
• * 3.14

  Rob. Warton.
• * 3.15

  Cran. Regist.
• * 3.16

  An. 1537.
• * 3.17

  The Bishops Book by the ABp's means.
• * 3.18

  Winchester's op∣position.
• * 3.19

  Fox MS. Life of Cranmer.
• * 3.20

  The King makes Ani∣madversion•• upon it.
• * 3.21

  Cleopatra ••. 5.
• * 3.22

  Published.
• * 3.23

  How esteem'd.
• * 3.24

  Inter Foxii MSS.
• * 3.25

  Enlarged and reprinted.
• * 3.26

  Ld. Herb. Hist. p. 418.
• * 3.27

  Ibid. p. 408.
• * 3.28

  Bale's Cent.
• * 3.29

  Some Account of the foresaid Book.
• * 3.30

  Defence of Priests Mar. p. 226.
• * 3.31

  Names of the Composers.
• * 3.32

  Goes down in∣to his Diocess.
• * 3.33

  Gets a Licence to visit.
• * 3.34

  Pag. 472.
• * 3.35

  The Vicar of Croydon.
• * 3.36

  The ABp vi∣sits his Dio∣cess.
• * 3.37

  What course he took for the preventing of Superstition.
• * 3.38

  N^o. XIX.
• * 3.39

  His joy at the publishing the English Bible.
• * 3.40

  Presents one by Crumwel to the King.
• * 4.1

  Cleopatra E. 5. p. 329. Cransmer's Let∣ters to Crum∣wel.
• * 5.1

  Cleopatra E. 6. p. 292.
• * 5.2

  Some further Particulars concerning this Edition of the Bible.
• * 5.3

  The Printer's thanks and re∣quests to Crumwel.
• * 6.1

  Gra••ton to Crumwel. Cl••opatra E. 5.
• * 6.2

  The Printer apprehensive of another Edition.
• * 6.3

  Other Requests of the Prin∣ter.
• * 6.4

  N^o. XX.
• * 6.5

  The Feast of S. Thomas, &c. forbid.
• * 6.6

  August. Monks Journal.
• * 6.7

  Rob. Holgate Consecrated Bp.
• * 6.8

  Iohn Bird▪
• * 6.9

  Lewis Thoma••.
• * 6.10

  Some account of Bird.
• * 6.11

  Lord Herbert's Hist. Hen. 8.
• * 6.12

  Fox's Acts.
• * 6.13

  Tho. Morley.
• * 6.14

  Rich. Yngworth.
• * 6.15

  N^o. XXI. N^o. XXII.
• * 6.16

  Vol. I. Collect. 51. Book. 2.
• * 6.17

  Ioh. Thornton Suffragan. See Sumner's Hist. Cant. Ap∣pend. p. 423. Rich. Thornden·
• * 6.18

  Iohn Hodgkin.
• * 6.19

  Henry Holbeach.
• * 6.20

  An. 1538.
• * 6.21

  The ABp reads upon the Hebrews.
• * 6.22

  A Declaration for reading the Bible.
• * 6.23

  N^o. XXIII.
• * 6.24

  The Bible re∣ceived and read with great Joy.
• * 6.25

  Inter Foxii MSS.
• * 6.26

  An. 1537.
• * 6.27

  The ABp had a hand in Lam∣bert's Death••
• * 6.28

  The Bishops dispute against Lambert'•• ••e••∣son••.
• * 6.29

  An. 1538.
• * 6.30

  Rom▪ x.
• * 6.31

  Cleopatra E. 5. N^o. XXIV.
• * 6.32

  Cranmer zea∣lous for the Corporal Presence.
• * 6.33

  His Reasons for it.
• * 6.34

  N. XXV.
• * 6.35

  Sanders Slan∣ders of the Abp concerning his Opinion in the Sacrament.
• * 6.36

  When Cran∣mer changed his Opinion.
• * 6.37

  Acts and Mon. p. 1101.
• * 6.38

  Latimer of the same Judg∣ment.
• * 6.39

  Fox, p. 1581.
• * 6.40

  Divers Priests marry Wives.
• * 6.41

  The King's Proclamation against Priests Marriages.
• * 6.42

  Defence of Priests marriage, p. 198.
• * 6.43

  Anabaptists
• * 6.44

  A Commission again them. Cranm. Regist.
• * 6.45

  The wayward∣ness of the Priests. Cl••opat. E. 6. p. 222.
• * 6.46

  Occasions the King to write to the Justices.
• * 6.47

  He visits the Diocess of H••∣reford.
• * 6.48

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 6.49

  Par. I. Book III. Collect. 12.
• * 6.50

  Bishops conse∣crated.
• * 6.51

  Cranm. Registi
• * 6.52

  William F••nch▪
• * 6.53

  Iohn Bradly▪
• * 6.54

  The ABp makes Nic. Wotton Commissary of his Faculties. Cranm. Regist.
• * 6.55

  An. 1539.
• * 6.56

  Ath. Oxon. p. 124.
• * 6.57

  An. 1539.
• * 6.58

  The King of∣fended with the ABp and some other Bishops.
• * 6.59

  Life of Cranm. inter Foxii MSS.
• * 6.60

  The six Arti∣cles opposed by the ABp.
• * 6.61

  Life of K. Henry p. 512.
• * 6.62

  The Argument•• the ABp made use of at this time, lost.
• * 6.63

  The King's Message to the ABp by the Lords.
• * 6.64

  MS. Life of Cranmer, in C.C.C.C.
• * 6.65

  A Book of Ce∣remonies la∣boured to be brought in.
• * 6.66

  Cleopatra E. ••. p. 259.
• * 6.67

  A Convoca∣tion.
• * 6.68

  The Papists rejoice.
• * 6.69

  N^o. XXVI.
• * 6.70

  Two Priories surrendred to the ABp.
• * 6.71

  The ABp and Crumwel la∣bour with the King about the new Bishop∣ricks.
• * 6.72

  Hist. Ref. P. I. p. 301.
• * 6.73

  Bishops this Year.
• * 6.74

  An. 1540.
• * 6.75

  Iohn Bell.
• * 6.76

  Iohn Skyp.
• * 6.77

  An. 1540.
• * 6.78

  The ABp's E∣nemies accuse him.
• * 6.79

  His Honesty and Courage in discharge of a Commission,
• * 6.80

  And his Suc∣cess therein.
• * 6.81

  Hist. Ref. P. I. p. 286.
• * 6.82

  Questions of Religion to be discussed by Divines, by the King's Com∣mand.
• * 6.83

  The Names of the Commi••∣sioners.
• * 6.84

  Seventeen Questions up∣on the Sacra∣ment.
• * 6.85

  Part I. Collect. xxi. p. 201.
• * 6.86

  Cleopatra E. 5. p. 36.
• * 6.87

  N••. XXVII.
• * 6.88

  N^o. XXVIII.
• * 6.89

  The ABp's Judgment up∣on these Que∣stions.
• * 6.90

  Vol. I. Book 3. Collect. XXI.
• * 6.91

  Cleopatra E. 5.
• * 6.92

  The Judg∣ments of other Learned Men concerning other Points.
• * 6.93

  Part I. Addend•• to the Collect. N^o. XI.
• * 6.94

  An Act to pre∣vent Divorces.
• * 6.95

  The ABp to Osiander, con∣cerning the Germans abuse of Matrimony.
• * 6.96

  N^o. XXIX.
• * 7.1

  Some account of printing the English Bible.
• * 7.2

  New Testa∣ment printed in 1526.
• * 7.3

  And burnt. Fox's Acts p. 929.
• * 7.4

  Reprinted a∣bout 1530.
• * 7.5

  Inter Foxii MSS.
• * 7.6

  Burnt again.
• * 7.7

  The Scripture prohibited, in a Meeting at the Star-Chamber.
• * 7.8

  New Testa∣ments burnt the third Time.
• * 7.9

  Fox. p. 937.
• * 7.10

  The whole Bi∣ble printed 1537.
• * 7.11

  Matthews, that is, Roger's Bible.
• * 7.12

  Balaei Centur.
• * 7.13

  About 1538. the Bible prin∣ting again in Paris.
• * 7.14

  Fox▪ p. 1086.
• * 7.15

  N^o. XXX.
• * 7.16

  The Printers fall into the Inquisition.
• * 7.17

  Cleopatra E. ••▪
• * 7.18

  The Bible printed with French Presses in London▪
• * 7.19

  The English Bible burnt the fourth time.
• * 7.20

  The largest Bible publish∣ed in the Year 1540.
• * 7.21

  Boner's Admo∣nitions for reading the Bible.
• * 7.22

  The Bible sup∣rest again, An. 154••.
• * 7.23

  K. Henry's judg∣ment for the use of the Bi∣ble.
• * 8.1

  The ABp keeps himself more retired.
• * 8.2

  The ABp is∣sues out his Commission for the Conse∣crating of Bo∣ner.
• * 8.3

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 8.4

  Boner's Oath of Fidelity.
• * 8.5

  The ABp makes a Com∣missary in Calais.
• * 8.6

  Fox p. 1120.
• * 8.7

  Butler a better Commissary.
• * 8.8

  His Troubles.
• * 8.9

  The occasion thereof, the Discovery of a Religious Cheat.
• * 8.10

  Glazier Com∣missary in Calais.
• * 8.11

  ABp's Judg∣ment of Ad∣mission of Scholars into the School be∣longing to the Cathedral.
• * 8.12

  Foxii MSS.
• * 8.13

  Edm. Bone••. Nic. Hethe.
• * 8.14

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 8.15

  Tho. Thirlby.
• * 8.16

  Some account of Thirlby's Rise.
• * 8.17

  In a Letter to Day the Prin∣ter, An. 1565.
• * 8.18

  An. 1541.
• * 8.19

  The ABp vi∣sits All-So••ls College.
• * 8.20

  ABp Cranm. Registi
• * 8.21

  Visits it a se∣cond Time.
• * 8.22

  The AB•• give•• order about Shrines.
• * 9.1

  The King to the ABp for searching after Shrines.
• * 9.2

  ABp Cranm. Regist.
• * 9.3

  The ABp's Or¦ders accord∣ingly to his Dean, his Arch-Deacon and Commis∣sary.
• * 9.4

  The ABp lays Bekesburn to the See.
• * 9.5

  Angl. Sacra, Vol. 1. p. 148.
• * 9.6

  Records of Chr. Ch. Cant.
• * 9.7

  Learned Prea∣chers prefer∣red by the ABp.
• * 9.8

  The ABp makes some recant.
• * 9.9

  A Convocati∣on.

  Their Business. Fuller's Ch. Hist. from the Records of Canterbury.
• * 9.10

  William Knight.
• * 9.11

  Iohn Wak••man.
• * 9.12

  Iohn Chambre.
• * 9.13

  Arthur Bulkeley.
• * 9.14

  Robert King.
• * 9.15

  An. 1542.
• * 9.16

  The King's Book revised by the ABp.
• * 9.17

  Mis••••llan•••• D. inter MSS. C.C.C.C.
• * 9.18

  Divers Dis∣courses of the ABp.
• * 9.19

  N^o. XXXI. N^o. XXXII.
• * 9.20

  The goodly Primer.
• * 9.21

  The ABp in∣strumental to the Reforma∣tion in Scot∣land.
• * 9.22

  Hist. Reform. Vol. 1. p. 320.
• * 9.23

  An Act procu∣red by the ABp.
• * 9.24

  Hist. Refor. Vol. 1. p. 321.
• * 9.25

  Paul Bush.
• * 9.26

  An. 1543.
• * 9.27

  The King's Book publish∣ed by Autho∣rity.
• * 9.28

  A Visitation at Ca••terbury.
• * 9.29

  Intit. Accusatio Cranmer, inter MSS. C.C.C.C.
• * 9.30

  Presentments.
• * 9.31

  An. 1543.
• * 9.32

  Reflections up∣on the former Presentments.
• * 9.33

  The Prebenda∣ries and Prea∣chers admo∣nished by the ABp.
• * 9.34

  The Prebenda∣ries Plot a∣gainst the ABp.
• * 9.35

  Winchester the chief Mana∣ger.
• * 9.36

  Winchester de∣signs the Death of divers of the Court.
• * 9.37

  Fox.
• * 9.38

  And of the ABp and his Friends.
• * 9.39

  The Papers relating to ABp Cranmer's Accusation.
• * 9.40

  The Contents thereof.
• * 9.41

  The Canons and Preachers of Canterbury.
• * 9.42

  Cranmer's Chaplains complained of at the Sessi∣ons.
• * 9.43

  They prepare the Articles, and prefer them.
• * 9.44

  They Article against the ABp himself.
• † 9.45

  Little think∣ing what a Spe∣ctacle he was soon after to make there, when he was carried on Horse-back through the Town, with a Paper upon his head, declaring his Perjury, and his Face to the Horse's Tail.
• * 9.46

  London's Pra∣ctices.
• * 9.47

  A great Mass of Articles against the ABp procured.
• * 9.48

  The chief In∣struments. GARDINER.
• * 9.49

  SERLES.
• * 9.50

  SHETHER.
• * 9.51

  Fasti Oxon. p. 686.
• * 9.52

  The Bishop of Winchester's Dis∣course with a Prebendary of Canterbury.
• * 9.53

  Willoughby and London wait at the Council-Chamber.
• * 9.54

  Willoughby brought to the Lord Privy-Seal, and to Wi••chester.
• * 9.55

  The Contents of the Articles against the ABp.
• * 9.56

  More Articles against his Commissary.
• * 9.57

  More still.
• * 9.58

  The Witnesses.
• * 9.59

  The Prebenda∣ries deliver the Articles.
• * 9.60

  The King him∣self discovers all to the ABp.
• * 9.61

  The ABp de∣sires a Com∣mission.
• * 9.62

  The ABp in Commission expostulates with his Ac∣cusers.
• * 9.63

  Shether in Pri∣son sends to Winchester.
• * 9.64

  Their Reason•• which they pretended for what they did.
• * 9.65

  Cockes and Hussey Commis∣sioners, and his Officers false.
• * 9.66

  New Commis∣sioners sent down.
• * 9.67

  The Register false.
• * 9.68

  The Delin∣quents Cham∣bers and Chests searched.
• * 9.69

  The Treache∣ry of Thornton and Barber.
• * 9.70

  The ABp's Discourse to them.
• * 9.71

  Mark XIII.12. The Brother shall betray the Bro∣ther to death, and the Father the Son: and Children shall rise up against their Parents, &c.
• * 9.72

  The Conspira∣tors are im∣prisoned.
• * 9.73

  Their Release.
• * 9.74

  The Confessi∣ons & Letters.
• * 9.75

  N^o. XXXIII.
• * 10.1

  The Ends of the Conspira∣tors.
• * 10.2

  The ABp ac∣cused before theParliament. MS. Declara∣tion of ABp Cranmer.
• * 10.3

  The Palace of Canterbury burnt.
• * 10.4

  An. 1544.
• * 10.5

  The Council accuse the ABp.
• * 10.6

  The King sends privately for the ABp.
• * 10.7

  An. 1544.
• * 10.8

  Comes before the Council.
• * 10.9

  The King re∣bukes the Council for Cranmer.
• * 10.10

  The King changes the ABp's Arms.
• * 10.11

  Prayers to be made against immoderate Rain.
• * 11.1

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 11.2

  English Suffra∣ges command∣ed to be used.
• * 11.3

  The Contents of the King's Letter to that intent. Cranm. Regist. Fol. 48.
• * 11.4

  A Procession for the King's Expedition.
• * 12.1

  The Councils Letter to the ABp.

  Reg. Cranm.
• * 12.2

  Popery pre∣vails.
• * 12.3

  Image of both Churches.
• * 12.4

  Gardiner and the Bishops now carry all.
• * 12.5

  Bp of Landaff removed to York.
• * 12.6

  The ABp's Oath. Cranm. Regist.
• * 12.7

  An. 1545.
• * 12.8

  The ABp sets upon reform∣ing the Canon Law.
• * 12.9

  Part I. among the Collecti∣ons, p. 257.
• * 12.10

  An. 1545.
• * 12.11

  An Act con∣cerning it.
• * 12.12

  The Progress made by the ABp in this Work.
• * 12.13

  N^o. XXXIV.
• * 12.14

  The MSS. of these Laws. Inter Fox. MSS.
• * 12.15

  Reformatio Le∣gum Ecclesiast. Lond. 1640.
• * 12.16

  The ABp la∣bours in this Work under K. Edward.
• * 12.17

  The ABp em∣ployed in mending Books of Ser∣vice.
• * 12.18

  The King con∣sults with the ABp for the Redress of cer∣tain Supersti∣ons.
• * 12.19

  Hist. Ref. Vol. II. Collect. p. 236.
• * 12.20

  The opportu∣nity of Win∣chester's Ab∣sence taken.
• * 12.21

  The ABp pre∣vails with the King in two great Points.
• * 12.22

  Seeks to re∣dress Alienati∣on of the Re∣venues of the Cathedral.
• * 12.23

  Scripture and Sermons more common by the ABp's means.
• * 12.24

  Vid. Herb. Hist. P. 600.
• * 12.25

  Anth. Kitchin.
• * 12.26

  An. 1546.
• * 12.27

  A Proclamati∣on against the English Testa∣ment.
• * 12.28

  He interprets a Statute of his Church.
• * 13.1

  Ex Regist. Ec∣cles. Christ. Cant.
• * 13.2

  The ABp by the King's Command pens a Form for a Commu∣nion.
• * 13.3

  His last Office to the King.