The life of the learned Sir Thomas Smith, Kt., doctor of the civil law principal secretary of state to King Edward the Sixth, and Queen Elizabeth : wherein are discovered many singular matters ... With an appendix, wherein are contained some works of his, never before published.

THE LIFE Of the Learned Sir THOMAS SMITH, Kt.

CHAP. I. Sir THOMAS SMITH's Birth, Pa∣rentage, and Education.

THE Learned Sir THOMAS SMITH,* 1.1 sometimes Secretary of State to K. Ed∣ward VI. and afterward to Q. Elizabeth, was born at Walden in the County of Essex,* 1.2 di∣stinguish'd by the Name of SAFFRON Walden; the Lands of that Parish, and the Parts adjacent, being famous for the Growth of the useful Medicinal Plant; whether first brought thi∣ther by this Knight's Industry (being a great Planter) I know not; for it was first brought into England,* 1.3 as we are told, in the Reign of K. Edward III.

According to Cambden, who writes, that Sir Thomas Smith died Anno 1577. in his Cli∣macteric, he must have been born in the Year 1514.* 1.4 According to Fox, (who, in his Relation of an Evidence given by the said Knight in February, Anno 1551, against Bishop Gardiner, assigned his Age then to be Three and Thirty) he must have been born in the Year 1518. But himself putteth his Age out of doubt in his Book of the English Commonwealth, where he saith, that March the 28th, 1565, he was in the One and Fiftieth Year of his Age. By which Computation he must have come into the World in the Year 1512. (a Year famous to England for building of a Ship, the biggest that ever the Sea bore.) And by the Inscrip∣tion on his Monument it appears, he departed this Life in the 65th Year of his Age. So that Cambden made him Two Years younger than he was, and Fox Five; unless we should say the Figure 33 is mis-printed for 39, a Fault too common in his Books.

* 1.5Our Knight's Father was Iohn Smith of Walden, Gentleman, a Person of good Rank, Quality and Wealth. Of which we may take some Measure from two Purchases he made of K. Edward in one Year, viz. the Third of his Reign; that is to say, a Chauntry in the Church of Long Ashton in Somersetshire, with other Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments in the Counties of Somerset and Glocester, which cost him 293 l. 16. s. 8 d. His other Purchase was all the Guild or Fraternity in Great. Walden lately dissolved, with divers other Lands and

Tenements in Essex and London. For which he, with another Joint-Purchaser, paid 531 l. 14 s. 11 d. Of which Fraternity of Walden this,* 1.6 by the way, must be remembered for the Honour of it, that in a Grant made to it by K. Henry VIII. as he willed there, That he might evermore be remembred in their per∣petual Prayers, so he charitably desired, that he might be admitted a Brother thereof, and his dear Wife Q. Katherine to be a Sister. And divers others are expressed there to be de∣sirous to be admitted to the same, as, the Right Worshipful Dr. Wolsey, Almoner to the King; Richard Nix, Bishop of Norwich; Hen∣ry, Earl of Essex, and his Lady; Lord Brook, Chief Justice of England; Sir Iohn Cutts, Sir Tho. Semer, and divers other Gentlemen and Ladies.

This Iohn Smith,* 1.7 if we look further back, was in the 30th of King Henry VIII. High She∣riff of the Counties of Essex and Hertford: For in those Times one Sheriff served both Coun∣ties.

In the year 1545.* 1.8 and the 35th of K. Henry aforesaid, his Coat of Arms was granted him by the principal King of Arms, or rather con∣firmed. For the said King's Parent specifies, That he was descended of honest Lineage, and his Ancestors had long continued in No∣bility and bearing of Arms; and that it was Mr. Smith's Desire, that the King of Arms would ratifie unto him his former Coat, and Register it in the Records of his Office. The Coat therefore granted, annexed and attribu∣ted

unto him was Sables, a Fesse Dauncy be∣tween three Lionceux, regardant, Argent, Languid Gules, pawing with their Left Paws upon as many Altars flaming and burning thereon, (for that these were Anvils, as some have thought, alluding to the Name of Smith, is a Fancy) Upon the Fesse Nine Billets of his Field. The Crest an Eagle rising Sable, hold∣ing in his Right Claw a Pen Argent, Flames of Fire issuing thereout. This Crest Sir Tho∣mas changed upon a notable Reason, as we shall relate in due place. Of this Coat of Arms I have laid a Copy of the Original Patent in the Appendix;* 1.9 which is in Parchment, very well adorned round about with Pictures of Ros•••• and Flowers de Lys, and the Lively Ef∣sigies of Garter arrayed in his rich Coat, stan∣ding with a white Wand in his Hand, and a Crown on his Head, and the Coat of Smith blazon••d on the right side of him, and point∣••d to by the said white Wand.

* 1.10I have but one thing more to say of this Gentleman, and that is, That he was an old Favourer of the Religion Reformed, in which he brought up his Son Thomas from his Youth. He lies buried in the Church of Walden, where his Monument is yet remaining; that is, so much of it as contains his Coat of Arms; but the Brass that bore the inscription torn off. This for Sir Thomas's Father.

* 1.11His Parentag•• on his Mother's side was also Genule, being derived from the ancient Name of the Ch••••••ecks of Lancashire; his Mother Ag∣nes being a Daughter and Co-heir of that Fa∣mily.

By this Gentlewoman Iohn Smith had Issue divers Children of both Sexes, viz. Four Daughters, Agnes and Margery, Alice and Iane, (which two last were married;) and three Sons, Thomas, Iohn and George. The Posterity of which last flourish to this Day in Wealth and Honour; and possess the Seat and Inheritance of Thomas, the Subject of our ensuing History, with great Improvements of the Estate. Tho' no more Sons are express'd in the Roll of the Pedigree, as it is preserved in the Office of Arms; yet there seems to have been another Son, an elder Brother to Thomas. For I have seen sometime a Crescent for distinction in his Seal, which he used for the Sealing of his Letters, engraven with his Arms.

His Brother Iohn was the chief Instrument and Procurer of the new Erection of the Cor∣poration of the Town of Walden,* 1.12 in the Third Year of King Edward VI. after the Dissolution of the ancient Fraternity of the Holy Trinity of the said Town, by Vertue of an Act of Parliament in the first of the said King, men∣tioned before. The Corporation then found∣ed by that King's Letters Patents bore the Name (as the old Fraternity or Guild had done) of Treasurer and two Chamberlains, who were Justices of Peace, and Four and Twenty Aldermen; which now, by a later Charter, is changed into a Mayor and Twelve Aldermen, In those Letters Patents the said Iohn Smith junior was nominated the first Treasurer of the said Corporation. In the

Chamber where the Town-Writings of Wal∣den are kept, there is a Book, containing their By-Laws, which bears the Title of Ordinances and Statutes for the Corporation of the Town of Walden upon the new Erection of the same. From thence is extracted what is above-said. Ano∣ther piece of good Service done by the said Iohn to the Town, was, That when an anci∣ent Alms-house, founded Anno 1400. the Lands of which were swallowed up and lost, being given to the King by Act of Parlia∣ment, as an Appendent, perhaps, of the Guild, the Parishioners made Suit to him in behalf thereof by this Iohn Smith, who, by means of his Brother, our Sir Tho. Smith, then Secre∣tary of State, obtained Letters Patents from the King, dated Feb. 18. in the Third of his Reign, That he the said Iohn Smith, being then Teasurer, and William Strachy the youn∣ger, and Thomas Williamson, then Chamber∣lains, and their Successors, might found, e∣rect, &c. an Alms-house, with one Master and his Brother, &c. and that it should be called King Edward's Alms-house. I can give no Ac∣count of this Branch of the Family, unless per∣haps it was that Stock of the Smiths, that liv∣ed long in Little Walden upon a moderate Liv∣ing there; which now is gone out of the Name, and possessed at present by the Reve∣rend Dr. E. Norton; to whom I am beholden for communicating what is here written of this Brother of Sir Thomas, with some other things relating to the Town of Walden.

His younger Brother George followed the Calling of a Merchant of London, living in a House of his Brother Thomas's in Philpot-lane, while he remained at Cambridge.* 1.13 And as his Money came in there, he used to send it to his said Brother to mend his Stock, without taking a Penny or Half-penny Advantage in consideration of his Loan, the better to assist him in carrying on his Traffick, as Sir Tho∣mas wrote somewhere, to justifie himself from an Imputation of Covetousness, charged upon him once by the Dutchess of Somerset, when he lived in her Family.

Where our Youth's tender Years were for∣med I cannot assign;* 1.14 but I conclude it to be at the old School in his Native Town of Wal∣den; which afterward, by his Interest at the Court, he got advanced unto a Royal Foun∣dation, with good Endowment from the King his Master, in the Third Year of his Reign; when he granted to the School there two Mills, viz. a Corn-mill near the Town, and a Malt-mill in it; together with all the Emoluments, Tolls and Benefits accrewing, and an Annuity of Twelve Pounds, issuing out of the Mannor of Willingale Spane in Es∣sex, for the Maintenance and Support of the said School. This seems to be but a Grafting upon the ancient School here: For I have re∣ceived from the Reverend Person above-men∣tioned, the present Vicar of Walden, and he from the Inspection of the Town-Writings, That there was anciently a School in this place, and a Master and Usher over it; and

that it was governed by divers excellent Or∣ders for its Six Forms; and that in the 14th Year of King Henry VIII. one Dame Iane Bradbury (for why should these old Memo∣rials be lost?) settled 10. l. per Annum upon it: That there was also a Tripartite Indenture for the said School, dated Aug. 24. betwixt Dame Iane Bradbury Widow, Sister to Iohn Leche, late Vicar of Walden, and the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Guild of the Holy Tri∣nity in the Parish Church of Walden, and the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of the same Town: And that one William Cawson had behaved himself so well in singing Mass, and in teaching the School, that he was elected when it was made a Free School; and he was obliged to teach Grammar after the Form of Winchester and Eaton; and to teach freely the Children that were born in Walden, Little Che∣sterford, Newport and Widdington, and the Children and Kinsfolk of the said Dame Iane.

* 1.15We are in Obscurity concerning the Tow∣ardliness of Smith's young Years, and those Sparks of Aptness,* 1.16 Ingenuity and Vertue that then appeared in him; which yet we may take for granted from his early remove to the University of Cambridge: For, according to the nearest Computation I can make, he was transplanted thither at the Age of 14 or 15 Years at the most.

* 1.17And having brought him thus far, to enter now upon our Remarks of him, and to unveil who and what this Man was, whom I have

raised, as it were, from the Shades, now af∣ter an Hundred Years and more, to set him before this present Age, as a Pattern of true Honour, Vertue and Generosity; We shall take a four-fold View of him.

• I. At the University, where his Learning made him famed.
• II. Under King Edward, when he became a Courtier.
• III. Under Queen Mary, when he con∣cealed himself, and lived in a private Capa∣city.
• IV. Under Queen Elizabeth, when after she had much employed him in her Service, both in her own and Foreign Courts, he piously concluded his useful Life.

CHAP. II. Sent to Queen's College in Cambridge: Chosen a King's Scholar: Reads the Greek Lecture: And rectifies the Pronunciati∣on: University Orator: His Applause.

He was admitted in Queen's College in the aforesaid University;* 1.18 a College then reckoned in the Rank of those Houses that Sa∣voured Erasmus and Luther, and harboured such as consorted privately together to con∣fer about Religion, purged from the Abuses

of the Schools, and the Superstitions of Pope∣ry. Of this House was Foreman, who hid Luther's Books, when Search was made in the College for them; and Heyns, an anci∣ent Friend of the Gospel, and Sufferer for it; afterwards Master of the College, and Dean of Exeter, and one of those who in King Ed∣ward's Reign was chosen to assist at the com∣piling of the English Communion Book. And perhaps Erasmus and his Writings were more particularly favoured here, that most Learned Man, having not long before resided in this House. These might have been some Advan∣tages to ground young Smith in Principles of Religion and sound Knowledge.

* 1.19While he was thus a Student here, such Notice was taken of his Parts and Hopefulness, that the Knowledge of him came to K. Henry, who according to the Custom of the Princes of England in those Times, chose him, and Iohn Cheke of St. Iohn's College in the same Uni∣versity, afterwards Tutor to Prince Edward his Son, to be his Scholars, and allotted them Sa∣laries out of his Revenues for their Encou∣ragement in their Studies; whereby Smith became assisted to bear his Charges in the U∣niversity, but especially in his Travels abroad. Cheke makes mention of this Honour done to them both,* 1.20 in an Epistle to that King before his Edition of Chrysostom's two Homilies, which he first published from a Manuscript, and tran∣slated into Latin, wherein he hath these words: Coaptasti me & Thomam Smithum, Socium & Aequalem meum in Scholasticos tuos, i. e. Your

Majesty chose me, and Tho. Smith my Com∣panion and Equal, for your own Scholars. And Smith also takes occasion to make a grate∣ful mention of it to Bishop Gardiner in the Controversie about the right pronouncing of the Greek, (of which we shall hear by and by) and thus describes himself and his said Fellow:

Quos par aetas, conditio similis, eadem ratio studiorum, & parilis in utrumque Regia Be∣nignitas, & perpetua quaedam comparatio inge∣niorum & aemulatio, quae solet inter caeteros invi∣diam & dissensionem excitare, conjunctissimè sem∣per hactenus copulavit, & fraterno amore con∣strinxit, i. e. That Equality of Age and Con∣ditions, the same Course of Studies, and the Royal Bounty equally exhibited to us, and the continual vying with one another, and Emulation of our Parts and Wits, which in others is wont to kindle Envy and Dissensi∣on, hitherto hath united us closely, and ti∣ed us both together in Love as Brothers.

But for this Royal distinguishing Favour they were envied by many in the University. And this was thought to be a Reason, that there was such an Opposition made to that new correct way of sounding Greek Words, which they first brought in. Which occasioned Smith to say,* 1.21 Let it not offend any, that we are the King's Scholars, and are so called; and that his Maje∣sty doth not altogether despise us: That we profess under the happy Auspice and Salary of the most Learned and Potent Prince.

These two proved afterwards an incompa∣rable Pair of Christian Philosophers; and, as long as they were in Cambridge, continuing their Fame for Learning.* 1.22 Many Years after one that knew them well, and that Univer∣sity, (I mean Dr. Haddon) said of them, That such they had been, and still remained, that none of that University could compare with them, nor, in his Judgment, any Foreigners whatsoever. And it must not be pass'd over what gave one of the first occasions to the Stu∣dies that improved them to such Degrees of Learning.* 1.23 I. Redman, D.D. and Master of Trinity College, but formerly of St. Iohn's, returning from beyond Seas, where he studied in some Fo∣reign Universities, and chiefly at Paris, brought home with him the Knowledge of the Latine and Greek Tongues, and was well versed in Tully. Smith and his Companion, who were then very young, (for it was about the Year 1531.) were stirred up with a kind of Im∣pulse and Emulation of his Learning, and the Honour that was on that account daily done unto him. And being desirous to follow him and his Learning, they threw aside their Barba∣risms, and applied themselves to the reading of Plato, Demosthenes, Aristotle, and Cicero.

* 1.24Smith's Diligence soon procured him to be preferred in the College, where he was after∣wards to make a great Figure,* 1.25 and prove a most Eminent Ornament; being made Fellow in the Year 1531. then but Nineteen Years of Age.

Scarce had two Years passed,* 1.26 but Smith had acquired such good Skill in Greek, that he was called to read the Publick Greek Lectures, when his Learned Fellow Cheke studied and read them more privately.* 1.27 And from them we may date the Time, that the Knowledge of Greek, and the true florid Elocution of it commen∣ced in this, nay, and all other Nations. Cu∣stom had now prevailed in a very improper and false sounding of certain Greek Vowels and Diphthongs. For Men now pronounced 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This exceeding∣ly disparaged the Pronunciation of that noble Language:* 1.28 When the Reader had almost nothing else to speak but la∣mentable Sounds, and that piteous Vowel I. as Smith himself com∣plained.

Smith and Cheke began at last to confer toge∣ther seriously about this matter,* 1.29 it being now the Year 1535.* 1.30 They well perceiv'd how the vul∣gar sounding of the Greek was, and concluded it evidently false, that so many different Letters and Diphthongs should have but one and the same Sound. And a difficult thing they found it to teach this Tongue well, by reason of this great and absurd Confusion. They proceeded to search Authors, if perhaps thence any cer∣tainty might be taken up. But the Modern Writers did but little avail them. For Eras∣mus they had not yet seen, who had in a Book found fault with the common reading of the Greek. But tho' both saw these palpable Er∣rors, they could not agree among themselves;

but one thought one thing, and another ano∣ther; especially concerning the Letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They both dreaded the Effects of an unusual Sound, which, by reason of the Novelty, would be hard and hateful. A lit∣tle after having gotten Erasmus and Terentia∣nus (an Author that wrote De Literis & Syl∣labis) they privately made many Corrections, and meditated diligently within the Walls of their own Studies a more emendate manner of speaking; but did not adventure yet to bring it into Light, nor communicate it to any, but those whose intimate Familiarity and Friendship made them Partakers of their Stu∣dies.

* 1.31When this new Utterance of Greek was sufficiently conquered and inured to them by private use, and did daily more and more please them, by reason of that Fulness and Sweetness that they apprehended in it, they thought good then to make Trial of it pub∣lickly. It was agreed that Smith should begin. He read at that time Aristotle de Republica, in Greek, as he had done some Years before. And that the Roughness of a new Pronunciation might give the less Offence, he used some Craft, which was this, That in his Reading he would let fall a Word only now and then uttered in the new correct Sound. Which he did for this end, That if his Auditors utterly refused his Words thus pronounced, then he reckoned he ought to defer his purpose for some longer time; and accordingly so he in∣tended to do: But if they received them with

a good Will, then he would the more spee∣dily go on with his Innovation. But behold the Issue! At first no Notice was taken of it; but when he did it oftner, they began to ob∣serve, and listen more attentively. And when Smith had often inculcated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as E and OI, they who three Years before had heard him sound them frequently uncorrectly after the old way, could not think it was a Lapse of his Tongue, but suspected something else, and laughed at the unusual Sounds. He again, as though•• his Tongue had slipp'd, would some∣times correct himself, and say the Word o∣ver again after the old manner. But when he did this daily, and, as appeared, every day, the corrected Sounds flowed from him more and more, some of his Friends came to him, and told him what they noted in his Lectures. Smith now cared not to dissemble, but owned that he had been thinking of something pri∣vately, but that it was not yet enough dige∣sted and prepared for the Publick. They, on the other hand, prayed him not to conceal it from them, but to tell them without any grudging. Whereupon he promised he would. Upon this Rumor many came toge∣ther, and repaired to him; whom he requi∣red only to hear his Reasons, and to have Pa∣tience with him three or four Days at most, until the Sounds, by Use, were made more trite to their Ears, and the Prejudice of No∣velty more worn off. And so by little and lit∣tle he explained to them the whole Reason of the Sounds. Many went to Cheke, and related

to him Smith's Discourses; and others resort∣ed to others, according as they esteemed them to be Men of Judgment in this matter. These thought some one thing, some another; Cheke assented.

* 1.32At this very time Smith read upon one of Homer's Odysses at home in the College. There he began more plainly and openly to shew and determin the Difference of these Sounds. Then many came, that they might the more easily learn of him viv•• v••ce to frame their Tongues, and utter the true Sounds. The same did Cheke in his College. It is not to be express'd with what Greediness and Affection this was received among the Youth, and how gladly they agreed to it. The following Winter in St. Iohn's College was acted the Greek Play of Aristophanes, called Plutus, in this Pronun∣ciation, and one or two more of his Come∣dies; when among those that professed Greek, and were esteemed Learned Men, it was ob∣served there was not so much as one that signified any Dislike, or shewed any Opposi∣tion.

* 1.33Iohn Ponet, a Learned and Ingenious young Man, and Smith's Scholar (afterwards Bishop of Winton) seems to have succeeded his Tutor in this Place: For he read Greek in the Schools in the Name of the University near this time, and followed his Masters way of sounding Greek Words. Next him came into this Place Ascham of St. Iohn's, a Person of like Wit and Diligence; who read Isocrates. He, in the be∣ginning of his Lectures, contended with Ponet

about this way of pronouncing,* 1.34 and ref••s•••• to follow it: But because of the Authority that Cheke and Smith had gained in the Uni∣versity, he would not reprove it openly. Yet was it not long after, that he became a very eager Defender of this very thing, and so re∣mained. Thus in a few Years had this correct way of reading Greek, introduced by Smith, prevailed all the University over. And which was more remarkable, it was consented to by Iohn Redman, Publick Professor and Reader of Divinity, of great Honour and Deference in the University for his Learning, Integrity of Life, and Gravity of Manners; who, when at any time in his Reading he all••dg••d a Text in Greek, used to read it after the cor∣rect Pronunciation. And thus by Smith's Pains and Endeavours, never to be forgotten by Posterity, was the Noble Greek ••ong••e restored to it self, as it was spok••n in the Times when Greece flourished, and brought forth Plato, Dionysius, Plutarchus, D••mosthenes, Thucydides, and others. Out of whose Wri∣tings, he had Cheke produced Authorities that they pronounced the Greek as he taught. And by this revived Pronounciation was dis∣played the Flower and Plentifulness of that Lan∣guage, the Variety of Sounds, the Grandure of Diphthongs, the Majesty of long Letters, and the Grace of distinct Speech.

And as the University laid that Honour up∣on him,* 1.35 of making himself their Greek Rea∣der, so they gave him the Office of their Ora∣tor. In his Greek Lectures, among other

good Authors (as Aristotle and Homer) he read Socrates and Euripides for Philosophy and Mo∣rality.* 1.36 His Oratory and Learning intermixed was so admirable, and beyond the common Strain, that Queen's College carried away the Glory for Eloquence from all the Colleges in the University besides, and was rendered so famous by this her Scholar, that it had like to have changed her Name from Queen's to Smith's College.

Unius Eloquio sic jam Reginea tecta Florebant, quasi quae vellent SMITHE A vocari. Sic reliquos inter Socios Caput extulit unus. As Gabriel Harvey,* 1.37 Smith's Townsman, and one that knew him well, writes upon his Death.

* 1.38Such was the Fame of his Lectures, that not only his own private College, but all the U∣niversity, Learned and less Learned, Young and Old, flocked to hear him. So writes the same Author:

—Pendebat ab ore Unius privata domus, Schola publica, docti, Indocti, Schola tota Virûm, Schola tota Puellûm.

And the Learnedest and Gravest Men, and his Seniors, and the choicest Wits of the Uni∣versity, would be present when he read, and sit there as his Scholars: As, Redman, Cox, Cheke, Cecil, (he that afterwards was Lord Treasurer) Haddon, Ascham, Car, Tonge, Bill,

Wilson, Goldwel, Watson, &c. Men of great Name afterwards in Church and State.

Felix qui p••tuit Smitho auscultare loquenti: Sive illi Graecè dicendum, sive Latiné.

And happy he that might hear Smith speak, whether it were in Greek or Latine. Thus he continued divers Years in the University, till he was succeeded in the Place of Orator by his Fellow and Friend Iohn Cheke, and he by Roger Ascham, another curiously Learned Man, in the Year 1544.

CHAP. III. He Travels: His Conferences with Learn∣ed Men at Orleans and Paris: Takes his Degree at Padua: Returns Home: His Usefulness at the University: The Con∣troversie there arisen about his way of pronouncing Greek.

SMITH,* 1.39 having now arrived at some Ma∣turity of Knowledge and Learning,* 1.40 and in the Seven and Twentieth Year of his Age, (it being now the Year of our Lord 1539.) went abroad to Travel, for the further im∣provement of himself in polite Learning, ele∣gant Language, Skill in the Modern Tongues, and Experience of the Customs and Laws of

other Countries. A thing commonly pra∣ctis'd by Scholars in these times, to study sometime at Foreign Universities in France and Italy, which used then to be replenished with very Learned Professors. Being abroad, he took notice of the different Ways of speak∣ing Latin; which, although he did not like, especially the French, who sounded Latin very corruptly, yet he conformed himself to their manner of Speech. And when he came into Italy, he followed them there in pronoun∣cing some Letters, different from our way; as when he came home he returned to speak as his Countrymen did.

* 1.41But at Orleans he became acquainted with Christophorus Landrinus, a sharp and diligent Man, samed for his Skill both in Latin and Greek, and Reader of both Tongues in that City, encouraged with a noble Salary given him by the Duke of Orleans. While he and Smith conferred together of Studies (as he was court••ous to all, but especially obliging to Learned Strangers) they ••ell at length up∣on the Greek Learning: Here Smith took oc∣casion to mention the manner of Pronuncia∣••••on, lately by him taught at Cambridge; and having explained to him the whole Manner and Account of it, it cannot be express'd with what Willingness, nay, Greediness, he recei∣ved it, giving his ready Assent and Approba∣tion to it, not only in Words, but in Experi∣ment and Deeds; ever after following the same Course in his teaching.

After some Months he departed from Orle∣ans to Paris, to wait for the Return of Mon••y, and to receive his Allowance to defray the Charges of his Journey to Italy.* 1.42 But be∣ing forced to tarry there somewhat long for Letters, and weary of doing nothing, he thought he might more profitably spend his Leisure time in reading some Lecture publickly, and especially in Greek. This he communicated to Strazelius, the King's Pro∣fessor of the Greek Tongue there. But as yet they came to no Resolution what Book to read upon. Nor, indeed, did the Professor much encourage Smith to read at all: Because, as he told him, Paris did abound with Rea∣ders; and that there were many Lectures in Greek, tho' none of the best. He added, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Person was honoured with Audito••••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that City, not that did most lear••••d•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Author, but that could obtain the great Favour, and was best known a rong the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ple. But yet the Professor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him, if he had Confidence of himself, that he mig•••• shew himself before the People. This cooled our Scholar; and now he objected, That h•• should not tarry long there; and than there was another thing that discouraged him from ••••a∣ding Greek: For that, he being a Stranger, and not well skilled either in the French Tongue, or the Customs, might expose himself to Envy; which is wont to accompany all them that profess something different from the rest. The Professor asked what that was. Smith answered, His Pronounciation; which, he said,

was almost quite different from theirs, which he heard there, especially in some Letters and Diphthongs; to which, as he added, he had so accustomed himself, that he could not ea∣sily leave it, if he would; nor indeed would he, if he could; so far near did it come to Truth, and the Use of the Ancients, and the Nature of Sounds; and now that he was ac∣customed to it, it seemed more pleasant and easie. I understand, answered Strazelius, what you say to be that Pronunciation that Erasmus pursued in a little Comment of his. That very Pronunciation, replied Smith. For it is most evident that this Pronunciation of yours is corrupt; and it is very easily proved, that the Ancients spoke otherwise, and made a Dif∣ference where now none at all appears. Then for Proof he produced that concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Aristophanes, resembling the bellowing of an Ox; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, out of Suidas, representing the bleating of a Sheep: Which would not inti∣mate either, if the former Word were read Aminia, and the latter Bibi, according to that present vulgar Pronouncing. And several other Authorities did Smith give, from whence he gathered, that the Sounds of the common Readers of Greek were not the same which the Ancients in Greece used. It is certain, said Strazelius, there be many Reasons and Conje∣ctures in favour of what you urge, and that place out of Aristophanes is clear. Yet they that hold the contrary Opinion are not alto∣gether destitute of Conjectures too. For my part, added the Professor, I am contented

with the present Sound such as it is. I have had no mind to strive about any new Matter. And if you should attempt any such thing, I know not how they that shall hear you, would take it, having been always brought up in another way of Pronunciation. And to speak freely (as he went on) these Con∣tests about the Sounds of Words are Pedantic, and more sitting for School-masters: We promise our selves, some greater things from you, whom we have heard to be well Versed in all kind of Philosophy. Nor would I have you in so slight a matter provoke them here, that of themselves are too apt to envy the Praises of others. Smith acknowledged he counselled him well, and like a Friend, and added, that he would wait till his Money came; and if it chanced, that he stayed any considerable time, seeing he was not bound to Read there, he would sometimes, and ac∣cording as he had leisure, consider upon these things.

Smith, still remaining in Paris,* 1.43 made a Visit to a Learned Greek, that sojourn'd at that time in Bernard's Cloister, a Courteous and a••fable Man. His chief Business with him was to be satisfied from him what Sounds the Grecians themselves in Greece did use. And by and by, when Smith began to speak of the new way, the Greek grew angry, and called Erasmus Badin, (a French Word, tho' other∣wise he spake little French, and for the most part Italian) that he being a Dutch-man, had brought into Greece, whence they were

sprung, such vast Sounds, as he exprest him∣self, and Absenous Diphthongs. The Dispute be∣tw••en them could not hold long, because Smith understood but little French, and the Greek Gentleman not much more, but Latin he und••rstood not at all. And when he spake Greek, altho' he was a very Learned Man, yet he stuffed in so much of his vulgar Greek, that Smith could not well understand him. And so he departed from him.

* 1.44From France, our Scholar proceded for∣ward towards Italy; and settled himself at Padue; studying there for some time in the Civil Law, to qualify him for State Affairs, (for which the King designed him) and went out in the same University Doctor of that Faculty.

Coming home, he retired to his old Col∣lege a very accomplished Person.* 1.45 In the Year 1542.* 1.46 being now Thirty Years of Age, he took the Degree of Dr. of the Civil Law in Cambridge, and was made the King's Pro∣fessor in that Faculty, Wiggin being then the King's Professor of Divinity, Cheke of the Greek Tongue, Wakefield of the Hebrew; and Blith, who had Married Cheke's Sister, of Physick.

* 1.47A Smith had sufficiently shewed himself a Grecian and an Orator; so his large mind prompted him to make himself Master of all other kinds of useful Learning. And he was reckoned the best Scholar in the University, not only for Rhetoric and the Learned Lan∣guages, but for Mathematicks, Arithmetick,

Law, Natural and Moral Philosophy: As one of the same University before mention'd, and that was not long after him in time, sets out the common Vogue he bore there.

Quis primus Rhetor?* 1.48 Smithus. Quis maximus Hermes Linguarum? Smithus. Geometres? Smithus & idem. Summus Arithmeticus? Smithus. Legumque peritus Ante alios? Smithus. Physicus celeberrimus? Ohe! Smithus multiscius. Morumque Vitaeque Ma∣gister Optimus? Et Smithus.

Remaining in the University,* 1.49 he became Chancellor to Goodric, Bishop of Ely: Who, being himself a Learned Man, and a favourer of the Gospel, chose such Officers about him. Such another was Dr. Cox, who was his Chaplain; the same that was the first Instru∣ctor to Prince Edward, and after Dean of Christ's Church in Oxford, and Chancellor of that University; and at last Bishop of Ely, under Queen Elizabeth.

Whilst Smith lived in the College,* 1.50 he spent not his Time in Sloth and Ease, nor indulged himself to a lazy unprofitable Life, but made himself useful and serviceable to the U∣niversity in many respects. One was in breeding up Young Men in Literature and ••••od Manners, being his Pupils. Many of

whom were of the best Rank and Quality. He was Tutor to Edward Earl of Oxford, a No∣bleman, who afterwards proved of excellent Abilities and Learning, but too much addicted to Prodigality. Sir William Cecil, Master of the Wards and liveries, took this Young Nobleman, being a Ward, under his peculiar Care: And in the Family with him was al∣so another Earl, namely of Rutland, being also a Ward. And when in the Year, 1563. Dr. Smith, (then a Knight) was the Queen's Ambassador in France, the said Cecil, wrote him how the former Earl, whom he stiled His Scholar, had learned to understand French very well; and that he was desirous to have an honest Qualified French-man to attend up∣on him, and the other Earl, for the Exercise and Speech of the Tongue. He directed Smith, that he should be one honest in Reli∣gion, civil in Manners, learned in some Sci∣ence, and not unpersonable. And if he were worthy L. or LX. Crowns by Year, he would be ruled by him, the said Smith. And withal, he prayed him to provide some good Rider for these Noble Wards, (which Riders in those days commonly were Italians) and he would give him xx l. by Year, if Smith should so judge him worthy. And Sir Thomas was glad to be thus employed, to con∣tribute to the generous Education of all No∣ble Youth, for the good of the Common∣wealth, as well as of the Earl, that once had been his Pupil. Under him also was bred Iohn Ponet, that Learned Man, who wrote

many excellent Books, Mathematical, and other, became Chaplain to Archbishop Cranmer, and was preferred by King Edward VI. to be Bishop of Rochester, and after of Winchester.

Smith,* 1.51 was also, during his Residence in Cambridge, a great Refiner of the English Writing: Which to these times was too rough and unpolished, and little care taken thereof, as may be seen by such as converse in the Writings of Men even of Learning in those Days. He was noted to be one of the Three there, that were the great Masters of the Eng∣lish Tongue.* 1.52 And so one of the floridest Members of that University, wrote to his Correspondent Iohn Sturmius at Strasburgh, upon occasion of a Book he had wrote in English of the Education of Children, called Praeceptor, i. e. The Schoolmaster. Which Ar∣gument, he said, was not so dry and barren,

Quin Anglic^è etiam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, possit, si in artificem aliquem, qualis fuit Checus noster, & sunt adhuc apud nos Smithus Haddonus, in∣cidisset; But it might have been written floridly in English, had it happened upon some Artist, such as Cheke was (who now was gone) or Smith or Haddon, that still were with them at Cambridge: Being a Language very capable of all the Ornaments both of Words and Sentences.

About, or near this Time it was,* 1.53 That Smith wrote a Tract concerning correct Writing of English, and the true sounding of the Letters and Words. That which he found fault with in our Language was that ill and impro∣per

writing of it. As for instance in these Words, Please, Sonne, Moone, Hemme, Cleane, To, Toe, Meane. In which Words, he said, those Sounds are not comprehended which we express: And in some of them the Syl∣lables are stuffed with needless Letters. Which Letters by themselves have their certain Na∣tures, as he observed, and that being joyned after that manner, have not that Force which they ought to have. And again, in other Words, he took notice we had no Letter which express that which we spake, and there∣fore he thought it necessary to have more Letters. So he framed Twenty nine Letters: Whereof Nineteen were Roman, Four Greek, and Six English or Saxon. The Five Vowels he augmented into Ten, distinguishing them into Long and Short, making certain Accents over, or on the side of them, that were to be pronounced Long. It is worth seeing Smith's new Alphabet, wherein might be observed that he allowed no Diphthongs, nor double Consonants, nor any E's at the end of Words, being not sounded. He had a good mind to throw out utterly, and banish from the Al∣phabeth the Letter Q. as useless, Ku expressing the full power of Qu, for without the Vowel U, the Letter Q is never written. And the same uselesness he found to be in the Letter C. for it is ever expressed either by K or by S. But he retained it in his Alphabeth to serve instead of Ch. This Alphabeth may be found in the Appendix.* 1.54

And as he promoted the refining of the use

of the English Tongue, so also of the Greek, together with Cheke, Professor also of that Language after him: Who laboured to amend and rectifie the evil and false way of pro∣nouncing divers Consonants,* 1.55 Vowels and Diphthongs. What this untoward way of reading Greek was, we may in part guess at by one Word, viz. Ku〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which was commonly sounded, Chiverno: Wherein, as Ascham shewed to Hubert, a Learned Fo∣reigner, in a Dissertation with him upon this Argument, there were no less than three er∣roneous Soundings in three Letters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In short, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were not di∣stinguished from the sound of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But all has one and same sound of I, as was shewn before.

This proved a great Academic Controversy.* 1.56 For tho' for four Years, Smith's new way of reading Greek was quietly and gladly received, yet afterwards by the means of some turbulent Men, it received great Opposition. And cer∣tain there were that began to make a great Hubbuh against it,* 1.57 and against Cheke, who was now by the King his Master appointed his Reader of Greek. For to fetch the Matter a little backward, about the Year 1539. near the Time of Smith's departure to travel, the King's Greek Lecture was committed to Cheke, He, in the beginning of his Lecture, the bet∣ter to prepare the Minds of his Auditors to re∣receive true benefit by his Readings, declaimed for six Days together concerning the more correct sound of Letters. But on a sudden,

one Ratecliff, a Scholar in the University, stood up and declared that he would oppose him; being instigated by such, as had no more Wit than himself. Cheke had no need to fear him, whom all knew understood little Greek, and whom none thought a Man sit to be re∣futed, or dealt with as a considerable Adver∣sary. Yet some were for hearing him, to make Sport. The Magistrate, to whom the Scurrility of the Man well known, thought he ought in time to be restrained. Nethertheless he went up to read somewhat, and having spoke a little, he was so laugh'd at by the Boys, so exploded and hissed, and so tossed in the Crowd which came together in a great Assembly to laugh rather than to hear, that his own Friends were ashamed of him; and he himself repented him of his Folly;* 1.58 tho' he had but little Modesty and less Brains, according as Smith described him; for I have related all this from his Book. But Ratecliff's Setters on brought this Matter to Bishop Gardiner the Chancellor, and told the Tale so fairly on his Side, that the Bishop af∣terwards objected this Man and his Reading unto Cheke's Party. But, saith Smith, his Lordship had never done this, had they, who named him to the Bishop, declared what kind of Man he was, of what Wit, of what Nature, of what Prudence, Gravity, Mode∣sty and Learning; that is to say, none at all. After this Fellow was gone, there was Peace, Quiet and Silence concerning these Matters, and in great fervor and industry the Youth

of Cambridge Learned Greek, until the Bi∣shop's Decree, which we shall hear of by and by.

But all the blame of this new Pronuncia∣tion lay upon Cheke.* 1.59 He was the Man now cried out against as arrogant, proud and daring, and guilty of high Crimes: And the Chancellor rebuked him. And all the Storm that light upon Smith all this while was, that he was accused to have been an Abetter, and one that approved of Cheke's Doings. But Smith was not afraid of all this Noise, and generously took the thing upon himself, that he might take off some of the Odium from his Friend Cheke. And so he freely told the Chancellor,

I was his Fellow and Partaker in this Matter;* 1.60 nay, I was the Head I suffer it not to be derived upon others, but I take it in a great part to my self. And that because as I have always esteemed it the part of a subdued and great Mind, to be negligent of Glory and Praise, so but a trick of Treachery and Sloth, to for∣sake a Friend in Danger. I hold him of a mean and abject Spirit, that cannot bear the Envy that attends worthy Actions: And I judge that Man but a wily Knave, who, when he can do it, will conceal himself, and suffer othersto de∣fend what he hath done.

Now did Bishop Gardiner, the Chancellor of the University interpose his Authority. For being against all Innovation, as well as Inno∣vation in Religion,* 1.61 and observing these En∣deavours in Cambridge, of introducing a more correct and true Pronunciation of the Greek, and this, by such as he suspected to be no Friends to the old Papal Superstitions, he made a solemn Decree against this new Way, and that the old should be inviolably observed by all the Scholars for the Time to come. Cheke was very earnest with the Chancellor to allow of these rectified Sounds, and supersede and wink at his former De∣cree; but he would by no means alter it, and peremptorily enjoyned him to read the Greek after the ancient rude way, urging to him the great Evil and Danger of Innova∣tion.

* 1.62About this time it was, that Dr. Smith, upon this or some other occasion, repaired to the Bishop then at the Court at Hampton Court, and seeing his Resolution, thought not sit to stir the Coals, but after a mild and ingenious way, told the Bishop, that for his part he could read both ways, the new and the old, that he might offend none for such a matter, as a particular Mode of pronoun∣cing was.

That he knew, Balbutire, modo idem siquando usus sit expeditè loquatur, etiam laudi dandum est, that is, That even Stam∣mering deserved Praise, if so be he that did so, when need was, would speak smoothly: According to that of the Apo∣stle,

I am Debtor both to Fo••ls and Wise,

Thus pleasingly did Smith comply with the Bishop, and yet tacitly gave him a Reproof for his obstinate urging so blame-worthy a Thing, and checking so laudable an Enterprize.

Smith's mind still was the same.* 1.63 For when he came home, (which was about the Month of Iuly) he recollected his Discourse with the Bishop, and the Bishops with him; and in a large eloquent Epistle, privately sent to him, argued with much freedom the Points in Controversy between them. Which Epi∣stle, (full of Excellent Learning) consisted of three parts. In the first, he shewed what was to be called true and right in the whole Me∣thod of Sounds and Pronunciation, and re∣trieved this from the common and present Use, and out of the hands both of the Igno∣rant and Learned that lived at that time, and placed it with the Ancients; restoring to them their Right and Authority, propound∣ing them as the best and only Pattern in the whole Case of the Greek Tongue to be imi∣tated by all Posterity. In the second, he com∣pared the old and the new Pronunciation with that Pattern, that the Chancellor might see whether of the two came nearer thereunto, or strayed farthest from it. That so by this, Judgment might appear, what was to be cor∣rected, and what followed. In the third Part, he explained by the Story of the past time the whole Account of his Doing in this Affair, that his Lordship might understand, that if there were nothing therein worthy to be

commended, nothing at least deserved to be reproved. Concluding with all Deference and profound Respect to this naughty Man, (for his Temper Smith very well knew) in these Words:

However the Matter falls out, we will remain at your Command. To your Authority I shall ever attribute as much as any Student of Law (as Smith was) ought to give to a most Learned Prelate, and Chancellor of an University. And so much I shall yield unto your Arguments as the truth of the Cause, and the weight of Reasons shall require. But in every thing we shall according to our Power maintain our Duty to you, gently respect and obey our Magistrate, and ardently Love your Lordship.

From Cambridge Augustthe 12th, 1542.

This Epistle he afterwards, while he was Ambassador at Paris, caused to be Printed there in Quarto, Anno 1568. Intitled, De recta & emendata Linguae Graecae Pronuncia∣tione: Together with his other Tract of the right Sounding and Writing of English. Both Printed in Latin by Robert Stevens, the French∣King's Printer, in one Volume.

* 2.1To conclude this Matter, I cannot omit to mention, that however correct this new way of Pronouncing Greek was, and generally afterwards received, a late Learned Professor of that Language in Basil, named Witstein, made an Oration in that University, lately Printed, to confute it, and to revive the old exploded Sounds.

And as he was thus useful to Learning in the University, so he was also to Religion. He was bred up in the Protestant Doctrine (a pretty rare matter in those Times) and he ne∣ver flinched from it.* 2.2 All his Kindred of his Father's side were neither Neutrals nor Pa∣pists (as he wrote somewhere of himself) all enclining to the Truth and Gospel, Old and Young, and so known and noted. This he wrote to some, because certain Backbiters in King Edward's Days had charged him to have been a Neutral. The Reason whereof seemed to be because he did not run so fast in the Reformation under that King, as some Hot∣spurs would have him, who knew not what the matter meant. For he was publickly known to be a Protestant in the time of King H••nry VIII. living then in Cambridge, and being there in place of Eminence, when the Bishop of Winchester, the Chancellor of that University, was severe towards those that professed the Gospel, and threatned Fire and Faggot-bearing; Smith publickly defended them, and opposed those rigorous Methods, and staved off many. And this he did before all Cambridge, and all the Justices of Peace in the Shire, and saved many, and so continued. He stood up and pleaded for the Professors and Profession of the Gospel publickly, both in the University before all the Learned Men; and not only so, but in the Convocation be∣fore all the Bishops, and in the Parliament∣House before the Lords and Commons, as he writ in Vindication of himself.

* 2.3And being a Man of Reputation among them, the University made use of him once as their Messenger and Advocate to the Court, to address to Queen Katharine Par; * 2.4 to whom he brought their Letters, beseeching her In∣tercession to the King on their behalf, being now, as they apprehended, in imminent Jeo∣pardy. For the Parliament in the 37th, that is, that last Year of that King's Reign, had gi∣ven him all the Colleges in the Kingdom; whereat the University was sore afraid. Dr. Smith repaired to that good Queen, entreating her to prevail with his Majesty, that not with∣standing the late Act, they might enjoy their Possessions as before. And she did, as she was a true Lover and Patroness of Learning and Religion, effectually apply to the King, and had her Request in that behalf granted; and to that purport she wrote her Letters to the University, of which Smith was also the Bringer; wherein she called him their Dis∣creet and Learned Advocate; and having admo∣nish them, that she would have their Uni∣versity to be an University of Divine Philoso∣phy, as well as of Natural or Moral, she let them understand that she had according to their Desire, attempted her Lord the King's Majesty for the stay of their Possessions; And, That notwithstanding his Majesty's Property and Interest through the Consent of the High Court of Parliament, his Highness was such a Patron of good Learning, that he would rather add, and erect new occasion therefore, than confound those their Colle∣ges.

So that Learning might hereafter a∣scribe her very Original, whole Conserva∣tion and sure Stay to our Sovereign Lord, as she expressed her self.

In his publick Academical Performances he acquitted himself with wonderful Applause and Admiration of all the Hearers.* 2.5 And at a Com∣mencement, which happened, as near as I can guess, this Year, being now the King's Pro∣fessor, both his Disputations and his Determi∣nations were such, that Haddon, as good Judge, in a Letter to Dr. Cox, (giving him some Ac∣count of that Commencement, told him, That had he been there, he would have heard ano∣ther Socrates; and that he caught the forward Disputants as it were in a Net with his Que∣stions, and that he concluded the profound Causes of Philosophy with great Gravity and deep Knowledge.

Dr. Smith's Places and Preserments in Cam∣bridge and elsewhere,* 2.6 as they brought him in to∣lerably fair Incomes, so they, together with his Eminent Vertue and Learning, reconci∣led him great Respect. For he had the Le∣cture in the Civil Law, b••ing the King's Pro∣fessor in that Science; for which he received 40 l. per Annum. He was Chancellor to the Bishop of Ely, which was worth to him 50 l. per Annum. Besides, he had a Benefice, viz. of Leverington in Cambridgeshire, which came to the Value of 36 l. per Annum. So that his Preferments amounted to 120 l. a Year, and upwards. And such a good Husband he was, that he made some Purchases before, and some

soon after his leaving the University, as we shall hear by and by.

And this was the Port he lived in before his leaving of Cambridge.* 2.7 He kept Three Servants, and Three Guns, and Three Winter Geldings. And this stood him in 30 l. per Annum, toge∣ther with his own Board.

CHAP. IV. Smith is removed into the Protector's Fa∣mily: His Preferments under King Ed∣ward: Made Secretary: Goes an Em∣bassie.

* 2.8Doctor Smith was often at King Henry's Court, and taken notice of by that King, and was growing so dear to him,* 2.9 as to be re∣ceived in Place and Office under him, had he lived a little longer. But soon after K. Henry's Death he was removed from Cambridge into the Duke of Somerset's Family; where he was employed in Matters of State by that Great Man, the Uncle and Governour of the King, and Protector of his Realms. Into whose Fa∣mily were received many other very Learned and Pious Men.

* 2.10Long he had not been here, but the Uni∣versity earnestly address'd to him to stand their Friend in some certain weighty Matter, where∣in not any single Cause of theirs was in ha∣zard,

but themselves and their All. Which, without Question,* 2.11 was the Danger the Uni∣versity was in upon the Bill in Agitation in the Parliament-House, for giving the King the Chauntries, Hospitals, Fraternities and Col∣leges; which last Word took in the Societies of the Universities. At which they look'd a∣bout them, and made all the Friends they could at Court to save themselves. And as they applied now to Cheke, so to Smith also in this elegant Latin Epistle, which was drawn up by the exquisite Pen of Ascham their Ora∣tor; wherein may be observed what a gene∣ral Opinion there went of his compleat Learn∣ing:

Si tu is es, Clarissime, SMITHE,* 2.12 in quem Academia haec Cantabrigiensis uni∣versas vires suas, universa Victatis jura en∣ercuecrit, si tiki uni omnia Doctrinae s••ae genera, omnia Reipub. Ornamenta licentissi∣mè contulerit, si fructura gloriae suae in te uno jactaverit, si spem Salutis suae in •••• ••o∣tissimùm reposuèrit: Age ergo, & mente-ic cogitatione tua complectere, quid tu vicisson illi debes, quid illa, quid Literae, quid Res∣publica, quid Deus ipse pro tantis Vietatis officiis, quibus sic Dignitas tua efflorescit, justissime requirit: Academia nil debet tibi, imo omnia sua in te transfudit. Et propte∣rea abs te non simpliciter petit Benesicium, sed

meritò repetit Ossicium: nec unam aliquam causam tibi proponit, sed sua omnia, & seip∣sam tibi committit. Nec sua necesse habet aparire tibi consilia, quorum recessus & di∣verticula nósti universa. Age igitur quod scis, & velis quod potes, & persice quod de∣bes. Sic Literis, Academiae, Reipublicae, & Religioni; sic Christo & Principi rem debitam & Expectatam efficies. IESUS te diutissmè servet incolumem.

And this Address had the Success it desired: For the Colleges of the Universities, and the other Colleges of Learning in the Nation, were spared by a Proviso, tho' the aforesaid Bills pass'd into an Act; which we must attri∣bute, in good measure, to Smith and his Party stirring in the House to bring it to pass.

* 2.13The Lord Protector had set up an Office in his House of a Master of Requests, for the better care-taking of poor Mens Sutes, and for the more effectual speeding them without the Delays and Charges of Law. In this Of∣fice was Dr. Smith placed, and seems to have been the second Master of Requests to the Pro∣tector, as Cecil was the first.

* 2.14While he was in the Service of this Great Duke, he obtained divers other considerable Places: As to be Steward of the Stannaries, Smith being an excellent Metallist and Chy∣mist: Provost of Eaton College, wherewith he was very well pleased; where, whether he

were present or absent, there was always good Hospitality kept: Dean of the Cathedral Church of Carlisle, being at least in Deacons Orders. And at last, Secretary of State to the King with a Knighthood.

By this time he had purchased two Houses;* 2.15 one in Channon-Row: Which he bought for Two hundred Mark of Sir Ralph Sadleir, some∣time Secretary of State to King Henry, which he Let to Mr. Comptroller for 30 l. per Ann. And here he lived himself in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: And this was the House where the Commissioners met in the first Year of that Queen, to consult for the Re∣formation of Religion, and preparing the Book of Common-Prayer. His other House was in Philpot-lane London, where his younger Brother a Merchant lived. It was a large and fair House. He bought it of certain Execu∣tors, but the Title being doubtful, whether the King had not a Right in it, he procured of his Lord the Duke to speak to the King in his behalf. To this House also another pre∣tended. But the Contest between Sir Thomas, and that other was referred: And so in the End Sir Thomas enjoyed it. He also pur∣chased the Mannor of Yarlington in Somerset∣shire, worth 30 l. per Ann. of the Marquis of Northampton, it being given to him at the Coronation of Queen Katharine his Sister. This Cost Smith 300 l. or thereabouts, being Money that he had gotten at Cambridge, be∣fore he came into the Protectors Service, and lent to his Brother the Merchant. Of the

Commissioners for the Chauntries, he also bought the College of Darby, which went at 33 l. per Ann. which Cost him a Thousand Marks. Which was the Portion he had with his Wife.

* 2.16For while he lived in the Dukes Family, he Married his first Wife, named Elizabeth, Daughter of William Karkek, or Carkyke, of London, Gentleman: Whose Sister Anne, after Married to Sir Thomas Chamberlayn, long Em∣bassador Resident in Flanders and Spain: Smith's Lady was a little Woman, and one that affected not fine, gaudy Cloths, for which she was taxed by some. And by this, one might rather judge her to have been a Woman of Prudence and Religion, and that affected Retirement rather than the splendor of a Court. For Dr. Smith allowed her what she pleased: And she was his Cash-keeper.

* 2.17However, he used to wear goodly Appa∣rel, and went like a Courtier himself. For which he said, that some might seem to have cause rather to accuse him to go too sumptu∣ously, than her of going too meanly. This Wife he buried, having no Issue by her: And Married a second, named Philippa, the Relict of Sir Iohn Hambden, who out-lived him, Whose Joynture was Hill-Hall. Of this Wife it was that Secretary Cecil spake, when in the Year 1565. Smith having been Ambassador in France, and earnestly desiring to come home, the said Secretary wrote him word that his Wife should either speak or send to the Earl of Leicester, that he would

dispatch Mr. Thomas Hoby, whom the Queen had determined to send Ambassador in his Room, but delayed it.

But we are yet to look upon Smith as one of the Protector's Family;* 2.18 where he fluorish∣ed in Places and Honours, as we heard before: Yet he had his Share of Trouble and Sorrow; as, the Anger of his haughty Mistriss, the Dut∣chess of Somerset; and many unjust Imputa∣tions that were raised against him, whereto she gave too much Credit. Which was the Cause of a large Letter, which he address'd unto her: Wherein he vindicated himself, against many Slanders which were told the Dutchess; whereof she had twitted him in the Teeth, as Things the World took notice of in him: Namely, I. Haughtiness, and a disregardful, proud Temper. II. That he was Oppressive; and had, by Extortion and Gri∣ping, got a great deal of Money. III. Co∣vetousness. IV. That he bought and sold Benefices, or Spiritual Promotions. Add to these, That he was a Chopper and Changer of Lands: That his Wife went not in so Courtly a Garb as was sitting: That he kept no House: And; That he was a Neuter in Religion. But these were mere Aspersions, and malicious Insinuations; his generous Mind ever abhorring any thing that was base and unjust, or unworthy of a Man, and a Christian Philosopher. And these Calumnies he wiped off, assoiling one Particular after an∣other, in his said Letter to the Dutchess. Indeed, she was an Imperious and Ill-natur'd

Woman, and had taken some Occasion to fall out with him; and in her Passion, it seems, had cast out these Reports before him.

But Smith was a true and faithful Servant of the Duke;* 2.19 and in his Troubles, suffer'd with him: For he was taken up with him; and, among those that were sent with the Duke, to the Tower, Sir Thomas was one: Tho' afterwards, his Innocency appearing, he was delivered, and escaped those severe Handlings that some of the Duke's Friends and Retainers underwent.

In the Year 1548,* 2.20 Dr. Smith was advanced to be the Secretary of State; as in September, the same Year,* 2.21 William Cecil, Esq was preferred to the like Office; both having been Servants to the Protector. Smith was made use of for the Reformation of Religion, which was now going in hand with in good earn∣est, as he was afterwards in all the steps of it.

In the Month of Iuly,* 2.22 the same Year, 1548, he, with Mr. Chamberlain, went Ambassador to Brussels, to the Emperor's Council there: Which was, I think, the first Embassy he un∣derwent. The Business of the State, in send∣ing him at this time, was, the great Appre∣hensions from France, who had possessed them∣selves of Scotland, and so were a very formi∣dable Enemy: And the more so, because they were so near. But to provide against them as well as the King could, he endeavoured to stop them from the Use of the Ports of the Low Countries, which were most commodious

for Scotland. Then Smith obtained so much from the Emperors Counsellors of the said Low-Countries: Tho' the Promise was not so well made good; for, in the latter end of this same Year, both French and Scots came from Scotland, and were landed and discharged at Dunkirke. Which caused another Embassy in Ianuary, by Sir Philip Hoby, from the English Court, to the Emperor, complaining of this; and shewing how the Emperor's Counsellors in the Low-Countries had declared to Mr. Se∣cretary Smith, at the Court there, That the French's going into Scotland, or returning thence, should have no manner of Favour or Reception at any of the Emperor's Ports. This was one of the Business of this Embassy; but the chief Matter indeed, and End thereof, was, for the Raising of Soldiers in those Parts; which they did, to the Number of 2000; and obtained the Emperor's Leave for Passing of them. There is a Letter of Smith's, remaining in the Cotton-Library, to the Pro∣tector, while he was now Ambassador at Brussels; wherein may be perceived the Pur∣port of his Embassy,* 2.23 with other News of the Affairs of the World; and was an ensueth: (And I the rather set it down, to preserve what Monuments we can of this excellent Man.)

Pleaseth it Your Grace to be advertised,

THat We received Your Grace's Letters the xijth of Iuly,* 3.1 with the good News of the State of Our Things in Scot∣land: For the which We most highly thank

Almighty God, and Your Grace. And as We do not a little rejoice at them our Selves, so We shall not fail to communicate them, as Occasion shall occurr, where it shall be convenient. And surely, they here have Espials in Scotland, as well as We, and be not ignorant of our Affairs there. Never∣theless, as they pretend at least, they be very glad to hear them of us. The Ru∣mour runneth here still, that Mr. Chamber∣lain, and an Ambassador, came hither to take up Men: And hereupon hath some Offer been made unto us; but such as We could not like.

Yesterday came to us certain Almain, who brought to Yarmouth, I suppose, an Ensign of Foot-men in the King's Days that dead is: He liked so well his Pay then, as he saith, He would gladly serve the King, before any other Prince. We said, Winter was now very near: Nevertheless, if he would write his Offer, We would adver∣tise Your Grace, and know further Your Pleasure. He is, one Groning in Frizeland. What Your Grace's Pleasure shall be, that We shall answer him, and all such, we re∣quire Your Grace to know, so soon as con∣veniently You may. This Man faith, If his Request be too much, he will be content Your Grace shall mitigate it as shall please You. He is of the Land of Conte de Bury; and saith, He hath communicated the Mat∣ter with Scepperius, [the Emp•••••••• Admiral;] and he giveth him good 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that the

Queen [Regent of Flanders] will give him License.

Two Merchants of Antwerp, lately com∣ing from August, [Augsburgh,] saith, That there the Emperor compelleth every Man, to this Interim; and that some of the Ci∣ties grudging at it, he hath referred the Answer to Nerenburgh: But that it is not doubted there, but that Norenburgh will do as the Emperor will have them. They shewed further, that the Emperor would have them build up their Monasteries again, and Ab∣beys, and all such things: And all standeth upon that Answer of Norenburgh. Further, The Emperor hath already sent 4000 Horse∣men to lie about Strasburgh; and that he doth intend shortly to come thither, and to assay the Switzers. Nevertheless, they said, That at this Counsil was none of the Swit∣zers, but only of B. [Berne, or Basil.] They shewed also, that there was a Saying, that the Emperor and the French King intended to part the Switzers between them, of Agree∣ment, as they said. But if that be, it is more like to make Wars, than to have any long Amity after that sort, &c. Thus, having none other Thing worthy of Advertisement to write Your Grace, I commit the same to Almighty God.

Your Grace's Most Bounden Orator, and Servant, T. Smith.

From Brussels, July xixth

Our Ambassador Smith came home again in September, leaving Chamberlain Resident at that Court.

About this Time,* 3.2 (or, perhaps, somewhat before,) Letters passed between some Coun∣sellors, touching the weighty Matter of Al∣tering the Religion: And in this Smith was concerned; one of whose Lettere relating to this Affair, yet remains in the Paper-House.

When Base Moneys,* 3.3 as Testons, (coined in great Quantities, under King Henry VIII.) and other Pieces were, near this Time, under Consultation to be redressed, Smith also was made use of in this; and wrote a Letter to the Lord Protector, touching the Benefit ari∣sing by the Mint, while such Moneys were coined, to give the better Light unto this Work that was now going in hand with.

CHAP. V. Sir Thomas Smith in Commission: Words between Bishop Boner and him: His Fidelity to the Duke of Somerset.

If we trace Sir Thomas Smith in the ensu∣ing Year, viz. 1549,* 3.4 we shall find him employed in certain Commissions of Impor∣tance.* 3.5

An Ecclesiastical Commission in the Begin∣ning of this Year was issued out, for the

Examination of Anabaptists, and Arians, that began now to spring up apace and shew themselves more openly. Sir Thomas was one of these Commissioners (for he was much employed in the Matters of Religion) jointly with the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thirsby, Bishop of Westminster, Dr. Cox, Dean of West∣minster, Dr. May, Dean of St. Paul's, and Dr. Cooke, Dean of the Arches. Who sat in Judgment upon divers of these Hereticks in that part of St. Paul's Church, commonly called The Altar of our Lady.

A Visitation being instituted this Summer by the King for the University of Cambridge,* 3.6 he was appointed one of the Visitors; in conjuction with Ridley, Bishop of Rochester, May, Dean of St. Paul's, Sir Iohn Cheke, and Dr. Wendy, the King's Physician. The Busi∣ness of this Visitation was to abolish such Sta∣tutes and Ordinances as maintained Papistry, Superstition, Blindness and Ignorance, and to establish and set forth such as might further God's Word and Food Learning: Our Smith, with the Dean Of St. Paul's, a little before Easter acquaint•••• Bishop Ridley with it, by sending him a Letter to Rochester, and desiring him to make a Sermon at the Opening of the said Visitation.

Another Commission dated in September from the King was issued out to Sir Thomas Smith,* 3.7 together with four more, the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, Sir William Petre, and May, Dean of St. Paul's, to take Tryal and Examination of Boner,

Bishop of London, for certain Incompliances, and Disobediences to the King's proceedings in Religion. Sir Thomas was Able and Bold, and one that sincerely wished well to a Re∣formation of corrupt Religion. This Com∣missioner of all the rest,* 3.8 Boner seemed most to regret, and set himself in opposition a∣gainst. His first Quarrel against him was, that because he sat not at the beginning, when the Commission was first opened and read, therefore he ought not to be a Commissioner at all. For by the Law, said Boner, they that first began, must comtinue the Commis∣sion. But Smith told him, that as cunning as he made himself in the Law, for his part he had studied the Law too; anf that these were but Quiddities, and Quirks invented to delay Matters. But the Commission was to procede summarily, Et de plano, and to cut off all frivolous Allegations. And when at this same Session, the Bishop demanded some∣what of the Commissioners upon pretence of Law, that was not convenient to be granted; Secretary Smith, seeing that his Device was meerly to deferr and elude the main Business told him plainly, he asked he knew not what; and that the Bishop would have had them to humour him, and to be lead according to his mind in these Quiddities; whereas all was for no other intent but to delay Justice. And that herein he did all one with Thieves, Murtherers and Traitors, that the Truth might not be known, to prevent their Shame and Condemnation. Which plain dealing did

more and more provoke that proud Bishop. And those Expressions of the Secretary he could never forgive, but was continually pelting at him, and declining him as none of his Judge.

The great intent of this Commission was to examine him concerning a Sermon,* 3.9 which was appointed him by the Council to Preach touching the King's Authority in his tender Age to Administer the Government, and make Laws. In which the Bishop prevari∣cated, not speaking home to that necessary Point to the satisfaction of the People; but running out upon the Subject of the Real Prefence. Concerning which, when the Com∣missioners could not bring him to confess whether in that Sermon he omitted that Arti∣cle or no, shifting it off by his uncertain Speeches, other Articles were drawn up for him to answer to by Oath: Which Smith told him he must not dally with as he had done hitherto. And that tho' he had made his Answers by writing after his wary and ob∣scure way, yet now he should be examined by them, and make answer by Mouth to the same Article, or do that which was worse, namely, go to the Tower. I do not indeed, added he, discommend your Protestations and Terms of Law, if it were in a young Proctor, in the managing of his Clients Cause; but in you it may not be suffered so to use the King's Commissioners.

When the Bishop was next to appear before the Commissioners,* 3.10 he sent two of his Ser∣vants

to excuse his not coming before them by reason of Sickness. But the Secretary knowing well of his former ways of Delay and Baffling the Commissioners, doubted of the Truth hereof: And therefore told the Mes∣sengers roundly, that because he should not deceive them as he had done, they would send the Knight-Marshal unto him, who should have Order, if he were Sick indeed to let him alone, for that he said, was a rea∣sonable Excuse; but if he were not Sick, to bring him forthwith; for that he should not do as he had done; nor would they take it at his Hands. Mr. Iohnson, added the Secre∣tary, (he was one of the Bishop's Servants that brought his Message) you do the part of a trusty Servant as becomes you; but it is your part also to shew my Lord of his Stub∣born Heart and Disobedience, which doth him more harm than he is aware of. What? Doth he think to stand with the King in his own Realms? Is this the part of a Subject? Nay, I ween, we shall have a new Thomas Becket. Let him take heed, for if he play these parts, he may fortune to he made shorter by the Head. And, whereas the Bishop was all for disowning these Commissioners, and appealing from him, the Secretary subjoyn∣ed, he may Appeal if he think good. But whither? To the Bishop of Rome? So he may help himself forwards. I say, he can appeal but to the same King, who hath made us his Judges, and to the Bench of his Coun∣cil. And how they will take this Matter,

when they hear of it, I doubt not. He would make Men believe that he were called before us for Preaching his Opinion of the Sacra∣ment. Wherein I assure you he did but false∣ly and naughtily, yea, and leudly, and more than became him, and more than he had in Commandment to do. For he was not willed to speak of that Matter, and perhaps he may hear more of that hereafter: But at present that was not laid to his Charge.

Sir Thomas thus using to deal with him,* 3.11 in many Sessions held for his Examination, and not suffering him to dally out the Mat∣ter, and sometime taking the liberty to re∣prove him, the Bishop at last made a solemn, large and formal Recusation of this Commis∣sioners Judgment; Exhibiting it in Writing at his next appearance; which may be read at length in Mr. Fox's Acts and Monuments. In which Recusation, Boner shewed,* 3.12 how the Secretary had charged him with dealing with the Commissioners as Thieves, Murtherers and Traitors would have done. But notwith∣standing this Recusation, the Secretary told him that he would proceed in his Commis∣sion, and would be his Judge still, until he were otherwise inhibited.

And where you say, proceeded Smith, in your Recusation, that I said you did like Thieves, Murthe∣rers and Traitors; indeed I said it, and may well say so again, since we perceive it by your Doings. Whereto the Bishop in a great Rage replied, Well, Sir, because you sit here by Vertue of the King's Commis∣ion,

and for that you be Secretary to his Majesty, and also one of his Highness Coun∣cil, I must, and do Honour and Reverence you, but as you be Sir Thomas Smith, and say as you have said, I do like Thieves, Murtherers and Traitors, I say you lye up∣on me; and in that Case I defy you in what you can do to me; I fear you not. And therefore, Quod facis, fae citius.

The Secretary told him, He should know there was a King. Yea, said the Bishop, and that is not you. No, Sir, said the Secretary again, but we will make you know who is. And so in fine, for carrying himself so irreverently towards the King's Commissioners, and especially to∣wards Sir Thomas Smith the King's Secretary, the Knight-Marshal was called in, and the Bishop committed to him. And the Secre∣tary commanded him to take and keep him that none might come at him. For if he did, he should set by him himself.

At another Session,* 3.13 Secretary Smith did burthen him, how disobediently and rebelli∣ously he had always carried himself towards the King's Majesty and his Authority. To which the Bishop replied, That he was the King's lawful and true Subject, and did ac∣knowledge his Highness to be his Gracious Sove∣reign Lord. Yea, answered the Secretary, you say well, my Lord; but I pray you, what else have all these Rebels in Norfolk, Devon and Cornwal done? Have they not said thus, We be the King's true Subjects; We acknow∣ledge him for our King, and we will obey his

Laws, and the like. And yet, when either Commandment, Letter or Pardon was brought to them from his Majesty, they believed it not, but said it was forged under an Hedge, and was Gentlemens Doings. I perceive your meaning, said the Bishop again, as who should say, the Bishop of London is a Rebel like them. Yea, by my Troth, said the secretary. Where∣at the Standers by fell into a Laughter: How this Bishop was afterwards deprived, and com∣mitted, and how he Protested and Appealed, may be seen in other Historians.

In October,* 3.14 the Duke of Somerset the Pro∣tector received a terrible Shock; almost all the Privy Counsellors making a Defection from the Court, and meeting in London, com∣bined together against him. So that he at last was Imprisoned, and lost all his Places, Ho∣nours and Lands. There were only Three then stuck to him in this Time of Adversing, viz. Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir William Paget, and our Sir Thomas Smith. Be∣tween whom and the Lords at London, Letters past upon this affair, carried by Sir Philip Hoby. The Peril they ran was not a little. For the Lords wrote to them, that it seemed strange to them, that they should either assist, or suffer his Majesty's Royal Person to remain in the Guard of the Duke of Somerset's Men, and that Strangers should be armed with the King's own Armour, and be nearest about his Person; and those to whom the ordinary Charge was committed to be sequestred away. And the Lords sent them word moreover,

that if any Evil came thereof, they must ex∣pect it must be imputed to them. And whereas the Archbishop, Paget, and Smith in their Letter to the Lords told them, They knew more than they [the Lords] knew, at those Words thay took this advantage, as they re∣turned them Answer, That if the Matters that came to their knowledge, and were hidden from them [the Lords] were of such weight as they pretended, or if they touch∣ed or might touch his Majesty, or his State, they [the Lords] thought that they did not as they ought to do, in not disclosing the same to them, [the whole Council.] In fine, being over-powered, Smith, together with the Archbishop, and the Comptroller Paget sent another Letter from Windsor, (where the King and they were) that they would not fail to endeavour themselves according to the Contents of the Lord's Letters; and that they would convene together when and where the Lords pleased. this was a notable instance of Smith's Fidelity to the Duke his old Ma∣ster; who stuck to him as long as he durst, and was then glad to comply as fairly as he could. And, if I mistake not, now did some storm fall upon Sir Thomas: And I believe he was deprived of his Place of secre∣tary. For at this Time it appears by the King's Journal, that Dr. Wotton was made Secretary. Tho' he seemed soon to be re∣stored again.

In the Year 1550. Sir Thomas was summon∣ed a Witness,* 3.15 together with a great many o∣ther Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Court, in the great Trial of Gardiner Bishop of Win∣ton.* 3.16 He was sworn against him in the Month of February, being then 33 Years of Age, as it is set down in his Deposition [by an Error of the Printer for 39.] By which it appear∣eth, that in the Year before, viz. 1549. Smith, then Secretary was divers times sent by the Lord Protector to the said Bishop, to travail with him to agree to the King's Proceedings, and that he would promise to set them forth in a Sermon, or otherwise: And that he of∣ten did, in the Company of Mr. Cecil, repair to him for that purpose. That Smith and the said Cecil, by Command of the said Council drew up certain Articles, to which the Bishop should shew his Consent, and to Preach and set forth the same. And that after several At∣tendances upon the Bishop to bring him to this, and upon some hope of Conformity thereto, the Lords of the Council sent for him to the Palace at Westminster. After that, was the Lord Wiltshire sent to him, to whom he shewed some Conformity herein. Soon after that Lord went again accompanied with Smith, to know his final Resolution. To whom he shewed great readiness to set forth the Articles aforesaid in his Sermon; yet prayed not to be tied to the same Words. In which the Council at length yielded to him. And thus was Secretary Smith employed in that Affair. In which he carried himself it

seems with so much Discretion and Modera∣tion towards that haughty Bishop, that after∣wards in his Prosperity under Queen Mary he was a Friend to him, when he was such a bloody Enemy to all Protestants besides.

In this same Year, 1550.* 3.17 He made a Pur∣chase of the King of the whole Mannor of Overston, alias Overston, in the County of Northampton, parcel of the Possessions called Richmond Lands, and divers other Lands, Te∣nements and Hereditaments in the Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Bucks, Surry and Hert∣ford. For which he gave 414 l. 10. s. 4 d. and other Lands in Derby and Middlesex. The Yearly value of this Purchase was 87 l. 17 s. 9 d.

In the Year 1551. the 30th of April,* 3.18 Sir Thomas Smith still under the Name of Secre∣tary,* 3.19 was appointed one of those that were to go in that great and splendid Embassy to France, with a Commission of Treaty con∣cerning a Match for the King with that King's Eldest Daughter, at the same time the Mar∣quess of Northampton went the Order of the Garter to the said King. With whom was joyned in Commission the Bishop of Ely, Sir Philip Hoby, Sir William Pickering, and Sir Iohn Mason: These two Leiger Embassadors there, and two Lawyers, whereof Smith was one.

CHAP. VI.* 3.20The Condition of Sir Thomas Smith un∣der Queen Mary. His wife Advertise∣ments.

SIR Thomas past the Reign of King Ed∣ward,* 3.21 in great Reputation and Prosperity. But upon the Access of Queen Mary to the Crown, as many of the deceased King's Mi∣nisters of State, especially such as favoured Religion, were cast off, so were the two Se∣cretaries, Sir William Cecil, and Sir Thomas Smith. And besides the loss of that honou∣rable Station, he was deprived also of what he held in the Church. For he was a Spi∣ritual Person also; and so was invested by the late King with the Provostship of Eton, and the Deanry of Carlisle. And to spoil him of these and other places with the more Formality, he was summoned to appear before certain Persons, whom the Queen had Commissio∣nated for these purposes, together with Cran∣mer, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Dr. May, Dean of St. Paul's. He fell easy, for his Life was saved, tho' he were a Protestant, and had an 100 l. per Ann. allowe him, for his Subsistence; but was charged not to depart out of the Realm. Which favourable hand∣ling no doubt was obtained for him by some great Friends ai this Court: A sign of the great esteem they had of his worth. Such

was his good Fortune in those hard times, when so many of his Friends, and the fast Professors of Religion suffered most sharply. Dr. Henry Cole, (afterwards Dean of St. Paul's) succeeded him in the Provostship of Eton: And Dr. Iohn Boxal in the place of Secretary of State: As Sir Iohn Bourn succeeded Cecil the other Secretary. And so he made a shift to pass through this dangerous Reign in safety, following hls Studies and Contempla∣tions in his native Country of Essex, at his House of Hill-hall there. And when many on all hands of him were most cruelly burnt alive for the Profession of that Religion which he held, he escaped, and was saved even in the midst of the Fire. Which probably he might have an eye to in changing the Crest of his Coat of Arms, which now was a sala∣mander living in the midst of a Flame; where∣as before it was an Eagle, holding a Writing Pen, flaming in his Dexter Claw, as may still be seen upon a Monument of his Ancestors in Walden Church, and likewise in another Monument in the Church of Greensted in Es∣sex, set up to the Memory of his Sister, who Married Wood of Brodlane in Kent.

But which is strange,* 3.22 he acted his part so dextrously in these difficult Times, that even his Enemy the Pope sheltered him under his Bull for many Transgressions of his own Laws. For in the Year 1555. one William Smythwick, of the Diocess of Bath, Esq had obtained a very large Indulgence from Rome. For which, no question, the said Gentleman

was very liberal, which caused that Court to shew her self so liberal again. It was, that he and any five of his Friends whom he should nominate, (excepting Regulars) such as were Married, and their Children of both Sexes, should enjoy many extraordinary Indulgences upon his Petition to the Pope, who then was Paul IV. Which Petition was graciously accorded to by that Pope, and the Bull ran for Indulgence to Smythwick, and his five Friends and their Children (as was petitioned) à Quibusvis Excommunicationis, Supensionis & Interdicti, aliis{que} Ecclesiasticis Sententiis, Cen∣suris & Paenis, á jure vel ab homine quavis occa∣sione vel Causis latis, ac Votorum quorumcun{que} & Ecclesiae Mandatorum Transgressionibus, Per∣juriorum & Homicidii casualis vel mentalis Reatibus, manuum violentarum in quasvis Per∣sonas Ecclesiasticas, no tamen Praelatos de prae∣terito, injectionibus, Iejuniorum, Horarum Cano∣nicarum ac divinorum Officiorum & Paenitentia∣rum injunctarum in toto vel in parte Omissioni∣bus; Nec non ab omnibus & singulis eorum pec∣catis de quibus contriti fuerint & Confessi, etiamsi essent talia propter quae foret Sedes Apostolica consulenda, & That is,

From all Sentences of Excommunication, Suspension and Inter∣dict, and other Censures Ecclesiastical upon whatever occassion or cause inflicted, Trans∣gressions of any Vows or Commands of the Church, Guilt of Perjuries, and of Ho∣micide, whether casual or mental, Laying violent Hands upon an Ecclesiastical Per∣sons, excepting Prelates de praeterito, Omissi∣ons

in whole or in part of Fasts, Canoni∣cal Hours, Divine Offices, Penances injoin∣ed: Also from all and singular their Sins, whereof they ar Contrite and Confessed; altho' they were such for which the Apo∣stolick See were to consulted.

Likewise ma∣ny other Indulgences were by Vertue hereof granted, as to have a Portatile Altar, to receive the Sacrament privately; that in Lent and in other Fasting times of the Year, they might eat Eggs, Butter, Cheese, and other Milk∣meats, and Flesh without scruple of Conscience. Smythwick chose Sir Thomas Smith for one of his Five Friends specified in the Bull, to be partaker of these Catholick Privileges. And so it is express in an Instrument drawn out and attested by Thomas Willet publick Nota∣ry: Which still remains in the possession of Sir Edward Smith of Hill-Hall Baronet, Dict. Smythwick discretum & praeclarum Virum Do∣minum Thom. Smith de Hill-Hall Lon. Dio∣caes. Militem, & Dominam Phillippam Uxorem ejus, eorum{que} Liberos, nominavit, Constituit, Admisit, acceptavit, &c. pro primis personis de quin{que} Personis, ut praefertur per cum Nominand. ad liber^è licit^è{que} utend. & gaudend. omnibus & singulis in ipsis literis sive Brevi apostolico concess. indult. &c. This, no question was a good Skreen for Sir Thomas in these Evil Days.

If any still should wonder how Sir Thomas escaped so well,* 3.23 who had been so much em∣ployed in the former Reign in the proceed∣ings of Religion, and had so heartily set them forward; and withal had assisted in a Com∣mission,

wherein Boner, Bishop of London was deposed, a Man of such a wrathful Temper; his safety was in a great measure owing to that Deference that that stern and cruel Bishop Gardiner, now Lord Chancellor, had to his exemptary Vertue and Learning: He was struck with a king of Admiration of the Man, pretending a great Love to him: And would Swear that he among all the rest of the Here∣ticks deserved only to live, and to be prefer∣red for his deep Wisdom and Judgment, and the Heroical Sentiments of his Mind. This is elegantly described to us by the Poet that dedicated the Muses Tears to his Funerals;

Qui{que} alios rabido laniavit dente sideles, Subdolus. Antist•••• Stephanus, cognomine Vulpes, Vnius ingenio, Literis, Gravitate virili Sic perculsus crat; mentis{que} Heroica Sensa Sic venerabatur, non solum ut parceret illi, Sed magnum prae se Veterator ferret amorem: Et solum Haereticos inter, Vita{que} Loco{que} Dignum aliquo, propter summum juraret Acumen.

And I am apt to think,* 3.24 that Smith gained the Point in Bishop Gardiner's Affection in the Year 154••. upon his first Address in that Year. When being a Man of Eminency in Cambridge, he waited upon him at Hampton∣Court about the Difference, as it seemed, con∣cerning the right pronouncing of the Greek. When Tho. Smith had been the great Re∣former of the old corrupt way of reading that Language, and that Bishop of the Chancellor of the University utterly against introducing the

new correct way; Yet Smith carried himself with so much facility and obsequiousness to him in that regard, that it took much with him. And upon his Return back to Cam∣bridge, tho' he took the freedom to write a large Letter to the said Chancellor, arguing against the Decree he had lately made, to forbid the new way, and to continue the old, yet it was with extraordinary Complement to him of his high Worth, Learning, Prudence and Acuteness: Beginning his Letter after this obliging manner:

Right Reverend and most Worthy Prelate.

GReat was the Pleasure I took in your Discourse with me, when I was the other Day at Hampton-Court to wait upon you, partly out of Duty, and partly to con∣sult with you. For that which I had be∣fore learned by Fame only and Hearsay of your Wisdom, being then present I under∣stood by Experience; and that your Lord∣ship was indued not only with very great Skill and Insight in the weighty Affairs of State, but also in these light and literary Controversies, with an incredible sharpness, and an excellent Facility and Plenty, joined with a wonderful Obligingness, while you are disputing and arguing, &c.

He con∣cludes his Letter with a Protestation of intire Obedience to his Lordship's Order, however he should determine for or against his Desire; and that he would submit to his Authority,

being the Authority of a Reverend Prelate, and a very Learned Chancellor. From hence I date the Respect and Love Smith gained with this Bishop.

This must be Remembered to this Bishops Commendation, among the many evil Things that asperse and blacken his Name to this Day.* 4.1 Nor must the like favour or a greater be forgotten by him shewn to such another Learned and grave Protestant, Friend and Contemporary with Smith, I mean Roger As∣cham; which I must have leave to mention here. Whom the Bishop of Winchester did not only spare, but called to Court, and prefer∣red to be Secretary of the Latin Tongue to Queen Mary. Whom for his Learning in the Languages, and incomparable faculty of a clean Stile, and beautififul Writing, he greatly loved, and obliged with many Benefits. And when Sir Francis Englefield, Master of the Wards and Liveries, a fierce Papist, had often cried out upon Ascham, to the Bishop as an Heretick, and sit to be rejected and punished as such, he never would hearken to him, ei∣ther to punish him or remove him from his Place. Thus Lived two excellent Protestants under the Wings as it were of the Sworn Ene∣my and Destroyer of Protestants, Ascham, and Smith, to whom we now return again.

Nay, and bloody Boner,* 4.2 who had a perso∣nal Pique against him since the last Reign, as was shewn before, let him alone tho' he were in his Diocess, admiring the Man, and dis∣sembling his Anger.

* 4.3Nee Bonerus eum non admiratus, amici Vultum hominis tantas inter simulaverat iras.

But tho' he thus escaped this Man,* 4.4 yet another of his Name, who was also a Retainer to him at Eaton, when Provost there, fell into his Hands, whom he left not till he had re∣duced him into Ashes. Namely, Robert Smith, who was burnt at Uxbridge in the Year 1555. This Robert belonged to the Church of Win∣sor, and had a Clerkship there of 10 l. a Year. Of Stature he was tall and slender, active and very ingenious for many Things, chiefly de∣lighting in the Art of Painting, which for his Minds-sake rather than for a Living or Gain he practised and exercised. He was smart and quick in Conversation, and fervent in Religion, wherein he was confirmed by the Preachings and Readings of Mr. Turner, Canon of Windsor and others. In his Exami∣nations before Bishop Boner he spake readily and to the purpose, and with no less Boldness, and gave that Prelate his own. He was also a good Poet according to the Poetry of those Times: Some Pieces whereof remain in Fox's Monuments. And his Parts, and Elegancy of Stile as well as his Piety Godward, may be judged of by his Sententious Letter to his Wife from Prison a little before his Death: Which may be seen in Fox,* 4.5 beginning,

Seek first to Love God, Dear Wife, with your whole Heart, and then shall it be easie to Love your Neighbour. Be friendly to all

Creatures, and especially to your own Soul. Be always an Enemy to the Devil and the World, but especially to your own Flesh. In hearing of good Things join the Ears and Heart together. Seek Unity and Quiet∣ness with all Men, but especially with your Conscience. For he will not easily be en∣treated. Hate the Sins that are past, but especially those to come. Be as ready to further your Enemy, as he is to hinder you, &c.

It was remarkable at his Death, that his Body well night half burnt, and all in a lump like a black Cole, he suddenly rose up∣right, and lifted up the stumps of his Arms, and clapped the same together, and so sunk down again and Died. And this was the more to be remarked, because he had at the Stake said to those that stood about him, that they should not think amiss of him or his Cause, tho' he came to that End; and that they would not doubt, but his Body, tho' so to be consumed presently to Ashes, yet Dying in that Quarrel, should rise again to Life ever∣lasting, and added, that he doubted not God would shew some Token thereof.

Smith,* 4.6 in these Days of Queen Mary was removed off the Stage of Action, being now but a silent Stander by. And here he saw the pitiful Burning of poor Men and Women for Religion, the Marriage with Spain, the Loss of Calais, and the Reduction of the Kingdom to the lowest Ebb both in Wealth and Reputa∣tion that it had been in for some hundreds of Years before. Which Things went close

to his Heart, and out of the Love he had to his native Country filled him with Vexa∣tion, nay, and shame, to behold. Hear his own Words, reflecting upon these Times in one of his private Discourses framed in the begin∣ning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign.* 4.7

We kept Calais 200 Years and odd in the French Ground, in spight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time, in all the Civil Wars, and the most pernicious Dissen∣sions that ever were, either in King Henry the Fourth, the Sixth, Richard the Third, or Henry the Seventh their Times. In King Henry the Eighth's Time we wan also to it Bouloign and Bouloignois. I do assure you, for my part, if I may say what I think, I question, if I should have lived through Five hundred Years heretofore past, I should have seen England at any time weaker in Strength, Men, Money and Riches, than it was in the time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary, King and Queen of so many Kingdoms, Dukedoms, Marchionates. For all those wily Titles, our Hearts, our Joy, our Comfort was gone. As much af∣fectionate as you note me to be to my Coun∣try and Countrymen, I assure you I was then ashamed of both.—What decay came that Time to the substance of the Realm, and Riches both publick and pri∣vate, it should be no less Pity than needless to tell.

I am sorry I can retrieve so little of this worthy Man, during these five Years of Queen Mary, which he spent in Leisure and Retire∣ment.* 4.8 However, I have retrieved a Paper wrote by him in the Year 1557. that deserves here to be set down, Intitled,

Advertisements and Counsels very necessary for all Noblemen and Counsellors, gather∣ed out of divers Authors both Italian and Spanish.

1. TEll not all that you think, nor shew all that you have, nor take all that you desire, nor say all that you know, nor do all that you can. For lightly shall he lose the Favour of his Prince that followeth the Commandment of his Lusts, and restraineth not them with the Bit of Reason.

2. Beware you put not Fortune in trust with those Things that appertain to your Per∣son, Honour, Substance or Conscience. For the Nobleman which is wise will not hazard himself, in hope to have relief at her hands as often as he shall need.

3. Altho' all Men promise to help you if you had need, yet nevertheless trust not too much thereto. Many of them which now do offer to take Armour for your sake, if oc∣casion be offered will be the first to strike you, to give you the Overthrow.

4. In other Mens Cases meddle not too much; nor in your own enforce not Time, For governing you so, you may remain in the good Estate you be, or else may easily happen to utter what you were.

5. The Danger of Noblemen is like to them that be in the top of high and sharp Moun∣tains, whence they cannot descend but fall, Wherefore procure unto your selves such faith∣ful Friends, as will rather stay you from fal∣ling, than such as will reach unto you their hands to help you up, when you be down.

6. Do good while you have power there∣unto; and never do hurt tho' you may. For the Tears of the Offended, and the Complaints of the Grieved may one Day have place in the sight of God, to move him to Chastise you, and also be occasion to make the Prince to hate you.

7. Bestow your Benefits and Offices rather upon the Good, than upon your Friends. For among your Friends it is lawful to depart your Goods but not your Conscience.

8. In that you Counsel be not affectionate, in that you Discounsel be not passionate. Whatsoever you do, do advisedly. For altho' in the Courts of Princes, every Man behold∣eth the Worthiness and Nobility of the Per∣son; Yet the more noble a Man is, the more is he noted, marked amd hated of others.

9. If you will not err in your Counsels, nor stumble in your Actions, embrace them that tell you Truth, and hate them that flatter you. For much more ought you to love them that advise you, than those that will seem to pity you, when you are in Danger.

10. Have always in memory the Benefits you have received of others, and enforce your selves to forget such Injuries as others have done unto you.

11. Esteem much that Little of your own, and regard not the Abundance of others.

12. Endeavour your self to do good to all Men, and never speak evil of them that be absent.

13. Jeopard not the Loss of many things for the Gain of one thing; neither adventure the Loss of one thing certain for many things doubtful.

14. Make much of your dearest Friends; and do not procure any Enemies.

15. Exalt not the rich Tyrant, neither ab∣hor the Poor which is rightous. This hath a Line drawn through it by the Pen of Sir Tho∣mas Smith Thimself as it seems, fearing perhaps some misconstruction of his Words, which might draw him into danger under this jealous Govern∣ment of Queen Mary.

16. Deny not Justice unto the Poor, be∣cause he is poor, neither pardon the Rich be∣cause he is rich.

17. Do not good only for Love, neither chastise only for Hatred.

18. In evident Cases abide not the Counsel of others; and indoubtful Cases determine not of your self.

19. Suffer not Sin unpunished, nor well∣doing without Reward.

20. Deny not Justice to him that asketh, nor Mercy to him that deserveth it.

21. Chastise not when thou art Angry, nei∣ther promise any thing in thy Mirth.

22. Do evil to no Man for malice, neither commit any Vice for Covetousness.

23. Open not thy Gate to Flatterers, nor thy Ears to Backbiters.

24. Become not proud in thy Prosperity, nor desperate in thine Adversity.

25. Study always to be loved of good Men, and seek not to be hated of the Evil.

26. Be favourable unto the Poor, which may be little, if thou wilt be aided of God against them that be Mighty.

CHAP. VII. Smith called for to Queen Elizabeth's Court. Concerned in the Settlement of Religion. His Iugement of the Queen's Marriage.

WHEN Queen Elizabieth's Turn came to sway the Scepter,* 4.9 Sir Tho. Smith was presently called to the Court, and made use of:* 4.10 And assisted in settling the publick Af∣fairs both in Church and State. The first thing he seemed to be employed in, was in prepar∣ing a Reformed Office of Religion. For when a Deliberation was soon had of changing the Religion set up under Queen Mary, in a De∣vice offered to Sir William Cecil, (who was

now admitted Secretary of State) for the do∣ing of it, it was advised, that before an whole Alteration could be made, which would re∣quire some longer time and study, a Platform or Book of Divine Service should be framed, to be shewn to the Queen; and being by her approved, to be put up in the Parliament∣House. For which purpose, seven Men were Nominated, Dr. Bill, the Queen's Almoner, and Master of Trinity-College in Cambridge, and after Dean of Westminister, Dr, Parker, late Dean of Lincoln, soon after Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. May, late Dean of St. Paul's, and soon after Elect of York, Dr. Cox, late Dean of Westminster, and Christ's-Church Oxon, after Bishop of Ely, Dr. Pilkington, late Master of St. Iohn's-College, Cambridge, and after Bishop of Durham, Grindal, late Chaplain to Bishop Ridley, and soon after Bishop of London, and Whitehead, a grave and elderly Divine, highly esteemed by Archbishop Cranmer: These four last having been Exiles in the last Reign. And our Knight, Sir Tho. Smith, his Office was to call them together, and to be a∣mong them. And after Consulation with these, other Men o Learning were to be drawn in, being grave and apt Men, to give their Assents. And accordingly these Men met, it being now Winter, at Sir Thomas's House, which then was in Chanon-Row. Where was laid in a sufficient quality of Wood, Coals and drink for their use. And here was Sir Thomas Assistant with the rest in the re∣viewing of King Edward's Book of Common|

Prayer, to be again received and established in the Church, and in several other things to take place in the intended Reformation.

And when in the beginning of the Queen's Reign,* 4.11 (viz. Decemb. 23) the several publick important Affairs of the Kingdom were com∣mitted to the Cares of divers Noble Persons and Courtiers in five distinct Committees; as I. The Cares of the North Parts, II. The Survey of the Office of the Treasurer of the Chamber, III. For Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight, IV. For Enquiry into what Lands had been granted by the Late Queen Mary from the Crown, V. For the Consideration of such Things as were necessary for the ensuing Par∣liament; For this last Sir. Tho. Smith was one of the Committee, together with the Keeper of the Great Seal, the Judges and some o∣thers.

* 4.12 In the first Year of the Queen, he was also by her employed to give the Treasurer and Chamberlains of his Native Town of Walden,* 4.13 their Oaths of Fidelity to her Majesty. To him and George Nicolls the Recorder, a Com∣mission from the Queen, dated May 1. 1559. was issued for that purpose, and the Form of the Oath to be Administered, set down there∣in. A Copy of which Commission yet remain∣eth in one of the Town Books.

* 4.14And being in the Commission of the Peace, he now did very good Service in the County of Essex where he lived. For I find him in Iune one of the Chief in executing a Com∣mission of an Order taken at Chelmesford,

Iune 16. 1559. by the Earl of Oxford, the Lord-Lieutenant, and the rest of the Justices there met. It was for the taking care to the Orders newly made by the Parliament for the Reformation of Religion, and for the muster∣ing and putting the County in a Posture of Defence. In which, I make no doubt, Sir Thomas had a great hand, and was a special Director. The sum of these Orders was, That every Justice of Peace was to take an Oath, which was provided for that purpose; and that every one appointed to be a Justice should not forbear to Serve, or take the Oath. That the Justices should call three or four of the Honest Inhabitants of every Pa∣rish, and charge them to get the Common∣Prayer Book and Administration of the Sa∣craments lately Authorized by Parliament to be said and used. And that the said Inhabi∣tants should see the Curates in each Parish use such Service as was appointed in the said Book, and no other. And if any Curate re∣fused so to do, or Ministered some other way than was set down, or Preach or Teach any thing in Derogation to the same, to appre∣hend and take him and bring him before the Lord-Lieutenant to receive Punishment ac∣cording to the Statute. The said Inhabitants also to present the Names of all Persons as did absent themselves from Divine Service. That the Justices and all other Gentlemen give their Attendance upon such Preachers as should be sent by the Queen or the Bishops, so long as the Preachers should tarry in those

Parts. Also, to order Watches and Beacons to be kept within their several Division. To cause the Act for Rebellion, and the Statute for Archery to be Published to the People. To see to the Punishment of Vagabonds and seditious Tellers of Tales. To send their Pre∣cepts to all Constables, to give admonition to all Persons to provide themselves with Horse and Armour, according as the Law late∣ly made in that behalf ordained. The Con∣stables to direct a Brief of the Statute of Ar∣mour with the Pains contained, that it might be Notified to all Men, how they were to provide for the Musters. And within three Weeks after the former Precept, to send forth Precepts to the Constables, requiring all Men from Sixteen to Sixty, chargeable by the last Statute for finding of Armour, to repair be∣fore the Justices at such a Day and Place as they should appoint; and thither to bring all their Household Servants and Arms and Horses, as they were bounden to find. Also, to Certifie to the Lord-Liuetenant of the Default and Lack of Furniture in any. To chuse out the most likely and able Men for the Wars, and put their Names in a Book: And particular∣ly note their Names that should be most meet for Demi-launces, Light-horsemen, Gunners, Archers, Pikemen and Billmen. Musters be∣ing taken, the Justices to deliver to the Lord∣Lieutenant a Certificate containing the Num∣ber of all the Able Men within every Hamlet and Parish, &c.

Besides, the Oath which the Justices were to take, mentioned in the first Article above∣mentioned, they were to Subscribe their Names to a Writing to be transmitted to the Council,* 4.15 Acknowledging it their bounden Duty to observe the Contents of the Act of Parliament, that is, the Act for Unifor∣mity of Common-Prayer, &c. And for the Observation of the same Law, they did firmly promise that they and their Families would repair at all Times to their Parish∣Churches, or, upon reasonable Impediment, to other usual Chappels for the same Com∣mon-Prayer and Divine Service: and to re∣ceive the Holy Sacrament from time to time, according to the Tenor of the said Act: And none of them that Subscribed should say or do, or assent or suffer any Thing to be done or said by their Procure∣ment, in Contempt of any part of the Reli∣gion Established by that Act. In which Subscription, as I find the Form of it written down by Sir Thomas in one of his Paper∣Books, so I repute him to have been a great Counselor, for the furthering of Religion, and the excluding of all Pophishly affected from having any Countenance from the State.

Great Discourse was now had every where about the Queen's Marriage.* 4.16 For it was the Nations great Desire to see the Queen have a Prince to succeed in the Government after her.* 4.17 The Queen seemed not inclinable to Marry; and there were some that flattered

her, and declared it were better for her and the Realm, that she should remain single as she was. But the most part, and especially the Protestant, was earnest for her Marriage: Yet these varied; some were for her Marry∣ing abroad, others at home. Of this Argu∣ment, Sir Thomas drew up an ingenious Book, consisting of divers Orations for and against the Queen's Marriage, fained to be spoken by certain Dialogists according as their Judg∣ments were in this Point. Their Names were Agamus, whose Judgment was for the Queen's not Marrying, Philoxenes, who was for her Marrying, but for her Marrying a Stranger, and Axenius, who was for her Marrying at home with some one of her Noble Subjects. For the sight of this choice MS. I am be∣holden to my worthy Friends, Sir Richard Gibbs of Weltham in Suffolk, Knight, and the Reverend Mr. Iohn Laughton, publick Library Keeper of Cambridge.

The first Entrance into this Dialogue be∣gins thus.

As I was walking in my Gar∣den all alone, Francis Walsingham came un∣to me: And whether I espied him at the first coming or no, my Head Being occu∣pied with Matters, I know not. But after the first common Words of Welcome, and How do ye, and Ye have been long a Stranger, What News? &c. I pray you, saith he, tell me, if I may be so bold to ask you, What is that you are musing upon so sadly alone, when I came in. Methoughts you had some great Matter in your Head: For ye scarcely

did see me, and loth ye were to be in∣terrupted. Ye guess well, quoth I; For I was recording with my self a Commu∣nication, which was had here, even in this Place, partly in Walking, and partly in sitting upon the Green Bench, of certain Friends of yours and mine, which came now from the Court to solace themselves in the Country, and took my House in their way. I pray you, said he, if I may hear it, let me hear some piece of it. For it must be some great Matter that maketh you Muse of it all alone? S. It is great Matter indeed, quoth I, Marry it is a Man doth take it. For it was a Disputation much after the old fort of Plato's Dialogues and Tullies, and a Thing which I would wish some Learned Man had in hand that could handle it well, as it will bear. For the Matter seemeth worthy the Writing. And they surely each Man defended his Part stoutly and lively with so many Reasons as came to his Mind, I dare say for that time. W. And whose Part took you? But I am a Fool to ask you that Question before you tell me the Matter and Argument of the Disputation. S. The Mat∣ter was of the Marriage of the Queen's Majesty, whom I had thought, that all the World as well as I, had wisht to have been Married, that it might have pleased God to have blessed and made glad our Country with a Young Prince of her Body. W. And is there any Man so wicked and so foolish that doth not wish so? S. I cannot tell you what

he doth indeed, but I assure you one, whom I dare say ye neither account wicked nor a fool in reasoning, would shew himself not only of the contrary mind, but to have great Reasons for his Opinion. W. That is but as you Philosophers and Rhetoricians do. For you care not what part you take. For if you list, you will never lack Argu∣ments; and would make some simple Men as I am that hear you, believe, that the Cow is Wood, and that the Moon is made of a green Cheese. S. When you speak of Learned Men, put me out of the number. But he held that her Majesty did best in thus keeping her self sole as she doth; and would seem to be in mind, that it were best for her not to Marry. W. Mary, that is a Mind indeed; if it were known abroad, he were of such a mind, whosoever he were, I dare say every Man would spit at him in the Streets as he goeth; and for my part I should never love him. S. Why? If her Majesty were of that mind, as it seemeth by divers of her Doings and Sayings she is, would you not love her? W. Love her? Her Majesty I cannot chuse but love: Her Vertues be such, that whosoever know∣eth her Majesty (tho' he were not her Sub∣ject) must needs love her. As for us that are her Subjects, Duty compelleth us to love, honour and obey her, to take her part what∣soever it shall please her Highness to do in that Case. But I cannot chuse but with o∣therwise. S. Well, another held the con∣trary.

Mary, he would in any Case her Majesty should Marry within the Realm. W. God's Blessing on his Heart: Him I like well. S. The third thought it more con∣venient, that her Majesty should have some Prince a Stranger; and brought great Rea∣sons therefore. W. That was, I dare lay a Wager, some Italianated English Man, or some Mongrel that hath good store of Out∣landish Blood in him. S. Ye judge very fast, before ye either know the Man, or have perused his Reasons. Well; the fourth seemeth most indifferent. For he was but directly against the first. For in any wife he liked not that sole Life of a Queen. For the rest, whether it pleased her Highness to take a Nobleman of England, or a Stranger, he was indifferent. W. Sir, if I may be so bold as to hear the whole Discourse, you shall do me the greatest pleasure in the World. And seeing you were repeating the same with your self, you were as well tell it out. With one labour you shall repeat that thing that else you would do, and plea∣sure me your Friend. S. Neither the la∣bour is all one to meditate in a Man's Mind, and to speak out with his Tongue: Nor his Peril is like. For if I fail in the repeat∣ing to my self, either in my Memory of the Reasons, or plain uttering of them, I am the Offender and Punisher, no Man else can controul me. When I shall take upon me to tell them unto you, you shall I know sometimes have cause to find fault with my

Memory, and sometimes with my Wit, and most times with my Eloquence. And they peradventure have cause to be angry with me, because with my ill rehearsing I do weaken their Arguments, and with my Rudeness stain their Eloquence. W. I pray you let these things pass, and do but as well as you can. For I can desire no better with Reason. Let me hear also what was dis∣puted amongst them. S. It began thus;

After Dinner they were disposed to walk into my rude Garden; and there, I can∣not tell well who, one began to tell, that now of fresh the Rumour of the King of Sw••••••n Erieus's coming hither (for as ye know by the Death of his Father Gustave, it began to be stayed) was renewed again, and that of many he was undoubtedly look∣ed for shortly to come himself hither into England, and in proper Person, not by Em∣bassage, to be a Wooer to her Majesty. Then, quoth I, would that Wooing were once done, and that her Majesty had one whom she could like of, that we might see the hope and fruit of Succession more near at hand. What, said one of them, is there not in England as goodly Men, Noble, Witty and Couragious, as be in other strange Places? What need it be fought so far that we have so 〈◊〉〈◊〉? By my Troth, quoth ano∣ther of them, me think in far more better and honourable for all purpose, that her Majesty should take to 〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉d some Prince or Nobleman a Stranger, than any of her

own Subjects. Well, saith the third, and I am in that mind, (altho' I know it is not the most plausible Opinion) that her Maje∣sty doth best to keep her thus sole, unmar∣ried as she is. The fourth at that was as much displeased as you were. Neither, saith he, am I altogether Proselyte of the first Opinion; nor yet of the second: But so, that her Majesty Marry, whether our Countryman, or a Stranger, I like indiffe∣rently: Mary, to hold that she should not Marry, I hold it an unnatural, and in man∣ner a wicked Opinion against our Country. My Masters, quoth I, we have all leisure, thanks be to God; and ye may make me now glad. For methinks I am in Plato's Academy, or Cicero's Tuseulane. I pray you, seeing you all four be of divers Opi∣nions, let us hear your Reasons. We can have no better Place nor Time. And if this Green Bank be not soft enough, we will have Cushions brought to fit on. To that they all agreed, and said they needed no Cushions, the Bank was so fair, and the Garden so pleasant. A little they strived who should begin. But he that spake a∣gainst Marriage, said, he would gladly first declare unto them, that his Opinion was not so strange nor so unreasonable as they took it: And so he began.

Then he who was for the Queen's sole Life, represented under the name of Agamus [i. e. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Calebs] or ••••dspite, makes his Dis∣course at large. After he had ceased, Phi∣lo••enus,

[i. e. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] or Love-alien, makes his Oration in Answer to Agamus, for the Queen's Marriage. Then the same Philoxenus enters into another Speech fortified with di∣vers Arguments, for the Queen's Marrying with a Stranger. Then spake Axenius [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] or Homefriend; for the Queen's Marrying an English-man. In all these Discourses, sir Thomas Smith layeth down what Reasons could be made use of in savour of the Argument insisted on; adorned also with handsom Elo∣quence, and furnished with proper Examples out of History, ancient and modern. In the last, and chief Discourse of all, Smith seems to intend himself the Speaker under the Name of Axenius, I shall exemplifie these Orations for the Readers pleasure and satisfaction. And the rather, because they have many things relating to publick Affairs not long before happening in the Realm under the Reigns of King Henry, King Edward and Queen Mary. But if I should place them here, it would too much interrupt the Course of the History; therefore they are reserved for the Appendix; where the Reader shall find them.* 4.18

CHAP. VIII.* 4.19 Sir Thomas's Embassies to France.

The Principle Queen Elizabeth went by,* 4.20 at her first coming to the Crown, was to displace as few as she might of the Old Ministers of State: Whereby it came to pass that many of those that were her Sisters Ser∣vants remained so to her. Therefore tho' she parted with Queen Mary's two Secreta∣ries, Bourn and Boxal, strong Papists, who came in the rooms of Cecil and Smith, yet she kept Secretary Petre still, and replaced Cecil. And intending to retain only two Principal Secretaries for the future, there was no room for our Smith. But he was not to be laid a∣side; His Abilities were too well known. And therefore the Queen resolved to make use of him for a time in her Business with foreign Princes, till the might prefer him in her own Court.* 4.21 Thus, (not to mention that he seemeth to be dispatched abroad into France in the Year 1559. together with 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Bi∣shop of Ely, the Lord H••••rard, and Dr. Wolten, when a Peace was concluded with that Crown; and there resided) in the Year 1502. he was thought a s••t Person to be employed in the Embassy to France. Of whom Camb∣den in his History takes no notice, tho' he doth of the Embassage. He received his last

Instructions in September, and a Declaration written in French; and Sir Tho. Gresham the Queen's Merchant gave him Credit. The Matter of the Embassy was to urge the Restitution of Calais, and to keep the Correspondence with the Protestant Prince of Conde; that in case of a Breach with France, he might be Assistant to the English against that Crown.

* 4.22Sir Thomas made some stay at Calais, wait∣ing for the coming of Sir Nicolas Throgmor∣t••••, the Queen's Ambassador then in France, that they might repair to the French Court together. But he m••de a Delay at Orleans upon some By ••nds, to the Prejudice of the Queen's Affairs. So ••ir Thomas at last set for∣ward himself towards the Court, where more good was to be done with his Presence, than otherwise. ••ut as for Thr••gmorton's Abode at Orleans, done perhaps to discredit or impede the success of Smith's Embassy, (and so he seemed to take it, as did others also) Secre∣tary Cecil wrote to Smith, that he took it to be upon such reasonable Causes as he had al∣ledged, tho' other Folks were not so well perswaded. And he wished him safe at home, to answer his own Doings: Where, as that good Secretary wrote, he should not lack his Friendship for divers Respects. But this was the beginning of no good understanding be∣tween Thr••gmorton and Smith, tho' both joint Ambassadors in France for the Queen.

* 4.23The Queen's Council wrote their Letters to him in October, wherein they shewed him what passed between the French-Ambassador

and them; and how a matter of Treason of the Poles, practiced by the French and Spanish. Ambassadors, had been of late discovered. Which altho' it were a Matter of no great Moment to be feared; Yet thereby was made apparent, how truly the Queen and her Coun∣cil judged of the House of Gaise. And that so he might, as he saw Cause, take advan∣tage thereby to maintain the former Reasons published by her Majesty, for justification of her Doings, in sending Forces into France: As the Secretary wrote to this Ambassador. But to look a little back.

Smith's great Profession was,* 4.24 when he came into France, to be a Peace mover. As soon as he had Audience of the King and Queen, he wrote the Council a full Account therof to their great satisfaction. And the Secre∣tary wrote to him, that they all allowed of his Zeal to procure Peace, and of his Diligence in so ample a manner, as by his Writing had appeared.

The Cardinal of F••rr••••ra,* 4.25 the Pope's Legate, being then at Court, Smith had much confe∣rence with him. But for this he had not escaped a Reprimand from the Court, had not some of his good Friends interceded. Of this Cecil gave him notice in these Words in the Month of November:

* 4.26 But to write plainly and friendly unto you, as I would you should, if our places were changed, the most here have misliked that you have treated with the Legate, and seem willing that you should have been reprimanded

therefore. But therein I and others unto your good meaning have so tempered the Cause, as thereof you shall hear no other∣wise, except it be by me, and some others your private good Friends.

For that, as he added, there were among them in England, divers very scrupulous of dealing with the Popes Ministers. And therefore he advised the Ambassador to forbear the Cardinal in these Affairs, and to use other Courtesy to him as he should see cause, for the State of Ferrara, as the Ambassador had well made the Distinction to himself. The Secretary also now advised him to beware of one Monsieur de Serre, saying that he was very Fine and Nimble in all his Practiques.

* 4.27In our Ambassadors last Dispatch he wrote to the Queen, and therein took the Liberty to give her certain good Counsel; which Let∣ter she took in good part, and ordered the Secretary to thank him for it, and willed him also to warn the Ambassador of the Cardinal of Ferrara, and likewise to let all the Favou∣rers of the Prince of Conde manifestly under∣stand, that without his Consent the Ambas∣sador would not enter into any Treaty with France.

* 4.28Smith, in this Embassy, had but ill Enter∣tainment in France; for he went over in a Year wherein he met with three Evils, Plague, intestine War and Famine. Whereof the next Year the Plague came over into England: The intestine War was pretty well ceased, but the Famine, that is, the Dearth of Provision

remained and encreased there more and more.

February 1. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, Joint∣Ambassador with Smith, came over into Eng∣land to the Queen, leaving Smith alone in France; and nine days after he sent over his Man to the Court with Letters.

And so well had Sir Thomas managed his Office,* 4.29 and described the Affairs of France so fully, that the Letters he wrote thereof to Secretary Cecil did much delight him: And, in an Answer he told him, he had read over his Letters several times, Heartily Thanking him for his large Letters; which conten∣ted him so well, as indeed he was delighted to read them twice, or some thrice. And such was Smith's wise and true English Behaviour, and eloquent Utterance, that he got himself great Credit and Reputation among the French-men. Concerning which the Secre∣tary, in one of his Letters to him, used these Words, That he was glad to see his Credit so good to do good: And indeed (added he) using Wisdom therewith, courteous and gracious Speech (which was one of Smith's Accomplishments) doth much profit.

And as that Nation was crafty and fine in all their Negotiations with other States,* 4.30 so our Ambassador used Art, to be a Match for them; for he made use of a certain subtil Spy in Orleans, whose Letters he received and dispatched into England: And by the Intelli∣gence gathered by this means our Ambassa∣dor did excellent Service, which occasioned

the Secretary in a Letter to him, speaking of Smith's last Letters, and the Copy of others sent to the said Smith from Orleans, to say, That he saw his great Diligence, and to speak in proper Terms, that he dealt very cunningly, meet for the place he held: Ad∣vising him to cherish the Party that served his Turn, and that he should be kept out of danger, whereby his Service might last the longer. This he wrote to the Ambassa∣dor in Cypher. The Secretary added, that he had notified him, and his Service, to the Queen's Majesty; and so he bid the Ambassa∣dor let him know.

* 4.31But notwithstanding the Ambassador could not do that Service he would, for he com∣plained that the Instructions from England came not to him; and he was perplexed for lack of Intelligence from thence. But the Secretary satisfied him in part concerning that Point, in the Answer he next made him; which was, That he knew not what more Instructions he could require than what he already had, which was to prosecute no o∣ther Ends but the Restitution of Calais. And as to his dealing with the Prince of Conde, and the Admiral of France, whom the Secre∣tary suspected to be about making Peace with the French without the English, (as they did indeed not long after) he advertised him, how he ought to urge to them their Promises and Compacts under their Hands and Seals: And that if they should have no regard to these, they might expect the Judgment of

God upon them for their false Dealing. The Contents of the Contract between the Queen, and them, were, That She should pay them a great Summ of Money, and send them six Thousand Men for their Defence: And that they should deliver into Her hands, for Cau∣tion, N••whaven, which She should hold in her Hands till Calais should be restored. The Letters that past from Sir Thomas, in this Em∣bassy this Year, are still extant in the Paper∣Office in two Bundles: One whereof about a General Peace. And therein Letters also from Middleton, sent from Smith to the Admi∣ral of France.

Our Ambassador abode still in France, un∣til the next Year 1563.* 4.32 Then Monsieur Bri∣quemault came over to the Queen from the Prince of Conde:* 4.33 Whose Business was to ea∣deavour to bring the Queen not to insist up∣on the Restitution of Calais but to be satisfi∣ed with some other Terms. But in May, when he departed, She utterly denied that there was any other way of Satisfaction. And the Queen then also wrote Letters to her Am∣bassador to deal very roundly with the Prince and the Admiral. And so the Secretary thought they had deserved, as he wrote to the Ambassador. And yet, as he added, he doubted not but the Ambassador would have Consideration how to strike therein, whether high or low.

In Letters,* 4.34 our Ambassador Smith had late∣ly sent to the Court, he gave great content. Wherein as he advertised the Lords of the

Council plentifully of the Variety of News in France, so he gave good plain Rules how the same Advertisements should be taken and judged. And both the one and the other pleased them very well.

* 4.35In his Negotiation with France this Year, when things were well nigh accorded, some Reports came out of France, which so of∣fended the Queen, that she altered her Reso∣lutions; and among other things commanded Sir Thomas, that whereas before he Negotiated in one Language (which I suppose was the French) he should now use no other Lan∣guage but Latin. Concerning which, thus the Secretary wrote to him:

This alterati∣on of your Speech into Latin, I thought very strange; but surely Her Majesty had occasion ministred by such Reports as now were brought, to think the same were best. And therefore using no more the vulgar tongue of the Nation, but the Learned, things for the future might be kept more private; and therefore, added he, I know very well you can do this in the Latin as well as any Man, and I nothing doubt but that ye will do it.

* 4.36Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, who returned in∣to France, Iuly 20th. and was Ambassador there with Sir Thomas, by means of secret practising at the Court, was arrested by the French Kings's Order at Caudebee August 3. He was a Favourite of the Lord Robert Dud∣deley, and by his means dispatched thither. This Throgmorton was subtile and active, and

a man of Intrigue. He and Sir Thomas, a person of more Gravity and Discretion, could not well comport together; Throgmorton rather hindring than furthering the Queen's Business by his over-practising. The Dissension be∣tween them came to the Court. Throgmorton had a great Friend there, namely, the Lord Robert Duddeley; so Sir Thomas's course was to sue to the Secretary for his good Word. The Secretary wrote to him, that as he had promised him his Friendship, so he saw it well bestowed. Smith also desired him to acquaint the Lord Robert with the difference between him and Sir Nicolas, writing also the Case. This Cecil accordingly caused to be shewn, and procured Mr. Somers (one who was em∣ployed backward and forward in this Treaty between England and France) to report his knowledge, which it seems made more for Sir Thomas, than his own Writing did. But the wise Secretary wished, as he said, such matters to be swallowed up in forgetfulness, knowing how by these private Animosities between the Queen's Ambassadors publick Bu∣siness was hindred.

Smith also now sent a Letter to the Lord Robert himself,* 4.37 which was writ with so much freedom and honest plainness, that it pleased the said Lord, and set all right between the said Ambassador and him. The Lord Robert shewed the Letter to Cecil, and much com∣mended his plainness of Writing to him, and confessed it to be both wisely and friendly done. For Smith was for Truth and Plain∣ness,

as Throgmorton was for Doubling. And the Secretary was of Smith's mind, telling him in his Correspondence, That he for his part thought it always the best way so to deal; for that though playing under Board served sometimes the Jugglers, yet we saw by proof in friendship it lasted not, but brought inconvenience.

* 4.38When the Prince of Conde, and the Admi∣ral, as was hinted before, had made a sepa∣rate Peace with the French King, and New∣haven was surrendred to the French by the English, and Sir Nich. Throgmorton remained a prisoner to that King, Smith's great Busi∣ness now (being the month of September) was to get the said Ambassador set at Liberty, and to get the Money lent in March last to the said Prince and Admiral (which was 300000 Crowns) repaid, and withal to put them in mind of their Promises made to the Queen. The Secretary told him, That he should gain great Good-will to recover the said Throgmor∣ton; and he thought whatever small Colour or Pretence they had for his Confinement, that much Labour must obtain him. And Good Master Smith, added he, employ all your Credit, and assay the Protestants there to do somewhat like to their Promises. I marvel what Answer the Prince, and the the Admiral can make for the Money lent them. Tho' Smith himself was now confin∣ed at Paris, as a Prisoner, as he had been, Aug. 30. at Melun, the French King being then in Normandy; yet while he was thus

confined, he was sent for Sept. 11. to the Court at Corboil: But soon after, that is, Sept. 13. he had Liberty granted, but not further than the City of Paris. The Grant of his full Liberty followed on the 17th. And so had the Queen confined the French Ambassador, but in no worse place than Sir Tho. Smith's own Lodg∣ings at Etoir.

In November our Ambassador was drawing to a Peace with the French,* 4.39 Orders having been sent him to Conclude it. The Dealing was to be very private, that is to say, Smith alone, with one single Person on the French side. But yet he had so much Experience of the Misreports, and false Relations, which the French abounded with, that he was afraid to deal alone; thinking, that if some others were present, they might serve for Witnesses, if occasion should be, of what passed on his part. This Scruple he communicated to his Friend the Secretary, who told him very well, That altho he might well be fearful to deal alone, yet in dealing also with one alone he could incur no peril of being misreported: For that Equity would save them both, that one should not convinco another.

Here let us make a little Halt, before we go on in our Relation of Sir Thomas Smith's Ma∣nagery of his publick Charge. And we shall take notice of some Matters of a more private Nature which fell out to him, or wherein he was concerned while he was here in France.* 4.40

He had some cause to be jealous, how this his Negotiation was taken at Court; and was

very desirous to know what his Friends here thought of him. And therefore to his intimate Friend Doctor Haddon, Master of the Re∣quests, he signified his Desire to be inform∣ed herein by him; to which Haddon answer∣ed, That Smith knew, that he was not ac∣quainted with the secret Counsels of the Court, but that those, who, in his Judg∣ment, were the most intelligent among their Friends, attributed much to his Wisdom and Moderation; and specially Cecil, their com∣mon Friend, who always made Honorable and Friendly mention of him. Cicero could not correct Cato, as he confessed himself, he might lightly mend him, and fashion him; but Haddon could neither correct Smith, nor mend him. But he would be the Author of this Piece of Advice to him, that he should be his own Counsellor, and that he should transact Causes with himself, and not be led away by the Blasts of Reports, or the Storms arising from Fears; not to pur∣sue those Purposes that he believed would tend most to the benefit and right Admini∣stration of the State. Let who's will be Flamnsinius, added he, I would have you to be Q. Fabius; and I hope you will be so. e∣rentius Varro's Fame flies through all Com∣mon-wealths; but the most happy Memory of Paulus Aemylius is cel brated, even in his most unhappy Death; for we cannot do a∣ny thing but may chance to fail sometimes; and where things are wisely foreseen, they ought to have a just Praise, however

some Accident may turn them to disadvan∣tage; and he advised him to have that of old Ennius in his memory,

Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem.

And the mind, said he, cannot remain sted∣dy in publick Causes, nor Counsels consist together, unless there be a Constancy in our Doings accompanying. He acknow∣ledged Smith's Condition, in this respect, was somewhat hard, and that he received the Laws of his Embassy from others, and managed the Affairs of the State by Prescrip∣tions laid down to him. Yet as you may, said he, interpose your self, and be not si∣lent when you perceive any thing that may turn to the help and benefit of us your Countrymen at home. He went on in his Counsels to his Friend: He bad him aban∣don all Converse with loose Women, for they blunted the Edge of the Mind, and af∣forded nothing but sudden Mischiefs of Bo∣dy and Soul: That he should not be too much disturbed at the Offences, the Passions, and the Mistakes of others, as becoming neither his Prudence, nor Learning, nor manner of Life. For the various Inclina∣tions and thoughts of Men have ever pro∣duced such Waves and high Tydes in hu∣mane Life, and will do so to the end: In which, if we proceed with Reason, as much as we can, we shall be upheld with the Conscience of our good Deeds. Nor shall the hasty Gusts of Fortune, move a mind

founded in Wisdom. Then he remembred him of his own former excellent Discour∣ses, concerning Patience and Fortitude, and of the Praise of the Mind of Man. And he asked him to what end they tended, being uttered by him with so much mo∣ving Eloquence. What? said he, only to lie hid in the Schools, where he once spake them? Or, to be enclosed within the Walls of Cambridge? Or, may they not shew themselves abroad, and be seen in the Sun, and be brought forth into Act? Will they not accompany you in France, if need be? For my part, I should not much esteem these Arts, in which I know you are ex∣cellently instructed, unless they be now present with you, when you have most need of them; nor should I think you wise at all, if in these difficult times you be absent from your self, when you ought e∣specially to be present. These were the brave Philosophical Arguments that one Scholar entertained the other with.

CHAP. IX. Osorius his Letter to the Queen, and Dr. Haddon's Answer. Difference between Smith and Throgmorton, the Queen's joint Ambassadors. Smith and Cecil Friends.

BEsides publick Matters,* 4.41 the Secretary held a more private Correspondency with our Ambassador, as occasion happened, concerning Learning and Religion; and according to his Order, Smith procured and sent him di∣vers Books, which where not to be had at home. Thus once he conveyed over Onuphri∣us and Polydore, and certain French Books of Genealogy and Chronology for the Se∣cretary.

There had been a dangerous Book wrote in Latin,* 4.42 and lately printed abroad against the present State of Religion in England. An Answer to which, in the same Language, the Secretary had procured, and wanted nothing but to have it printed abroad, as the other was. In a Letter wrote to the Ambassador, dated November 28th. he wished he had a sight of it, and that he would give his al∣lowance thereof by some Commendatory E∣pistle to be added; and if he could by some good means, procure it to be well printed in France, without peril of the Book, he would send him the Copy: Or if he could get it

Printed at Strasburgh, or Basil, by some means from thence, he would also send it him; but if he could not, he would send by some of his Men to Christopher Mount, the Queen's Agent in Strasburgh, for him to take care for the Publishing of it.

* 4.43But to relate a few particulars of this Book, which made no small stir in these Days. Hieronymus Osorius, a Portugal, then a private Man, afterwards Bishop of Arcoburge or Syl∣vane, wrote an Epistle to Queen Elizabeth, in an elegant Latin Stile, being nothing in effect but an Admonition to Her to wheel about to Popery. In this Epistle, he imagined many monstrous Errors to be nurselled in our Church, and with much reproachful Lan∣guage, depraved the Professors of the Gospel. This Libel was soon after printed in France, both in Latin and French; as it was also printed in English at Antwerp, Ann. 1565. Translated by one Richard Shacklock, M. A. and Student of the Civil Law in Lovain, and Intituled, A Pearl for a Prince.

* 4.44This the State thought necessary to have an Answer to, because, it reflected much upon the Justice and Wisdom of the Nation. Dr. Walter Haddon, one of the finest Learning, and of the most Ciceronian stile in England, was imployed to answer this Foreigners Book, which he finished in this Year, 1563. Beginning, Legi, Hieronyme, tuam Epistolam, &c. It is extant in the said Haddon's Lucu∣brations, Published by Hatcher of Cambridge.

In the Beginning, Haddon shewed the Cause of his answering of Osorius, and of his pub∣lishing the same; namely, that Osorius had indeed writ his Epistle separately to the Queen; yet it seemed to be intended for all, because it was published in Print, and was open to the Eyes of all Men. He added, that this Author had taken much upon him, that he, being a private Man, and at a great distance, both by Sea and Land, unacquaint••d also with English Affairs, should so considently take up∣on him to speak to the Queens Majesty; that he diminished the Dignity of the Laws of England, and that in general, he mad•• the Nation guilty of a wicked and malicious kind of Novelty. Haddon in his Answer studied Brevity; and they were only some particular Points, whereunto he thought good to An∣swer, although not to the full neither: Be∣cause he supposed (as he wrote in his Apo∣logy) that Osorius might be deluded by some malicious Reports of our Adversaries.

Haddon's Book being thus prepared,* 4.45 the care was to get it published: And because Osorius was printed in France, both in Latin and French, Cecil thought it convenient, that Haddon's said Answer should be printed in the same Place, and in both the same Lan∣guages. Hereupon the said Cecil in Ianuary, sent the Treatise to our Ambassador, desiring him to procure the Printing of it, and that with all Expedition: And that he would add to it something by his own hand, where and as he thought good, and that he would pro∣cure

it to speak French, and to be published in that Language also. And accordingly this Epistle Responsory of Dr. Haddon, was so well considered over, and weighed by Smith, and had his Castigations, that it might be rec∣koned to be Smith's Work as well as Haddon's. For Haddon also had entreated him to ponder diligently his Answer, that nothing might be in it, but what was sit to be seen and read for the Vindication of the Queen and Realm.

* 4.46Smith also spake to Robert Stephens, the French King's Printer, that he would take it in hand. He desiring the Copy, to see whe∣ther there were any thing in it, which touch∣ed the State of that Kingdom, as also to con∣sider the Bulk of the Book, and on Condition, he had leave of the Queen, undertook to do it. But it received some stop by this means, (which probably enough might have been a thing plotted by Osorius's Friends, or Queen Elizabeth's, and the Nations Enemies.) One de Valla came to the English Ambassador, and desired he might have the sight of this Epi∣stle of Haddon's; and whether he had the Am∣bassador's leave or no, went to Stephens as from the Ambassador, and took the Book from him to peruse it for a time. But while it was in de Valla's Possession, the Provost Marshal arrested the said de Valla, upon pretence of some Crime, and withal, took this Book out of his hand, and so it was brought to the Court, and remained in the possession of the said Provost. This created work for the Ambassador.

So he wrote to the Chancellor of France, acquainting him with the whole matter; re∣lating to him, how Osorius had in the Book traduced the Manners, Lives and Religion of England, not according to the truth of the thing, as indeed it was, but according to his Apprehension; and as ignorant Men had out of Envy represented matters to him.* 4.47 And that if he had kept his Book within its own Bounds, and in the Shadow of his own Closet, no matter would have been made of it: But when he had made that publick Vaunt of his performance, by setting it forth in Print, and making a Boast of himself to the World, in this new and unusual Argument, what did he do, but display to all, not only how ignorant he was of the Institution, Manners and Customs, which we, said he, use at present in England, but how little he knew of those Controversies and Questions, which now exercised the whole Christian World, and to the understanding, whereof the minds of all were so intent? Thus the Ambassador discoursed in his Letter. Two things therefore in Conclusion he requested of the Chancellor; one was, that after he had read this Epistle of Dr. Haddon, he would pro∣cure, that the Copy might be restored to Stephens to Print it Cum Privilegio; or if that were not allowed, yet that he might not be hindred from printing it in Latin and French. Or if yet that would not be granted, at least to restore the Copy, that it might be printed elsewhere. This was written by Smith, March

6th. from Melum, a place about twenty Miles from Paris.

To which the Chancellor gave this An∣swer,* 4.48 That the French Queen was much of∣fended with those Folks that presumed to print Osorius his Book in France without the King's Licence, and commanded him, the Chancellor, to enquire after those that dared to Publish it, and to see them punished. He prayed Smith, or his Messenger to procure him one of Osorius's Books, that he might peruse it in order to the taking of Punishment on the Printers. That the Queen, as he said, might know, that good Kings, even in War, have a care of the Honour of crown'd Heads. But disapproving the doing it as they did, they could not, he said, permit of Haddon's An∣swer to be printed; and so the French Queen ordered the Copy of the said Book to be sent back.

* 4.49Smith followed this Business, and sent the Chancellor a Copy of Osorius in French, which he had gotten at Paris; for all the Latin ones were disperst and sold, as the Bookseller had plainly reported, and that he had printed a∣bout 500, for he had no need to deny it. For in express Words it appeared, that the Book was Printed Cum Privilegio. So that, as he wrote to the Chancellor, it was not po••••ible to suppress the Book, being printed with Au∣thority, nor puni••h the Printer who had such Licence; and now to prohibit t••••m to be sold, was, as he expressed it to him, to shut the Cage, when the Birds were flown.

Smith therefore further pressed the Chan∣cellor in this manner; That this only remain∣ed, viz. that both Parties should be heard, as well he that made the Answer,* 4.50 as he that put in the Caution. And whereas the Chancel∣lor thought it inconvenient to allow Haddon's Book to be printed, because it would be no∣thing but a contending in Reproaches and ill Words; Smith said, that there would be no such rude Contention between them, but that whereas Osorius, in an Oratorical way, shook our Forms of Religion, and taxed the Manners of certain Men; Haddon shewed, that Osorius indeed knew neither the one nor the other, and that such was the state of the thing, that in his Judgment, it were better, that both their Orations should be Read, than either be supprest: For that, both of them were wrote Eloquently, and in Latin; and that which they wrote, did not at all touch the State of France. Boldly adding, That when Osorius had a Liberty Cum Privilegio, of accusing our Forms, we seemed to demand that which was but equal of him, the Chancellor of France, namely to be heard with the like Privilege; and that it must seem hard, that a liberty of Haranguing should be granted to one Party only. The effect of this was, that our Am∣bassador got the Book Printed not long after, as shall be related in due place.

But though Smith was not concerned any further in this Affair,* 4.51 after he had brought the Book to the Press with his own Corrections and Additions; yet it may not be amiss to

relate the Progress of this Controversy, which I shall do briefly. There past over a year or two, and Dr. Haddon was appointed the Queen's Agent in Flanders, and was Leiger at Bruges. At what time one Emanuel Dalmada, a Portuguese Born, Bishop of Angrence, sudden∣ly sprung up in Brussels, and undertook the Defence of his Friend Osorius: Stuffing a great Volume full of Slanders and Brabbles. And in the end of the Book he had caused certain ugly Pictures to be pourtrayed; thereby to deface Haddon's Personage as much as he might. This Apology (for so it was called) when Haddon perused, he professed he never saw so foolish and unsavory a Writing, full of Scoffs and Absurdities. The Author there∣fore he despised as one altogether unlettered, and so dull by Nature, that he was oftentimes a jesting Stock among the wiser sort of his own Fraternity. But after some more time, Dr. Tho. Wylson, the Queen's Ambassador in Portugal coming home, at Osorius's Request, brought certain Volumes of the said Osorius's composing against Haddon's Answer, digested into three Books. Whereof he delivered one to Haddon. Who received it gladly, and pe∣rused it once or twice: Having hoped that he being then installed a Bishop, would have been much more modest than before. But the Matter fell out quite contrary. For instead of a civil and sober Person, he found him a most frivolous Sophister, (I use Haddon's own Words) for a grave Divine, a childish Coun∣terfeit: And in the Book, of Vanity and

Haughtiness good store. To this Book, Had∣don soon after began the writing of an An∣swer Apologetical against the said Osorius's slanderous Invectives, as he stiled them, for the necessary Defence of the Evangelical Do∣ctrine and Verity: And dedicated it to Seba∣stian, King of Portugal, as Osorius had done his Letter before to the Queen. Which as she had gently entertained and perused, so he perswaded himself to obtain the like Fa∣vour of that King's Magnificence and heroi∣cal Clemency. In this Apology, Haddon made some Progress, but died before he finish∣ed it. And the rest of it, which was the greater part, was done very Learnedly by Iohn Fox; and printed about the Year 1573. And after by Iames Bell, put into English and printed 1581.

But turn we now again to our Ambassador Resident in France.* 4.52 He and Sir Nic. Throg∣morton, joint-Ambassador with him there, did not well accord. Which was well enough known at Court. This gave the Secretary a great Concern, for fear of some miscarriage in publick Business by means thereof. And in December, in one of his Letters to Smith, taking notice of it he told him, that he hoped nevertheless, That Both, for their Wisdoms, would have regard of the Queen's Affairs, and one of them bear with the other. For so should both of them deserve Commendation. And in ano∣ther Letter he tells Smith, that he was sorry to see things between them no better tempo∣rized. Wisdom, said he, must rule you both.

And surely otherwise ye shall both take the Blame alike, Tho' ye be not both percase alike to blame.

This Throgmorton,* 4.53 to give here some Cha∣racter of him, was a busy-headed Man, full of Intrigue, a Favourite of the Earl of Lei∣cester, and an Emulator of Cecil. For his o∣ver-business in the French Court he was made a Prisoner, tho' then the Queen's Ambassador. And in that Condition he remained some time, namely, so long till the Peace was con∣cluded; tho' he still acted as the Queen's Am∣bassador. He was somewhat impatient to re∣main so long under Restraint, and thought that Cecil was not sufficiently diligent to get him his Liberty. But Cecil understanding it wrote to his Fellow-Ambassador to this Im∣port, That as he had promised Smith his Friendship, so he had done the like to Throg∣morton, tho' some Clouds, he said, let the Influence of his good Will to be felt of him. Protesting that for his own part, God be his Judge and Avenger for all his evil meaning to him in all those Times. And as he was angry at Cecil, whom he did not much love before, so he was easily inclined to blame him upon any suspicion. As in the next Year 1564. remaining under Confine∣ment still, he was very wroth with the French∣Ambassador Resident in England, to whom he bore a great Malice. And yet such was his Fineness and Dissimulation, that at the latter end of that Year, being at Liberty, and here at home, he grew very great with the same

French Gentleman. Cecil took notice of it, and wrote to Smith, that he thought it strange to see what great Amity now was between the French-Ambassador and Mr. Throgmorton, considering the Hate he had before born him. It was strange to Cecil, a plain-dealing Man, and of no Turnings and Windings, tho' a great and wise Politician. But Throgmorton could play the Courtier, and pretend Friend∣ship in colour for some private ends of his own, when the same distempered Spirit lurked still within him that did before.

And happy was Smith in the Friendship of the foresaid Cecil,* 4.54 who as he was a wise and good Man, so most sincere and cordial in his Nature. And yet once had our Ambassa∣dor taken something ill at his Hands, accord∣ing to an ill Office that some had done be∣tween them, representing him as guilty of some Unkindness towards Sir Thomas. Where∣at he very plainly and freely, in his next Let∣ters dated in December, told him of it. This Freedom the Secretary took in good part, and valued in Truth his Friendship the more for it, telling him, that He had much Cause to thank him for his Friendly Dealing with him, and as much more cause to praise him for his open and plain Dealing. Which I assure you, on my Faith, as he said, I do allow more in you than any other part of your Friendship. And hence he took occasion to give this good piece of Advice to him, viz. wishing him to use all Inte∣grity in his Transactions, that he might have the Testimony of a good Conscience. Not∣withstanding

which Counsel he reckoned that he needed not to give it him.

For, added he piously and gravely, when all the Glory and Wit, when all the Wealth and Delight of this World is past, we must come before the Judge that will exact this Rule of us to discern us from the Goats.

CHAP. X. Peace with France. Smith continues Ambas∣sador there. His Book of the Common-wealth of England. Returns. A Review of his Embassy.

* 4.55IN the Beginning of the Year 1564. by the Means and Labour of Sir Tho. Smith, and Sir Nic. Throgmorton his Collegue,* 4.56 Peace was concluded with France. Which was to take place on the 23d of April. It was proclaimed in London the 22d, and on the 23d, a notable good Sermon was made at St. Paul's with e Deum sung, and all incident Solemniti••s. The same Day it was published at Windsor in the Queen's presence, going to Church, and having with her the French-Ambassador. So as nothing wanted to shew Contentation. The Queen also now sent over the Garter, to be presented to that King by the Lord Huns∣don, Sir Tho. Smith, and Sir Gilb. Dethic, King of Arms.

After the Peace was concluded, Sir Tho. Smith still resided in France. And now one of his great Businesses was to get some good Answer for the Money due by the Prince of Conde to the Queen.* 4.57

In September,* 4.58 Sir Thomas, desirous of re∣turning, solicited by the Secretary his send∣ing for home. But the Secretary could not attain of the Queen a Determination a∣bout it, perceiving in her a Disposition rather to have him continue till that King should return back from those South Parts where he then was. But this Care however she took for him, that for avoiding of the Plague, which then reigned in France, she would have him forbear to follow the Court in dangerous Places. Considering, as she said, the French Ambassador did forbear to follow her Court all her last Progress into the North, taking his Ease at London; altho' he was by some means moved to the contrary: Where∣with her Majesty was somewhat offended. Wherefore she admonished Smith in like man∣ner, according to his Convenience, to forbear so diligent a ••a••lowing of that Court as hi∣therto he ha•• used.

In this Month of September,* 4.59 the Rhine∣grave being in France, dealt with our Ambas∣sador concerning a Match between the Arch∣duke the Emperor's Son, and Queen Eliza∣beth; With which he acquainted the Secre∣tary. To which the Secretary replyed, That it would be very seasonable, if it were honou∣rably propounded. Sir Thomas afterwards

wrote him,* 4.60 that he should hear more of this another way.

In March, the beginning of the Year 1565. did Sir Thomas finish his known Tract of the Common-wealth of England,* 4.61 and the Manner of the Government thereof; Consisting of three Books. The first whereof was concerning the Diversities of Common-wealths or Govern∣ments. And therein he treated of the Gen∣tlemen of England. Which he divided into the Great and Less Nobility, and of the other Ranks of Men in this Country. The Second Book was taken up in shewing particularly the Laws of the Realm. The Third was con∣cerning Appeals, of the Courts of Star-Cham∣ber, Wards and Liveries, &c. This excellent Book he wrote at his leisure Hours, while he was abroad in this his Embassy in France: Oc∣casioned, as it seemeth, by certain Discourses he had with some Learned Men there con∣cerning the variety of Common-wealths. Wherein some did endeavour to under-value the English Government in comparison with that in other Countries, where the Civil Law took place. His drift herein was, as he tells us himself in the Conclusio•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Book, to set before us the principal Points, wherein the English Policy at that Time differed from that used in France, Italy, Spain, Germany and all other Countries, which followed the Civil Law of the R••mans, compiled by Iustinian in his Pandects and Code. And this Tract of his, being as a Project or Table of a Com∣mon-wealth laid before the Reader, he re∣commended

to be compared with the Com∣mon-wealths, which at that Day were in E••••e, or with others which did remain described in true Histories; Especially in such Points wherein the one differed from the other: To see which had taken the more right, truer and more commodious way to Govern the People as well in War as in Peace. This, he said, would be no illiberal Occupation for him that was a Philosopher, and had a de∣light in Disputing; nor unprofitable for him that had to do with, or had good will to serve the Prince and Common-wealth, in giving Counsel for the better Administration there∣of. This was written in Latin as well as in English; and many were the Copies taken of it, till at last it was Printed, tho' I think not before the Year 1621. when it came forth in English in the old Black Let∣ter.

From the 5th of August,* 4.62 to the 30th of Octo∣ber, Smith's extraordinary Charges, which he brought in to the Queen, amounted to 103 l. 6 s. 8 d. And as a good part of which was for his Servants, some sent into England, and others to the French Court, (the King be∣ing then in his Progress, and Smith not al∣ways following the Court) so the greatest part was spent in gratifying Spies and Intelligen∣cers; whereof he had both Scots and French. Of these was De Rege, whom in August, he gratified with 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. and in October fol∣lowing with the like Sum. Of these French were also La Selle, La Fere, Le Meilleur, Le

Gras. To whom he gave Monthly, to some 4 l. to some 3 l. and to some 40 s.

In this Embassy, Sir Thomas Smith's only Son was with him.* 4.63 Whom he took along with him to learn Accomplishments in a fo∣reign Court. In the Month of August, he came to Secretary Cecil, his Father having sent him over with a Message to the said Se∣cretary. Who let his Father know, that he was very welcome to him, and that he liked him well, wishing that he were with him a∣gain: For that he seemed to have well pro∣sit••d in Observation of many things there. In October, the said young Gentleman went back to France, with Letters from the Secretary to his Father.

* 4.64Sir Thomas seemed now to be near the ac∣complishment of his earnest Desires. For the Queen, in October, determined the Secretary's Brother-in-Law, Mr. Tho Hoby, should go in Sir Thomas Smith's place: Tho' he it seems had no great Stomach to it. For when it was moved to him by the Secretary, he took it unkindly at his Hands. The Queen un∣derstanding it, willed the Earl of Leicester to let him understand peremptorily her Majesty's Pleasure. Of this the Secretary advised Sir Thomas, adding that this, tho' unwillingly, he knew his Brother would not deny: And that the Earl had promised him to send for his Brother, but yet it was not done: And that he, the Secretary, therefore meant to have my Lady, Sir Thomas's Wife, either to speak or send to his Lordship, to press the Business.

After the Winter was past and gone, on the 26th day of March, Mr. Hoby took his leave of her Majesty, in order to his Embassy,* 4.65 promising to be at the Sea-side within Ten Days. So that in the beginning of the Year 1566. Sir Thomas seems to have come home from his long Embassy in France.

To take up a few further Remarks of this Embassy at the French Court,* 4.66 Smith was ap∣prehensive of the Difficulty of performing this his Negotiation to the Approbation of others; knowing the ticklish Station where∣in he stood; and that his Absence might give occasion to some to Slander or Misre∣present him. On which account, and being willing to know what Reports went of him, he desired his Friend Dr. Haddon, Master of the Requests, to inform him what Opinions his Friends of Sway and Authority had of his Discharge of the Affairs committed to him; and what he heard in his Doings that pleased or displeased. And the Reason Smith gave was, because it was a very difficult thing for one that was concerned in the Managery of publick Affairs, so to perform his Actions in one and the same constant Tenor, as to be always ap∣plauded.

Sir Thomas had the Opportunity,* 4.67 in the Pursuit of his Embassy for the Service of his Mistress, to travel through many Parts of France, that King going in Progress in the Year 1564. and our Ambassador attending the Court. He was at Avignion, whither the Court seemed to remove chiefly for the Plague

that raged very sore now in that Kingdom, as it had done the last Year in Newhaven, and in London. In April, he was at Bourdeaux, as he had been at Tholouse before. At Bourdeaux, he was taken with a Fever or Ague: Which creeping on him at first, came at length to that Violence that he despaired of his Life: And on a sudden it abated: And then he let Blood. Whereby in little more than a Day he felt himself to grow towards Recovery, both in Body and Mind. The next Day he hunted the Hare, that he might enjoy a more free Air. Which Exercise he continued for some Days. And from the 1st of March to the 12th (he writ it to some of his Friends as his Diversion) his Dogs caught nineteen Hares.

* 4.68 While he was in these Southern Parts of France, his Friends wrote him word of the Queen's intended Progress into the North, and that she would take a sight of Cambridge in her way, to visit that University, and to hear the Scholars Disputations. When Smith heard it, he heartily wisht to be among them; Not to Feast, or Hunt, or to indulge his Ge∣nius on this splendid Occasion, (he was a∣bove those things) but to see, as he said, his Royal Mistress a Spectator there, in a Place so dearly by him affected, and to partake of the Specimina of those Wits, and to take no∣tice what new Men of Learning and Ingenu∣ity were sprung up in that University since he left it.

At Tholouse, in his leisure Hours, he wrote three Books of the English Common-wealth (mentioned before) which he Intitled De Re∣publica Anglorum.* 4.69 Wherein he described in effect the whole Form of it: Especially in those Things wherein it differed from others. And it differed almost in all Things. So that the Work grew greater than he thought of. He wrote it in our Language, in a Stile be∣tween Historical and Philosophical; after that Form as he conceived Aristotle wrote con∣cerning divers of the Gracian Common-wealths: Which Writings are now perish••d. Of this he wrote to his Learned Friend Had∣don, in his Correspondence with him in the Year 1564. Adding, that he had yielded a very copious Argument to such as would dis∣pute in a Philosophical way of the single Questions, and whether is better, that which is held for Law in England, or that which in France is so held, and in other Provinces which are governed by the Roman Laws. For almost all, as he said, were different: And that he had in gross and in sum examined both. This he drew up in the Year 1564. And as these Writings were as y••t but in rough Draught, when written fair, he pro∣mised Haddon he would send them to him. And the value himself had of this his Labour may appear in those Words of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the before-mentioned L••••••ned

〈…〉〈…〉 will see your self certainly as I 〈…〉〈…〉 you have read it over, that 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••••∣lesly conversant in our Cou•••••••• Common-wealth.

Some vacant spaces he had left in his Manuscript here and there, because he had not with him one Book of the English Laws, nor had he there Lawyers to consult with. Therefore he wrote so much as the memory of things seen and read by him on the sudden suggested to him. And what was imperfect, he intended when he returned home, at leisure to supply.

* 4.70While the Learned Smith was in Paris, he could not forbear to enquire for the Learned Men there, to enjoy their Conversation at his spare Hours. Here he met with Peter Ra∣mus the Philosopher, and ••udovicus Regius an Historian, and other Professors of Science; who were the King's Readers. To Ramus's Acquaintance Haddon had particularly recom∣mended him. But the Wars proclaimed be∣tween Princes, and the Times were such, that Smith could not so frequently converse and hold that Familiarity with them that he wisht. T••••s' with th••se in Paris, his Converse was so much,* 4.71 that he called them his Convictores. But he added, that he had his Convictrices too, i. e. his She Companions and daily Guests, which created him as much Sorrow and Anxiety, as the others did pleasure. And these were (as he explained himself) Solicitudes, Cares, Damage to his Domestick Concerns in Eng∣land, greater Charges than he could well bear, doubtful Disputations, various Emula∣tions and Opinions.

While Smith was here, he procured the Printing of the Answer to Osorius, for the Vindication of the Queen, and the Proceed∣ings of the Realm in the Reformation of Re∣ligion,* 4.72 as was mentioned before; when the Reader was told of the Difficulty that Smith met with, while he required that State's Al∣lowance for the publishing thereof. But at last he got it into the Press at his own Charge. Which made Dr. Haddon, the Author, after the publishing of the Book, write to him, Mul••um tibi Responsum debet Osorianum, i. ••. That the Answer to Osorius owed much to him. And as for Smith's Judgment of this Answer, it was this, as he wrote to the said Haddon, That he conflicted with an Adversa∣ry too unequal for him. For Osorius brought nothing beside the bare Imitation of Cic••ro, and the Ignorance of that he undertook to treat of. Which Haddon pointed him to as it were with his Finger: Yet with much Modesty, and without sharpness of Words. By April, 1564. Smith had so compleated the printing of the Book, that he sent over some Copies to the Secretary.

The aforesaid Dr. Hadd••n,* 4.73 Master of the Requests, was the Queen's Ambassador at Bruges, at the same time that our Smith was in the like Quality in France. Between whom a friendly and learned Correspond••nce was maintained. They both were Ambassadors abroad in the Years 1562, 1564, 1565, 1566. Divers of the Letters written between them are printed in Haddon's Posthumous Pieces

published by Hatcher of Cambridge, An. 1567. Smith was a great Lover and Reader of Plato, as Haddon was of Tully. In relation to which, thus did Haddon from Burges write to Smith in France;

Your Plato will not suffer you,* 4.74 nor my Tully me, to be our own, who would have us serve our Country; and as we at first received all that we have from it, so to re∣turn all back to it again.

This he said, to comfort Smith and himself under their present Distances from their Country, their Pains and Expences in their Embassies for the Service of their Queen and Country; The troubles whereof they were apt some∣times to lay to heart.

* 4.75 At another Time, viz. in the Year 1562. Haddon appealed to Smith, as a Judge in a Dispute between him and the French Ambassa∣dor at Bruges, upon Cicero's Skill both in Law and Philosophy. For Haddon happening to Sup once with that Ambassador, upon some occasion Cicero was cited, when the Ambassa∣dor did admit him to be the best Orator, but he would not allow him at all to be skilled in Law, and that he was but a mean Philosopher. Haddon stood up for the Honour of his Ma∣ster, and affirmed that he was a very good Lawyer, and a most excellent Philosopher. Whereupon they fell into a very hot Argument, that they could hardly make an end. Con∣cerning this, he took occasion in his next Letter to write unto Smith, telling him, that

he wished this Controversy might have had his Judgment, Cui non minus uni tribuo, quam Platoni Poeta nescio quis, à reliquis destitutus: i. e. To whom alone he attributed as much as a certain Poet did to Plato, when he had none else of his side. Smith on the next oc∣casion in his to Haddon, thus communicated his Judgment;

That if any doubted whe∣ther Cicero was a Lawyer, it was not to be wondered at, because Men for the most part are ignorant of Age and Times. That Ci∣cero was not of those in that Time that pro∣fessed the Civil Law, but yet he was Iure∣consultissimus, Admirably skilled in it: Which not only many of his Pleadings and Orati∣ons demonstrate, but his Topics to Treba∣tius. And he esteemed himself so to have prosited herein, that he openly declared one Day, If they vexed him he would the third Day after profess the Civil Law. But he never saw indeed Accursius, nor Bartholus, nor Baldus, nor Iason, nor the Digests, nor Code of Iustinian. A good Reason why, because they were not in being in his Time. But so thorowly had he learned the Laws of that Time, that unless he had been an Ora∣tor, he had been esteemed the Learnedest Civilian. If he that is a Lawyer deny him to be a Philosopher, that Answer will easily be given to him, that Apelles gave the Shooe-maker, Let him not give his Iudg∣ment beyond his Slipper. But for his Philo∣sophy, he betook them that denied it to his Book De Deo, De Divinatione, or what he

treated of in his other Philosophical Disser∣tations.

In April, 1564. Secretary Cecil writ our Ambassador the News of the Disturbance at Court,* 4.76 occasioned by Iohn Hales's Book, wrote in the last Parliament. Which was the cause of his being cast into Prison, and several o∣thers of the Court committed, or banished the Court. Of this Haddon (who was now at home) had also acquainted him, and called it Tempestas Halisiana, i. e. The Storm raised by Hales. This Hales was a passing good Scholar, an hearty Protestant, thorowly ac∣quainted with the State of this Kingdom, and a great Antipapist; he had been a Courtier to King Edward, and an Exile under Queen Mary, and now under this Queen Clerk of the Hanaper: And fearing the Succession of the Scotch Queen, a Papist, to the Crown, if Queen Elizabeth should die unmarried, and childless, he by private Consultation with o∣thers, resolved to take upon him to write a Discourse to discuss the Title to this Crown after the Queen. And having in a Book confuted and rejected the Line of the Scotch Queen, made the Line of the Lady Frances that had been Married to Grey Duke of Suf∣folk, (who was Daughter to the Younger Si∣ster of King Henry VIII.) to be only next and lawful Heir. She was Mother to the Lady Katharine Grey, who had been privately Mar∣ried to Edward Seimour, Earl of Hertford: And were now both in the Tower for that Marriage, and under the Queen's Displeasure. In

April, Hales was committed to the Fleet for this bold and presumptuous Act, and after∣wards to the Tower, where he continued a great while; Especially because he commu∣nicated these his Conceits to sundry Persons. The Lord Iohn Grey, Uncle to the Lady Ka∣tharine, was in trouble about it, and so was the Lord-Keeper Bacon. And besides all this, Hales had procured Sentences and Counsels of Lawyers from beyond Seas, to be written in maintenance of the Earl of Hertford's Mar∣riage, which seemed to have been by their Consents only: For which the Marriage had been declared invalid and null by the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury. But hereat the Queen was much offended. In May, Hales's Business came to be examined by the Secretary. Af∣ter Examination, he was found to have pro∣cured Books in Defence of the Earl of Hert∣ford's Marriage, and likewise in Approbation of the Title of Succession for the Lady Katha∣rine. Upon this Occasion thus did Smith the Ambassador write;

As I am a Man,* 4.77 I would not have any Man vexed, I could wish Quiet∣ness to all the Race of Man∣kind, and that whosoever would might Philosophize free∣ly. But every Man should mind his own Business.

He declared that he for his part was for a Liberty of Philosophizing. But whereas it was urged that they Philoso∣phized too much, he said, he thought what was done, was done more out of Curiosity

than Malice. And whereas he saw so much Danger and Vexation, Banishment from Court, and Imprisonment of great Men, happening upon the Occasion of the said Book, some for Writing it, and some for Reading it, he made this Moral and wise Re∣flection,* 4.78

I plainly perceive how dangerous a thing it is to be too forward in prying into the secret Affairs of King's and Kingdoms.

CHAP. XI. Smith goes over Ambassador again to de∣mand Calais. His Employment at home. Concerned in turning Iron into Copper.

SMITH being come home from his Em∣bassy,* 4.79 the Sight of his old Friends, and the Enjoyment of his native Country was a great Joy to him.* 4.80 Haddon still remained Am∣bassador at Bruges. Who in the Kalends of Iune, Anno 1566. wrote to him, that he did almost envy him this his present Happiness.* 4.81

You, said he, have now recovered your Country, your Prince, your Consort, your Friends, your Ease, and with the rest, the high Com∣mendation of your Embassy.

Whereas it is my unhappiness alone to be deprived of all those Comforts of my Life.

And no doubt Smith returned with the same Praise for the management of his Negotia∣tion in France, as his Friends in England gave him, while he was in the Execution of it; as the same Haddon signified to him not long after his first going into France, viz. That the most intelligent Men of the Court attri∣buted much to his Wisdom and Moderation; but above the rest, their common Friend Cecil, the Queen's Secretary: Who ever made ho∣nourable and friendly mention of him.

Sir Thomas Smith spent this Year in Eng∣land among his Friends.* 4.82 He had not been above Twelve Months at home,* 4.83 but he was sent again into France, in Quality of the Queen's Ambassador Extraordinary, to make a formal Demand of Calais from the French, according to a Treaty at the Castle of Cam∣bray Eight Years before, and when the last Peace was made at Triers, Calais being then excepted in express Words, and to be restored to England the second Day of April, now next ensuing. Sir Henry Norris was at pre∣sent the Ambassador in Ordinary there, who went over in February, 1566. Sir Thomas fol∣lowed the next Month, viz. in March: Re∣pairing privately to Calais, to be there the third Day of April, to demand the Town. Not as tho' they thought the Governour would deliver it, but to avoid all Cavillations, which the French might invent, (for by Law it was to be demanded at the very Place,) and

being not delivered, the sum of 500000 l. was forfeited to the Queen. Mr. Winter, a great Sea-Officer past secretly with him to take Possession thereof,* 4.84 if they deceived the Expectation of the English, and there were not passing three of the Council knew of Winter's going.

Sir Thomas took his Son, Mr. Smith, along with him, bringing him up in all generous and gentile Accomplishments, that he might be fit to do Service afterward to his Queen and Country. And often he sent him over with Letters and Messages, as he did in the Month of May this Year 1567. with Letters from himself and Sir Henry, his fellow Am∣bassador, containing the Contents of this their troublesome Negotiation.

* 4.85But to return to Smith his Managery of this his charge, which he did in this Formali∣ty. He demanded Calais first at the Gates of the Town next the Sea, in a loud Voice in French, by the sound of a Trumpet, of which an Act was presently made by a publick No∣tary; to which were Witnesses certain out∣landish Merchants, and others there happily present. And next coming to the French King, he demanded Calais again, together with Sir Henry Norris, the other Ambassador. That King remitted the matter to his Coun∣cil, where Hospital his Chancellor, and our Smith,* 4.86 argued the Point largely and learned∣ly on both sides, which may be read in the History of Queen Elizabeth.

This being done, Smith comes over again, and was at Court about the 12th of May;* 4.87 and thus did he continue employedby the Queen in her service,* 4.88 both at home an••abroad: And for his pains he justly waited for some Prefer∣ment, as a gracious token of th•• Queen's ac∣ceptance of his Services. And when in the Year 1568. Sir Ambrose Cave, a•• old Friend of his deceased, who had been Chancellor of the Dutchy, and one of the Queen••punc; Privy Coun∣cil, he solicited and laboured with Cecil to be admitted into his Room.

He told the said Cecil, that if any thing came, ••r whatsoever came, he should and must thin•• that it came by him, and promised that hewould not be unthankful; and that if the Queen were dis∣posed to bestow this Place uponhim, he should reckon himself not utterly abj••ct of her Ma∣jesty.

Which Words, point to ••ome Discon∣tent in Smith's Mind, as tho' he had taken it somewhat to heart, that no preferment had been conferred upon him during the ten years the Queen had Reigned. Dr. Haddon, the Master of Requests, wrote also upon this oc∣casion to the Secretary in Smith's behalf, that he might succeed in his Suit. But withal, he wrote in that manner astho' he conjectured his Suit was in effect desperate; which he exprest with some trouble, concluding that it was destined,* 4.89

That as he (Had∣don) was to grow old among Beggars [for his Office was to present begging Requests and Suits to the Queen,] so Smith to spend his life among

Turfs, meaning the Country Life, which he Lived in Essex. But withal he wished the Queen ••o worse Counsellors than he.

And so it fel out: Smith missed his Suit, and Sir RalphSadleir became Chancellor of the Dutchy.

* 4.90So that in the Years 1567, 1568, 1569, 1570. Sir Tho Smith was much in the Coun∣try, Living aretired Life.* 4.91 During which time, he serv••d his Country in distributing Justice, and aking care of the Peace and Quiet of the Queen's Subjects, and Execution of her Laws, in the Quality of Justice of Peace, in that Division of Essex, especially a••punc; bout the Part of Ongar and Epping, where he dwelt.

* 4.92Among other Causes that came before him, there happened certain Matters of supposed Witchcraft: Which occasioned much Distur∣bance among ••is Neighbours. Arising espe∣cially from t••o Women, viz. One Malter's Wife of Theyron at Mount, the Parish where Sir Thomas himself dwelt; and the other Anne Vicars of Navstock, not far off.

* 4.93The Examiration of the former he took in April, 1570. Against whom, one Evidence deposed, that about two Years past, she bore her Husband in hand that he was bewitch∣ed: And as a Remedy thereof, she caused a Trivet to be set, and certain pieces of El∣der, and white Hazel Wood to be laid upon the Trivet, across, with a Fire under it; and then him, who was at that Time not well in his Wits, to kneel down and say certain

Prayers, as she taught him. And thereby she said, he should be delivered of his Bewitch∣ing, or his Witch should consume as the Fire did. Which when this Evidence rebuked her for doing, as using Witchcraft, she conceived an ill Will towards him. And he having a Sheep-shearing about that Time, and not in∣viting her thereto, being his Neighbour, she, as he supposed, bewitched two of his Sheep. For immediately after they were taken with Sickness, their hinder Legs so indisposed, that they only could crawl, and died. The same Man had a Sow, being well when the Sun went down, which the next Morning was found dead, with her Nose lying upon the Groundsel of this Woman's House, where she never was f••d, nor wont to come be∣fore.

Another Witness deposed, That she being Servant to a Farmer's Wife in the said Pa∣rish of Theydon Mount, this Goodwife Malter came to her Mistress, who was going to Lon∣don Market, and desired her to bring her home some Sprats; but she saying she came always loaden from London, denied her. Upon this, the Deponent, then her hired Maid, came from Milking; and as she set her Milk in the Pan upon a Loft, there was a Speckled Bird, as she thought, which fluttered among the Milk-Pans, and with her Feet and Wings slubbered therein: Her Mistress in the mean time called her away. But she endeavoured by a Broom to sweep or drive away this Bird. But it would not away, but went fluttering

from Pan to Pan; and could not fly, but skip and hop. At the last, it went from the Loft where the Milk and Wheat was, into the Cheese Loft. And then being often called by her Mistress she came down, and being blamed for her long tarrying, she related how she was troubled with such a Bird. And then her Mistress came her self into the Milk Loft, and found it come down Stairs a very Toad. Which after it was once come into the But∣tery, she could never see it more. And for the space of six Weeks after by no Means, nor Diligence, nor change of Churn, nor Cloths, could they have any Butter; until that her Mistress did bid her carry her Milk, and churn at a Neighbours House; and there the Milk made Butter as it was wont to do before, and in the same Milk Pans. Other Evidences there were against this Woman.

* 4.94In May, Sir Thomas took the Depositions of several against Anne Vicars. A Woman de∣posed, that about three Years past, she was taken with a strange Sickness: Her Body dis∣figured, her Lips great, and black, and she almost out of her Wits. She suspecting that she was bewitched by the said Anne, went to one Cobham of Rumford, who was thought to be Cunning in such Matters. And he de∣clared to her that she was bewitched by the same Woman, telling her the Words which past betwixt Anne Vicars and her, whereby she conceived displeasure against her, and wrought her that Mischief. And Cobham pro∣mised her, that as long as he lived, she should

have no Power over her. And so it happened: For during his Life, she was recovered and continued well. But shortly after his Death she fell again into her Disease.

Another Woman of Stapleford Abbots said, That about three Years past, she was coming from Rumford Market with this Anne Vicars: And suddenly the said Anne cast up her Nose into the Air and smelt: Which the other mar∣velled at, and asked her if she saw any thing, or if there were any Carrion there. And she said, she smelt either a Whore or a Thief. At last she espied the Wife of one Ingarsole, going a great way before them. Whereat the said Vicars cried out with an Oath, I told you, I smelt either a Whore or a Thief; and making great haste to overtake her, when she came at her, she cast her Apron upon the side of her Face next unto her: And then went backwards a great way with her Face towards the said Ingarsole's Wife, casting her Apron over it; and making many Crosses, saying as it were certain Prayers, but what, this Examinant could not tell; but marvelled much at her Behaviour; and said she was to blame to slander her that was an honest Woman, and so known among her Neighbours for twenty Years. But upon this, Ingarsole's Wife fell extreamly Sick, and lost one of her Eyes with a stroke as she thought that came unto her, she could not tell how, in the plain Field, where neither was Bush nor Tree, or other Creature.

And the said Mawd, Ingarsole's Wife, exa∣mined, said, that the said Anne Vicars Daugh∣ter, about the Time that this Calamity befel her, did fell Wood that was assigned in the Common to her the said Mawd. Whereupon she forbad her to do so any more, or else she would take away her Bill. The next Day the said Wench came again: But she would not suffer her to carry away the Wood. Where∣upon the said Anne Vicars f••ll out with her, and wisht she might not be delivered of that she went with, being then great with Child. This Falling out was on the Monday, and on the Thursday she lost one of her Eyes with a sudden stroke as she thought, where no Creature nor thing was by to hurt her: Be∣sides, that she was extream Sick, and in great danger of her Life.

Also one Agnes, Wife of Thomas Combres, being examined, said, That since Michaelmas Iast, the said supposed Witch fell out with her, and upon that she fell a Cursing and Banning at her, and wisht her Eyes out. Whereupon within two Days she fell down as Dead, ex∣treamly Sick, and hardly recovered it. And since that Time she had marvellous Pain in her Eyes. These and divers more Depositions Sir Thomas now took against this Woman, of her supposed Witchcraft, exercised upon her Neighbours. But we have said enough of this. What Prosecutions were made of these Women, whom he seemed to have Committed to Jail, this is not a Place to enquire in∣to.

Sir Thomas was in the Month of March talked of to assist Cecil, (then newly made Baron of Burghley) in the Office of S••cretary: And so to succeed in that Room,* 4.95 as soon as the other should be made Lord Privy Seal, which was expected. But neither was he made Privy Seal, nor was Smith as yet admit∣ted to that Office. However he was now ad∣mitted into the Council.

Sir Thomas now divided his Time between the Country and the Court,* 4.96 but chiefly in the Former;* 4.97 delighted with the Divertise∣ments and easie Cares of his belov••d Seat in Essex. But he was not idle. For he had a busy active Mind, and a Philosophical Head. And this put him among other Things, upon a Project of Alchimy about the Year 1571. Hoping to transmute Iron into Copper. In∣to this Chargeable, but, as was hoped, gain∣ful Business he brought the Secretary Cecil, who had also a Philosophical Genius, the Earl of Leicester, Sir Humsrey Gilbert and others. The first Occasion of this Business was by one Medley, who had by Vitriol changed Iron into true Copper at Sir Thomas Smith's House at London, and after at his House in Essex. But this was too costly, as Sir Thomas saw, to make a Benefit by. Therefore he propound∣ed to find out here in England the Primum Eus Vitrioli, and therewith to do the same Work at a cheaper Rate. Upon which, Sir Thomas, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, (a Learned Kt. also, and of a projecting Head) and our Medley entred into a Company under Articles,

to sind this out. That is to say, That Med∣l••y should be employed in this Business at the Charge of the two other, till by the Profit he should reap from the thing found out he might bear his Proportion. The Place where this was to be attempted and laboured was in the Isle of Wight, or at Poole, or elsewhere. But at Winchelsey, he had made the first Tryal, because of the Plenty and readiness of Wood. He received of Sir Thomas, and Sir Humphrey an Hundred and One Pounds apiece, for the buying of Vessels and Necessaries. They re∣moved to Poole, thinking this Ens of Vitriol to be there, and took a Lease of Land of the Lady Mountjoy, of 300 l. per Annum. For the Payment of which, Sir Thomas with the other two entred into a Bond of 1000 l.

* 4.98While these Things were in this State, Smith was sent Ambassador beyond Sea: Which was in 1572. as we shall see in due place. And a Quarrel then happening between Med∣ley and Sir Humphrey, (and Medley gone to Ire∣land, being reported to be run away) the Business lay asleep for some time. But Sir Thomas revived it at his Return: Going down himself to Poole, where he found Ar∣rears of Rent due to the Lady Mountjoy, and above 60 l. due to Workmen; and no Cop∣per nor any Crocus of Copper made. The satisfying of which Debts, and other Charges cost him 200 l. And after for clearing of things at Poole, sending down at several times his Ne∣phews William Smith, and Iohn Wood thither.

And moveover, Smith had perswaded the

Lord Treasurer and the Earl of Leicester to enter into the Society, (This was now about December, Anno 1574.) leaving them to satis∣fie themselves by sending some able or know∣ing Person to Medley,* 4.99 to see his Method and Ability; and so accordingly to report it to them. And if they were satisfied he could do it, then to consider of the Terms Medley had propounded, and, if they thought good, to yield unto them. In sine, these Lords were willing to come into the Society, and they deposited each of them an 100 l. towards the carrying it on. And it was to be ratifi••d by a Patent to be obtained from the Queen. Med∣ley was now removed to Anglesey, where was Fuel, Earth and Water proper for his Business, being sufficient to do it for ever, or at the least for a very long Time.

The Things which he undertook to do were these:* 4.100 1. To make of raw Iron good Copper, and of the same Weight and Propor∣tion, abating one Part in Six. As Six hun∣dred Tun of Iron should by Boyling, make Five hundred Tun of perfect Copper. II. The Liquor wherein the Iron was boyled, to make Coperas and Allom ready for the Merchant. Which, keeping the Price they then bore, should of the Liquor of Five hundred Tun of Copper be worth 10000 l. that is, for e∣very Tun 2000 l. Sir Thomas was satisfied that true Copper was made of Iron; but whe∣ther all the other incident Expences, which would be considerable, would countervail, that was the Matter to be examined.

The Society had seen the Tryal of Crocus, at London; which might be satisfaction in part. Smith, for his own part made no doubt, that Copper might be made that way, and two or three other ways also, as he told the Lords: But of the whole Work which rested in ma∣ny other Points, as of the Proportion of Iron to the Crocus, of the Crocus to the Copper, of the Allom and Coperas that came of it; with what time of Boyling; what Expences of Fire and Men's Labour, Carriage, Build∣ings, Vessels, and all other things which be many, this he said could not be done, nor well esteemed nor judged upon at London, but at the Place. Whereupon he propounded to the two Lords to send down two Persons, and he and Sir Humphrey Gilbert, one or two o∣thers, whom they might trust. These toge∣ther to vi••w and see the Doings, and one be Witness to the other; and so all Parties to be fully satisfied by the Answer of these Viewers to every Part of their Instructions and Arti∣cles, what they should find true according to Medley's Promise, and what not, and the Oc∣casion thereof. That so the Society might be broken, if it were Deceit and Abuse, or gone forward with, if it were not so.

* 4.101At length, there arising so much Probabi∣lity of Success in the Project, he got the Pa∣tent of the Society Signed in Ianuary 1574. And therein it was Stil••d, The Society of the new Art. And the two Lords put into the Stock an 100 l. a pi••ce more. Now when the Patent was signed, and the Great Seal ob∣tained,

their next Work was to forward the Business with all speed, that they might lie no longer at great Expence. Smith excited the Lord Burghley, that they might proceed to a perfect Beginning of the Work in the man∣ner of a Society. The Earl of Leicester was very forward, offering Iron, and Lead, and Money also, and making more Vessels. Smith also put on the Lord Burghley to make Orders when and how it should begin; and that one Man or two should be fixed upon, as chief Overseers to take Care and Charge of the Works; who should be answerable to the whole Society: Making clear Books for one Day prefixed, what the Daily, Ordinary and Extraordinary Expences be, and what the Comings in again Weekly of Copper, Allom, Coperas, and other Things be and were like to be. Then what common Seal for the whole Society. And that Burghley also would out of other Statutes for other Societies, cull out some good and wholsome Statutes and Orders for this: Which without a Society, he said, could not well stand: And the fewer Statutes, and well kept, the better. And lastly, he desired that all might be ready, so as by the 10th or 15th of February, the Work might be fully begun: That so by the last of March, a sure Guess might be made, what were like to ensue thereof. One Sir Iohn Hibbord, was the Man agreed upon to have the chief Charge of the Provisions for all things necessary for the Work, and for Dis∣bursing Money by Accounts. And to him

the Earl of Leicester had given order for Iron, Cask and Lead. And one Cole was appointed by Sir Thomas, to be over the Works, to be the chief Doer and Worker of the Melting, and not to go from the Work. There was also a Clerk to keep the Reckoning, to see what the Labourers did daily, and Weekly what was melted and made in Coperas and Allom.

* 4.102But notwithstanding all Smith's hastening, the Matter suffered Delay, and was retarded by Medley the chief Undertaker, who loiter∣ed in London till the 7th of March, making Excuses, of wanting Money to defray his Charges here, that he did not perceive that the rest were all agreed, that he thought himself hardly dealt withal, if he should not be allowed for the Charges in making Experi∣ments now this two Years and more, and for his Buildings and Vessels, the sum of 400 l. But in reply to him, Smith urged, that for two Years past, Medley and Topcliff (who was his Partner) had made Crocus; of which they might have made Benefit for the Re-embur∣sing of themselves. They said, they sent it away for Essays, and part of it was purloin∣ed. Smith said again, that he might, as well as they, claim to have his Allowance, he and Sir Humphrey Gilbert being out of Purse 400 l. in making Tryals, paid into the Hands of Medley, and to the Lord Mountjoy. And he resented these Prolongations to my Lord Burgbley in this manner, That Medley's Skill began by this Time to be known, which

made him jealous that his Delays would wholly spoil their Business: That Sir Iohn Perot had a whole Discourse of the compleat manner of the Work in Writing: That the Lord Mountjoy had gotten one of Medley's chief Workmen to him: That divers in the Countries knew the Earths and the Working of them. And yet, said he discontentedly, we do nothing, and wished that he might go down himself. For which he was very ear∣nest, undertaking within fourteen Days to bring Things to a full certainty, as to the un∣derstanding what Truth or Likelihood there was in the Matter: Assuring his Lordship, that he was not satisfied, until they were cer∣tified from thence by Order and by Ac∣counts: That they might compare the Time, the Charge, and the Labour with the Gains that came of it, and in what kind it was and should arise. And that the ill Success, which it seems they met with at Poole, and at the Lady Mountjoy's Works, taught to trust little to Words and Promises, nor to Experi∣ments made afar off, nor to the Accounts of Men of that Faculty [i. e. Alchymists.] Fain they would be fingering of Money, said he; But when it is once in their Hands, we must seek it in the Ashes.

I find no more of this;* 4.103 but I make no doubt Sir Thomas smarted in his Purse for his Chymical Covetousness, and Gilbert seems to have been impoverished by it. And Medley was beggered. For I find him in the Counter two Years after, viz. in the Year 1576. made

a Prisoner there by Courtis, and some others, who were Commissioners from the Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer, for Debt I make no Question. Tho' the Lady Mary Sydney, Wife to Sir Henry Sydney, was concerned for him, having it is probable some Opinion of his Skill in Chymistry, and wrote to the said Lord in his favour, and against those that prose∣cuted him. But he gave her his grave and wise Counsel with respect unto him, know∣ing better than she, what kind of Man he was.

Thus did this Matter detain Sir Thomas Smith three or four Years to his no little Care and Cost too.

CHAP. XII. Smith waits upon the Queen at Audley-End. Goes on Embassy to France. Con∣cludes a League. Concerned in Proposals of a Match for the Queen.

* 4.104THE Queen was at Audley-End in Au∣gust this Year. Here Sir Thomas Smith now was: Perhaps repairing thither to Con∣gratulate her Majesty's Coming so near Wal∣den his native Town, or to wait upon her for some Favour for that Place, or otherwise. At that Juncture, a good Portion of Gold was

intercepted, going into Scotland to the Lord H••rris, for the help of the Scotch Queen's Party, together with a Letter in Cypher, sent by Higf••rd, the Duke of Norfolk's Secretary. By which it was concluded, the Duke was again medling in the Matter of Matching with her; for which he had a Reprimand some time before this, and promised the Queen to concern himself no more in that Affair. Higford was upon this taken up, and Com∣mitted to the Tower in London. And Sir Tho∣mas was sent thither on the 1st of September, to take his Examination. Who confest to him, That the Duke commanded him to write to one Lawrence Banister, the Duke's Man, that he should see secretly conveyed 600 l. to the said Lord Herris, to be by him conveyed to Liddington and Graunge. Whereupon the Duke was put into the Tower. And Smith was one of those, that by the Queen's Appoint∣ment attended him thither.

Another Embassy now fell upon Smith.* 4.105 Mr. Francis Walsingham, the present Ambassa∣dor in France, growing very indisposed in his Health, desired to be released of his Em∣ployment. Whereupon, tho' Henry Killi∣grew, Esq was sent Ambassador in October thi∣ther, in November the Lord Grey, or Sir Peter Grey, were intended to go and assist Walsingham. But in December, Sir Thomas Smith, who was now one of the Privy Council, was the Man pitched upon. His Business was to Treat of Entrance into a strait League of Amity with that King; and withal, in case that Court

renewed the Motion for Marriage with the Duke of Alanson (which was in Transaction the summer past, but received some Inter∣ruption) he was to Treat thereof.

* 4.106For however averse or negligent the Queen seemed to be in it before, yet now her Cour∣tiers so earnestly calling upon her for her own Surety, and that of her State, which would be much advanced through the hope of her Issue, she shewed so good Disposition thereto, that the Earl of Leicester wrote to Sir Thomas, that she so earnestly and assuredly affirmed to him the same good Disposition, that he ve∣rily thought, that yet once again with good Handling, a good Conclusion would follow▪ Smith received his Dispatch about the 6th of December. He plyed the Business he was sent for diligently. For it was thought very necessary to join in a good League with France, to check the Greatness of Spain, and to be the better secured against his Threat∣nings.

* 4.107In this Treaty, it is worth taking notice of one Article in Debate: Which was that the two Princes should mutually assist each o∣ther. And if the Queen were invaded for the Cause of Religion, that the French King should yield her his Assistance. This Article, when almost all the rest were well accorded, that King declined to have put into the Treaty, tho' he promised to perform it most faithfully. And tho' it were not expresly mentioned in the League, yet such general Words should be used, that the Matter of Re∣ligion

should be contained therein. To which Smith replied,

That that could not be; and that no general Words could contain it, if the Party that was bound would say, that it was against his Conscience, or he meant it not.

To which the King said,

That he would write to the Queen his Sister with his own Hand what he meant as to that; and that he would as well defend her even in that Cause, as if it were exprest in Words: and that which he said he would keep, tho' he dyed for it.

But this King was a great Dissembler, which our Ambassador pro∣bably knew well enough, but gave him this discreet Answer;

That for him, he thought no less, and he was sure the Queen his Mi∣stress took him to be a faithful Prince, and constant to his Words as any was Living. But when they spake of Treaties, they were not made in Words, nor in such Let∣ters missive, but after another Authentical sort Sworn and Sealed. Without which, he could not, he said, for his part take it substantially and orderly done. And be∣sides, that the Treaty was not Personal but Perpetual, for him and his Successors.

And when the Queen-Mother would have shuffled off this and some other Articles,* 4.108 say∣ing,

That when Mareshal Montmorancy should be sent over into England from the French King to the Queen, and the Earl of Leice∣ster should come to that Court from the said Queen, to see the League sworn by each Prince, then all things should be done as

the Queen should desire: Smith answered, That he knew the Fashion of Leagues. And that it must be agreed upon between the Commissioners, that no Words be al∣tered, then Subscribed with the Hands of both the Parties; the French Commissioners delivering the Part Signed with their Hands to those of England, and the Commissioners of England next to them. Then the Prince causeth it to be made under the Great Seal of the Realm, and so to be delivered to each others Ambassador. And that he that came to see it Sworn to, might make a new League, if the Princes would; but to alter that that was made, he could not. For the Princes were bound to Ratify and Swear to that, on which the Commissioners were agreed. And that it were not Wisdom, as he added, to send such Personages as they spake of to an uncertain League: And he might consider that Queen Elizabeth his Mi∣stress would not do it.

This Conference happened March the 1st, 1571.

* 4.109After much Pains, this Article and another about the Scotch Queen was agreed; and Queen Elizabeth was only to give her con∣sent to finish this happy and advantageous League. And to excite the Queen hereunto, Sir Thomas, with Halsingham, did freely give her advice to this Tenor,

That it was for the Assurance of her Person and Crown, as she was a Prince lawful and natural, and had a Crown Imperial. And that she did it so by her Laws, as God's Laws and Hers

willed it to be done. That foreign Princes that were her Friends, would and must take it well; and that such as were not, would rather laugh at her, and be glad of it, if she did it not; and, when they should see Time, take occasion to endanger her Ma∣jesty thereby.

The Queen soon after sig∣nified her Consent. And so in the Month of April ensuing, at Blois the League was concluded, and signed the 18th or 19th Day. Which, according as Smith and his Collegue did conceive, should be with as great Assu∣rance and Defence of the Queen as ever was or could be; the two Realms being so near and ready to defend her, if it were required. And in case Spain should threaten, or shew ill Offices, as it had of late done against the Queen's Safety; it would be afraid hereafter so to do, seeing such a Wall adjoyned, as Smith wrote. Which he therefore hoped would be the best League that ever was made with France, or any other Nation for her Ma∣jesty's Surety. His good Conceit he had of this League, did further appear by what he wrote in another Letter soon after to the Lord Burghley,

That now it could not be said, That her Majesty was altogether a∣lone, having so good a Defence of so No∣ble, Couragious, and so faithful a Prince of his Word, (but herein our Ambassador was mistaken in his Man, none being so false of his Word, and treacherous as he, all covered over with most artificial Dissimulation) and so near a Neighbour, provided for, and be∣spoken

beforehand against any need. Part∣ly that, and partly the Trouble in Flanders (which he trusted God had provided to de∣liver his poor Servants there from the An∣tichristian Tyranny) should make her High∣ness enjoy more quietly both England and Ireland, and a better Neighbour of Scot∣land.

* 4.110When Monsieur De Foix came to him and his Collegue, with the Draught of the whole League in French, which before was in Latin, and the Matters that past Pro and Con, (which he said was, that the King might understand it) and had made a new Preface, Smith did not much stick at it. And acquainting the Se∣cretary Cecil, (now Lord Burghley) with it, he opened to him the Reason of it.

I am old, said he, I love not much Talk, and would fain be dispatched honestly home∣ward. So the Effect be there indeed, and our Queen not deceived, I care for no more, that done.

Smith loved to do his Business well and soundly, and yet to knit it up with Brevity and Expedition. Thus again, when the French Deputy urged much in this Treaty the Scotch Queen, that she might be sent safe home to her Country; a thing which the English Ambassadors had order not to deal in, by no means; he began to amplify upon that in a long Oration. But at the Conclu∣sion, Smith told him in short,

For all your Reason you must pardon me. I know you are a good Rhetorician, and you have Rhe∣torical Ornaments at will to make; and so

have I on the contrary side, if I would be∣stow my Time in that sort. We are the Queen's Majesty's Servants, and we have shewed our Reasons so good, that no Man could deny that we should not agree unto it.

While Smith was in this Country,* 4.111 he was forced to follow the Court from Place to Place; but it being Winter pinched him sore. At Tholouse it almost cost him his Life, and had made an End of him had it not been for Strong Waters, which he used for his Sto∣mach Morning and Evening. At Blois, where he remained after Candlemas, he endured the greatest Cold that ever he felt, and most con∣tinual. And notwithstanding the Cordial Waters he used, he was scarce able to resist the extream Cold of the Weather, there be∣ing for thirty Days together continual Frost and Snow. Neither was there Wood plen∣ty, nor good Chimneys for Fire. And in his Bed-chamber he could make no Fire at all.

In this Embassy,* 4.112 the League being con∣cluded, the Queen-Mother, one Day in March (Anno exeunte) in the King's Garden at Blois, brake her Desire of a Marriage between Queen Elizabeth and her second Son the Duke D'Alenson; asking Smith the Ambassador, whether he knew how the Queen would fancy the Marriage with her said Son.

Ma∣dam, said he, you know of old, except I have a sure ground, I dare affirm nothing to your Majesty. When she said again,

That if the Queen were disposed to Marry, she saw not where she might Marry so well: That as for those she had heard named, as the Emperor's Son, or Don Iohn of Au∣stria, they were both less than her Son, and of less Stature by a good deal: And if she would Marry, it were pity any more Time were lost. Smith liking well enough the Motion, replied to this, That if it pleased God, that the Queen were Married, and had a Child, all these Brags, and all these Treasons, (he meant of the Queen of Scots, and her Party) would soon be appalled. And on condition she had a Child by Mon∣sieur D'Alenson, for his part he cared not, if they had the Queen of Scots in France [which was an Article propounded by the French King in the fore-mentioned Treaty, but by no means allowed by the English Ambassadors.] For then he said, they would be as careful and as jealous over her for the Queen of England's Surety as the Queen's Subjects, or she her self was. The Queen-Mother then subjoined, That it was true; and without this Marriage, if she should Marry in another Place, she could not see how this League and Amity could be so strong as it was. Our Ambassador answer∣ed, It was true; the Knot of Blood and Marriage was a stronger Seal than that which was printed in Wax, and lasted longer, if God gave good Success. But yet all Leagues had not Marriage joined with them, as this might, if it pleased God. To which she

joined her Wish, and added, That if it should so happen, she would her self make a Start over and see the Queen; the which of all things she most desired. To which again the Ambassador said, That if he had at that present as ample Commission, as he had at the first for Monsieur [D'Anjou,] the Matter should soon by God's Grace be at an End. The Queen wisht he had: And asked him, If he should have such an one when he went into England, whether he would not come again to execute it. Yes, Madam, said he, most gladly, on so good an Intent I would pass again the Seas, tho' I were never so Sick for it.

Another Day,* 4.113 in the same Month of March, the Queen-Mother met Smith the Ambassador in the same Garden, and having Discourse concerning other Matters, as of the Queen of England's danger from the Queen of Scots, who now applied her self to Spain, she thus brought in the Talk again of Marriage: Ask∣ing him whether his Mistress did not see, that she should be always in danger until she Mar∣ried. And that once done, and that in some good House, who dared attempt any thing against her?

Then, said he, he thought if she were once Married, all in England, that had any Traiterous Hearts would be discou∣raged. For one Tree alone (as he ingeni∣ously explained the Matter) may soon be cut down, but when there be two or three together, it is longer a doing. And one shall watch for the other. But if she had a

Child, then all these bold and troublesome Titles of the Scotch Queen or others, that make such Gaping for her Death, would be clean choaked up. The Queen cryed merrily, she saw she might have Five or Six very well. Would to God, said the Am∣bassador, she had one. No, said she, still merrily, two Boys, lest the one should die, and three or four Daughters to make Alli∣ance with us again, and other Princes, to strengthen the Realm. Why then, said Smith, as jocularly, you think that Monsieur Le Due shall speed. With that she laughed, and said, she desired it infinitely. And then she would trust to see thre•• or four at the least of her Race, which would make her indeed not to spare Sea and Land to see her Majesty and them. And if she could have fansied my Son D'Anjou, said she, as you told me, why not this of the same House, Father and Mother, and as vigorous and lusty as he, or rather more; and now he beginneth to have a Beard come forth. And as to his Stature, she told the Ambassador, that the said Duke her Son was as tall as himself, or very near. For that Matter, said he a∣gain, that for his part he made little ac∣count, if the Queen's Majesty could fansy him. Adding this Story, That Pipin the Short, Married Bertha, the King of Almain's Daughter, who was so little to her, that he was standing in Aix, in a Church there, she taking him by the Hand, and his Head not reaching to her Girdle. And yet he

had by her Charlemain, the great Emperor and King of France, who was reported to be almost a Gyant in Stature. To which the Ambassador added, the mention of O∣liver Glesquin, the Britain Constable, which the French made so much of, and lay bu∣ried among the Kings at St. Denys, if he were no bigger than he was there pourtray∣ed upon his Tomb, was very short, scarce four Foot long. But yet he was valiant, hardy and courageous above all in his Time, and did the English Men most hurt.

Thus ingeniously did Smith hold the Conference with the Queen-Mother.

But as to his Opinion of the Queen's Mar∣riage,* 4.114 wherein he perceived she was but back∣ward, (and a Marriage he and the best States∣men in those Times reckon'd the only Means for the Peace and Safety of the Queen and Kingdom, against the Disturbances and Pre∣tences of the Scotch Queen, and her Friends) the Ambassador was full of sad and uneasy Thoughts: For so at this time he opened his Mind to the Lord Burghley,

That all the World did see, that they wished her Ma∣jesty's Surety, and long Continuance, and that Marriage, and the Issue of her High∣ness's Body, should be the most Assurance of her Highness, and of the Wealth of the Realm. The Place, and the Person for his part he remitted to her Majesty. But what she meant to maintain still her Danger, and not to provide for her Surety, he assured his Lordship he could see no reason. And

so prayed God to preserve Her long to Reign by some unlookt for Miracle: For he could not see by natural Reason, that she went about to provide for it. And soon after, when Smith had sent Messages two or three for the Resolution of the English Court about the Marriage, which the French were so earnest for, and in great hopes of, and no Answer came, He lamented to the aforesaid Lord, that he, and his Collegue Walsingham, could say nothing of it, when they were asked. And that they were sorry in their Hearts to see such uncertain, so negligent, and irresolute Provision for the safety of the Queen's Person, and of her Reign; Praying God Almighty, of his Al∣mighty and Miraculous Power to preserve her long to Reign over her People; and that his Grace and Mercy would turn all to the best.

* 4.115In the midst of these Cares of our Ambas∣sador, the Lord Burghley wrote to him of a Matter that put him and his Collegue into a great Consternation. It was concerning the Queen's falling Sick of the Small-Pox, and withal of her speedy Recovery again. His careful Mind for this Matter he thus exprest in his next Letter to the said Lord:

That he and his Fellow read the News of the Queen's Illness together in a marvellous Agony, but having his Medicine ready (which was, that her Majesty was within an Hour recovered) it did in part heal them again. But that, as his Lordship wrote of

himself, that the Care did not cease in him, so he might be assured it did as little cease in them: Calling to their remembrance, and laying before their Eyes the Trouble, the Uncertainty, the Disorder, the Peril and Danger, that had been like to follow, if at that Time God had taken her from them; whom he styled The Stay of the Common∣wealth, the Hope of their Repose, and that Lanthorn of their Light next God: Not know∣ing whom to follow, nor certainly where to light another Candle.

Another great Solicitude of his at this Time was,* 4.116 as the Queen's Sickness, so her Slowness to resolve, and the tedious Irresolu∣tions at Court. Of which he spake in some Passion after this sort:

That if the Queen did still continue in Extremities to promise, in Recoveries to forget, what shall we say but as the Italians do, Passato il pericolo, gab∣bato il fango. He told that Lord moreover, That he should perceive by their Proceed∣ings in their Embassy, what justly might be required was easie to be done. But if her Majesty deceived her self, and with Irreso∣lution made all Princes understand, that there was no Certainty of her or her Coun∣cil, but dalliance and farding off of Time, she should then first Discredit her Ministers, which was not much, but next and by them discredit her self; that is, to be counted uncertain, irresolute, unconstant, and for no Prince to trust unto, but as to a Courtier, who had Words at will, and true Deeds

none.

These were Expressions proceeding somewhat, as may be perceived, from his Spleen, and partly from his present Indisposi∣tion of Body. Which he seemed to be sen∣sible of. For he begged his Lordship's Par∣don for what he had said, rendring his Rea∣son,

That he had been kept there so long, that he was then in an Ague both in Body and in Spirit. And that as the Humours in his Body made an Ague there (of which he wisht it would make an end) so that ir∣resolution at the Court he hoped would help to conclude; that he might feel no more Miseries: Which he feared those that came after should feel: Because we will not see, said he, The Time of our Visitation.

Thus did Smith express his Discontents into the Bo∣som of his trusty Friend, for the Mismanage∣ment of publick Affairs, as he conceived, dis∣covering as his Zeal and Affection to the Queen and the State; so the Temper of his Mind, somewhat enclined to Heat and Cho∣ler. This he writ from Blois on Good-Fri∣day.

* 4.117While Sir Thomas Smith was here Ambas∣sador, the Treaty of Marriage was in effect concluded between the Prince of Navarre, and the Lady Margaret, the present French King's Sister. Which lookt then very well toward the Cause of Religion, and both that Ambas∣sador and his Collegues, Walsingham and Kil∣ligrew, liked it well. One Matter in Debate, and the chief, was about the manner of So∣lemnizing the Marriage. Whereupon they

sent to the Queen of Navarre a true Copy of the Treaty of the Marriage between King Edward the Sixth, and the late Queen of Spain, the French King's Sister. Wherein it was a∣greed, that she should be Married according to the Form of the Church of England. Which stood the said Queen of Navarre in such good stead, that she produced it to the Queen-Mother of France. To which they took Ex∣ceptions, and said it was no true Copy of the Treaty. Whereupon she, the Queen of Navarre, sent to Sir Tho. Smith, who hap∣pened to be at that very Treaty. By her Messenger she signified that she sent to him to know, (because he was a Dealer in the same) whether he would not justifie it to be a true Copy. To whom Sir Thomas an∣swered,

That knowing the great good Will his Mistress did bear her, and how much she desired the good Success of that Mar∣riage, as a thing that tended to the Advance∣ment of Religion and Repose of this Realm, he could not but in Duty avow the same, and be willing to do any good Office that might advance the said Marriage.

CHAP. XIII. Made Chancellor of the Garter. Comes home. Becomes Secretary of State; His Advice for forwarding the Queen's Match. His Astonishment upon the Paris Mas∣sacre.

* 4.118SIR Thomas being still abroad in France, the Queen conferred upon him the Chan∣cellorship of the Order of the Garter in the Month of April, as some Reward of the League that he had taken so much pains in making. For which he thanked her Ma∣jesty, and said it must needs be to him many times the more welcome, because that, with∣out his Suit, and in his Absence, her High∣ness of her gracious goodness did remember him.

* 4.119About Iune, 1572. he came home with the Earl of Lincoln, Lord Admiral, who was sent over to take the Oath of the French King for the Confirmation of the Treaty. Which being done by the Queen's Command, he was no longer to abide in France, but to return at his best Convenience.

* 4.120It was not long from this Time, that the old Lord Treasurer, Marquess of Winchester died; and the Lord Burghley, Secretary of State succeeded in his Place. Then Smith was called to the Office of Secretary, viz.

Iune 24. having sometime before assisted the Lord Burghley in that Station.

And surely it was the Opinion of his great Learning,* 4.121 as well as his long Experience and other Deserts, that preferred him. For his Learning had rendred him very famous in the Court. A Poet in those Times, writing an Heroick Poem to the Queen, therein de∣scribing all her great Officers one after ano∣ther, thus depainted this her Secretary:

Inde tibi est altis SMYTHUS à gravibús{que} Secretis, Doctrinae Titulis & Honoris fulgidus, ut qui Pierius Vates, prompto facundus & ore, Et cui solliciti exquisita Peritia Iuris, Astronomus, Physicusque, Theologus, insuper omni Eximiè multifaria tam structus in Arte, Ut fedes in eo Musae fixisse putentur.

Wherein of all the Queen's Wise and Noble Counsellors, Smith her Secretary is made to be the deeply Learned Man about her, as being an ingenious Poet, an excellent Speaker, of exquisite Skill in the Civil Law, in Astro∣nomy, in natural Philosophy and Physick, in Divinity, and in a word, so richly fur∣nished in all the Arts and Sciences, that the Muses themselves might be supposed to have taken up their Seat in him.* 4.122

And thus we see Smith re-enstated again in that Place which four and twenty Years ago he enjoyed under King Edward. Smith

now being Secretary, and Walsingham Resi∣dent in the French Court, and the matter of the Match for Duke D'Alenson and the Queen, transacted earnestly this Year, the main of this Matter went through Smith's Hands. And thus it stood. The French King and Queen-Mother, and the Duke and that Court were extreamly eager for it, and so was the English Nation too; supposing it the best way for the Security of her Majesty and her Crown. But the Queen her self was but cold in the Matter. And when an Interview was moved between her and the Duke, she refused to yield to it upon some Scruples. Whereat Secretary Smith to set it forward, that it might not be suspended on such a Point, devised that the Duke should come o∣ver hither without the Ceremony of an Invi∣tation. For as he wrote to Walsingham in August, he was sorry so good a Matter should upon so nice a Point be deferred. Adding,

That one might say, that the Lover would do little, if he would not take pains once to see his Love, but she must first say Yea, before he saw her, or she him. Twenty Ways, said he, might be devised why he might come over and be welcome, and pos∣sibly do more in an Hour than he might in two Years [otherwise.] Cupido ille qui vincit omnia in oculos insidet, & ex oculis ejaculatur, & in oculos utrius{que} videndo, non solum, ut ait Poeta, Faemina virum, sed Vir faeminam. What Force I pray you can Hear-say, and I think and I trust do, in comparison of that,

cum Praesens praesentem tuctur, & alloquitur, & furore forsitan amoris ductus amplectitur. And saith to himself, and openly, that she may hear, Ten••ne te mea, an etiamnum somno volunt Faeminae videri cogi ad id quod maxi∣mè cupiunt? If we be cold, it is our Part: Besides the Person, the Sex requires it. Why are you cold? Is it not a Young Man's part to be Bold, Couragious, and to adventure? If he should have [a Repulse] he should have but Honorificam Repulsam. The worst that can be said of him is but a Phaeton, Quam si non tenuit, magnis tamen excidit Ausis. Adding, that so far as he could perceive, this was the only Anchor, this the Dye to be cast for us.

Or else nothing was to be lookt for, but still and continual Dalliance and Doubtfulness, so far as he could see. Thus in his Royal Mistresses, and the Nations Behalf, he could talk and direct like a Ma∣ster of Love. This Device and Counsel I sup∣pose was hinted to the French Court. And it was not long, but Duke D'Alenson accord∣ingly came over, to make his Address to the Queen.

The Parisian Massacre happening in August, so treacherous and so inhumane, that all the World stood amazed at it, Secretary Smith abhorred, and wrote his Thoughts of it in this following Letter to Walsingham then Am∣bassador there;

Sir,* 5.1 this Accident in France seemeth to us so strange, and beyond all Expectation, that we cannot tell what to say to it: And

the Excuse [tam Exilis,] so slender or fraudu∣lent, (namely, That the Hugonots had in∣tended to have made some dangerous Di∣sturbances in the Kingdom, and therefore the King was forced to do this for his own safety,) that we wot not what to think of it. The Matter appears all manner of ways so lamentable, the King so suddenly, and in one Day to have dispoiled himself and his Realm of so many notable Captains, so many brave Soldiers, so wise and so valiant Men, as, if they were unguilty of that which is laid unto them, it is most pitiful. If they were guilty, Cur Mandati Causa damnati sunt ac caesi? In such sudden and extream Dealings, Cito sed sera Poenitentia solet sequi; If it were sudden, and not of long Time premeditated before. And if so, the worse and more infamous. Thus you see what privately any Man may think of this Fact. I am glad yet that in these Tu∣mults and bloody Proscriptions you did Escape, and the young Gentlemen that be there with you; and that the King had so great Care and Pity of our Nation, so lately with strait Amity Confederate with him. Yet we hear say, that he that was sent by my Lord Chamberlain, to be School-master to young Wharton, b••ing come the Day be∣fore, was then slain. Alas! he was acquaint∣ed with no body, nor could be partaker of any evil D••••ling. How fearful and careful the Mothers and Parents be here of such young Gentlemen as be there, you may

easily guess by my Lady Lane, who prayeth very earnestly that her Son may be s••nt home with as much speed as may be. And if my Lady your Wife with your Daughter, and the rest, with such as may be spared were sent away home, until this Rage and Tempest were somewhat appeased, you shall be the quieter, and disburthened of much of your Care. You would not think how much we are desirous to hear what End these Troubles will have; whether it rangeth further into all France, or die, and will cease here at Paris.

Our Merchants be afraid now to go into France. And who can blame them? Who would, where such Liberty is given to Sol∣diers, and where Nec Pietas nec Iustitia doth refrain and keep back the unruly Malice and Sword of the raging Popular? Monsieur La Mote is somewhat spoken to in this Matter. And now the Vintage as you know is at hand, but our Traffick into Roan, and other Places in France, is almost laid down with this new Fear. It grieveth no Man in England so much as me: And indeed I have in some respect the greatest Cause. [I suppose, because he was the great maker of the League between that King and the Queen, and did so assure the Q••een of the In∣grity, Truth and Honour of the said King.] Fare you well.

From Woodstock, the 12th of September, 1572.

Your always assured, Tho. Smith.

POSTSCRIPT.

I Most heartily thank you for the Book of the past Troubles in France. But alas! who shall now write worthily of the Treasons and Cruelties more barbarous than over the Scy∣thians used?

* 5.2And in the same Month, when upon some Treachery feared to be acted upon Walsing∣ham, he was sent for home for some Time; and Tidings being brought of the Massacres upon the Protestants at Roan, and other Places, as well as at Paris; thus did this good Man express his Detestation of these Practices: The cruel Murthers of Roan are now long ago written unto us, when we thought all had been done. And by the same Letters was written unto us, that Diep was kept close, and the same Executions of the true Christians lookt for there, but as then not executed. Howbeit Sigoigne did warrant all our English Men to be out of danger, and not to be afraid. But what Warrant can the French make now? Seals and Words of Princes being Traps to catch Innocents and bring them to the Butchery. If the Admi∣ral, and all those Martyred on that bloody Bartholomew Day, were guilty, why were they not apprehended, imprisoned, interro∣gated and judged; but so much made of as might be, within two Hours of the As∣sassination? Is that the manner to handle

Men either culpable or suspected? So is the Journier slain by the Robber; so is the Hen of the Fox, so the Hind of the Lion, so Abel of Cain, so the Innocent of the Wick∣ed, so Abner of Ioab. But grant they were guilty, they dreamt Treason that night in their Sleep, what did the Innocents, Men, Women and Children at Lions? What did the Sucking Children, and their Mothers at Roan deserve, at Caen, at Rochel? What is done yet we have not heard; but I think shortly we shall hear. Will God, think you, still sleep? Shall not their Blood ask Venge∣ance? Shall not the Earth be accursed that hath sucked up the innocent Blood poured out like Water upon it? I am most sorry for the King, whom I love, whom I esteem the most worthy, the most faithful Prince of the World; the most sincere Monarch now Living

[Ironically spoken no question by Smith, because to him that King used to profess so much Integrity.]

I am glad you shall come home; and would wish you were at home, out of that Country so contaminate with innocent Blood, that the Sun cannot look upon it, but to prognosticate the Wrath and Venge∣ance of God. The Ruin and Desolation of Ierusalem could not come, till all the Chri∣stians were either killed there, or expelled from thence. But whither do I run, driven with just Passions and Heats?

And in another Letter,

All that be not Bloody and Antichistian must needs condole

and lament the Misery and Inhumanity of this Time. God make it short, and send his Kingdom among us.

La Crocque was now in England,* 5.3 Ambassa∣dor from France; and notwithstanding this base bloody Action of France, and the Jealou∣sies that the Queen now justly conceived of that King, yet she gave him a soft Answer to be returned to his Master, being ready to go to his own Country. Of which Ambas∣sador's Negotiation, and the Queen's Answer, thus Secretary Smith spake:

His Negotia∣tion was long in Words, to make us believe better of that King than as yet we can; and replied to [on the English side] liberally e∣enough. Altho' to that Prince or Country, who have so openly and injuriously done against Christ, who is Truth, Sincerity, Faith, Pity, Mercy, Love and Charity, no∣thing can be too sharply and severely an∣swered; Yet Princes, you know, are ac∣quainted with nothing but Doulceur; so must be handled with Doulceur; especially among and between Princes. And therefore to temperate, as you may perceive. Not that they [should] think the Queen's Ma∣jesty, and her Council, such Fools, as we know not what is to be done; and yet that we should not appear so rude and bar∣barous,* 5.4 as to provoke where no Profit is to any Man.

Upon the Preparations that were made in England against the feared Attempts of the French, or other Roman Catholicks, at this

critical Time, of the Murthers committed up∣on the Protestants in France; the Secretary thus piously spake:

Truth it is, that God disposeth all whatsoever a Man does pur∣pose, as Divines speak. And it is his Gift, if Wise Men do provide for Mischief to come. And yet whatsoever they do de∣vise, the Event doth come of him only, who is the God of Hope and Fear, beyond Hope and Expectation.

This he spake in reference to the Scots, who, hearing of this Havock in France, whereas the Lords there were in Civil Wars amongst themselves, fo∣m••nted by the French, did now begin to come to Accord, dreading these Doings, and fear∣ing some Danger near themselves. For it was the Desire of the English to have Scot∣land in Peace and Union, under the present Protestant King. And now by a way not thought on, they drew nearer and nearer to an Accord: To which the Cruelty in France helped not a little; and now continuing, much more would. Which he exprest in th••se Words: The Scots, our Neighbours he awakened by their Beacons in France. And the Scots, to shew their Resentment of these foul Doings there, issued out a Proclamation to that pur∣pose; which the Secretary sent to Walsingham.

CHAP. XIV. Secretary Smith at Windsor dispatching Business. His Care of Flanders and Ireland. Mass-mongers and Conjurers sent up to him out of the North. His Co∣lony in Ireland.

* 5.5IN the very beginning of November Secre∣tary Smith was with the Queen at Wind∣sor, the Lord Treasurer Burghley, and most of the Lords of the Council being gone to London, to the Solemnization of some great Wedding, at which the Secretary also should have been, but he thought it not convenient to go, to be present with the Queen whatso∣ever Chance might happen.

* 5.6There were now in England, Walwick, an Agent from the Earls of East-Freezeland, who was very importune for an Answer to his Masters Requests; and another Agent from the Town of Embden, who came about Mat∣ters of Trade. The Consideration of whose Business, the Queen committed to Aldersay, and some other Merchants of London; who had objected against the Agents Proposals, and were to give in their Reasons. Smith, who was ever for Dispatch of Business, desired the Lord Burghley to call upon these Merchants to hasten, and to forward the Dismission of both those Agents. Irish Businesses, also lying before the Queen at this Time, were taken

care of by him: Signifying to the said Lord Treasurer, how the Lord Deputy of Ireland wanted Comfort and Direction in Answer to his Letters. And he desired the Treasurer to send him the Draught of the Answer from the Lords to the said Deputy, which he would cause to be written fair, and made ready to be Signed against his and the rest of the Lords Return to Windsor. He further wrote to the Treasurer, that he should have the Privy Seal sent him for 5200 l. for Corn and Money for the use of the Deputy. He mentioned two Letters withal to be sent by the same Dispatch into Ireland, for three Bishopricks void there, to which the Lord Deputy had recommended certain Persons as able and fit Men for those Places. And taking care of his Friend Wal∣singham, Ambassador in France, he obtained leave from the Queen for his Return home. And when among several named to her Ma∣jesty to succeed him, she had her thoughts upon Mr. Francis Carce, as liking him most, he enformed the Treasurer of it, and prayed him to send for the said Carce, and commune with him to put himself in a readiness: Whereby as he said, he should do Mr. Wal∣singham a great Pleasure. These were some of the State Matters Smith's Hands were full of in the Month of November.

Sir Thomas Smith was nettled to see the proud Spaniard Domineering in Flanders and Holland,* 5.7 and exercising their Cruelties there, and introducing a Slavery among that free People▪ and very apprehensive he was of the

growing Power of that Nation, that so threat∣ned their Neighbours, France as well as Eng∣land: Especially seeing withal how tender both Realms were to send Succors to those Parts, to enable them to Vindicate their own Liberty and Safety from those inhumane and insufferable Practices there prevailing. In the mean time, the French accused the Sluggish∣ness of the English, and the English did the like of the French. The Queen had sent some Forces to Flushing: But there was a Report that she upon Duke D'Alva's Motion did revoke them. But that was not so; but he was gently answered with a dilatory and doubtful Answer. But indeed, more that would have gone from England thither, were stayed. The English on the other hand, had knowledge that the French did Tergiversari, hang off, and wrought but timorously, and under hand with open and outward Edicts, and made Excuses at Rome and Venice by the Ambassadors; importing their not meddling in Flanders, or excusing themselves, if they had done any thing there. On which Occa∣sion, Smith in a Letter to the Ambassador in France, gave both Princes a Lash; reflecting upon the pretended Activity and warlike Qua∣lities of the French King, yet that he should thus waver and be afraid to en∣gage;* 5.8 and upon the Slowness and Security of the Queen of England.

You have, saith he,

a King void of Leisure, and that loves Fa∣tigue, whose warlike House hath been used to the shedding as well of their own as of foreign Blood. What shall we, a slothful Na∣tion, and accustomed to Peace, do; Whose supream Governor is a Queen, and she a great Lover of Peace and Quietness?

But to see a little more of his Service and Counsel in the Quality and Place he served under the Queen.* 5.9 When in this Year, 1572. the Earl of Desmond was in England a Priso∣ner, but reconciled unto the Queen, and had promised to do her good Service in Ireland, and soon to drive out the Rebels out of the Country, the Queen and Court thought he would prove an honest and faithful Subject, and so resolved to dismiss him into his Coun∣try. And she told Sir Thomas, that she would give him at his Departure (the more to ob∣lige him,) a piece of Silk for his Apparel, and a reward in Money. Upon which Sir Thomas's Judgment was,

That seeing the Queen would tye the Earl to her Service with a Benefit, it would be done, Amplè, liberaliter ac prolixè, non malignè & parcè, i. e. Nobly, liberally and largely, not grudgingly and meanly. Which, as he ad∣ded, did so disgrace the Benefit, that for Love many times it left a Grudge behind in the Heart of him that received it, that marred the whole Benefit.

* 5.10

A Quarrel happened this Year between the Earl of Clanrichard and Sir Edward Fitton, Governor of Connaught, who was somewhat

rigorous in his Office, which had caused the Rebellion of the Earl's Son. The Case came before the Deputy and Council in Ireland, and at last to the Queen and her Council in England. Our Secretary drew up the Lo••ds of the Councils Order about it, to be sent to the Lord Deputy and the Council there, to hear and decide it between them, and withal was sent the Earl's Book, and Sir Ed∣ward Fitton's Answers given into the Council in England. The Earl seemed desirous to have Matters sifted to the full Trial. And then each Party might say and prove the most and worst they could. But Sir Thomas thought it the best way for the Deputy to perswade them both to wrap up (as he exprest it) all things by-past, and to be Friends, as they had promised, it seems, to be at a Reconci∣liation formerly made before the Lord De∣puty, and to joyn faithfully for the Further∣ance of the Queen's Majesty's Service, and the Quietness and good Order of the Country hereafter. And it was in his Judgment, as he added,

The best way to tread all under foot, that had gone heretofore with a per∣petual 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to begin a new Line without grating upon old Sores.

Very wise and deliberate Council! to avoid all ripping up former Grievances, which is not the way to heal so much as to widen the old Differences.

* 5.11There was this Year both Massing and Con∣juring in great measure, in the North espe∣cially; and all to create Friends to the Scotch Queen, and Enemies to Queen Elizabeth: The

one to keep the People in the Blindness of Po∣pery, and the other to hood-wink them to believe, as it were by Prophesy, the speedy approaching Death of the Queen. The Earl of Shrewsbury was now Lord President of the Council in the North. He employed two sharp Persons, to discover these Persons and their Doings. Which they did so effectually, that in the Month of February, many of these Conjurers and Massmongers were seized, and by the said Lord Presidents Order were brought up by them that seized them to Se∣cretary Smith, good store of their Books; which Sir Thomas seeing, called, Pretty Books and Pamphlets of Conjuring. They brought also to him an Account in Writing of their Travail and pains in this behalf. There was ap∣prehended danger in these Practices. For the Papists earnestly longing for the Queen's Death had cast Figures, and consulted with unlawful Arts (which they mixt with their Masses) to learn when she should die, and who should succeed; and probably to cause her Death, if they could. This piece of Service there∣fore the Queen and Counsel took very thank∣fully at the Earl of Shrewsbury's Hands. Which, together with the Course that was intended to be taken with these Criminals, the Secretary signified to him in a Letter to this Tenor;* 5.12

My very good Lord; the Pain, that the two, to whom you gave Commission, viz. Pain and Peg, have taken to seek out the Conjurers and Mass-mongers, is very well

accepted of by my Lords of the Council; and they willed me to give your Lordship, therefore their most hearty thanks. The Queen also not without great Contentation of her Highness, hath heard of your care∣ful ordering of those matters. The matters be referred touching the Massing, and such Disorders, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the great Commission Eccle∣siastical. That which shall appear by Exa∣mination to touch the State, and the Prince, to be referred again to my Lords of the Council, &c.

This was dated from Green∣wich, Feb. 17. 1572. But it was thought highly needful, that this dangerous Nest in the North should be searched more narrow∣ly for, and the Birds taken, that they might no more Exercise these evil Practices, or worse hereafter: The care of which was therefore committed by the Council to the Justices of those parts, out of some secret Favour, as it seems, in some of the Privy Counsellors to Papists. For those Justices were known well enough to be generally Popishly affected. Therefore it was the Judg∣ment of the Secretary, that these Justices would rather Cloak than Open, Excuse than Accuse them, who were worthy of Accu∣sation; and very doubtful he was, whether they would hinder the Discovery of the Nest that would be broken. As he broke his Mind to the Lord Treasurer, who was of the same Judgment, and so also the Lord Chamberlain shewed himself to be, in Con∣ference

with the Secretary. But the said Treasurer, who was for doing all things with Doulceur, and with as little opposition to others as could be, judged, that for this time the doings of these Justices should be tried; to which Opinion the Secretary did shew himself to condescend and agree. There came soon after to his hands more Indicia of these Conjurers, which were taken, and withall, a foul knot of Papistical Justices of Peace discovered, and of Massing Priests, which made him signify his judgment to the Lord Treasurer, that it would be well done, some of them should be sent for out of hand, and laid hold on, if they could be found: And accordingly Letters were dis∣patched into the North for that purpose.

About this time it was that Sir Thomas was earnest with the Queen,* 5.13 to send aid to reduce the Rebels in Scotland, who had fortified E∣denburgh Castle against the King and Regent; and for that purpose, he let the Queen under∣stand from Mr. Killigrew, her Ambassador in Scotland, how dangerously things stood there, and therefore that it was his desire that the Peace-makers (as he phrased it) might short∣ly be transported thither; to whom, when the Queen asked, who be they, Marry, said he, Your Majesty's Cannons, they must do it, and make a final Conclusion. Then said the Queen, I warrant you, and that shortly: Whereupon Sir Thomas said, he was glad, for it was better to prevent than to be prevented; such was his Facetious way sometimes of get∣ting

his designs and Council to the Queen to succeed.

For it is to be understood, that the Queen for the securing of her Affairs with respect to Scotland,* 5.14 had by her Interest there, procured the Earl of Morton a Protestant to be Regent of Scot∣land. But the Papists and Frenchified Party re∣sisted and took Edenburgh Castle; the reducing of which so expeditely before the French could come in to their assistance, was owing to the Managery of the Lord Treasurer and the Se∣cretary. His part was to urge the Queen to send speedy supply thither, and the Lord Treasurer would have Men, Ammunition and other Necessaries, and a Ship immediate∣ly ready at Newcastle to go for Scotland, up∣on the Queen's Order: So about the 11th. or 12th. of February, the Secretary moved the Queen for aiding the said Regent to reduce that place into the young King's Hands. But she considered the Expence, and told Smith of a device she had to do it without any such charge, that is, by a Letter to be written, it seems, to them that held the Castle, thinking to bring them to yielding by some good words and promises. But this the Secretary shewed her the inconvenience of, namely, that it would be a protracting of time, being the ve∣ry thing which they desired, that the French might have time to come to them with their Succours. He shewed her moreover, that now, the French King being thorowly occupi∣ed, was the best time to perform that enter∣prize that was to be done; and in fine, she

consented to his opinion; and shewed her self very well pleased with the Lord Trea∣sures making Provision in this mean while, to have Powder and a ship of Newcastle and other things necessary provided beforehand for the doing it, as the Secretary had signi∣fied to Her. And she told him, that upon that Lords coming to Court, (which then was at Greenwich) she would fully deter∣mine with him all those Matters to be set forward with speed.

About this time were two Scotch men,* 5.15 com∣ing from France, stopt at Rye by the Mayor, and sent up to the Secretary, who examined them. They related what confident Report went in France, what the French would do in Scotland, and with what a mighty hand they would bring their Desires to pass there in spight of the English, and such like. But this the Secretary saw was but such Talk as might appear to be common in France. For that Nation, he said, was full of Babble and Words, and all for magnifying of their do∣ings, and Threatning what they would do, rather than what they could do. These men who called themselves Merchants were search∣ed at Rye, and no Letters nor other things suspicious found about them. Yet the Se∣cretary advised that Mr. Randal the Queens Ambassadour in Scotland, or some other who knew Scotch Manners and Matters better, should somewhat consider of them: and if there were no matters against them, to dis∣miss them in his Mind were best.

This year Sir Thomas procured a Colony to be sent into a Land of his in Ireland, cal∣led The Ardes, It was a rich and pleasant Country,* 5.16 on the Eastern Coast of Ulster, and of considerable Extent, lying well for Trade by Sea: Bordering upon a Country where Sarleboy contained himself with his Party. He was an Hebidian Scot (the Hebrides bordering upon this Province) a long time detained prisoner by Shan O Neal, the chief Prince in Ulster. This Country was called Clandeboy where these Scots lived; but they were beaten out once by this Shan, who called himself Earl of Tir Oen, and had killed two of the Brethren of Mac Conel: Of which Family was Sarleboy, whom he then had taken Prisoner; but afterwards in an Extremity gave him his liberty. This Shan was afterwards in a revenge slain by Sarle∣boy and his Party. A Prospect of these Parts this Map will give.

* 5.17Sir Thomas in the year 1571. had procured a Patent from her Majesty for these Ardes. The substance whereof was, That Sir Tho. was to be Lieutenant General there for War, and for the Distribution of Lands, Orders and Laws in the Matters thereunto pertaining. In a word, to obtain and Govern the Country to be won, following Instructions and Orders to him to be directed from the Queen and her Council. And this for the first Seven years. Afterward the Government of the Country to return to such Officers as the Customs and Laws of England did appoint, except the

[illustration]

Queen should think him worthy to be ap∣pointed the Governour thereof, as being a Frontier Country. The Right to remain only in him, as to the Inheritance; the Au∣thority to muster and call together his soldiers throughout the same Country, and to dispose of them upon the Frontiers, as he should see cause for the better Defence of the Country.

In this Patent his base and only son Tho∣mas Smith was joyned with him.* 5.18 And un∣der his Conduct Sir Thomas this year sent thither the Colony beforesaid: having this good Design therein, that those half barbarous People might be taught some Civility. And his hope was, that the Place might easily be defended by Garrisons placed in a strait neck of Land, by which it was joyned to the rest of the Island. And there was a Reward of Land, to every Footman and Horseman. But this extensive Project took not its desired effect. For the hope∣ful Gentleman his Son had not been long there, but he was unhappily and treache∣rously slain. It was pity it had no better Issue. For Sir Thomas a great while had set his Thoughts upon it, undertaking to peo∣ple that North Part of the Island with Na∣tives of this Nation.

But for his more regular and convenient Doing of it,* 5.19 and Continuance thereof, he invented divers Rules and Orders. The Or∣ders were of two kinds. I. For the manage∣ment of the Wars against the Rebels, and

the preserving the Colony continually from the Danger of them. II. For the Civil Go∣vernment. To preserve their Home••manners, Laws and Customs▪ that they degenerated not into the Rudeness and Barbarity of that Country. He divided his Discourse into th••••e Parts. First, to speak of Wars. And therein of Military Officers to be used there. Secondly, Concerning Laws for the Politick Government of the Country to be possest, for the Preservation of it. Thirdly, In what Orders to proceed in this Journey from the beginning to the End: which Sir Thomas called A Noble Enterprise, and A Godly Voyage.

* 5.20His Son being now with his Colony up∣on the Place proceeded commendably in or∣der to the Reduction of it. He was in a good forwardness of reducing Sarleboy to Obedience. For they had much Converse together, and came at length to Articles of Agreement. The main of which was, that he should be made a Denizon of England by the Queen, and hold his Land of her and him: and the same Privilege should the rest of his Scots enjoy. Paying to the Queen a yearly Rent in acknowledgement, and he to be∣come Homager to Her by Oath, and so to be a faithful Subject, or else lose his Right. Mr. Smith also began a new Fort in this Country. He laboured also to unite the Eng∣lish and Scots that were there, who did not, it seems, very well agree. That their strength being united they might be the more able

to withstand the Wild Irish. And this the Scots were for promoting, as considering that if the English and they should strive toge∣ther, when the one had weakened the other, the Wild Irish, like the Puthawk (it was Sir Thomas's own similitude) might drive them out, or carry away both.

Besides the Pains Sir Thomas had already taken for the settlement of the Ardes,* 5.21 he drew up this year Instructions to be sent from the Queen to his Son; Containing di∣rections upon what terms Sarleboy and his fellows should hold their Lands of her Ma∣jesty and him. Likewise he drew up a draught for explaining certain Words doubtful in the Indentures between the Queen and him and his Son. As, about his Sons soldiers, if they should Marry in that Country, as it was like∣ly they would. The Secretary entreated the Lord Treasurer to steal a little leisure to look these Writings over and correct them: so that he might make them ready for the Queens signing. And this he hoped, when once dispatched, might be as good to his Son as Five Hundred Irish soldiers.

At Mr. Smith's first coming hither he found some few that claimed themselves descended of English blood,* 5.22 namely the Family of the Smiths, and the Savages, and two Surnames more. And these presently joyned with the English, and combined with them against the Wild Irish. But all the rest were mere Irish or Irish Scots, and natural Haters of the English.

The Queen had a Force of men in those Parts for necessary Defence, and for the keep∣ing of Knockfergus, a very important Place for curbing the Irish.* 5.23 But to retrench her Charge in Ireland, she was minded now to discharge them as she had done some already, expecting that Smith should secure those Quarters, nor would she grant any Foot or Horse to him. Sir Thomas therefore in Fe∣bruary interceded with her by the means of the Lord Treasurer, that at least for that year she would suffer those Bands to be there, to Countenance and support the New begun Aid and Fort, and not to leave it so naked as it had been, it seems, all that Winter by Cassing those Bands that were heretofore the Defence of Knockfergus, and the Bar of the North. And he told the Lord Treasurer upon this Occasion, that it was certain, if his Son had not retrieved a Band of the Lord of Harvey's at his own Charge, Knockfergus had been in great danger, or else clean lost.

* 5.24But while these matters thus fairly and hopefully went on, Mr. Smith was intercepted and slain by a wild Irish man. Yet Sir Tho∣mas did not wholly desist, but carried on the Colony, and procured more Force to pass o∣ver there. For in March Anno exeunte, (his Son being but newly, if yet, dead) there were Harrington, Clark and some others, Ad∣venturers on this Design, that gave certain Summs of Money for Lands there to be assu∣red to them. In the beginning of March 1572, the Ships, Captains and Soldiers were

ready to be wasted over: When unhappily some Persons concerned had started some new Matter in regard of the Bargain. Which put a stop to their Departure. And one Edward Higgins the Chief of the Gentlemen and Captains that were going over, and for∣ward in this generous Expedition, was hin∣dred for want of the money agreed upon. Hence it came to pass that the Captains lay at great Charges, when their Ships, Mari∣ners and Soldiers were ready, and they did nothing but dispend their Money. This troubled Sir Thomas not a little; as appears by a Letter he wrote to one Mrs. Penne, a Gentlewoman that had an Influence upon some of these Persons that made the stop. To whom therefore Sir Thomas applied him∣self, praying her to call upon them, to con∣sider at what Charge the Captains did lie, and to do what she could in any wise to help them away. Whereby she should do the Queens Majesty good service, and him and them great Pleasure. It being a matter, said he, which indeed for the goodness of it, I take much to heart. This was writ from Greenwich the 6th. of March.

This Care the Secretary continued.* 5.25 For a year or two after, I find him drawing out other Passports and Licences for transporta∣tion of Victuals for certain that went to the Ardes, and expressing himself then to a Friend, that it stood him upon both in Pro∣fit and Honesty, not to let the present Month pass, which was May, An. 1574. And so du∣ring

his Life Sir Tho. laboured in the Civili∣zing and Settlement of this his Colony. But upon his Death it seems to have lain neglect∣ed for some Time. And tho' the Family and Heirs of Sir Thomas, who are extant to this day, have often claimed their Interest in this Land, which their Ancestor did so dear∣ly purchase, and well deserve, yet they en∣joy not a foot of it at this present.

* 5.26For, as I have been informed by some of that Worshipful Family, Sir William Smith Ne∣phew and Heir to our Sir Thomas Smith was meerly tricked out of it, by the Knavery of a Scot, one Hamilton, (who was once a School∣master, tho' afterwards made a Person of Ho∣nour) with whom the said Sir William was acquainted. Upon the first coming in of King Iames I. He, minded to get these Lands con∣firmed to him by that King, which had cost Sir Thomas (besides the death of his only Son) 10000 l. being to go into Spain with the Eng∣lish Ambassador, left this Hamilton to solicite this his Cause at Court, and get it dispatch'd. But Sir William being gone, Hamilton disco∣vered the Matter to some other of the Scotch Nobility. And he and some of them beg∣ged it of the King for themselves, pretend∣ing to his Majesty, that it was too much for any one Subject to enjoy. And this Hamilton did craftily, thinking, that if he should have begged it all for himself, he might perhaps have failed of success, being so great a Thing, but that he might well enjoy a Part, especially with the Concurrence and

Interest of some of the Powerful men about the King, when they begged for themselves. And never after could Sir William Smith, nor any of his Posterity recover it. For the Premises had been so long possest by others, that neither Sir Thomas Smith, who had suf∣fered much for his unshaken Loyalty to King Charles I. had success in his Petition pre∣ferred to King Charles II. upon his Return, nor yet Sir Edward Smith still surviving, in his, upon the late Revolution. He that is minded to know more at large how this Case stood, may in the Appendix find the Pe∣tition of the foresaid Sir Thomas Smith exem∣plified,* 5.27 as it was humanely communicated to me by his Son together with the Kings or∣der thereupon.

* 5.28CHAP. XV. The Secretary Oppressed with business. His Discourse with the Queen about Ireland, and the Earl of Essex. His Act in the behalf of Colleges of Learning. His Sickness and Death.

* 5.29THE Secretary could not want for Care and Toyl in these busie and most dan∣gerous Days, wherein the Nation was ex∣posed to the Malice and Envy of the Pope and the mighty Kings of Spain and France, the one more Covertly, the other more pro∣fessedly, but both fatal Enemies to the Queen and the Religion established, the Irish backed in their Rebellion by a Foreign Power, and at home a great many Malecontents. To trace him a little in his Pains and Diligence. To them he devoted himself even to quite Tyring, after he had been a year or two exercised therein. For when once in the year 1574. he had a few Play-days, and was ready to go home to his House in Essex, he told his Friends, that he was thorowly weary, tam Animo quam Corpore, and could scarce endure any longer. And tha•• which increas'd his Wea∣riness was the Queens Wariness, for she did not use to be hasty in Dispatch of Matters, which was Smith's great Desire should not hang in hand. This he would call among

his intimate Friends the Queens Irresolution; and in some Heat (as he was somewhat hasty and quick in his Temper) complained at this time to the Lord Treasurer,

That it was sometimes So, and sometimes No; and in all times uncertain, and ready to Stays and Revocation.

And sometimes she would not be spoken with upon Business, and Access to the Queen was clean shut up. Which made him between jest and ear∣nest say,

That he thought her Majesty sup∣posed, that he would chide, as he dared: But indeed, he said, that he could not but Lament, and complain of this her Irreso∣lution; which did weary and kill her Mi∣nisters, destroy her Actions, and overthrew all good Designs and Counsels.

And again in this Discontent he cryed out,

I wait while I have neither Eyes to see, nor Legs to stand upon. And yet these Delays grieve me more, and will not let me sleep in the Night.

The Occasion of this present Distaste of Smith was,* 5.30 that the Queen had commanded the Earl of Leicester and Sir Christopher Hatton, her chief Favourites, to forbear moving suits to her. And when the Secretary went to her with private Suits, he could get neither Yea nor Nay. And if these Two aforesaid Per∣sons were forbidden to move Suits,

Then said he, had we need within a while to have a Horse or an Ass to carry Bills after us, encreasing daily and never dispatched, as he angerly and wittily spake to one of his

Friends.

Of these Practices of the Queen he would say,

These Resolutions and Revoca∣tions of Resolutions will be the undoing of any good Action.

* 5.31Matters in Ireland being in an ill Condi∣tion, the Lord Treasurer and the Secretary dealt earnestly with the Queen to supply the Earl of Essex, (an honest Gentleman and an excellent Commander in Ulster) with Men and Money; those Northern Parts of Ireland being now in great Disturbance; and Essex forced by rea∣son of secret Enemies in the Court, to lie still and do but little to the purpose for want of both. The Queen resolved and revoked her Resolutions again. This created the Secre∣tary a great deal of Vexation. For she would say, she would consult with the Lord Trea∣surer when he came to Court▪ tho' she had done it, and had his Opinion in that behalf before. The Earl of Leicester privately hin∣dred all, having no Love for Essex.

* 5.32Thus the Earl of Essex's Plat stuck with the Queen. But about 10 or 12 days passing in March, the Secretary comforted himself by the Perswasion that she was come to a full Resolution to go forward with it, without any going back, and that she would send for him and signifie the same to him. And had it indeed been so, to use the Secretaries Expres∣sion, the Realm and she had past a great and troublesome Ague, and especially the Lord Treasurer and himself, and such others as they, who had Doings in that Matter. But the Queen took respite again, until she heard

again from the Lord Treasurer. Whereat the Se∣cretary was so bold as to tell her, that she knew his Lordships Mind full many times told her before. And this he signified unto that Lord, and in Conclusion told him,

That Coming unsent for to have Resolution, he was sent back again without Resolution. He prayed God to send it that Night, or to mor∣row. And added, that it was high time to resolve one Way or other. Which done he would be bold to take a little rest, and make some start home into Essex, being thorowly weary, he said, am animo quam corpore,* 5.33 and could scarce endure any longer.

But at last in the Month of March 1575.* 5.34 (Anno incipiente) Sir Thomas and the Lord Burghley got the Earl of Essex's Business to come to a Resolution. Which was, to send a good supply, with a Plat how he was to manage himself. The Queen had first entred into a discourse one night with her Secre∣tary about Ireland, and declared her dislike of the Enterprise of Ulster, for default of them who should execute it, asking him what Men of Counsel or Wisdom there were, into whose Hands might be committed so great a Mass of Money, and so great a Charge as should be sent. The Secretary answered her Ma∣jesty, That the Counsel, what and how to do herein, was already taken. And that a Plat was laid down by my Lord of Essex, and allowed of by the Lord Deputy and Council there, and liked of by the Lords of her Council here; as she her self had heard of

the Lords, and all their Reasons; so that, said he, whereas it is said Priusquam incipias, con∣sulto, that had been Maturely and Delibe∣rately done. And to which, as he subjoyned, her Highness by Letters to the Lord Depu∣ty, and the Earl of Essex had given her Con∣sent. And now there rested nothing but, Ubi consulueris mature opus est facto, To which her Majesty had set a good Beginning, gi∣ving a Warrant for the half Years Charges. Now, said Sir Thomas, Counsels be common∣ly of Old men, Grave men and full of Ex∣perience, and at home; the Execution is to be done by young men, Captains and Soldiers abroad.* 5.35 And, said he, my Lord of Essex, hath shewed great Wisdom, Courage and Boldness hitherto, and brought it to a very good Pass for a beginning; And now having more Experience, and Malby and o∣ther Captains with him of Courage, it was to be hoped that he should bring it to a good End. Yea, said the Queen, but who hath he with him but Malby? Shall I trust so great a Matter to him, and such a Mass of Money? Who shall have the Charge of it, and the laying out of it? Madam answer∣ed the Secretary, the Money is to be com∣mitted to the Treasurer there; and upon his Accounts to be employed upon the Cap∣tains and Soldiers for their Wages and Vi∣ctuals, and upon Fortifications. If he do keep his Plat, then he followeth that which the Wisest Heads of the Counsellours in Eng∣land think fit and best to be done. Other∣wise

he deceiveth them, and your Highness, and most of all himself. Which it is not likely that he should, and I trust he will not do. But the Queen still harped upon that string, that there was lacking able Ministers, and shewed her self notwithstanding at this Discourse desirous to consult with the Treasurer.

But tho' the Commission and Order for the Earl of Essex,* 5.36 was by her signed at last, still she was doubtful of the success of her Irish affairs, thus committed to that Noble∣man, some about her, Enemies to him, les∣sening his Worth to the Queen. Whereupon the Secretary entreated the Treasurer, whose Opinion she greatly valued in Matters of State, that he would perswade her to think no more of it till Michaelmas, that is till half a year were past. And by that Time he trusted she should see such good success, that she should be glad; and sorry only that it was not set upon before. Thus earnestly did Sir Thomas solicite his Royal Mistress for the Good of Ireland, and labour'd to release and satisfie her Mind anxious about her successes, and loth to part with her Money, without fair Probability of succeeding. And perhaps he was the more earnest herein, the safety and good Estate of his Lands in the Ardes depending upon this Expedition of that No∣ble Lord.

The Secretary was this Year with the Queen in her Progress.* 5.37 And in the Month of Au∣gust he was with her at Charteley. Whence

she went to Stafford Castle; and thence to one Mr. Giffords, the Secretary attending her. This being some part of her Progress.

It was now lately grown a common Pra∣ctice to ride with Daggs or Pistols.* 5.38 Where∣by it came to pass, that Thieves wearing wea∣pons, did more boldly rob true men tra∣vailing upon their Occasions. And there were now also common Routs of roguing Beg∣gars by the high way side, naming themselves Soldiers of Ireland lately disbanded. Of both these the Queen Decemb. 4. willed the Lords to write unto the Lord Treasurer for the Re∣dress of them. And she shewed the Secre∣tary, that some of them had said they were in Company 1500. which were fain now to go a begging. The Secretary by a private Letter let the Lord Treasurer understand this, and added, that it was honourable and almost necessary, that some good Order were taken for these two Disorders. And for the Remedy hereof, Sir Thomas drew out a Pro∣clamation, shewing how great and heinous Robberies and Murders had been committed, both in the Highways and other Places in divers Parts of the Realm, by such as did carry about with them Daggs or Pistols con∣trary to the good and wholesome Statutes of the Realm. That the Queen therefore, of a great Zeal and Care that she had to the Safety and Preservation of her Subjects, and to the good Government of the Realm in all Peace and Surety, calling to mind how un∣seemly a thing it was in so quiet and peace∣able

a Realm to have men go armed with such offensive Weapons as tho' it were in Time of Hostility, and how prohibited by her Noble Progenitors; did charge and com∣mand all her Subjects, of what Estate or Degree soever they were, that in no wise in their journeying, going or riding, they carried about them privily or openly any Dag or Pistol, or any other Harquebuse, Gun or such Weapon for Fire, under the Lengths exprest by the Statute made by the Queens most Noble Father, upon pain of Imprisonment, or other Punishment. And the Justices, Mayors, Bailiffs and Constables were to arrest such as should come to any Town with such Weapons. And all Keepers of Inns, Taverns, &c. should have care and re∣gard, that no man should bring into their Houses any such prohibited Weapons, and if they did, to seize upon the same, and to bring the Persons to the Constable to be arrested. But because for the multitude of those evil disposed Persons which carried a∣bout them such Weapons for mischievous and unlawful Intents, some of her good Sub∣jects had been compelled for their own De∣fence, and to avoid the danger of such Thieves, to provide them Daggs and Pistols and carry them openly; she was contented for a cer∣tain time specified, that all Noble men and such known Gentlemen which were with∣out Spot or Doubt of evil Behaviour, if they carried Daggs or Pistolets about them in their Journeys openly at their Saddle Bows, and

in no other close manner: And such of their Servants as rid in their Company.

Sir Thomas Smith in a Parliament this Eighteenth year of the Queen,* 5.39 procured an Act to pass for the Universities, and the two Colleges of Eaton and Winchester; (for which his Memory will be always dear to Scholars) which was, that a third part of the Rent upon Leases made by Colleges, should be re∣served in Corn, paying after the Rate of Six Shillings and Eight pence the Quarter, or un∣der for good Wheat, and Five Shillings a Quarter or under for good Malt. This Corn the Tenants were yearly to deliver to the Col∣leges either in Kind or in Money, as the Col∣leges pleased, after the Rate of the best Wheat and Malt in the Markets of Cambridge and Oxford, at the day prefixed for the Payment thereof.* 5.40 Fuller in his History of Cambridge maketh this Remark here,

That Sir Thomas Smith was said by some to have surprised the House herein. Where many could not conceive, how this would be at all profita∣ble to the Colleges; but still the same on the Point, whether they had it in Money or Wares. But the Knight took the Advan∣tage of the present cheapness; knowing hereafter Grain would grow dearer, Man∣kind daily multiplying, and Licence being lately given for Transportation. So that at this day much Emolument redouudeth to the Colleges in each University, by the passing of this Act; and tho' their Rents stand still, their Revenues do encrease.

The Act ran

For the bearer Maintenance of Learning, and the better Relief of Scho∣lars, That no Master, Provost, President, Warden, Dean,* 5.41 Governor, Rector or chief Ruler of any College, Hall or House of Learning, after the End of that Sessions of Parliament, should make any Lease for Life or Years, of any of their Lands, Tenements, or other Hereditaments, to which any Tithe, Arable Lands, Medow or Pasture did ap∣pertain; Except that one Third Part at the least of the old Rent were reserved and paid in Corn, that is to say, in good Wheat after Six Shillings and Eight Pence the Quarter, or under, and good Malt after Five Shil∣lings the Quarter or under: To be deli∣vered Yearly upon Days perfixed at the said Colleges, &c, And for default thereof to pay the said Colleges in ready Mony at the Election of the said Leasees, after the Rate as the best Wheat and Malt in the Market of Cambridge, and in the Market of Oxford, and of Winchester and Windsor, for the Rents that were to be paid to the use of the Houses there, were, or should be sold the next Market day before the said Rent should be due, without Fraud or Deceit. And that all Leases otherwise hereafter to be made, and all Collateral Bonds and Assurances to the Contrary by any of the said Corporations▪ should be void in Law to all intents and pur∣poses. And the same Wheat, Malt, or Mo∣ney, coming of the same, to be expended to the Use of the Relief of the Commons,

and Diet of the said Colleges; And by no Fraud, or Colour, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or fold away from the Profit of the said Colleges, and the Fel∣lows and Scholars of the same, and the Use aforesaid, upon pain of Deprivation to the Governors, or chief Rulers, of the said Col∣leges, and all others thereto consenting.

And this was no more than Sir Thomas him∣self had practised long before, when he was Provost of Eaton, whensoever he made or re∣newed the Leases of that College. The Bene∣fit of which he had well experienced by the ri∣sing of the Prizes of Corn even in his Remem∣brance. For this Eternal Benefit to the Houses of Learning, he deserved an eternal Monu∣ment, and so a member of one of them in a Poetical Flight wrote:

O! Statua dignum Inventum, Phrygiaque Columna.

About the year 1576. Sir Thomas Smith be∣gan to be afflicted with that Sickness,* 5.42* 5.43 and the publick Cares of the Queen and State. As it is a Thing that is wont to create a true Friendship, I mean the Proportion and Likeness of Tem∣pers, so it is not without Remark, that Sir Tho∣mas, and the Lord Treasurer Burghley, their Distempers were the same. And which was more remakable still, they used to seize upon these two Persons at the same Time. Their Distemper was a Rheum.

The Rheum, as he wrote to the same Lord, which is my natural Enemy, is commonly wont to as∣sault

me most, when your Lordship is also grievously troubled with yours.

For April 22d. 1576. at which time the Lord Burghley was very ill of his Distemper, Sir Thomas wrote him a Letter, that he was then seized with his. And, which was an ill Sign, whereas be∣fore it used to take him either in his Jaw, or Teeth, or in the Lower Body with Loosness, and all over with Sweat, now it fastned it self in his Throat and Tongue; and would not by any Art be removed. So that he was al∣most out of Hope of any Amendment; but clearly without Hope of any speedy Help; tho' he never took so much Advice, as he wrote, nor used so many Physicians, nor ob∣served so much their Rules; which he styled their Preciseness.

But when all is done, ad∣ded he piously, that man may, or ought to do, the Sequel and Event of Health, and the End of Life is in Gods Will and Plea∣sure. That which he shall appoint is best to me. Surely all is one, being as willing now to Die, as to Live: and I trust (with Gods Mercy and Hope therein) as ready. For it grieveth me to Live unserviceable to my Prince, and unprofitable to my Coun∣try, Heavy and unpleasant to my self. For what Pleasure can a man have of my years, when he cannot speak as he would: [For his chief Grief was in Eating, and Drinking, and Speaking; and in the last especially] While his Legs, he said, his Hands, his Memory and his Wit, served as much as need be desired.

It was indeed a great Grief to him, that it so affected his Tongue. And he avowed,

That if it were at his own Choice,* 5.44 he had rather his Disease had taken hold of any other Part of his Body. So that, that Piece only, as he called it, which is contained in an handful space, were at quiet.

Which yet was without pain or grief, but when he Eat, or Drank, or Spake: The continual Defluxion and falling down of tough Flegm, still vex∣ing it, and interrupting the most necessary uses of the Throat.

This envious Disease stopt that Eloquent Tongue of his:* 5.45 And that Sweet and stream∣ing Rhetoric, which was wont to flow to the Delight and Admiration of all, received now a Fatal Check, and Sir Thomas must play the Orator no more: no, nor scarce utter a single Word. For to that Extremity he was brought at last. Which the Poet that wrote the Mu∣ses Tears for him, thus expresses:

Nescio quis subito Morbus sic occupat artus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 qu•• ••lim mellita din jam verba solebat Fund••re, vix aliquam possit transmittere vocem; Gutturis ast imis latitans radicibus intus Haereret, nullumque Sonum Lingua ederet illo Q••o solita esl Splendore, decus laudem{que} merente.

* 5.46He foresaw that he was like to continue a long while in this Condition: And be so disablied from his common Function, and to attend the Queen's Business. But he could not be idle, which he said was contrary to his

Nature. He was therefore minded to follow his Study, and take a Review of what he had formerly done: and in this ••eathful Leisure, as he called it, among other Occupations and Pastimes, he would remember the Days of his Youth, and look back again to his Doings then; and now being Old Quasi repuerase••re, i. e. hereby as it were to grow a Child again. When he was Secretary in King Edwards Days, he wrote a Book of the Value of the Roman Coins to our English Standard,* 5.47 upon a Que∣stion Cecil, his fellow Secretary, had moved to him, viz. What was the Ordinary Wages of a Soldier at Rome. This Book, as many others which he wrote in his Youth, he had now lost. Two of these he had sent he remem∣bred, one to Sir Robert Dudley, now Earl of Leicester, and the other to Sir Will. Cecil, now Lord Treasurer, Now he had lately desired Mr. Wolley to search in the said Earl's Study for it, but it could not be found. He desired therefore the Lord Treasurer to see for it, who he thought had not laid it up so negli∣gently. And especially he desired the Ta∣bles, which were exactly and plainly set forth. For searching among his old Papers he could find the first Draught of the said Book, and the Adversaria: Whereby he was able to fill up all the Chapters in manner as they were at the first. But the Tables, or any Draughts of them he could not find. And he doubted that neither his Leisure, nor Wit, nor Me∣mory of old Books, and the Places of them, which were formerly more ready and fresh ••o

him than they were at present, would serve him to make the Instructions again. Wherefore he prayed that Lord to look out the Book, but especially the Tables. This he wrote from his House at Chanon Row, April 22d. This Book, as it seems, the Lord Treasurer found out a∣mong his Papers, and sent it to the Secre∣tary, according to his Request; which he had desired to see, as he said to the said Lord, an∣quam filium postliminio redeuntem, perditum quasi, & iterum inventum.

This Book is mentioned, and no more but mentioned, in the History of Queen Eliza∣beth, by Mr. Cambd••n; only that he calls it an exact Commentary, and worth the publish∣ing. After I had made great Enquiry after it without success, at length I fortunately met with Sir Thomas his own rude Draught of it, in several Tables of his own hand, shewn and communicated to me by the obliging Favour and kindness of Sir Edward Smith. A true Extract whereof I have made,* 5.48 and presented to the Readers in the Appendix.

* 5.49April 25th. the Lord Burghley sent a Gen∣tlemen to Sir Thomas, to visit him in this his Valetudinary State. Which he took kindly, and gave him an account of his Sickness, and of his Progress in Physic. Which was to this Tenor; That he had put himself into the Phy∣sicians hands; and they according to their Me∣thod, first fell to Purging him, to free his Body from peccant Humours as a Preparato∣ry to other Physic. A Practice which he did not like of, because it would make a great

Disturbance of the whole Body, and affect the Parts that were well, and in a good State. And so indeed it happened to him. For this Physic put his whole Body, and all the Parts of it, into a Commotion and Indisposition: When it was perfectly well before, as appeared by his Urine, and by his own Feeling and Apprehension of himself. But after he had taken this Preparatory Physic, there was no part of his Body, which was not brought out of Frame. His Urine so troubled, so high coloured, and so confused: Which did bespeak a Seditious Rout of Humours raised in his Body, as he spake. This being a little setled, they gave him a Pill, which was as insuc∣cesful as the other. For it gave him scarcely a Stool; and that with abundance of Wrack and Torment, and left such an unpleasant and bitter Relish in the Stomach, that he was for∣ced to vomit it up again. The next Course that was taken with him, was Shaving his Head, and wearing a Cap: Which one Dr. Langton was the chief Prescriber of, ac∣counted of Excellent Use for those that were troubled with great Rheums: And was him∣self present, when it was laid on. The Ef∣fect whereof was to be seen after Eight or Ten Days. Sir Thomas was very unsatisfied with his Physicians, who for two or three Months had been thus tampering with his Bo∣dy, and with no manner of success; where∣as he was for a speedier Work; and declared himself of the Smiths mind, his Namesake in Plato, who willed the Physician to give him

a thing that would speedily rid him of his Diseas••, that he might again Sustain his Wife and Family with his Labour, or else be rid quickly. For he had no leisure to attend the long Prorogation of thin Diet, and protra∣cting Phisic. That Mind, said he, which the Smith had of necessity, I have of Will and De∣sire, and ever had; Not to live, being unser∣viceable to my Prince, and the Common Wealth.

* 5.50In the beginning of May his Physic ha∣ving greatly weakned his Body, and all his good Humours dryed therewith, and his Sick∣ness so obstinate, that it little cared for Me∣dicine, all his Physicians with one accord a∣greed, advising him to forbear all further Me∣dicaments, and to apply himself to Kitchin Physic, giving him leave to Eat and Drink what he would,* 5.51 and what his Appeite desired. And so he resolved to retire home to his House called Mounthaut in Essex, a Mannor House of his, where now stands Hill Hall, the pre∣sent Dwelling of Sir Edward Smith Baro∣net, before mentioned. And here he trusted to leave his Sickness, or his Life.

Whe∣ther pleaseth God, said he, that is best. But if it were in my Choice, I would leave them both at once. Yet must I keep life so long as I can, and not leave the Sta∣tion wherein God hath set me, by my de∣fault, and without his Calling. And so mind I to do: Trusting very shortly to have some plain signification from his Majesty, to whi∣ther Haven I shall apply my Ship, of

Death or Health.* 5.52 Blessed be his Ho∣ly Will.

God gave not our Knight his Desire, that is, a Speedy Death,* 5.53 or speedy Recovery. For he continued in a decaying, consumptive, Wasting Condition all this Year, and onward the next till August; putting a Conclusion to his generous, and most useful Life at his beloved Retirement of Mounthal, or Moun∣thaut (as he delighted to call it) on the 12th. day of the said Month, in the Year 1577. in the Sixty Fifth Year of his Age, in an easie and quiet Departure. And he never was afraid of Death.

He was attended to his Grave with a De∣cency and Splendor,* 5.54 becoming the high Place and Figure he had made. There assisted in Mourning at his Funerals George Smith, his Bro∣ther, and William the said Georges Son, Wood, Sir Thomas's Nephew, Altham, Nicols Recordor of Walden, Wilford, Goldwe••, Dr. Pern, Dr. Levine, and many more. Of whom, as some were his Relations, others the Neighbouring Gentry, and his Worshipful Friends, so several were Learned men, that came as it seems, from the University, to pay their last respects to that Grave Head, Venerable for his profound and Universal Learning, and that had so well me∣rited of the Learned World.

He was Buried in the Chancel of the Pa∣rish Church of Theydon Mount,* 5.55 where he dy∣ed: On the North side whereof, at the up∣per end there still remains a fair Monument dedicated to his Memory: Tho' the Church

hath since been beat down by Lightning, and rebuilt by his Nephew Sir William Smith.

He is represented by a Statue of Mar∣ble lying upon his right side in Armour,* 5.56 a loose Robe about him, with the Arms of the Knighthood of the Garter upon the left Arm of the said Robe, denoting him Chancellor of the Garter: Placed under an Arch or Se∣micircle: on which is Engraven this English Stanza,

What Earth, or Sea, or Skies contain, What Creatures in them be, My Mind did seek to know; My Soul the Heavens continuallie.

Upward on the highest part of the Monument, was placed his Coat of Armes; which was three Altars flaming, supported with as ma∣ny Lions. Round which were these two Ver∣ses Written, alluding to the Fire or Flame there,

Tabisicus quamvis Serpens oppresserit Ignem, Qua tamen erumpendi sit data Copia lucet.

Under his Coat this Motto, Quapote lucet. The Inscription was as followeth.

Thomas SMITHUS Eques Auratus, Hujus Manerii Dominus, cum Regis EDWARDI Sexti, tum ELIZABETH Ae Reginae Consiliarius, ac primi Nominis Secretarius; Eorundemque Principum ad maximos Reges Legatus; Nobiliss▪ Ordinis Garte∣rii

Cancellarius, Ardae, Australisque Claneboy in Hibernia Colonellus: Iuris Civilis supremo Titulo etiamnum Adolescens insignitus; Orator, Mathematicus, Philosophus excellentissimus; Lin∣guarum Latinae, Graecae, Hebraicae, Gallicae etiam & Italicae Callentissimus: Proborum & Ingeniosorum Hominum Fautor eximius, Plurimis commodaus, Nemini noceus; Ab injuriis ulciscendis alienissi∣mus: Denique Sapientia, Pietate, Integritate in∣signis: Et in omni Vita, seu aeger seu valens, ••ntre∣pidus mori: Cum Aetatis suae 65 annum com∣plevisset, in Aedibus suis Montaulensibus 12 die Aug. Anno salutis 1577, piè & suaviter in Do∣mino obdormivit.

Next under the Essigies is this grave Sentence, Gloria vitae auteactae Celebrem facit in Terrae Vi∣seeribus sepultum. Under that this Distich:

Innocuus vixi, si me post Funera laedas, Caelesti Domino facta (Sceleste) lues.

He left behind him his second Wife Phi∣lippa;* 5.57 who dyed the Year after him; that is, the 20th. day of Iune 1578. and was there buried by him; as is exprest in the Base of the aforesaid Monument.

Sir Thomas Smith was of a fair Sanguin Com∣plexion:* 5.58 His Beard, which was large and some∣what forked, at the Age of Thirty three years, was toward a yellow Colour. He had a calm, ingenious Countenance: As appears by the Picture of him hanging up in the Parlour of Hilball, done, as they say, by Hans Holben;

where he is represented with a round Cap on his Head, and in a Gown, as a Civilian: A great Ruby Ring upon his fore Finger, with a curious Seal. Which Ring is still pre∣seved in the Family, and in the Possession of Sir Edward Smith: laying one of his Hands upon a Globe, that of his own making, as you may suppose. Underneath the Picture is written Love and Fear, the two great Princi∣ples of Actions, wherewith God and Princes are to be served.

CHAP. XVI. His last Will.

* 5.59HE began to frame his Will in the first Threatnings of his last Sickness, that is, about Apr. 2. 1576.

Wherein he piously be∣queathed his Soul to God his Creator and Redeemer. By whose Mercy he trusted▪ to be one of his Elect: (I use the Words of his said Will) And his Body to be buried at Theydon Mount, or else where it should please his Executors, and with such Ceremony as should please them, and they should think convenient: having rather regard to the Relief of the Poor, than to any extream man∣ner of Mourning, not becoming Chri∣stians: Knowing that (as he trusted) he should dye to a better Life, and go to his God and his Hope, which he had so longed for.

And whereas he was then in Building of his House and Sepulchral Monument for him∣self, and his Lady, by a Platform of his own; for the perfecting them,* 5.60 as also for mending of the Ways, he left his ready Money and Debts owing him after his Funerals and Le∣gacies discharged, and all his Chains of Gold (which seem to have been given him in his Embassies) and a 1000 Ounces of Gilt Plate, and more, if need were, together with all the Ma∣terials of Timber and other Stuff prepared and laid in for that Purpose.

To his Lady for her House keeping,* 5.61 suta∣ble to her, and his Quality, he gave all his Kine, Oxen, Sheep, Plow, Carthorses, and all his Cattel at Theydon at Mount, called his Stock; which was a little before by the least Account valued at 430 l. or thereabouts, and brought at that Time to 300 l. and odd, by the Ex∣pences of Christmass, (so that his last Christmas keeping cost him it seems near 130 l.) Be∣sides Swine, and the Corn sown upon the Ground, and all his Wheat, Malt, and bargain of Malt, Wine, Hops, and other such like Provision: To help her to keep House. But upon Condition she maintained, until his Buildings were fully finished, and the Ways a∣bout his House mended, so many Teams as were then to be occupied about Carriages: And upon Condition also that what should remain of the said Stock, at the Time of her Decease, and the Corn sown by her upon the Grounds, should remain to his Brother George, or such as by Sir Thomas's Device

should succeed in Mounthal. To his Wife he also gave all her Apparel, Jewels, Chains of Gold, and all such Bedsteds, and Bedding, all Goblets, Bowls and other Plate, which she brought with her from Hampden, to dispose at her Will and Pleasure. And more, to the Furniture of her House, she might chuse out 700 Ounces of such of his Plate gilt, or un∣gilt, as she should think best to serve her Turn.

* 5.62Which 700 Ounces of Plate, he gave after her Death to his Brother George, or who should succeed at his Manor of Theydon at Mount, and all the Bedsteds, Beds and Furni∣ture there, as were in his new Building, and other Brass, Pewter, and Implements, as well bought as made at his Charge. These not to be sold, nor alienated away: but atleast two third Parts thereof to remain to him that should succeed his Brother George in Theydon at Mount; Giving security to his Nephew Iohn Wood, and his Heirs, and so each Successor to his Successor. And all this Caution Sir Thomas used for the better securing good Housekeep∣ing, at that which had been his Seat, for times to come. And because his Wife might take away and dispose of several Things then at his House, which had been brought from Hampden, to supply such Defects, he gave his Brother George all his Household Linin, Beds and Hangings, that belonged to Ankerwic, a∣nother House of his in Barkshire: That so his House at Hilhal might not be disfurnished. Nay, and such care did he take for creditable

Housekeeping there, that if any Person, to whom he had Willed the Premisses, were sus∣pected not to perform this Condition to his Successor; it should be Lawful for him, to whom it should descend, after the Death of the suspected, to require Sureties for the Per∣formance of the Condition: Which if it were refused, then the two third parts left to the suspected, should be immediately delivered to his Possession who should succeed him, as his own, given from Sir Thomas to him.

He gave his Brother George a Thousand Ounces of Plate,* 5.63 for the furnishing of his Stock. But upon Condition that he left three fourth Parts of that, to him that should succeed him in Theydon Mount, and his Successor to the next; and his Successor again to the next, and so each to other. And all this was still for preserving and keeping up of the House at Hillhall.

Many Legacies besides,* 5.64 he gave to his Rela∣tions, Friends and Dependents. And because he saw none of those that should succeed him of a long time, were like to take to Learning, he gave all his Latin and Greek Books to Queens College in Cambridge (where he had been brought up) and his great Globe, of his own making; but so, that the Master and Fellows, having Warning so soon as he was dead, or, at the least so soon as he was Buried, or before (the which he willed they should have, with a true Inventory carried to them of his said Books) sent Carts to fetch them away within Tenor Twelve Days. And

these he gave also upon Condition, that they chained them up in their Library, or did di∣stribute them among the Fellows, such as would best Occupy them. But so that they did it by Indenture and Condition; that when they departed from the College, they restored them to the College again.* 5.65 But in case the Master and Fellows of the said College, would not fetch them away; sending some careful Man to see them well trussed and packed, then he gave them to Peter House, upon like Con∣dition. If neither of them would do it, then he Willed his Executors to Sell or use them at their Discretion.

But yet of many of his Books, he made gifts to his Learned Friends,* 5.66 or Scholars at the University. As to Mr. Shaw, Parson of the Parish, wherein he lived, Chrysostoms Works in five Volumes, Origen in two Volumes, Lu∣thers Works, Bucer, Galatinus, Felvus super Psaltcrium, Pet. Martyr in lib. Iudicum. And as he gave these Divinity Books to a Divine, so to one Tho. Crow, a Physician, whom he called his Servant, he gave these Books of Ga∣len, de Compositione Medicament••rum, de Ali∣mentorum Facultatibus, Methodus Melendi. Petrus Pena de Herbis, Antidotarium speciale. Turners Herbal, Fallopii Opera, Rendel••tius. And be∣sides these, he gave him the Monument of Mar∣tyrs in two Volumnes, and a Latin Bible in Quarto Gilded. Also to Sir Clement Smith (so called, I suppose, because he was in Priests Orders, then a Resident of Queens College; and the same I conjecture with him, that was after

Doctor of Divinity, a Younger Son of his Brother George) he gave, or rather lent, itus Livius, Aristotle in Greek, and Plato in Greek and Latin, Tullies Works, and Ten more of his Books, which the said Clement would chuse: on Condition, that when he went away from the College, he should re∣store them to the College again.

He gave a standing Massy Cup,* 5.67 which had the Seven Planets in the Cover, to the Queen, as most worthy, having all the good Gifts endued by God, which he ascribed to the Seven Planets; (they be the Words of the Will) Praying her Majesty to take that simple gift in good worth, as coming from her Faithful and Loving Subject.

And in case of any Ambiguity or Doubt, arising in any part of his Will,* 5.68 he gave Au∣thority to his Executors to add to it to make it more plain, with good Advice, so that they kept the true meaning and sense. And then himself gave a general Explanation of one chief Part of his Will, namely, That he would have him that should enjoy the House and Mannor of Theydon at Mount, to be a∣ble to keep House there, to the Relief of the Poor, and to set Neighbours at Work. But if the Executors could not reconcile some Ambiguity that might happen in his Will, that then they should stand to the Decision and Judgment of his Cosen Nicols a Lawyer, Mr. Henry Archer, (a worthy Gentleman of the Parish of Theydon Garnons, afterwards Living and Dying at Low Leyton) and Parson

Shaw aforementioned; whom he made Su∣pervisors of his Will. Which he did in a great point of Wisdom, to avoid Controver∣sies of Law: Which oftentimes break Friend∣ship, and swallow up an Estate so contend∣ed for.

* 5.69He made his Youngest Brother George Smith, who had several Children, and his Nephew by his Sister, Iohn Wood, his Executors.

* 5.70This Will is said to be reviewed and cor∣rected by him after the Death of his Nephew William Smith of Walden (the Son as it seems of his second Brother Iohn Smith) Febr. 18. 1576. when he Signed with his Hand eve∣ry Page. All his Manors, Lands and Tene∣ments he had already given by Indenture, made between him on the one part, and Francis Walsingham Secretary to the Queen, Iames Altham, Henry Archer, Esquires, Hum∣phrey Mitchel, and his Nephew Iohn Wood on the other Part, bearing date, Febr. 4th. in the 19th year of the Queen. This Will was proved 15. Aug. 1577. before Tho, Yale, by Iohn Wood, that is, three days after Sir Tho∣mas's Death: And by George Smith, not be∣fore May 14. 1578. I do not meet with many Bequests of Charity, in this Will, be∣cause those Acts he seemed to have done, as the wisest and surest Course, in his Life time, when himself might see them truly and justly performed.

CHAP. XVII. Observations upon Sir Thomas Smith.

NOW to make a few Observations up∣on this Wise and Learned Gen∣tleman.

And first,* 5.71 Of his Learning. For he was one of the greatest Scholars of his Age; and one of those many brave Shoots that the University of Cambridge then produced: As Denny, Ch••ke, Haddon, Ascham, Ponet, Cecil, and some others; that for their Merits and Parts, were transplanted to the Court. His Profession was the Civil Law, and he was the first Regius Professor of it in the Uni∣versity, placed therein by the Royal Founder King Henry VIII. whose Scholar he was. But tho' that were his Profession, yet he was a Man of General Learning. He was a great Platonist.* 5.72 Which Noble and Useful Philoso∣phy, he and Cheke brought into Study in the University, accustomed before to the crabbed, barbarous, useless Schoolmen. Haddon speak∣ing to him of Plato, calleth him Plato tuus, Your Plato; who, he told him, called upon him to serve his Country, and to be ready too to give it all that he had received from it.

He understood Physic well. In his Ora∣tion for the Queens Marrying,* 5.73 against him that had declaimed for her single Life, and

among other Reasons for it urged the Dis∣eases and Infirmities that attended Child-bearing, he asserted on the contrary, how it preserved Women from Diseases, and other Inconveniences; and cleared their Bodies, a∣mended their Colour, and prolonged their Health: and undertook to bring the Autho∣rities and Reasons of Physic for it. And when in March 1574. the Lord Treasurer had a sit of an Ague, Smith shewed his skill that Way, by the Judgement that he made of it; saying,

That he trusted it was but Dia∣ria, coming of a sudden Obstruction in the Pores of his Skin, as he told him, by Cold: That which in a rare Body, and tenderly kept must needs be, till either by Evapora∣tion or Sweat, the same be opened again.

And so he hoped that now that Lord, had but the weariness of that Accident, and no formed Ague. His Skill herein also appeared in his Discoursing so learnedly of his own Distemper, as we heard before.

* 5.74And here I will set down a Recipe I find in one of his Note-books, under his own Hand, for a Sickness in the Years 1558. and 1559. among the People. Watercresses, Sca∣bious, Pileworth, Egremony. Boyl these with Early, of each a good handful, (saving E∣grimony, but a little) Two Sticks of Liquo∣rish bruised with an Hammer, in running Water two Gallons, till the one half be con∣sumed. Drink warm Morning and Evening, half a Pint or thereabouts at a Draught, and at other times of the Day cold. If they

sweat after it, it is the better. This purifieth the Bloud, and taketh away that kind of Plague or Sickness. But there is the Name of Mr. Gale set under this Recipe, from whence perhaps therefore he had it.* 5.75 Once more I find him playing the Physician, with the Coun∣tess of Oxon, the Lord Treasurers beloved Daughter; when in the Month of December 157••. she lay under Sickness, and far gone in it; her Stomach gone, and not able to di∣gest any thing; which made her refuse all Physic. Sir Thomas sent her a Water to take in a Spoon at once: and so to use it from time to time. Of his sending this Water to her, he gave her Noble and disconsolate Father to understand, and withall let him know the Properties of it; and that if she took no other sust••••••nce in three days, it would nourish h••r sufficiently. And within 2•• hours he doubted not but his Lordship would see great Effects, and p••radventure some Ap•• pitite to Meat to begin to come to her with∣in that space, Adding, that there was never any one yet, but felt good by it.

He was very con••ersant in the Comment••ries of Matthiolus upon D••scorides,* 5.76 and had in∣terspersed his own Book of Matth••olus, with many Notes and obs••rv••tions of his own. It was a Book that was never wont to go from him. But some Body it seems once had stollen it, which grieved him not a little, complaining to his Friends, that he had rather have lost a far better thing: Nor could another be bought any where in Lond••n. Therefore in the

year 1572. Walsingham being Ambassador in France, he prayed him to procure him the said Book there translated into French; and to let it be bound with two or three sheets of Paper, before and in the End, to serve him for inserting his Notes. This Book Walsingham accordingly bought, and sent him over. And Smith liked it well: but yet, as he told him, if he could have recovered his own, noted through with his own Hand, he should have liked that far better. By his conversing in these Books, we may judge of his Learning that Way

* 5.77And as C••ymistry is but an Handmaid of Physic, and usually accompanieth it, so he was as well Skilled in that Art also: And had Apartments in his House for his Stills and Laboratories: Which were going to his great Cost. But especially in Labouring to tran••m••te coarser M••ttals into those of more Fineness, and greater Value.

* 5.78He was an excellent Mathematician; and for his Recreation therein, made a large Globe by his own Hand. It was his Love and Pra∣ctice of the Mathematicks, that made him desire of W••lsingham at the same time he sent to him to b••y him Matthiolus, to procure him also a Case of Mathematical Instruments, dir••cting him to the Place where they were sold, that is, at the Palace in Paris. He meant that it should contain two Compasses or three, a Square, a P••n of Metal and o∣ther things. He had two already. But he was minded to have another of the biggest size,

with the Case a foot long. Walsingham accor∣dingly in Ian. 1572. sent him a Case of Tools: But such it seems as were extraordina∣ry; for Smith himself understood not them all, nor lookt for so many, nor of that sort. But this was proper Employment for him; and at his leisure he intended to find out the Pro∣perty and Use of them.

What an Arithmetician he was appears by his Money Tables.* 5.79

Nor was he a Smatterer in Astronomy. The new Star which in the Year 1572. ap∣peared in Cassiopeia exercised much his thoughts, as it did the rest of the Learned men of the World. And he could almost have been willing to believe it to be the Soul of that brave Admiral of France, that had been a lit∣tle before that time so basely murthered in the Parisi••n Massacre. Smith was mighty de∣sirous to know what foreign Learned Men judged of this new Star.* 5.80 Therefore Decemb. 11 1572. he wrote to Walsingham thus of it,

That he was sure he had heard of it, and he thought had seen the new fair Star or Co∣met, but without Beard or Tayl, which ap∣peared in England these three Weeks, on the backside of the Chair Cassiopeia, and on the Edge of Via la••t••a. The bigness was betwixt the bigness of Iupiter and Venus, and kept there to his Appearance, who h••d no Instrument then to observe it; and because o•• that cold weather also, dared not observe the precise Order of the fixed Stars. Such a•• one he had never observed, nor read of. He there∣fore

pra••ed Walsingham to let him know what their Wise men of Paris did judg upon it. He knew they would not think it that Admirals Soul, as the Romans did of the Comet next appearing after the Murder of Iulius Caesar, that it was his Soul. It might be Astraea, said he, now peaking out afar in the North, to see what Revenge shall be done upon so much innocent Bloud shed in France, at a marriage Banquet, and reer Suppers after it. Yet that it would be accepta∣ble to him, to understand what their Astro∣nomers, and Heaven-gazers there did judge of it. He added, that if he were not so much occupied as he was, he would turn over all his old Books, but he would say something of it himself, and guess by chance, even as wisely as they; tho' he would not publish it but to his Friends.

Walsingham in Answer to this of the Secretary, sent him certain Notes, and a new Book from France, of this new Comet. For which he thanked him; but withal he observed to him, that in the pla∣cing of it, their Astronomers and these in England differed exceedingly: Theirs placing it in the 29 of Pisces, and ours in the 7th. degr. of aurus. So they varied one whole Sign, and Eight Degrees. He observed more∣over, that the printed Book went upon it Suspens•• pede: and prayed the Ambassador, that if any had writ upon it more boldly, he might see it. He added further, that our Men did not deny that it arose in that Degree of Pisces, or the first of aurus, but that it was

one thing to rise with the Degree of the Zo∣diack, and to stand in a place after Section of the Zodiack; and that our Men did find him far above the Moon, and above the height of the Sphere of Venus. And then it could not be a Temporary Comet. Concluding,

Now things above the Moon do rise and die, which was never believed afore, but either a new Star mad••, or an old Star new seen.

Thus we see him burie in his Astronomy. Nay, if we may believe his Poet, and that he did not take too much Poetical Liberty, Smith was arrived to the very Top of the Astrono∣mical Skill, and might be a companion for Ptolomy, Alphonsus and Zacutus, if they were alive:

Nec Polus aut Tillus m••g•••• ulli cogn••ta cuiquam. Quorsum ••go d••ss••mul••m? Fuit unus & unicus ille F••l••us Urani••, Ptolom•• major utroque, Et centum Alphonsis, & plusquam mille Zacutis.

And perhaps the Love and Study of the Stars might be one Reason that he delighted so much in his high Seat at Mounthaut: where he might have a more spacious Prospect of the Skies.

In State-Policy he was a great Master:* 5.81 Which by long Experience in State mat∣ters at home, in the Reigns of four Princes, and Embassies abroad, he had acquired. Wal∣singham that most compleat and happy Se∣cretary of State, improved himself much by making his Observations of Smith; how quick and sharp his Apprehension of things,

how grave and sound his Counsels, and with what Dexterity and admirable Parts, he ma∣naged publick Affairs, and yet with clean and just hands. So he sung that made his Funeral Verses,

—S••cius t••n••orum insignis Honorum Qui vigilanti oculo SMITHI observasset Acumen, Sensiss••tque acres sensus, animumque virilem, Consiliumque grave, & pectus moresque colendos, Virtutes etiam raras, Dotesque stupendas.

* 5.82He was also an excellent Linguist, and a Master in the knowledge of the Latin, Greek, French,* 5.83 Italian and English Tongues. A great Historian, especially in the Roman History: An Orator equal to the best, and a perfect Ciceronian.* 5.84 A Notable Specimen of whose Oratory and History, as well as of his Po∣lities, appears in his Discursive Orations a∣bout Queen Elizabeth's Marriage.* 5.85 He had also a very good Genius in Architecture, which that Noble Pile of Building at Hilhal doth sufficiently demonstrate. And in the Art of Gardening, he was very curious and exact: Employing his own Hands sometimes for his diversion in grafting and planting. At which work I find him, when he was making an Orchard for his new House a∣bout the latter end of 1572. having made an Escape from the Court: tho' the Winds then were very unkind to him. Of which complaining to the Lord Treasurer, he said he should soon be weary of Mounthaut, be∣cause

he could not graft nor transplant any Trees, the Winds that then brought over the Earl of Worcester from France (who had been lately sent to Christen that Kings Child) be∣ing as he said the worst Enemy to all Cut∣ting, Paring, or breaking of Trees here in England that could be, or for setting of Herbs.

And as he was an universal and thorow-pa∣ced Scholar,* 5.86 so he had a most compleat Library, and kept a Learned Correspondence, and was of a very accurate Judgment in matters of Learning. His Library consisted of a thou∣sand Books, of various Learning and Arts, as we are told by the Learned man his Friend, that made his Parentalia: Which noble Trea∣sure he bestowed upon his own College, where at least the Remainders of them are to this day: besides some Italian and French Books, which he gave to the Queens Library.

—Libros Monumentaque mille Graeca, Latina omnis generis, nova, prisca, profana, Religiosa dedit: Italicos praeter quosdam Francosque libellos Elizabeteae pius Heros Bibliothecae.

A Catalogue of the Books which he had at Hilhal in the Year 1566.* 5.87 may be seen in the Appendix.

And as he was Owner of many Books,* 5.88 so he composed not a few himself. Three where∣of are Printed. I. His Commonwealth of England, both in Latin and English. II. Of

the right and correct Writing of the Eng∣lish Tongue. This I suppose is the same Book with that which Fuller, in his History of Cam∣bridge mentions,* 5.89 Of his more compendious way of Printing: which would defalcate a fifth part of the Cost in Paper and Ink, be∣sides as much of the Pains in Composing and Printing, only by discharging many super∣flous Letters, and accommodating the Sounds of long and short Vowels, with distinct Cha∣racters. III. Of the right and correct Pro∣nouncing of the Greek Language. Both these last mentioned were published by himself in Latin, when he was Ambassador in Paris. There is a Fourth Book lately Printed, viz. 1685. which some make him the Author of, namely, Of the Authority, Form and Manner of holding Parliaments. Other Tracts there be of his, that have lain hitherto unpublished, As his Orations about the Queens Marriage; His discourse of Money, and his Tables for the reducing the Roman Coins to the just English Standard. I have also seen another large Writing, which by the hand seems to be his, shewing certain ways and means for the taking care of, and for the maintaining the Poor of the Nation. And many more, where∣of as yet, neither the sight, nor the particu∣lar Subjects have come unto me. To which I add several excellent Letters of his when Ambassador in France to the Lord Burghley, and being Secretary of State to Sr. Francis Walsing∣ham, Ambassador in the same Court, which are Printed in the Compleat Ambassador. And

a Bundle of other Letters writ to the Court, when he was Ambassador with the French King Ann. 1562. the Earl of Warwick going then in the famous Expedition to New-haven, which are yet reserved in the Kings Paper House.

He was a great Judge of Learning,* 5.90 and Ap∣plications were often made to him for his Judgment in Matters of that Nature. So Dr. Haddon appealed once to him in a sharp Controversie, between the French Ambassa∣dor and himself, Whether Tully were a good Lawyer: Which that Ambassador had denied. And how learnedly this was decided by Sir Thomas Smith, may be seen in this Hi∣story. And both Cecil, and the said Haddon, would not allow the Answer to Osorius to come abroad, till it had past his accurate Per∣usal and Correction.

His Acquaintance was with the Learned men of his Age.* 5.91 As Ramus, and other Pro∣fessors in Paris, while he was there: and with Cheke, Cecil, Haddon, Wilson, Ascham, men of the finest Wits, and purest Learning. Of this last, in a Letter to Haddon from France, he enquired diligently after, and complained that for two years, and Six Months, he had heard nothing from him; and then added mer∣rily, That his Cocks (for he was a great Cock Master) ita illum excant••sse, i.e. had so enchant∣ed him, that he had quite forgotten his Friends. And I find the Correspondence between him and Ascham continued after, for in 1••68. Ascham requested of Smith, to borrow a Book of his own Writing. To which Smith an∣swered

by a Letter, that he had sent it to Walden to be Transcribed; least the first Co∣py, and the whole Invention should perish to∣gether. And Haddon being lately dead, Smith in the same Letter told Ascham, that his Epistles were found, but not all, and that his own E∣pistles to Haddon, were more uncertain. For they reckoned it pity any thing of that most Humane and Learned Friend of theirs should be lost. And so there was a purpose to col∣lect together his Epistles, and to publish them. And so they were afterwards by Hatcher of Cambridge. This Ascham about the Year 1568. sent an Astronomical Figure to Smith, drawn by some ingenious Astronomer of the said Ascham's Acquaintance. Upon which he sent a Latin Letter from Mounthaut, thanking Ascham for it, and declaring how much he was pleased with it, and that he would wil∣lingly be acquainted with the Person that de∣scribed it. He acknowledged he professed himself this Study. And this Person seemed to him, to write Ingeniously and Learned∣ly; and not according to the vulgar manner of unlearned men, who abused themselves, and the opinion of their Learning, for Gain. Whose Friendship he declared he desired not, and whose Familiarity he was averse to. And the Diagram and Figure that Ascham sent, he dispatched back to him, with his own Judg∣ment of the same, as it was put or placed. Sir Thomas Erected a Figure concerning the same Hour and Day, according to the Ephe∣meris of Ioh. Stadius. Of which he said the

Diagram seemed a little a differ, but the Judg∣ment not so much. Thus we see his Corre∣spondence; and withal his Disposition to that kind of Study, of Judicial Astrology.

And in fine,* 5.92 of the great Opinion that went of Sir Thomas Smith's Learning, I shall men∣tion this Passage. When Dr. Wilson, one of his Learned Friends, Master of S. Katharine's, and afterwards Secretary of State, had for News wrote to Haddon, then Ambassador at Bruges, of the Queens going to Visit the U∣niversity of Oxford, Anno 1565. and of the Report of the great Learning in that Place, and what learned Exercises were then ex∣pected to be performed there, before her Ma∣jesty; Haddon answered, not to disparage that Noble University, or the complete Scholars that were there, but to take the Opportunity of commending one or two other Egregious men, viz. That however magnificently it was talked of the learned men there, Nec Smith: ibi simile quicquam, aut Checi occurret, i.e. there would be nothing like to Smith or Cheke.

And as he was Learned himself,* 5.93 so he was Beneficial to Learning; which appeared in that most useful Act of Parliament, which he procured for the Colleges of Students: Which was, that a third Part of the Rent up∣on Leases made by Colleges, should be reser∣ved in Corn, the Tenant to pay it either in Kind or Money, after the rate of the best Pri∣zes in Oxford or Cambridge Markets, the next Market days before Michaelmas or our Lady day. The great Benefit whereof Scholars do

find to this day, and will so long as the U∣niversities l••st. To his own College of Queens, he gave for ever 12—7—4. Being a Rent Charge out of the Manor of Overston in Nor∣thamptonshire. Which he appointed to be thus disposed of, according as the Reverend Doctor Iames the present worthy Master of the same College was pleased to impart to me; that is to say, Four pounds for a Lecture in Arith∣metick: Three pounds for a Lecture in Geo∣metry: Four pounds, seven shillings, and four pence for two Scholarships: appointing his own Relations, or the Scholars from Walden School, ••••teris par••bus, to be made his Scho∣lars before any others: And the Twenty shil∣lings remaining for a Yearly Commemoration. And of E••ton College, where he was once Provost, Cambd••n tells us he merited well: but in what particular respects I cannot tell, except in making his College L••ases always with a Reserve of Rent-Corn, divers Years before it became an Act for the Benefit of other Colleges. And I find the Provost and College of S. Mary of Eaton, purchased of King Edward VI. in the first of his Reign, for the summ of 25—••—3. and in perfor∣mance of King Henry's last Will, and in con∣sideration of the Exchange of the Manor of Melbourn Beck, Lutton and Ponyngton in the County of Dors••t, and diver other Lands and Tenements; the Rectory of Great Compton in Warwickshire, lately parcel of the Possession of Th••. Cromwel Knight, Earl of Essex, Attainted of High Treason; the Rectory of Bloxham in

the County of Oxon, lately parcel of the late Monastery of Godstow in the said County, and divers other Lands and Tenements in the Counties of Oxford, Bedford, Lincoln, War∣wick, to the value of 82—11—0. The Pa∣tent bare date the 30. Aug. 1547. In which whether Sir Tho. Smith was any ways ser∣viceable to the College I know not, but sup∣pose he might be.

And this Learning of his raised him to Ho∣nour and Wealth.* 5.94 Under King Edward VI. he was made Provost of Eaton, where whe∣ther he were present or absent, there was always a good House kept: Dean of Car∣lile, and Master of Requests in the Duke of Somerset's Family, after Cicil had left that Place; wherein he was most unjustly scan∣daliz'd by his enemies, to have been a Bribe∣taker. For which he was fain to vindicate himself. He became also Steward of the Stannaries. Soon after his Abilities were so well known, that he was advanced to be one of the Principal Secretaries of State, and em∣ployed in great Commissions and matters of Trust. Under Queen Elizabeth he was di∣vers times Ambassador in France, and at last a Privy Councillor, Chancellor of the Garter, and Secretary of State.

His Wealth consisted in his Land and Houses.* 5.95 He had the Manor of Yarlington in Somersetshire, worth 30 l. per annum, that he bought with the Money he had gotten at Cambridge, before he came into the Lord Protectors Service. And he purchased it at

300 l. or thereabouts, of the Marquess of Northampton, to whom it was given at the Coronation of Queen Katharine his Sister. He purchased also the College of D••rby, whether a Religio••s House or a Fraternity, I do not well know.* 5.96 I find he had also these Houses, to some of which were annexed Manors and large Demeans. One was in Chanon Row in West∣m••nster,* 5.97 which he once let out to the Comp∣troller of King Edward's Household, for 30 s. per annum, but afterwards Lived in it himself when Secretary, being a very fair House; and there the Divines in the beginning of Q Elizabeth's Reign, together with himself, conferred about reforming of Religion. He had another House in Philpot-lane in London, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a large and fair Dwelling.* 5.98 The Title whereof being dubious, he had like to have lost his Money, and Purchase too. But he procured his Master and Friend the Duke of ••••m••rset, to obtain from the King the Confir∣mation of his Title. The free dwelling in this House, he gave to his younger Brother George a Merchant; to whom he was very kind, lending him also 300 l. for the carry∣ing on of his Trade, without Interest or Consideration. Sir Thomas had another House in ••leet-Lane, with several other Tenements, which he held of the Clothworkers Company of London. And here he would sometimes be, as a Recesse from Court. In the Country he had Ankerwick,* 5.99 (his Country Retirement in King Edward's Reign, once a Religious House for Nuns) in Buckinghamshire, very large and

spacious, with a Chappel. In Queen Eliza∣beth's Reign, he frequented not this House so much; then delighting more in Mounthal standing high, as Ankerwick was low and Waterish: which I suppose he therefore a∣voided, thinking it not so wholesome for him, being very subject to cold Rheums. In the Year 1569. he took an Account of the Furniture in each Chamber. Here he na∣med his own Chamber, the Chamberlains Chamber, the great Guest Chamber, the Mat∣ted Chamber, the inner Chamber to the same on the South side, the north inner Chamber, his Fathers Chamber, My Lords Chamber, (by which Lord I suppose he meant the Duke of Somerset) the high Gallery called Col••s Chamber: the Hall, the Little Parlour, the great Parlour, the Chappel, the Wardrobe, the Lodge. By which Rooms one may guess at the largeness of the House. And by the Furniture one may also conclude upon his House-keeping. Where besides abundance of Linnin, Beds and Household-stuff, in his Wife's Closet there was a Plate-chest, containing these Pieces; A little Bason and Ewer, two stand∣ing French Bowls, with a Cover all Gilt, one Gilt Gallon Pot square, two great Flag∣gons all Gilt, Three Flemish Bowls with their Cover parcel Gilt; Two Goblets all Gilt with their Covers; Three French Salts all Gilt with a Cover. A Bason and Vast all Gilt. Three French Bowls all Gilt with a Cover. Twelve French Spoons with Hyena's Feet: Two drink∣ing Pots of Silver, one all Gilt, the other

W••ite. ••or the Furniture in the Chappel was a Cupboard or Altar of Walnut Tree, Vestment and Albe for the Priest; a Bible, and a Pair of Virginals, instead of an Organ I suppose: The Plate and Furniture of his o∣ther Houses, where he dwelt, was propor∣tionable. For he kept four Houses furnish∣ed, two in the City, (besides his Lodgings at Whitehal) and two in the Country.

But the House which he most delighted in, and was his last Retirement, was that at Mount∣haut,* 5.100 or Hilhal in the County of Essex. Which was the Jointure of his Wife, made her up∣on her Marriage with Sir Iohn Hamden Knight, her first Husband, the Reversion whereof af∣ter her Death Sir Thomas Smith, purchased. Here, near the ancient Manor House, he be∣gan a ••••ately Structure, tho' he lived not to finish it. But he made careful Provision by his last Will, for the bringing it to a Con∣clusion. And that it might have the better Care taken of it, he Willed Richard Kirby his chief Architect 20 l. to be paid him as soon as the New house was Tiled, and all Carpentry Work done; and also to his Mar∣riage ••••lverSalt, Twelve SilverSpoons, and one Silver Cup. And to Iohn Dighton Steward of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Overseer o•• the Works, to encourage him to take pains to see the Work∣men do their Work as they ought, and see them paid weekly, 10 l. The House standeth upon a great Assent or Hill, whence it hath obtain••d its Name. Hence is taken a very fair and delightful Prospect all ways, espe∣cially

South and West. Before the House, the Entrance to which is Northward, is a ve∣ry pleasant Avenue, of a great Length, and sui∣table Bredth: Along which on each side are Rows of stately Elms, advancing their Heads to a great Heighth. And on the right hand, are two Ranges o•• Trees of the same kind, standing very near together, making a very close solitary Walk, ••it for Study and Con∣templation. Which they call the New Walk. And the Tradition goes they were planted by Sir ••omas himself, as it is most likely they were. This for the Scituation. The House it self is built Quadrangular, adorn •• with great Columns, imitating Stone, which look very gracefully. The square Court is paved with Free Stone. The Walls exceedi•••• thick. Tho' there have been great alterati•••• and Improvements made of this House, by th•• present Owner Sir Edward Smith, yet there be still some Remainders of Sir Thomas ••i•• Fancy. In the Dining Room above Stairs (to large that it is now parted into several Rooms) a Window Westward, gives the Emblems o•• Four of the Seven ••eadly Sins painted in the Glass, with the Name of each Vice, set down under the Emblem in Greek and Latin; ••s 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 under o•••• ••mblem, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 u••∣der another, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 under a Third, and Hop∣••••i•••• under the Fourth: And under each the Name in L••tin, as I••vidia, S••••••rdia, Superbia, and Forn••cati••. The Emblem of Pride is the Sto∣ry of Lucifer and his Angels cast down from Heaven. Round which Picture are less••r Em∣blems

in smaller Pieces of Glass; which are obscure now, the Paint fading. The smaller ••mblems set about that of Fornication are these: The one is a Set of Fidlers, under a Ladies Window Serenading her, and a Wo∣man nak••d appearing at the Window, throw∣ing Water out of a Chamberpot upon their Heads. In another are represented two Per∣sons Duelling with Swords and Bucklers, fighting you may imagine for their Mistress; and a man hanging upon a Gibbet, that must be presumed to be executed for killing his Ri∣val, the fatal End of that Vice. There be also writ in these p••inted Representations proper Motto's for each. As under Pride, God re∣steth the Proud. Under that of Sloth, Go to the Ant thou sluggard. These Painted Windows were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 1569. The Rooms had much Paintings upon the Walls of them, being Hi∣stories out of Scripture. Some whereof in one Room still remain, and very plainly to be discovered, being the History of Senache∣rib's Army destroyed by the Angel: A very fine Piece: and the other Paintings there seem to be very good, And there is a Tra∣dition in the Family, that some of these Paintings were done by Sir Thomas's own Hand. And for the Convenience and Ornament of the House, in the year 1568. (in which year, the shell of the House was finished) he planted an Orchard adjoining, to supply it with the choicest Fruits, especially Pears and Ap∣ples, both Winter and Summer, which he procured from other Places. Whereof many

Table X

		Shillings.	Groats.	Pence.	Halfpence.	Far
••lucia.	o	5	15	60	120
••lemuncia.	½ o	2 6	7 2	30	60
Didrachma. ••aliquum.	¼ g••o	1 3	3 3	15	30
Drachma.	⅛ half g••o	0	1 30 b	70 b	15
••••squiscrupu¦lus.	⅙ Unciae	Half Drachma Sesquiscrupulus	30 bg	7 g
scrupulus. ••a••••a.	1/24 Unciae	The third part of a Drachme	1 g	2 g
Obolus.	1/48	The half of a Scruple		1 g
Siliqua.	1/144	The third part of Obolus		1 q. prick one p
Gallorum
Drachma vocatus a Gallis Gressus	continet	Denarios Gallicos	3 Sterlines 2 ½

of his Pears he had from the Lord Rich, and of his Apples from Walden: and many of both Sorts came from Ankerwick. And for the further Pleasure and Service of the House, there were many Fish Ponds, to the number of Ten or Dozen about it; which he took especial care to store with Carp and Tench.

This Seat now flourisheth in Plenty, Re∣putation and Honour, possessed by the Line of his Younger Brother: Whereby Sir Tho∣mas Smith's Name and Memory still Lives, ac∣cording to his Design and Intent in that Structure. And tho' it wants nothing in the Inside as well as the Out, to adorn and beau∣tifie it, yet the choicest Furniture is an excel∣lent Original of the Builder hanging up in the Parlour, with these two Verses written round the frame of the Picture,

Cernitur Essigies factis vera, at Penicillus Corporis atque umbrae t••ntum simulacra r••po••▪

And underneath LOVE AND FEAR. Aetat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 xxxiii.

Having no Child his Lady enjoyed this Manor of Mounthaut or Mounthal for her Life;* 5.101 and then it descended to his Brothers Son Sir William Smith Son of George, a brave Gentleman and Soldier in Ireland, being a Colonel there: Till having attained to Thir∣ty Years of Age, he returned into England, and possest his Deceased Uncles Estate. He married into the Family of Fleetwood of the Vache in Backs, and had divers Issue. And

was of great Figure and Service in the Coun∣ty of Essex. All which may be better known by the Inscription upon a Noble Monument for himself, and his Lady set up on the Southside of the Chancel opposite to that of Sir Tho. Smith his Uncle. Which was as follows;

To the••pious Memory of her Loved and Loving Husband,

Sir William Smith of Hilhal in the County of Essex Knight. Who till he was Thirty Years old followed the Wars in Ire∣land, with such Approbation, that he was ••••osen one of the Colonels of the Army. But his Uncle Sir Thomas, Chancellor of the Garter, and Principal Secretary of State 〈◊〉〈◊〉 two Princes, King Edward VI. and the late Queen Elizabeth of famous Memory, dying, he returned to a full and fair Inhe∣ritance. And so bent himself to the Af∣fairs of the Country, that he grew a∣like famous in the Arts of Peace as War. All Offices there, sorted with a man of his Quality, he right worshipfully performed, and dyed one of the Deputy Lieutenants of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉; A Place of no small Trust and Credit.

Bridget his unfortunate Widow, who du∣ring the time of Thirty Seven Years, bare 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three Sons and four Daughters, Daugh∣ter of Thomas Fleetwood of the Vache 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the County of Bucks Esquire, and some∣time

time Master of the Mint, to allay her Languer and Longing after so dear a Companion of her Life, rather to express her Affection than his Office, this Monument erected, Destinating it to her self, their Children and Posterity. He lived Years Seventy Six, Died the 12. of Decemb. 1626.

CHAP. XVIII. Sir Thomas Smith's Vertuous Accom∣plishments.

WE have seen Sir Thomas in his Secular Circumstances, as his Learning, Wealth and Honour, made him lookt upon and ad∣mired in the Eye of the World. But what doth all this Confer to the true Reputation of a man without inward vertuous Qualifications▪ These were other and better things that ad∣ded a Lustre and Glory to our Knight. For his Learning was accompanied with Religion, and his Honour became more illustrious by the excellent Accomplishments of his Mind.

He was brought up in the Profession of the Gospel from his tender years,* 5.102 and ever after stuck to it, and professed it, and that openly: and as he had Occasion, delivered and re∣scued good men, from the Persecutions and Dangers that Religion exposed them to, tho' he thereby sometimes ran himself into no small

hazzard. He lost his Preferments upon the Change of Religion under Queen Mary, when if he had been minded to have complyed, he might have had what he pleased. But he was of a stout and constant Mind.

* 5.103When he was in Place and Office abroad or in the Court, the Principles he governed himself by, were Truth and Integrity, an in∣violable Love to Justice and righteous Dealing, a most unchangeable Faithfulness and Zeal to the Concerns of his Queen and Country. His Life and Manners were unreproveable; of a grave and yet obliging Behaviour. And some∣times he would take the Liberty to be inge∣niously merry and cheerful among his Friends. A perfect stranger he was to the Practices of some Courtiers, namely, to those of Fraud and Falsehood, Flattery and Treachery, Vice and Corrupt Manners. Such a Description do the Muses in their ears give him.

—Non Fraude, D••love, Non ullo vicius Fuco; Patriaeque suisque Reg••n••qu•• suae fidus, n••n perfidus ulli, At fidus cunclis, Cato vi••••, m••ribus, ore, Sincerus sine Fraude, bonus ••••ne suspicione; Ne•• l••vitate vacans, & sic gravitate severus, Ut tam••n atque jocos admitteret atque lepores Innocuos, nihilumque prius sibi duceret Aequo Atque Bono, cui se suaque omnia vota sacravit.

* 5.104And again, the same Muses (shewing the Reasons of his safety under the rigorous Times of Queen Mary, notwithstanding he would

not change nor dissemble his Faith, nor com∣ply with the Religion, that was uppermost) give us a Relation of his Vertues, which shone so bright, that with them he did as it were charm the Government to spare him.

Nec tamen interea parti assentarier ulli, Nec simulare Fidem, nec dissimulare solebat. Mirifica Virtute omnes, Gravitate colenda, Moribus antiquis, Charitum, Aonidumque Favore, Numine coelesti, non Impietate nec Arte Illicita, nec Perfidia, neque Fraudibus ullis, Vir bonus & sapiens, qualem vix repperit altrum Phaebus Apollo unquam, sibi conciliabat amicos.

But as there is nothing so good but will find Accusers and Slanderers,* 5.105 so it happened to him. For his Excellences created him Envy, and En∣viers. And some there were in King Edward's time, that laid several gross Vices to his charge, but most unjustly: As tho' he were proud, a Lover of Money, and that for the sake of it, he extorted and opprest; that he was a Buyer and Seller of Spiritual Preferments; and chopt and changed Lands. Finally, that in the Changes of Religion, he was a Complier. But these were all most false Calumniations: but such as he was fain to write some Sheets of Pa∣per, to vindicate himself of: whereby he was for∣ced to set forth his own Vertues unwillingly.

His Spirit was brave and great,* 5.106 being a Man of a resolute and Active Mind; Faithful and Diligent, when Ambassador and Secretary: Somewhat hasty and impatient, when public Matters went not as they ought, being hin∣dred

by designing men for private Profit, or secret Grudge. And so I find him somewhere describing himself, when Haughtiness was once laid to his Charge,

I cannot deny, but I am of Nature hault of Courage and stomach, to contemn all Perils, and worldly things, or Dangers to do my Master Service, and likely more would be, but that I am by such things [he means Accusations and Slanders] some∣time plucked back; and so again contented to rule my self: being able I thank God to serve in the Body and Thilles (as Carters call it) as well as in the Room of a Forehorse.

* 5.107His Apparel was usually good, and like a Courtier. For which he thought some might accuse him of too much Prodigality. But it was more to suit the Office wherein he served, than any Pleasure he took in gaudy Garments. He never sued any man,* 5.108 nor ever was sued. He never raised any Rents, but contented him∣self with the old ones; neither of any of his Lands or Promotions, viz. Eaton and Carlisle: nor heightned any Fines, nor ever put out a∣ny Tenant, nor ever sued any of them. He was in a Place, namely that of Master of Re∣quests, wherein he might have received many Bribes, if he would, for dispatching Sutes, and selling the Lord Protectors Letters; but he challenged all the World to charge him with one Peny, that he had taken dishonestly. Two indeed of his Servants did use sometimes to do so: but when it came to his know∣ledge, he put them away: Acquainting the Protector with it, and sueing to him to have

one of their Ears nayled to the Pillory. And none Living remained under more Dispeasure with him, than they did, only for that Crime, and no other.

In fine, he was of an Universal Charity and good Will,* 5.109 and wished well to all mankind, and a peaceable State to the World, as much as he wished it to himself. And that for this end among others, that every man might Phi∣losophize freely, and with the greatest Liber∣ty study to promote Truth and useful Know∣ledge. And that all others might live quiet∣ly, and mind their own Business.

He often spake sharp and witty sayings;* 5.110 whereby his Wisdom, and great reach appear∣ed. He called the Queens Ordnance Peace-ma∣kers. And once desired her, that her Peace-ma∣kers might be transported to Scotland. Which when she had demanded of him, Who they were, he answered, Her Majesties Canon, ad∣ding, They must do it, and make a final Con∣clusion.

When a Matter was to be hastened, he would say, It is better to prevent, than to be prevented. And, The Time draws away, and Winds are changeable and Minds.

Concerning Alchymists, of whom he had bought Experience, he would say, Trust little to the Words, and Promises, and Accounts of men of that Faculty. Fain they would be fingering of money, but when it is once in their hands, we must seek it in the Ashes.

The Massacres in France, he called Their Bea∣cons. So he wrote to the Queen's Ambassador

then at that Court, Even the Scots [otherwise great Friends of France] be awakened by your Beacons in France.

When Walsingham was tired in France, with expectation of coming home, which the Queen put off from time to time, Smith told him, You are a wise man, and can comfort your self, with Wisdom and Patience.

Speaking of the Irresolutions and Inconstan∣cy of the Court, he said, That till the Queen had signed, he durst never adventure to affirm any Thing, for fear of contrary Winds; The which he said was no News in that Court. And a∣gain, Ye know how long we are here a resolving, and how easie to be altered.

Folly the more it is kept in, the better: Mean∣ing it of Astrological Judgments.

Haec est Vicissitud•• rerum Humanarum; Haec est communis Casus Hominum; speaking of the Vidame of Chartres, a great Protestant Noble∣man, escaping the Butchery of the Paris Mas∣sacre, but reduced thereby, to more Poverty.

Video pericul••sum esse in r••bus arcanis Princi∣pum & Regnorum nimis velle sapere. Upon oc∣casion of the Trouble of Mr. Iohn Hales, for medling in the Succession.

The best is, we stand I think upon our Guard; nor I trust shall be taken and k••lled asleep, as the Admiral was: Speaking of those Times in Eng∣land, upon apprehension of the Danger the Nation was in, from the Neighbouring Popish States and Kingdoms.

Happy is that Prince, that hath so wise a Coun∣sellour, that can see that is best: but more happy

is he, that hath one so bold, that dares to tell it to him, and so beloved of him, that he will hear it.

Irresolution and long Training, will make Op∣portunity, and Occasion to fly away untaken, and a great Deal of Money to be lost.

The Gentiles w••re wise in their Sacrifice, when the ••r••st cryed ••ver and anon, Hoc age. For they that love ••lways to be aliud agentes, either deceive themselves, or other men.

The Queen kept her Christmas at Hampton Court 1, 72. From hence Smith Writes to his Friend about this Time, If ye would know what we do here, We play at Tables, Dance and keep Christmas. A secret Lash to the Court, for their Carelesness, at such a dangerous Time as that was.

Speaking upon the Talk of Sir Francis Wal∣singham's Return home from France. When a Pin, said he, is set fast in a Hole, till we have another to thurst that out, and tarry there it self, it is hard to get it out. And this he said was his Case.

I have done,* 5.111 after I shall have recommended the Readers to the further Character and Ac∣count given to this Wise and Learned Man, by two Poets of those Times. The one is Leland, describing him while he flourisht in the University, after this manner:

Doctorum celebras, Smithi, Monumenta Verorum Ardenti studio, & Dexteritate par••. Unde tibi accrevit Virtutis nomine Fama, Iudice me, nullo deperit ura die.

Granta venusta tuas collaudat, cantitat, ornat Eximias Dotes, Ingeniumque tuum. Quicquid in Acniis speciosum montibus olim, Quicquid in Italicis praenitet atque jugis, Est tibi tam notum quam quod notissimum: Abun∣das Artibus, & rara cognitione vales Fontibus El••quii sitientia labra rigasti: Atticus ille tuo regnat in ore Lepos. Instaurare bonas pergas feliciter artes: Laudabit faclum Posteritasque tuum.

* 5.112And the other was Dr. Byng, Regius Pro∣fessor of the Civil Law in Cambridge; who when the first News of Smith's Departure was brought thither, gave him this E∣pitaph;

Hic Sistas celerem gradum, Viator, Magno Funera dum SMITHO parantur, An mirare SMITHUM quod ipse MAGNUM Dicam, quem Tumulus teget pusillus? Et Magnum ingenio scias fuisse, Et Magnum omnibus Artibus quae habentur Doctis in pretio, simulque Magna Traclavisse Negotia, atque Curas Magnas sustinuisse Maximorum Regum qu••is operam suam dicârat. Sic Magnusque Domi, forisque Magnus, Nunc Magno fruitur Poli Theatro.

Notes

• * 1.1

  An. 151••. K. Henry 8.
• * 1.2

  Born at Walden in Essex.
• * 1.3

  Camb. Brit.
• * 1.4

  In what Year, Hist. of Q. Elizabeth. Acts and Non. first Edit.
• * 1.5

  His Father.
• * 1.6

  Th•• Guild of Walden
• * 1.7

  Jo. Smith High She∣riff.
• * 1.8

  His Coat of Arms.
• * 1.9

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1.
• * 1.10

  〈…〉〈…〉 Religion.
• * 1.11

  Sir Tho∣mas's 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.12

  His Brothe•• John.
• * 1.13

  His Brother George a Merchant,
• * 1.14

  His School.
• * 1.15

  An. 1526.
• * 1.16

  Remov'd to the Univer∣sity
• * 1.17

  Distributi∣on of this History
• * 1.18

  Entred at Queen's College.
• * 1.19

  King Hen∣ry's Sch••∣lar.
• * 1.20

  Cheke.
• * 1.21

  De rect. pronunciat.
• * 1.22

  What first gave occa∣sion to his Studies.
• * 1.23

  Ascham's Sc••oolmast.
• * 1.24

  An. 1531.
• * 1.25

  Made Fel∣low.
• * 1.26

  An. 1533. K. Henry 8.
• * 1.27

  Reads the Greek Le∣cture.
• * 1.28

  Nihil fere aliud habe∣ret ad loquendum, nisi lugubres sonos, & illud sle∣bile 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Smith de Pronunciatione rect.
• * 1.29

  An. 1535.
• * 1.30

  Consults with Cheke about the Sounds of Greek.
• * 1.31

  Brings in a new way of pronouncing Greek.
• * 1.32

  Reads pri∣vately in his College.
• * 1.33

  Smith's c••••r••ct way of sounding th•• Greek preva••••s in the Univer∣sity.
• * 1.34

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••53%. K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.35

  M••d•• Uni∣versity O∣rator.
• * 1.36

  An. 1536. K. Henry 8.
• * 1.37

  Musar. Lachry∣mae.
• * 1.38

  His Le∣ctures flock∣ed to.
• * 1.39

  An. 1539.
• * 1.40

  He goes a∣broad.
• * 1.41

  Confers with the Professor at Orleans,
• * 1.42

  And a•• Pa∣ris w••th Straze∣lius,
• * 1.43

  And a Grecian.
• * 1.44

  travels to Italy.
• * 1.45

  An. 1542.
• * 1.46

  Made Re∣gius Pro∣fessor of the Civil Law.
• * 1.47

  A general Scholar.
• * 1.48

  Musar. La∣crymae.
• * 1.49

  Chancellor to the Bishop of Ely.
• * 1.50

  Breed of Pupils.
• * 1.51

  Refines the English Writing.
• * 1.52

  Ascham.
• * 1.53

  A tract by him writ for that purpose.
• * 1.54

  Numb. II.
• * 1.55

  Rectifies the Pronun∣ciation of Greek.
• * 1.56

  A Contro∣versy arises in the Uni∣versity hereupon.
• * 1.57

  Cheke Greek Le∣cturer.
• * 1.58

  Frontis ni∣hil & Ce∣rebri pa∣rum.
• * 1.59

  Cheke cla∣moured a∣gainst for it.
• * 1.60

  Quia moderati & magni animi esse putavi Laudem ac Gloriam negligere, per∣fidi & ignavi, amicum in periculis deserere. Humi∣lem & dejectum hominem existimo, qui ex rectè factit Invidiam non posse ferre. Veteratorem ac senilis Inge∣nij virum judico, qui cum ipse praestare possit, contegi se, ac suum factum, ab aliis patiatur defendi.
• * 1.61

  The Decree of the Chan∣cellor.
• * 1.62

  Smith's Compli∣ance.
• * 1.63

  His Epistle to the Bi∣shop upon this Argu∣ment.
• * 2.1

  A late 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ba∣sil, stands up for the ad S••an••••.
• * 2.2

  Religion pro••••••••ity him in the University.
• * 2.3

  An. 1546. K. Henry 8.
• * 2.4

  He addres∣seth to the Queen in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Cam∣bridge.
• * 2.5

  His Aca∣demical Exercises.
• * 2.6

  〈…〉〈…〉 at Cam∣bridge.
• * 2.7

  His Port.
• * 2.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••••4••. K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6.
• * 2.9

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Court.
• * 2.10

  Addressed so by the University.
• * 2.11

  An. 1547. K. Edw. 6.
• * 2.12

  Their Let∣ter.
• * 2.13

  Made Ma∣ster of Re∣quests to So∣merset.
• * 2.14

  Other Dig∣nities con∣ferred on 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 2.15

  His Pur∣chases.
• * 2.16

  Marries.
• * 2.17

  Marries a∣gain.
• * 2.18

  He is slan∣der'd.
• * 2.19

  Suffers Im∣prisonment with the Duke.
• * 2.20

  1548.
• * 2.21

  Made Secre∣tary.
• * 2.22

  Goes Am∣bassador.
• * 2.23

  Galba, B. 12.
• * 3.1

  Smith'•• Letter to the Pro∣tector.
• * 3.2

  Smith con∣cerned in the Altera∣tion of Re∣ligion;
• * 3.3

  And Re∣dress of base Money.
• * 3.4

  An. 1549.
• * 3.5

  Smith in a Commission against A∣nabaptists.
• * 3.6

  One of the Visitors of Cam∣bridge.
• * 3.7

  In Commis∣sion upon Bishop Bo∣ner.
• * 3.8

  Boner would de∣cline him.
• * 3.9

  Smith deals roundly with him.
• * 3.10

  Smith's Words to Boner's Servant.
• * 3.11

  Boner in∣ters a Re∣cusation a∣gainst Smith.
• * 3.12

  Pag. 1205.
• * 3.13

  Smith 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.14

  In trouble with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.15

  An. 1550. K. Edw. 6.
• * 3.16

  Smith deposed a∣gainst Gar∣diner. Act. and Mon. first Edit.
• * 3.17

  Makes a Purchase.
• * 3.18

  An. 1551.
• * 3.19

  Goes in Em∣bassy to France.
• * 3.20

  An. 1553. 1554. 1555. 1556. 1557. Q. Mary.
• * 3.21

  He loses all his Places.
• * 3.22

  Smith Thath Indul∣gence from the Pope.
• * 3.23

  Bishop Gar∣diner This Friend.
• * 3.24

  Smith gains Gar∣diner's fa∣vour upon his first Ad∣dress to him from Cam∣bridge.
• * 4.1

  Ascham favoured by Gardi∣ner.
• * 4.2

  And Bishop Boner pre∣tends to be Smith's Friend.
• * 4.3

  An. 1557. Q. Mary.
• * 4.4

  Robert Smith, a Retainer of Sir Tho∣mas Smith burnt.
• * 4.5

  Pag. 1544.
• * 4.6

  His Grief at these Times.
• * 4.7

  Oration a∣tout Queen Eliza∣beth's Marriage.
• * 4.8

  Smith's wife Ad∣vertise∣ments and Counlsse.
• * 4.9

  An. 1558. Q. Eliz.
• * 4.10

  Smith employed in the Refor∣mation.
• * 4.11

  And in one of the Com∣mittees for the State;
• * 4.12

  An.1559.
• * 4.13

  And in Swearing the Officers of Wal∣den.
• * 4.14

  Sir Tho∣mas This Service in the Com∣mission of the Peace.
• * 4.15

  Subscripti∣on of the Iustices.
• * 4.16

  Ann. 1560.
• * 4.17

  Smith's Dialogue concerning the Queen's Marriage.
• * 4.18

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. III
• * 4.19

  A••. 1562. Q. Eliz.
• * 4.20

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 4.21

  D. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to France
• * 4.22

  Stops at Calais; and why.
• * 4.23

  Directions to him from the Council.
• * 4.24

  Smith 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.25

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the Pope's Le∣gate.
• * 4.26

  The Secre∣taries A••∣vi••e to the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.27

  The Queen's Orders to him.
• * 4.28

  Three Evils in France.
• * 4.29

  Smith's Behaviour in his Em∣bassy.
• * 4.30

  Entertains a Subtil Spy.
• * 4.31

  His Com∣plaint.
• * 4.32

  An. 1563.
• * 4.33

  The Ambas∣sadors In∣structions concerning the Prince of C••nde.
• * 4.34

  The Ambas∣sador sends News to the Council.
• * 4.35

  Ordered to speak only in Latin in his Negoti∣ation.
• * 4.36

  Contention between Smith and Throg∣morton.
• * 4.37

  Smith's Plainness pleaseth the Lord Ro∣bert.
• * 4.38

  Instru••••••ons •••• Smith's ••••in••ng with the Pro••••stan••••.
• * 4.39

  Smith reateth for Peace.
• * 4.40

  Dr. Had∣dons Ad∣vice to Smith.
• * 4.41

  The Ambas∣sador s••nds over Books to Cecil.
• * 4.42

  Smith o procure a Book to be Printed in France.
• * 4.43

  Osorius's Epis••le to the Queen,
• * 4.44

  Answered by Had∣don.
• * 4.45

  This An∣swer recom∣mend••d to Smith o revise,
• * 4.46

  And Pub∣l••sh.
• * 4.47

  A Licence for which he labours to obtain from the Chanc••••lor▪
• * 4.48

  Which he will not grant.
• * 4.49

  Smith presse••h it.
• * 4.50

  Argues with the Chancellor of France about it.
• * 4.51

  The Pro∣gress of this Controversy.
• * 4.52

  Difference between the two Ambas∣sadors.
• * 4.53

  Some Cha∣racter of Throg∣morton.
• * 4.54

  Cecil's and Smith's Friendship.
• * 4.55

  An. 1564.
• * 4.56

  Smith ef∣fects a Peace.
• * 4.57

  Solicits the Queen's Debt.
• * 4.58

  The Queen continues him Am∣bassador.
• * 4.59

  A Match for the Queen pro∣pounded to him.
• * 4.60

  An. 1565. Q. Eliz.
• * 4.61

  Smith fi∣nisheth his Book of the Common-wealth.
• * 4.62

  His extra∣ordinary Expen••es.
• * 4.63

  Smith's Son with his Father.
• * 4.64

  He la••••ur•• to come home,
• * 4.65

  He returns.
• * 4.66

  He is in∣quisitive how his Ne∣gotiation is accepted.
• * 4.67

  He follows the Court in France.
• * 4.68

  His Refl••∣ction upon his hearing of the Queen's go∣ing to Cam∣bridge.
• * 4.69

  H•• compos∣eth his Book of th•• Com∣mon-wealth at Tho∣louse.
• * 4.70

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.71

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 4.72

  He procures the print∣ing of the Answer to Osorius.
• * 4.73

  His 〈…〉〈…〉 Had∣don, 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.74

  Plato, e non si••it esse tuus, n•••• meus me Cicero, qui Patriae nos servire vo∣lunt, & illi read▪ omnia, unde universa p••ius acc••∣pimus.
• * 4.75

  Smith's Opinion of Tullies Philosophy and Law.
• * 4.76

  His Refle∣ction on the Troubles oc∣casioned by Hales's Book.
• * 4.77

  Ita homo sum, vexari nolim quemquam, quietus esse cuperem omnes morta∣les, & liberè Philosophari qui velint, caeteros suam quem{que} rem agere.
• * 4.78

  Video periculosum esse in Rebus arcanis Princi∣pum & Regnorum nimis velle sapere.
• * 4.79

  An. 1566.
• * 4.80

  Smith now at home.
• * 4.81

  Tu patriam, principem, conjugem, amicos, otium, & praeclarissimam legati∣onis laudem paeriter recu∣peravisti. Mea singularis Infelicitas haec omnia mea ••itae solatia detraxit
• * 4.82

  An. 1567.
• * 4.83

  Sent again to demand Calais.
• * 4.84

  Cecil's Letters to Sir Henry Norris, Cabal. p. 137. Takes his Son with him.
• * 4.85

  The manner of his de∣manding Calais.
• * 4.86

  Cam. Eliz. p. 98. &c.
• * 4.87

  An. 1568. Q. Eliz.
• * 4.88

  Sues for the place of Chancellor of the Dutchy.
• * 4.89

  Ut inter glebas ille, Ego inter mendicos consenescam.
• * 4.90

  An. 1570.
• * 4.91

  Sir Tho∣mas in the Country ad∣ministring Iustice.
• * 4.92

  Witches by him exa∣mined.
• * 4.93

  Malter's Wife.
• * 4.94

  'Anne Vi∣cars.'
• * 4.95

  Sir Tho∣mas co∣mitted into the Council.
• * 4.96

  An. 1571.
• * 4.97

  Labours a∣bout trans∣muting Iron into Copper.
• * 4.98

  H••s Pro∣gress there∣••n.
• * 4.99

  Some Lords come into the Project.
• * 4.100

  The Proje∣ct••rs form∣ed into a Society.
• * 4.101

  The Patent for it Sign∣••d.
• * 4.102

  The Business finds De∣lays.
• * 4.103

  The Chymist a B••ggar.
• * 4.104

  Smith ex∣amin••th the Duke of Norfolk's Secretary.
• * 4.105

  Goes Am∣bassador a∣gain to France.
• * 4.106

  To make a firm Amity against Spain.
• * 4.107

  An Article debated by Smith.
• * 4.108

  His Argu∣ment with the French Queen▪
• * 4.109

  Smith per∣swades th•• Queen. She consents to the League.
• * 4.110

  He loved not many Words.
• * 4.111

  His Hard∣ship in France.
• * 4.112

  Communi∣cation be∣tween the Queen-Mo∣ther and Smith, con∣cerning the Queen's Marriage.
• * 4.113

  Further Discourse on the same Argu∣ment.
• * 4.114

  His Thoughts of the Queen's Marrying.
• * 4.115

  His Concern for the Queen's Sickness.
• * 4.116

  And the Ir∣resolutions of the Court.
• * 4.117

  The Queen of Navarre sends to Sir Thomas.
• * 4.118

  The Queen gives him the Chan∣cellorship of the Or∣der.
• * 4.119

  Comes home.
• * 4.120

  Made Se∣cretary.
• * 4.121

  Famed in the Court for his Learning.
• * 4.122

  Smith's Device for a View be∣tween Moun∣sieur and the Queen.
• * 5.1

  Hit Thoughts the Mass••∣cre at P••∣ris.
• * 5.2

  His Dete∣station of it.
• * 5.3

  His Rea••on of the man∣ner of An∣wering the Prench Ambassa∣dor.
• * 5.4

  His Obser∣vation of the Preju∣dice the French did them∣selve in Scotland.
• * 5.5

  The Secre∣tary at Windsor;
• * 5.6

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 A••••nts and Irish Matters.
• * 5.7

  His ••••••∣passion for Flanders.
• * 5.8

  Regem expertem otii, la∣boris amantem, cujus gens bellicosa jampridem assueta est caedibus tam exterioris quam vestri Sanguinis: Quid faciemus Gens otiosa & Pacis assueta, quibus imperat Regina, & ipsa Pacis atque Quietis amantissima?
• * 5.9

  His Advice about the Earl of Desmond.
• * 5.10

  And the Quarrel be∣tween Clanri∣chard and Fitton.
• * 5.11

  Mass-mon∣gers and Conjurers sent up to the Secre∣tary.
• * 5.12

  His Letter to the Earl of Shrews∣bury here∣upon. Ex Offic. Armorum.
• * 5.13

  Perswades the Queen to send aid into Scot∣land.
• * 5.14

  Which up∣on his Mo∣tion, she con∣descends to.
• * 5.15

  Two Scotch men by him examined.
• * 5.16

  Tho∣mas sends a Colony into Ardes.
• * 5.17

  His Pa∣tent for it.
• * 5.18

  Sir Tho∣mas's son leads the Colony.
• * 5.19

  His Rules and Orders for it.
• * 5.20

  Mr. Smiths care in the Colony.
• * 5.21

  Draws up I••structins for his Son.
• * 5.22

  Families of English found in the Ardes.
• * 5.23

  Mr. Smiths good ser∣vice this Winter.
• * 5.24

  Mr. Smith slain. ••
• * 5.25

  The Arde: neglected upon Sir Thomas's Death.
• * 5.26

  How lost from the Family.
• * 5.27

  N. W.
• * 5.28

  An. 1574. Q. Eliz.
• * 5.29

  The Secre∣tary un∣easie,
• * 5.30

  At the Queens Delays.
• * 5.31

  The Queen deliberates about sup∣plies for the Earl of Essex.
• * 5.32

  The Queens backward∣ness there∣unto troubles the Secre∣tary.
• * 5.33

  An. 1575.
• * 5.34

  Conference between the Queon and her Secretary about Ul∣ster,
• * 5.35

  And tho Earl of Essex.
• * 5.36

  His Advice vice to the Queen con∣cerning him.
• * 5.37

  The Secreta∣ry with the Queen in Progress.
• * 5.38

  The Queen speaks to the Secre∣tary about dangerous beggars.
• * 5.39

  He precures an Act for Schools of Learning.
• * 5.40

  Hist of Cambr. p. 144.
• * 5.41

  The Act.
• * 5.42

  An. 1576. Q. Eliz. that the next Year ended his Life. Overprest with continual Watchings,
• * 5.43

  Sir Tho∣mas's fatal D••stemper seizes him.
• * 5.44

  It affected 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Throat▪
• * 5.45

  The Orator now sca•••••• can speak.
• * 5.46

  To divert 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sick∣ness, he looks over his former Writings.
• * 5.47

  His book of Roman C••••ns.
• * 5.48

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 5.49

  The Physi∣cians tam∣per with him.
• * 5.50

  Hi Physi∣c•••• ••s leave 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Phy∣sick.
• * 5.51

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 into th Coun∣try.
• * 5.52

  An. 1577. Q. Eliz.
• * 5.53

  Dyes.
• * 5.54

  Persons at∣tending his Fune∣rals.
• * 5.55

  Buried.
• * 5.56

  His Monu∣ment.
• * 5.57

  His Lady diet.
• * 5.58

  His Person described.
• * 5.59

  Makes his Will.
• * 5.60

  For the fi∣nishing of his House and Monu∣ment.
• * 5.61

  To his Lady.
• * 5.62

  For preser∣ving good housekeep∣ing.
• * 5.63

  To his Bro∣ther.
• * 5.64

  His Library to Queens College▪
• * 5.65

  Or Peter House.
• * 5.66

  Books to his Friends.
• * 5.67

  A Cup to the Queen.
• * 5.68

  In case of Doubt ari∣sing in the Will.
• * 5.69

  His Execu∣tors.
• * 5.70

  The Date of his Will.
• * 5.71

  His Lear∣ning.
• * 5.72

  A Plato∣nick.
• * 5.73

  A Physi∣cian.
• * 5.74

  H•••• Reci∣pe for the Plagu••.
• * 5.75

  His C••••∣m••cal Wa∣ter s••••t to t•••• C••m••ss of Oxford.
• * 5.76

  •••• M••∣thiolus.
• * 5.77

  A Chymist.
• * 5.78

  A Mathe∣matician.
• * 5.79

  An Arith∣metic••an. An Astro∣nomer.
• * 5.80

  His jud••••∣ment of the Star ••n Cassio∣p••ia.
• * 5.81

  A Pol••∣cian.
• * 5.82

  A Linguist.
• * 5.83

  An Histo∣rian.
• * 5.84

  An Orator.
• * 5.85

  An Archi∣tect.
• * 5.86

  His Libra∣ry.
• * 5.87

  N. VI.
• * 5.88

  Books by him writ∣ten.
• * 5.89

  Pa. 81.
• * 5.90

  A great Iudge in Learning.
• * 5.91

  His Ac∣quaintance.
• * 5.92

  The Vogue of his Learning.
• * 5.93

  Beneficial to Learn∣ing.
• * 5.94

  H••s Places.
• * 5.95

  His Wealth▪
• * 5.96

  His House.
• * 5.97

  In Chanon Row.
• * 5.98

  In Lon∣don.
• * 5.99

  Ankerwic••.
• * 5.100

  Mount∣haut
• * 5.101

  〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wil∣liam Smith.
• * 5.102

  His P•••• g••on.
• * 5.103

  His Princi∣ples by which he governed himself.
• * 5.104

  His Ver∣tues.
• * 5.105

  Vices false∣ly charged on him.
• * 5.106

  His Spirit great.
• * 5.107

  His Appa∣rel.
• * 5.108

  Not Opres∣sive.
• * 5.109

  Of an Uni∣versal Cha∣rity.
• * 5.110

  His Apoph∣thegms.
• * 5.111

  Lelaud's Copy of verses to Smith.
• * 5.112

  Dr. Byng's Epitaphon him.