Sermons preached on several occasions to which a discourse is annexed concerning the true reason of the sufferings of Christ : wherein Crellius his answer to Grotius is considered / by Edward Stillingfleet ...

SERMON VII. * 1.1 * 1.2 * 1.3 Preached before the KING, JANUARY 30. 1668/9. * 1.4 (Book 7)

JUDE V. II.

And perished in the gainsaying of Corah.

AMong all the dismal consequences of that * 1.5 fatal day wherein the Honour of our Na∣tion suffered together with our Martyr'd Soveraign, there is none which in this Place we ought to be more concerned for, than the Dishonour which was done to Re∣ligion by it. For if those things which * 1.6 were then acted among us, had been done among the most rude and barbarous Nations, though that had been enough to have made them for ever thought so; yet they might have been imputed to their ignorance in matters of

Civility and Religion: but when they were committed not * 1.7 only by men who were called Christians, but under a pretence of a mighty zeal for their Religion too, men will either think that Religion had, which did give encouragement to such acti∣ons, or those persons extremely wicked, who could make use of a pretence of it for things so contrary to its nature and design. And on which of these two the blame will fall, may be soon discovered, when we consider that the Christian Re∣ligion, above all others, hath taken care to preserve the Rights of Soveraignty, by a 1.8 giving unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to make resistance unlawful by de∣claring * 1.9 b 1.10 that those who are guilty of it shall receive to themselves damnation. But as though bare resistance had been too mean and low a thing for them (notwithstanding what Christ and his Apostles had said) to shew themselves to be Chri∣stians of a higher rank than others; they imbrue their hands in the blood of their Soveraign for a demonstration of their Piety, by the same figure by which they had destroyed mens Rights to defend their Liberties, and fought against the King for preservation of his Person. But the actions of such men could not have been so bad as they were; unless their pre∣tences * 1.11 had been so great, for there can be no higher aggra∣vation of a wicked action, than for men to seem to be Reli∣gious in the doing of it. If the Devil himself were to preach sedition to the world, he would never appear otherwise than as an Angel of Light: his pretence would be Unity, when he designed the greatest Divisions; and the preservation of Au∣thority, when he laid the seeds of Rebellion. But we might as well imagine that the God of this world (as the Devil is sometime called) should advance nothing but Peace and Ho∣liness in it, as that Christianity should give the least coun∣tenance * 1.12 to what is contrary to either of them. Yet the wickedness of men hath been so great upon earth, as to call down Heaven it self to justifie their impieties, and when they have found themselves unable to bear the burden of them, they would sain make Religion do it.

Such as these we have a description of in this short, but smart Epistle, viz. men who pretended inspirations and impulses for the greatest villanies; who believed it a part of their Saintship to despise Dominions, and speak evil of Dignities; who thought the Grace of God signified very little, unless it served to justifie * 1.13 their most wicked actions. These in all probability were the followers of Simon Magus the Leviathan of the Primitive Church, c 1.14 who destroyed all the natural differences of

good and evil, a 1.15 and made it lawful for men in case of * 1.16 persecution, to forswear their Religion. b 1.17 The great part of his Doctrine being that his Disciples need not be afraid of the terrours of the Law, for they were free to do what they pleased themselves, because Salvation was not to be expected by good works, but only by the Grace of God: No wonder then, that such as these did turn the Grace of God into lasciviousness: And when it proved dangerous not to do it, would deny their Religion to save themselves. For they had so high opinions of themselves, that they were the only Saints, that as c 1.18 Epi∣phanius tells us, they thought it the casting Pearls before Swine, * 1.19 to expose themselves to danger before the Heathen Governours; by which they not only discovered what a mighty value they set upon themselves, but what mean and contemptible thoughts they had of that Authority which God had established in the world.

But this they would by no means allow, for they thought * 1.20 all the Governments of the world to be nothing else d 1.21 but the contrivance of some evil spirits to abridge men of that liberty which God and nature had given them: And this is that speak∣ing evil of Dignities which they are charged with, not only by our Apostle here, but by St. Peter before him. Although the phrase used by e 1.22 St. Peter, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be taken (by the use of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the first of f 1.23 Macca∣bees) not for the bare contempt of Authority, expressed by reviling language, but for an open resistance of it; which the * 1.24 other is so natural an introduction to, that those who think and speak contemptibly of Government, do but want an occa∣sion to manifest that their actions would he as bad as their thoughts and expressions are. And from hence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here in the words of the Text is made use of to express one of the most remarkable seditions we ever read of: viz. that of Corah and his Company against Moses and Aaron; whose pu∣nishment for it did not deter these persons who went under the name of Christian, from joyning in seditious practices to the great dishonour of Christianity, and their own ruine. For * 1.25 therefore the Apostle denounces a Woe against them in the be∣ginning of the verse, and speaks of their ruine as certain as if they had been consumed by fire, or swallowed up by the earth, as Corah and his accomplices were; And they perished in the

gainsaying of Corah. In the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Aorist, saith * 1.26 Grotius, is taken for the future, or present, and so implying that these courses did tend to their misery and ruine, and would unavoidably bring it upon them. If the evidence in history had been clear of the Carpocratians joyning with the Iews in the fa∣mous rebellion of Barchochebas, wherein such multitudes of Christians as well as Heathens were destroyed in Africa, Aegypt, and other places, and the time of it had agreed with the time * 1.27 of writing this Epistle, I should then have thought that this had been the Rebellion here spoken of; for all the Actors in it were destroyed by the Roman Power, and some of the chief * 1.28 of them made publick examples of Justice for the deterring of others from the like practices. But however this be, we find these persons here charged with a sin of the same na∣ture, with the gainsaying of Core, and a judgement of the same nature, as the consequent of the sin; for they perished in the gainsaying, &c. And therefore we shall consider the words.

• 1. As relating to the fact of Corah and his company.
• 2. As implying as great displeasure of God under the Gospel against the same kind of sin, as he discovered in the * 1.29 immediate destruction of those persons who were then guilty of it.

1. As relating to the fact of Corah and his company; and so the words lead us to the handling.

• 1. The nature of the Faction which was raised by them.
• 2. The Judgement that was inflicted upon them for it.

1. For understanding the nature of the Faction, we must enquire into the design that was laid, the persons who were en∣gaged in it, the pretences that were made use of for it.

1. The design that was laid for that, and all other circum∣stances * 1.30 of the story, we must have resort to the account that is given of it, Numb. 16. Where we shall find that the bot∣tom of the design was the sharing of the Government among themselves, which it was impossible for them to hope for, as long as Moses continued as a King in Iesurun, for so he is called, Deut. 33. 5. Him therefore they intend to lay aside, but this they knew to be a very difficult task, considering what wonders God had wrought by him in their deliverance out of Egypt, what wisdom he had hitherto shewed in the conduct of them, what care for their preservation, what integrity * 1.31 in the management of his power, what reverence the people did bear towards him, and what solemn vows and promises they had made of obedience to him. But ambitious and fa∣ctious men are never discouraged by such an appearance of

difficulties; for they know they must address themselves to the people, and in the first place perswade them that they ma∣nage * 1.32 their interest against the usurpation of their Governours. For by that means they gain upon the peoples affections, who are ready to cry them up presently as the true Patriols and de∣fenders of their Liberties against the encroachment of Princes: and when they have thus insinuated themselves into the good opinion of the people; groundless suspicions, and unreasona∣ble fears and jealousies will pass for arguments and demonstra∣tions. Then they who can invent the most popular lies against the Government are accounted the men of integrity, and they * 1.33 who most diligently spread the most infamous reports, are the men of honesty, because they are farthest from being Flatterers of the Court. The people take a strange pride, as well as pleasure, in hearing and telling all the faults of their Governours; for in doing so they flatter themselves in think∣ing they deserve to rule much better than those which do it. And the willingness they have to think so of themselves, makes them misconstrue all the actions of their Superiours to the worse sense, and then they find out plots in every thing, upon the people. What ever is done for the necessary maintenance of * 1.34 Government, is suspected to be a design meerly to exhaust the people to make them more unable to resist. If good Laws be made, these are said by factious men to be only intended for snares for the good people, but others may break them and go unpunished. If Government be strict and severe, then it is cruel and tyrannical, if mild and indulgent, then it is remiss and negligent. If Laws be executed, then the peoples Liber∣ties be oppressed; if not, then it were better not to make Laws, than not to see them executed. If there be Wars, the people are undone by Taxes; if there be Peace, they are un∣done * 1.35 by Plenty. If extraordinary Judgements befall them, then they lament the sins of their Governours, and of the Times, and scarce think of their own. If miscarriages happen (as it is impossible always to prevent them) they charge the form of Government with them, which all sorts are subject to. Nay, it is seldom that Governours escape with their own faults, the peoples are often laid upon them too. So here, Numb. 16. 14. Moses is charged with not carrying them into Canaan, when it was their own sins which kept them thence. Yea, so partial have the people generally been against their * 1.36 Rulers, when swayed by the power of Faction, that this hath made Government very difficult and unpleasing; for what ever the actions of Princes are, they are liable to the cen∣sures of the people. Their bad actions being more pub∣lick,

and their good therefore suspected of design; and the * 1.37 wiser Governours are, the more jealous the people are of them. For alwaies the weakest part of mankind are the most suspici∣ous; the less they understand things, the more designs they imagine are laid for them, and the best counsels are the soonest rejected by them. So that the wisest Government can never be secure from the jealousies of the people, and they that will raise a faction against it will never want a party to side with them. For when could we ever have imagined a Government more likely to be free from this, than that which Moses had over the people of Israel? He being an extraordinary person * 1.38 for all the abilities of Government; one bred up in the Egypti∣an Court, and in no mean degree of honour, being called the the Son of Pharaohs Daughter, one of great experience in the management of affairs, of great zeal for the good of his Coun∣try, as appeared by the tenderness of his peoples interest in their deliverance out of Egypt; one of great temper and meek∣ness * 1.39 above all men of the earth; one who took all imaginable care for the good establishment of Laws among them; but above all these one particularly chosen by God for this end, and therefore furnished with all the requisites of a good man, * 1.40 and an excellent Prince: yet for all these things a dangerous sedition is here raised against him, and that upon the common grounds of such things, viz. usurpation upon the peoples rights, arbitrary Government, and ill management of affairs; Usurpation upon the peoples rights, v. 4. the Faction makes a Remonstrance asserting the priviledges of the people against Moses and Aaron, Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the Congregation are holy every one of them, and the Lord is among them; Wherefore then lift you up your selves above the Congregation of the Lord: As though they had said, we ap∣pear * 1.41 only in behalf of the Fundamental Liberties of the peo∣ple both Civil and Spiritual; we only seek to retrench the ex∣orbitances of power, and some late innovations which have been among us; if you are content to lay aside your power which is so dangerous and offensive to Gods holy people, we shall then sit down in quietness; for alas it is not for our selves that we seek these things (what are we?) but the cause of Gods people is dearer to us than our lives, and we shall willing∣ly sacrifice them in so good a Cause. And when Moses after∣wards sends for the Sons of Eliah to come to him, they perem∣ptorily * 1.42 refuse all Messages of Peace, and with their a 1.43 men of the sword mentioned, v. 2. They make votes of non-Addresses, and break off all Treaties with him, and declare these for their reasons, that he did dominando dominari, as some render it,

exercise an arbritary and tyrannical power over the people, * 1.44 that he was guilty of breach of the trust committed to him, for he promised a 1.45 to bring them into a Land flowing with Milk and Honey, or give them inheritance of fields and vine∣yards, but he had not done it, and instead of that only, de∣ceives the people still with fair promises, and so puts out their eyes that they cannot see into the depth of his designs. So that now by the ill management of his Trust, the power was again devolved into the hands of the people, and they ought to take account of his actions. By which we see the design was under very fair and popular pretences to devest Moses * 1.46 of his Government, and then they doubted not but such zealous Patriots as they had shewed themselves, should come to have the greatest share in it; but this which they most aimed at, must appear least in view, and only Ne∣cessity and Providence must seem to cast that upon them, which was the first true motive they had to rebel against Moses and Aaron.

2. The Persons who were engaged in it. At first they were only some discontented Levites who murmured against Moses and Aaron, because they were not preferred to the * 1.47 Priesthood, and of these Corah was the chief. R. Solomo•• ob∣serves, that the reason of Corahs discontent, was, that Eliza∣phan the Son of Uzziel, of the younger house to Izhar from whom Corah descended, was preferred before him by Moses to be Prince over the Sons of b 1.48 Kohath. Corah being active and busie in his discontents, had the opportunity of drawing in some of the Sons of Reuben, for they pitched their tents near each other, c 1.49 both on the South side of the Tabernacle of the Con∣gregation; and these were discontented on the account of their Tribe having lost the priviledge of Promogeniture. Thus what * 1.50 ever the pretences are, how fair and popular soever in the op∣position men make to Authority, ambition and private discon∣tents are the true beginners of them: but these must be cover∣ed over with the deepest dissimulation, with most vehement Pro∣testations to the contrary, nothing must be talked of but a mighty zeal for Religion, and the publick Interest. So d 1.51 Iose∣phus tells us concerning Corah, that while he carried on his own ambitious designs, with all the arts of sedition and a popular eloquence, insinuating into the peoples minds strange suggestions against Moses his Government, as being a meer po∣litick * 1.52 design of his to enslave the people of God, and advance his own family and interest, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he would seem to regard nothing but the publick good. If fair pretences, and glorious titles will serve to cheat the people into

their own miseries, and the sad effects of Rebellion; they * 1.53 shall never want those who will enslave them for the sake of Liberty, undo them for the publick good, and destroy them with designs of Reformation. For nothing is more popular than Rebellion in the beginning; nothing less in the issue of it. And the only true reason that it is ever so, is from the want of wisdom and judgement in the generality of mankind, who sel∣dom see to the end of things, and hardly distinguish between the names and nature of them, till their own dear bought expe∣rience hath taught them the difference. Sedition is of the na∣ture, and hath the inseparable properties of Sin; for it is * 1.54 conceived with pleasure, brought forth with pain, and ends in death and misery. Nothing enters upon the stage with a bra∣ver shew and appearance, but however prosperous for a time it may continue, it commonly meets with a fatal end. But it is with this sin as to this world, as it is with others as to the next; men when they are betrayed into them, are carried away and transported with the pleasing temptations, not con∣sidering the unspeakable misery that follows after them. So that what the Devils advantage is in order to the ruine of mens souls, is the advantage of seditious persons over the less understanding * 1.55 people; they both tempt with an appearance of good, and equally deceive them which hearken to them. But as we still find, that notwithstanding all the grave admonitions, the sober counsels, the rational discourses, the perswasive arguments which are used to deter men from the practice of sin, they will still be such Fools to yield to the Devils temptations against their own welfare: So, neither the blessings of a con∣tinued Peace, nor the miseries of an intestine War, neither the securitie of a settled Government, nor the constant danger of Innovations will hinder men of fiery and restless spirits from * 1.56 raising combustions in a Nation, though themselves perish in the Flames of them. This we find here was the case of Corah and his company; they had forgotten the groans of their cap∣tivity in Egypt, and the miracles of their deliverance out of it, and all the faithful services of Moses, and Aaron; they con∣sidered not the difficulties of Government, nor the impossibili∣ty of satisfying the ambitious desires of all pretenders; they regarded not that God from whom their power was derived, nor the account they must give to him for their resistance of it: nothing but a full Revenge upon the Government can satisfie * 1.57 them, by leaving no means unattempted for its overthrow, though themselves be consumed by the fall of it. It were hap∣py for Government if these turbulent spirits could be singled out from the rest in their first attempts; but that is the usual

subtilty of such men, when they find themselves aimed at, they * 1.58 run into the common herd, and perswade the people that they are equally concerned with themselves in the present danger, that though the pretence be only against faction and sedition, the design is the slavery and oppression of the People. This they manage at first by grave nods, and secret whispers, by deep sighs, and extatick motions, by far fetched discourses, and Tragical stories, till they find the people capable of recei∣ving their impressions, and then seem most unwilling to men∣tion that which it was at first their design to discover. By such arts as these Corah had prepared, as a 1.59 Iosephus tells * 1.60 us, almost the whole Camp of Israel for a popular tumult, so that they were like to have stoned Moses before he was aware of it; and it seems the Faction had gained a mighty interest among the people, when although God so severely and remarka∣bly punished the heads of it, yet the very next day all the Con∣gregation of the Children of Israel murmured against Moses and Aaron, saying, b 1.61 Te have killed the people of the Lord. What a mark of Gods people was sedition grown among them! When these men were accounted Saints in spight of Heaven, and Martyrs, though God himself destroyed them. They * 1.62 were men who were only sanctified by Rebellion: and shewed no other fruits of their piety but disobedience to Authority. But the danger had not been so great, how loud soever the complaints had been, if only the ruder multitude had been gained to the Favour of Corah and his party: for these want∣ed heads to manage them, and some Countenance of Autho∣rity to appear under; and for this purpose they had drawn to their Faction 250 Princes of the Assembly, c 1.63 famous in the Congregation, men of Renown, i. e. Members of the great Council of the Nation. Whom Moses was wont to call and * 1.64 advise with about the publick Affairs of it; such who sate in Comitiis Senatorum, as Paul. Fagius tells us, therefore said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 such as were called to the great Assembly which sate in d 1.65 Parliament at the door of the Tabernacle of the Congregation, which was the place where they met toge∣ther. These were the Heads of the Tribes, and the Captains of thousands, and the men of the greatest Fame and Authori∣ty among the People whom Moses assembled together for ad∣vice and counsel, as often as he saw just occasion for it. And as far as I can find were distinct from the great Sanhedrin, * 1.66 which seemed to be rather a constant Court of Iudicature which sate to receive Appeals from Inferiour Courts, and to de∣termine such difficult causes which were reserved peculiarly for it, as about Apostasy of a whole Tribe, the case of false Pro∣phets,

and the like. But these 250 men did far exceed the whole * 1.67 number of the Sanhedrin; and the Heads of the Tribes, and the Elders of Israel were summoned together upon any very weighty occasion, by Moses both before and after the institu∣tion of the Sanhedrin. And now since the Faction had gain∣ed so great strength by the accession of so great a number of the most leading men among the People, we may expect they should soon declare their intentions, and publish the grounds of their entring into such a combination against Moses.

3. Which is the next thing to be spoken to, viz. the colours and pretences under which these persons sought to justifie the * 1.68 proceedings of the Faction. Which were these two,

• 1. The asserting the Rights and Liberties of the people in op∣position to the Government of Moses.
• 2. The freeing themselves from the encroachments upon their spiritual Priviledges, which were made by the Usurpations of Aaron and the Priesthood.

1. The asserting the Rights and Liberties of the people in op∣position to the Government of Moses. a 1.69 Is it a small thing, say they, that thou hast brought us up out of a Land that flow∣eth with Milk and Honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except * 1.70 thou make thy self altogether a Prince over us? And before, their charge was, b 1.71 that Moses and Aaron took too much upon them, in lifting up themselves above the Congregation of the Lord. Which c 1.72 Iosephus more at large explains, tel∣ling us that the great accusation of Moses was, that out of his ambition and affectation of Power, he had taken upon him∣self the Government of the people without their consent, that he made use of his pretence of Familiarity with God only for a Politick end, that by this means he debarred the people of that Liberty which God had given them, and no man ought to * 1.73 take from them, that they were all a d 1.74 Free-born people, and equally the Children of Abraham, and therefore there was no reason they should depend upon the will of a single Person, who by his Politick Arts had brought them to the greatest ne∣cessities, that he might rule them the better; Wherefore Co∣rah, as though he had been already President of a High-Court of Iustice upon Moses their King, determines, that it was ne∣cessary for the Common-wealth, that such enemies to the Pub∣lick Interest should be discovered and punished; lest if they be let alone in their Usurpations of Power, they declare them∣selves * 1.75 open enemies when it will be too late to oppose them. There were then two great Principles among them by which they thought to defend themselves.

• 1. That Liberty and a right to Power is so inherent in the * 1.76 People, that it cannot be taken from them.
• 2. That in case of Usurpation upon that Liberty of the peo∣ple, they may resume the exercise of Power, by punishing those who are guilty of it.

1. That Liberty, and a right to Power, is inseparable from the people; libertatis patrocinium suscipiunt, saith Calvin, upon Corah and his company; and I believe they will be found to be the first assertors of this kind of Liberty that ever were in the world. And happy had it been for us in this Na∣tion, if Corah had never found any Disciples in it. For what * 1.77 a blessed Liberty was this which Corah aimed at, viz. to change one excellent Prince, as Moses was, for 250 Tyrants, besides Corah and the Sons of Reuben? What just and equal liberty was it which Moses did deprive them of? It was only the Liberty of destroying themselves, which all the power he he had could hardly keep them from. Could there be any greater Liberty than delivering them out of the house of bon∣dage? and was not Moses the great Instrument in effecting it? Could there be greater Liberty than for their whole Nation to be preserved from all the designs of their enemies, to enjoy * 1.78 their own Laws, and matters of Iustice to be duly administred among them? and had they not all these under the Govern∣of Moses? What means then this out-cry for Liberty? Is it that they would have had no Government at all among them, but that every one might have done what he pleased himself? This indeed were a desireable Liberty, if a man could have it alone: but when every one thinks that he is but one, though he be free; and every one else is as free as he, but though their freedom be equal to his, his Power is not equal to theirs; and therefore to bring things to a more just proportion, every * 1.79 one must part with some power for a great deal of security. If any man can imagine himself in such a state of confusion, which some improperly call a state of nature; let him consi∣der, whether the contentment he could take in his own liberty and power to defend himself, would ballance the fears he would have of the injury which others in the same state might be able to do him. Not that I think meer fear made men at first enter into Societies, for there is a natural inclination in mankind to it, and one of the greatest pleasures of humane life lies in the enjoyment of it. But what other considerations * 1.80 incline men to, fear makes reasonable, though men part with some supposed liberty for the enjoyment of it. So that the utmost liberty is destroyed by the very nature of Government, and nothing can be more unreasonable than for men to quarrel

with Government for that, which they cannot enjoy and the * 1.81 preservation of themselves together. Which alone makes the desire of Power reasonable, and if the preservation of our selves in our rights and properties may be had without it, all that the want of Liberty signifies, is, that men have all the conveniences of Power without the trouble and the cares of it. And if this be not a more desirable Liberty than the other, let any rational man judge. The pretence of Liberty then in this sense against Government, is, that men are Fools in taking the best care to preserve themselves, that Laws are but instruments of Slavery, and every single man is better able to defend him∣self, * 1.82 than the united strength of a people in Society is to defend him. And this kind of Liberty we may justly think will be desired by none but mad-men, and beasts of prey. It follows then, that what Liberty is inconsistent with all Government, must never be pleaded against any one sort of it. But is there then so great a degree of Liberty in one mode of Government more than another, that it should be thought reasonable to disturb Government, meerly to alter the form of it? Would it have been so much better for the people of Israel to have been governed by the 250 men here mentioned, than by Mo∣ses? * 1.83 Would not they have required the same subjection and obedience to themselves, though their commands had been much more unreasonable than his? What security can there be that every one of these shall not be worse in all respects than him whom they were so willing to lay aside; and if one be thought troublesome, what Liberty and ease is there when their name is Legion? So that the folly of these popular pre∣tences is as great as the sin in being perswaded by them.

And it may be they have not thought amiss who have attri∣buted a great part of that disturbance of the Peace of King∣doms, * 1.84 under a pretence of popular Government, to an un∣just admiration of those Greek and Roman Writers, who have unreasonably set up Liberty in opposition to Monarchy. But some of the wisest of them have given us a truer account of these things, and have told us, that it was impossible the Ro∣man State could have been preserved longer, unless it had sub∣mitted to an a 1.85 Imperial Power; for the popular heats and factions were so great, that the annual election of Magistrates, was but another name for a tumult; and as Dio goes on b 1.86 the name of popular Government is far more plausible, but the * 1.87 benefits of Monarchy are far greater; it being much easier to find one good than many; and though one be accounted diffi∣cult, the other is almost impossible. And as he elsewhere well observes, the flourishing of a Common-wealth depends upon its

poverty; that being alone able to unite the minds of the Go∣vernours, who in a plentiful state, not set about with enemies, * 1.88 will be grasping at their own private interests, and fall natural∣ly from thence into divisions and animosities; but the flourish∣ing of the Monarchy lies in the riches of it, the Prince and the People having the same interest, and being rich or poor to∣gether. So that we see the notion of Liberty, and exercise of power in Government, is so far from being an inseparable pro∣perty of the people, that the proper notion of it is inconsistent with Government and that which lies in the enjoyments of our Rights and Properties, is so far from being inconsistent with * 1.89 Monarchy, that they are more advanced by that, than by any other way of Government.

2. Another principle which tends to the subverting Govern∣ment under a pretence of Liberty, is, that in case of Usurpation upon the Rights of the People, they may resume the exercise of Power, and punish the Supreme Magistrate himself, if he be guilty of it. Than which there can be no principle ima∣gined more destructive to civil Societies, and repugnant to the very nature of Government. For it destroys all the obli∣gations of Oaths and Compacts; it makes the solemnest * 1.90 bonds of obedience signifie nothing when the pleople shall think fit to declare it: it makes every prosperous Rebel∣lion just; for no doubt when the power is in the Rebels hands, they will justifie themselves, and condemn their Sove∣raign. (And if Corah, Dathan and Abiram had succeeded in their Rebellion against Moses, no doubt they would have been called the Keepers of the Liberties of Israel.) It makes all Government dangerous to the persons in whom it is, consider∣ing the unavoidable infirmities, of it, and the readiness of peo∣ple to misconstrue the actions of their Princes, and their inca∣pacity * 1.91 to judge of them; it not being fit that the reasons of all counsels of Princes should be divulged by Proclamations. So that there can be nothing wanting to make Princes miserable, but that the people want Power to make them so. And the supposition of this principle will unavoidably keep up a con∣stant jealousie between the Prince and his people: for if he knows their minds, he will think it reasonable to secure him∣self by all means against their Power, and endeavour to keep them as unable to resist as may be: whereby all mutual confi∣dence between a Prince and his People will be destroyed: and * 1.92 there can be no such way to bring in an arbitrary Government into a Nation, as that which such men pretend, to be the only means to keep it out. Besides, this must necessarily engage a Nation in endless disputes about the forfeiture of Power into

whose hands it falls: whether into the people in common, or * 1.93 some persons particularly chosen by the people for that pur∣pose: for in an established Government according to their prin∣ciples, the King himself is the true representative of the people; others may be chosen for some particular purposes, as proposing Laws, &c. but these cannot pretend by vertue of that choice, to have the full power of the people; and withal, whatever they do against the consent of the people is unlawful; and their power is forfeited by attempting it.

But on the other side, what mighty danger can there be in supposing the persons of Princes to be so sacred, that no sons * 1.94 of violence ought to come near to hurt them? Have not all the ancient Kingdoms and Empires of the world flourished under the supposition of an unaccountable power in Princes? That hath been thought by those who did not own a derivation of their power from God, but a just security to their persons, considering the hazards, and the care of Government which they undergo? Have not the people who have been most jealous of their Liberties, been fain to have recour'e to an unaccount∣able power, as their last refuge in case of their greatest necessi∣ties? I mean the Romans in their Dictators. And if it were * 1.95 thought not only reasonable, but necessary then, ought it not to be preserved inviolable, where the same Laws do give it by which men have any right to challenge any power at all? Nei∣ther doth this give Princes the liberty to do what they list; for the Laws by which they Govern, do fence in the rights and pro∣perties of men; and Princes do find so great conveniency ease and security in their Government by Law, that the sense of that will keep them far better within the compass of Laws, than the Peoples holding a Rod over them, which the best Princes are like to suffer the most by, and bad will but grow desperate by * 1.96 it. Good Princes will never need such a curb, because their oaths and promises, their love and tenderness towards their people, the sense they have of a Power infinitely greater than theirs, to which they must give an account of all their actions, will make them govern as the Fathers of their Country; and bad Princes will never value it, but will endeavour by all possi∣ble means to secure themselves against it. So that no incon∣veniency can be possibly so great on the supposition of this un∣accountable Power in Soveraign Princes, taking it in the general, and meerly on the account of reason, as the unavoida∣ble * 1.97 mischiefs of that Hypothests, which places all power ori∣ginally in the people, and notwithstanding all oaths and bonds whatsoever to obedience gives them the liberty to resume it when they please: which will always be when that Spirit of

Faction and Sedition shall prevail among them, which ruled * 1.98 here in Corah and his company.

2. Another pretence for this Rebellion of Corah, was, the freeing themselves from the encroachments upon their spiritual priviledges which were made by the usurpations of Aaron and the Priesthood. This served for a very popular pretence, for they knew no reason that one Tribe should engross so much of the wealth of the Nation to themselves, and have nothing to do but to attend the service of God for it. What, say they, are not all the Lords people holy? Why may not then all they offer up incense to the Lord, as well as the Sons of Aaron? * 1.99 How many publick uses might those Revenues serve for, which are now to maintain Aaron, and all the sons of Levi? But if there must be some to attend the service of God, why may not the meanest of the people serve for that purpose, those who can be serviceable for nothing else? Why must there be an order of Priesthood distinct from that of Levites? why a High-Priest above all the Priests? what is there in all their office which one of the common people may not do as well as they? cannot they slay the sacrifices, and offer incense, and do all other parts of the Priestly office? So that at last they make all * 1.100 this to be a Politick design of Moses only to advance his own Family by making his Brother High-Priest, and to have all the Priests and Levites at his devotion, to keep the people the better in awe. This hath always been the quarrel at Religion, by those who seldom pretend to it, but with a design to destroy it. For who would ever have minded the constant attendance at the Temple, if no encouragements had been given to those who were imployed in it? Or is not Religion apt enough to be despised of it self, by men of prophane minds, unless it be rendred more mean and contemptible by the Poverty of those * 1.101 who are devoted to it? Shall not God be allowed the priviledge of every Master of a Family, to appoint the ranks and orders of his own servants, and to take care they be provided for, as becomes those who wait upon him? What a dishonour had this been to the true God, when those who worshipped false Gods thought nothing too great for those who were imployed in the service of them? But never any yet cryed, but he that had a mind to betray his Master, to what purpose is all this waste? Let God be honoured as he ought to be, let Religion come in for its share among all the things which deserve en∣couragement, * 1.102 and those who are imployed in the offices of it, enjoy but what God, and Reason, and the Laws of their Country give them, and then we shall see it was nothing, but the discontent and faction of Corah and his company which

made any encroachment of Aaron and the Priesthood any pre∣tence * 1.103 for Rebellion.

But all these pretences would not serve to make them escape the severe hand of divine justice; for in an extraordinary and remarkable manner he made them suffer the just desert of their sin, for they perished in their contradiction, which is the next thing to be considered, viz.

2. The Iudgement which was inflicted upon them for it. They had provoked Heaven by their sin, and disturbed the earth by their Faction; and the earth, as if it were moved with in∣dignation against them, trembled and shook, as Iosephus * 1.104 saith, like waves that are tossed with a mighty wind, and then with a horrid noise it rends asunder, and opens its mouth to swallow those in its bowels who were unfit to live upon the face of it. They had been dividing the people, and the earth to their amazement and ruine divides it self under their feet, as though it had been designed on purpose, that in their punish∣ment themselves might feel, and others see the mischief of their sin. Their seditious principles seemed to have infected the ground they stood upon; the earth of a sudden proves as unquiet and troublesome as they; but to rebuke their madness, it was * 1.105 only in obedience to him who made it the executioner of his wrath against them; and when it had done its office, it is said, a 1.106 that the earth closed upon them; and they perished from among the Congregation. Thus the earth having revenged it self against the disturbers of its peace, Heaven presently ap∣pears with a flaming fire, taking vengeance upon the 250. men, who in opposition to b 1.107 Aaron, had usurped the Priestl office, in offering incense before the Lord. Such a Fire, if we believe the same Historian, which far outwent the most dread∣ful eruptions of Aetna or Vesuvius, which neither the art of * 1.108 man, nor the power of the wind could raise, which neither the burning of Woods nor Cities could parallel; but such a Fire which the wrath of God alone could kindle, whose light could be outdone by nothing but the heat of it. Thus Heaven and Earth agree in the punishment of such disturbers of Go∣vernment, and God by this remarkable judgement upon them hath left it upon record to all ages, that all the world may be convinced how displeasing to him the sin of faction and sedi∣tion is. For God takes all this that was done against Moses and Aaron, as done against himself. For they are said to be ga∣thered * 1.109 together against the Lord, v. 11. to provoke the Lord, v. 30. And the fire is said to come out from the Lord: v. 35. And afterwards it is said of them; c 1.110 This is that Dathan and Abiram, who strove against Moses and against Aaron in the

company of Corah, when they strove against the Lord. By * 1.111 which we see God interprets striving against the Authority ap∣pointed by him, to be a striving against himself. God looks upon himself as immediately concerned in the Government of the world; for by him Princes raign, and they are his Vice∣gerents upon earth; and they who resist, resist not a meer ap∣pointment of the people, but a 1.112 an Ordinance of God; and they who do so shall in the mildest sense receive a severe pu∣nishment from him. Let the pretences be never so popular, the persons never so great and famous; nay, though they were of the great Council of the Nation, yet we see God doth not * 1.113 abate of his severity upon any of these considerations.

This was the first formed sedition that we read of against Moses, the people had been murmuring before, but they wanted heads to manage them: Now all things concur to a most dangerous Rebellion upon the most popular pretences of Religion and Liberty; and now God takes the first opportu∣nity of declaring his hatred of such actions; that others might hear, and fear, and do no more so presumptuously. This hath been the usual method of divine Judgements; the first of the kind hath been most remarkably punished in this life, that * 1.114 by it they may see how hateful such things are to God; but if men will venture upon them notwithstanding, God doth not always punish them so much in this world, (though he some∣times doth) but reserves them, without repentance, to his Justice in the world to come. The first man that sinned was made an example of Gods Justice; The first world; the first pub∣lick attempt against Heaven at Babel after the plantation of the world again; the first Cities which were so generally corrupted after the flood; the first breaker of the Sabbath after the Law; the first offerers with strange fire; the first lookers into the * 1.115 Ark, and here the first popular Rebellion and Usurpers of the office of Priesthood. God doth hereby intend to preserve the honour of his Laws; he gives men warning enough by one examplary punishment, and if notwithstanding that, they will commit the same sin, they may thank themselves if they suffer for it, if not in this life, yet in that to come. And that good effect this Judgement had upon that people, that although the next day 14000. suffered for murmuring at the destruction of these men, yet we do not find that any Rebellion was raised among them afterwards upon these popular pretences of Reli∣gion, * 1.116 and the Power of the People. While their Judges con∣tinued (who were Kings, without the state and title of Kings) they were observed with reverence, and obeyed with diligence. When afterwards they desired a King, with all the Pomp and

Grandeur which other Nations had (which Samuel acquaints * 1.117 them with, viz. a 1.118 the officers and Souldiers, the large Re∣venues he must have) though their King was disowned by God, yet the people held firm in their obedience to him, and David himself, though anointed to be King, persecuted by Saul, and though he might have pleaded Necessity and Providence as much any ever could, (when Saul was strangely delivered into his hands,) yet we see what an opinion he had of the person of a bad King, b 1.119 The Lord forbid that I should do this thing against my Master the Lords Anointed, to stretch forth my hand against him, seeing he is the Anointed of the Lord. And lest we should think * 1.120 it was only his Modesty or his Policy which kept him from doing it, he afterwards, upon a like occasion declares, it was only the sin of doing it, which kept him from it. c 1.121 For who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed and be guilt∣less? Not as though David could not do it without the power of the Sanhedrin, as it hath been pretended by the Sons of Corah in our age; for he excepts none; he never seizes upon him to carry him prisoner to be tryed by the Sanhedrin, nor is there any foundation for any such power in the Sanhedrin over the persons of their Soveraigns. It neither being contained in the * 1.122 grounds of its institution, nor any precedent occurring in the whole story of the Bible, which gives the least countenance to it: Nay, several passages of Scripture utterly overthrow it, for how could Solomon have said, d 1.123 Where the word of a King is, there is power; and who may say unto him, what dost thou? If by the constitution of their Government, the Sanhedrin might have controlled him in what he said or did. But have not several of the modern Iews said so? Granting that some have; yet so they have spoken many unreasonable and foolish things besides; but yet none of these have said, that it was in * 1.124 the power of the Sanhedrin to depose their Kings, or put them to death; all that they say is, that in the cases expressed by the Law, if the Kings do transgress, the Sanhedrin had the power of inflicting the penalty of scourging, which yet they deny to have had any infamy in it among them. But did not David transgress the Law in his murder and adultery? did not Solomon in the multitude of his wives and Idolatry, yet where do we read that the Sanhedrin ever took cognisance of these things? And the more ancient Iews do say, e 1.125 that the King was not to be judged, as is plain in the Text of the Misna, how∣ever * 1.126 the Expositors have taken a liberty to contradict it; but as far as we can find, without any foundation of reason: and R. Ieremiah in f 1.127 Nachmanides, saith expresly, That no crea∣ture may judge the King, but the holy and blessed God alone. But

we have an Authority far greater than his, viz. of Davids in * 1.128 this case, who after he hath denied that any man can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed, and be guiltless: In the very next words he submits the judgement of him only to God himself, saying, a 1.129 As the Lord liveth, the Lord shall smite him, or his day shall come to die, or he shall descend into battel and perish. He thought it sufficient to leave the judgement of those things to God, whose power over Princes he knew was enough, if well considered by them, to keep them in awe. We have now dispatched the first, consideration of the words of the Text, as they relate to the fact of Corah and his company. * 1.130

2. We ought now to enquire, whether the Christian Do∣ctrine hath made any alteration in these things; or whether that gives any greater encouragement to faction and sedition than the Law did, when it is masked under a pretence of zeal for Religion and Liberty. But it is so far from it, that what God then declared to be displeasing to him by such remarkable judge∣ments, hath been now more fully manifested by frequent pre∣cepts, and vehement exhortations, by the most weighty ar∣guments, and the constant practice of the first and the best of Christians, and by the black character which is set upon those * 1.131 who under a pretence of Christian Liberty did despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities, and follow Corah in his Rebellion, however they may please themselves with greater light, than former ages had in this matter, they are said to be such b 1.132 for whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever. It would take up too much time to examine the frivolous evasions, and ridiculous distinctions by which they would make the case of the Primitive Christians in not resisting Authority, so much different from theirs who have not only done it, but in spight of Christianity have pleaded for it. Either they said they * 1.133 wanted strength, or courage, or the countenance of the Senate, or did not understand their own Liberty; when all their obe∣dience was only due to those precepts of the Gospel, which make it so great a part of Christianity to be subject to Principa∣lities and Powers, and which the Teachers of the Gospel had particularly given them in charge c 1.134 to put the people in mind of.

And happy had it been for us if this Doctrine had been more sincerely preached, and duly practised in this Nation; for we should then never have seen those sad times, which we can now no otherwise think of, than of the devouring Fire, and raging * 1.135 Pestilence, i. e. of such dreadful judgements which we have smarted so much by, that we heartily pray we may never feel them again: For then fears and jealousies began our miseries, and the curse so often denounced against Meroz, fell upon the

whole Nation; When the Sons of Corah managed their own * 1.136 ambitious designs against Moses and Aaron (the King and the Church) under the same pretences of Religion and Liberty. And when the pretence of Religion was broken into Schisms, and Liberty into oppression of the people, it pleased God out of his secret and unsearchable judgements to suffer the Sons of Vio∣lence to prevail against the Lords Anointed; and then they would know no difference between his being conquered and guilty. They could find no way to justifie their former wicked∣ness, but by adding more: The consciousness of their own guilt, and the fears of the punishment due to it, made them unquiet * 1.137 and thoughtful, as long as his life and presence did upbraid them with the one, and made them fearful of the other. And when they found the greatness and constancy of his mind, the firmness of his Piety, the zeal he had for the true interest of the people, would not suffer him to betray his Trust for the saving of his life; they charge him with their own guilt, and make him suffer because they had deserved to do it. And as if it had not been enough to have abused the names of Religion and Li∣berty before, they resolve to make the very name of Iustice to suffer together with their King: by calling that infamous com∣pany * 1.138 who condemned their Soveraign, A High Court of Iustice which trampled under foot the Laws both of God and men. But lest the world should imagine they had any shame left in their sins, they make the people witnesses of his Murther; and pretend the Power of the People for doing that, which they did detest and abhor. Thus fell our Royal Martyr a sacrifice to the fury of unreasonable men; who either were so blind as not to see his worth, or rather so bad as to hate him for it. And as God gave once to the people of the Iews a King in his Anger, being pro∣voked to it by their sins, we have cause to say, that upon the * 1.139 same account he took away one of the best of Kings from us in his wrath. But blessed be that God, who in the midst of judgement was pleased to remember mercy, in the miraculous preservation, and glorious restauration of our Gratious Soveraign; let us have a care then of abusing the mercies of so great a deliverance to quite other ends than God intended it for; lest he be provoked to say to us, as he did of old to the Iews, a 1.140 But if ye shall still do wickedly, ye shall be consumed, both ye and your King. And if we look on this as a dreadful judgement, let us endeavour to prevent it by a timely and sincere reformation of our lives, and * 1.141 by our hearty supplications to God that he would preserve the person of our Soveraign from all the attempts of violence, that he would so direct his counsels, and prosper his affairs, that His Government may be a long and publick Blessing to these Nations.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ser. VII.
• * 1.2

  A
• * 1.3

  B
• * 1.4

  C
• * 1.5

  D
• * 1.6

  E
• * 1.7

  A
• a 1.8

  Mat 22. 21.
• * 1.9

  B
• b 1.10

  Rom. 132.
• * 1.11

  C
• * 1.12

  D
• * 1.13

  E
• c 1.14

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiphan. haeres. 27. p. 105. ed. Petav.
• a 1.15

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiph. haer. s. 24 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 72.
• * 1.16

  A
• b 1.17

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Theo••oret. haeret. sab. l. 1. p. ••93.
• c 1.18

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiph. her. 24. sect. 5.
• * 1.19

  B
• * 1.20

  C
• d 1.21

  Ad •…•…a∣tem ergo g••n∣tiu••n, t•…•…m regnum positum est à •…•…o: sed not à Diatolo, qui nunquam o∣mnino ••••i••tus est, immo ui acc i••sas quid m g••••te•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i•• tra••quil••o a••ere. Iren. advers. haer. l. 5. c 24
• e 1.22

  2 Pe•• 2 10.
• f 1.23

  1 Mac. 2. 6.
• * 1.24

  D
• * 1.25

  E
• * 1.26

  A
• * 1.27

  V. David Ca••••. C•…•…ol. p. 101.
• * 1.28

  B
• * 1.29

  C
• * 1.30

  D
• * 1.31

  E
• * 1.32

  A
• * 1.33

  B
• * 1.34

  C
• * 1.35

  D
• * 1.36

  E
• * 1.37

  A
• * 1.38

  B
• * 1.39

  ☜
• * 1.40

  C
• * 1.41

  D
• * 1.42

  E
• a 1.43

  V. 12, 13
• * 1.44

  A
• a 1.45

  V. 14.
• * 1.46

  B
• * 1.47

  C
• b 1.48

  Numb. 3. 30.
• c 1.49

  Num 2. 10. 3. 29.
• * 1.50

  D
• d 1.51

  Ioseph. a••∣ti••. I••d. l. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2.
• * 1.52

  E
• * 1.53

  A
• * 1.54

  B
• * 1.55

  C
• * 1.56

  D
• * 1.57

  E
• * 1.58

  A
• a 1.59

  Ios••••h a••∣ti••. l. 4. c. 2.
• * 1.60

  B
• b 1.61

  Numb. 16. 41.
• * 1.62

  C
• c 1.63

  V. 2.
• * 1.64

  D
• d 1.65

  Numb. 10. 2.
• * 1.66

  E
• * 1.67

  A
• * 1.68

  B
• a 1.69

  Numb 6. 13.
• * 1.70

  C
• b 1.71

  V. 3.
• c 1.72

  Ioseph. l. 4. 1, 2.
• * 1.73

  D
• d 1.74

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Iose∣ph•••• A••••. l. 4. c. 2. p. 104.
• * 1.75

  E
• * 1.76

  A
• * 1.77

  B
• * 1.78

  C
• * 1.79

  D
• * 1.80

  E
• * 1.81

  A
• * 1.82

  B
• * 1.83

  C
• * 1.84

  D
• a 1.85

  Dio. Rom. hist. l. 54.
• b 1.86

  L. 44. init.
• * 1.87

  E
• * 1.88

  A
• * 1.89

  B
• * 1.90

  C
• * 1.91

  D
• * 1.92

  E
• * 1.93

  A
• * 1.94

  B
• * 1.95

  C
• * 1.96

  D
• * 1.97

  E
• * 1.98

  A
• * 1.99

  B
• * 1.100

  C
• * 1.101

  D
• * 1.102

  E
• * 1.103

  A
• * 1.104

  B
• * 1.105

  C
• a 1.106

  Numb. 16. 33.
• b 1.107

  V. 35.
• * 1.108

  D
• * 1.109

  E
• c 1.110

  Namb. 16. 9.
• * 1.111

  A
• a 1.112

  Rom. 13. 1, 2.
• * 1.113

  B
• * 1.114

  C
• * 1.115

  D
• * 1.116

  E
• * 1.117

  A
• a 1.118

  1 Sam. 8. 11.
• b 1.119

  1 Sam. 24. 6.
• * 1.120

  B
• c 1.121

  1 Sam. 26. 9.
• * 1.122

  C
• d 1.123

  Eccles. 8. 4.
• * 1.124

  D
• e 1.125

  Tit. Sanbed c. 2.
• * 1.126

  E
• f 1.127

  Nachman. in Deut. p. 196.
• * 1.128

  A
• a 1.129

  1 Sam. 26. 10.
• * 1.130

  B
• * 1.131

  C
• b 1.132

  Jude v. 13
• * 1.133

  D
• c 1.134

  Tit. 3. 1.
• * 1.135

  E
• * 1.136

  A
• * 1.137

  B
• * 1.138

  C
• * 1.139

  D
• a 1.140

  1 Sam. 12. 25.
• * 1.141

  E