Britannia antiqua illustrata, or, The antiquities of ancient Britain derived from the Phœenicians, wherein the original trade of this island is discovered, the names of places, offices, dignities, as likewise the idolatry, language and customs of the p by Aylett Sammes ...
Sammes, Aylett, 1636?-1679?
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BRITANNIA ANTIQUA ILLUSTRATA: OR, THE ANTIQUITIES OF ANCIENT BRITAIN, Derived from the Phoenicians: Wherein the Original Trade of this ISLAND is discovered, the Names of Places, Offices, Dignities, as likewise the Idolatry, Language, and Customs of the Primitive Inhabitants are clearly demonstrated from that Nation, many old Monuments illustrated, and the Commerce with that People, as well as the Greeks, plainly set forth and collected out of approved Greek and Latin Authors. TOGETHER With a CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY of this Kingdom, from the first Traditional Beginning, until the year of our Lord 800, when the Name of BRITAIN was changed into ENGLAND; Faithfully collected out of the best Authors, and disposed in a better Me∣thod than hitherto hath been done; with the Antiquities of the Saxons, as well as Phoenici∣ans, Greeks, and Romans. The First Volume. By AYLETT SAMMES, of Christ's Colledge in Cambridge. Since, of the Inner-Temple.

—Si quid Novisti rectius istis
Candidus imperti, si non, his utere mecum.


LONDON, Printed by Tho. Roycroft, for the Author, MDCLXXVI.

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This Book, entituled BRITANNIA Antiqua Illu∣strata, &c. Is Licensed to be Printed by the Appoint∣ment of the Right Honourable


Principal Secretary of State to His Sacred MAJESTY.

March 8th. 1674/5.

Roger L'Estrange.

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IT was the constant Custome in all Ages, that Subjects of this High Nature, namely History and Anti∣quity, wherein are preserved and rescued from Time the Acts and Reliques of Great Persons, should be Dedicated to the Great, and not submitted to any ordinary Prote∣ction. This Consideration of it self might have carried me in the Publication of these my Labours, to make this Page  [unnumbered] Humble Address to Your Lordship, whose Eminent Ver∣tues, though they may be more Illustrious in that High Sphere wherein You are worthily placed, yet were they ever highly conspicuous, and You have been long since in the eye of the World what You are now in the Court of Honour. Let this Work therefore in all Humility be De∣dicated to Your Lordship, and if my Endeavours have been any thing answerable to the Dignity of the Matter I have undertaken; if the Antiquities of this Nation be there∣by more illustrated, the History cleared, and the Methods of former Writers rectified and amended, that is, if the Work in general be found useful and sound, and with its Novelty in some points carries truth along with it, I shall esteem it my chiefest glory that I have laid it at Your Lordships feet, entreating favour for those things only, which Your Lordship, out of Your Great Judgment and Goodness shall think some waies commendable; But if from my great Labour and Industry I promise to my self more than possibly will be allowed me, however the Work it self may serve to stand as a Testimony and Mo∣nument of that Publick Spirit eminent in Your Lord∣ship, whereby at its first appearance in the World You readily encouraged so promising an Undertaking, which if well managed (as I hope in some measure it hath been) would undoubtedly be to the honour and benefit of Your Country. May God Almighty long preserve Your Lord∣ship in that high Station in which You act, to the Honour of His MAJESTY, the Good of this Nation, and the desires of all Honest men. So prayeth,

My Lord,

Your Lordships most humble, and devoted Servant, Aylett Sammes.

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HAving for some years past wholly employed my self in the diligent searching into the Histories of our Na∣tion, I found by experience, that the words of Li∣vy in his Preface to his Roman Decades were most true, where he writeth, That the Beginnings of Nations, and the times next succeeding those Begin∣nings, as yielding least pleasure both to Writer and Reader, were generally neglected, and Men natu∣rally hastned to those Ages, which being not so far removed, yielded a plea∣santer prospect, and seemed more closely to concern their knowledge. For how few are there who have taken the pains faithfully to collect, and in a distinct Method to order rightly the scattered Records of Ancient BRITAIN, which are only here and there to be pickt out of divers Authors, and not to be found, much less well disposed with an ordinary diligence or superficial enquiry? Most of our Modern Chronicles content themselves with beginning from the Conquest, few go beyond it, as if with the general sort of Readers they were impatient until they came to the Battels of Cressy and Agencourt, the differences of the Houses of York and Lancaster, the Insurrections in Kent, or something of that nature, which being of a later Date, hath yet left an uncertain sound in our ears, and is expected to be sett off with no small flourishes or vulgar elocution. And indeed the design of such Writers is not to be discommended, who following the general stream of Mankind consult their own advantages; For in subjects of Page  [unnumbered] this nature, as the Antiquity and Original of Kingdoms, the question of the Poet may perhaps be easily asked, and as soon resolved in the same verse, Quis legit haec? nemo hercule nemo, Vel duo, vel nemo. Few there are who will trouble their heads to enquire by what means their first An∣cestors possest themselves of those pleasant Lands, in the fruitfulness whereof they at present rejoyce, but content themselves to derive their knowledg as high as their own Families only, and discourse the Chronicles to the Beginning of their Pedigrees, as if there Nature and the World was at a stop, and all knowledg beyond that was mere Chaos and Confusion; But notwithstanding whatever might be objected of this like nature against this present undertaking, I have not been discouraged in going through with it; For if the Grecians, who had the best Historians in the World, were nevertheless called Children by their own Neigh∣bours, because they knew not, or neglected their own Original; will it not be a shame for us also to be ignorant in the Antiquites of our own Nation, a Nation great in its Infancy, and like Hercules (one of its first Discoverers) deserving an History even in its Cradle?

But because there have been some who have already handled this Subject, and that not without great Commendation, I shall not insist farther upon the use∣fulness of the design in general, but only inform the Reader in short what he is to expect in this present work, which hath not been already fully discussed by others, lest perhaps it may be thought, that I have only trod in the steps of other men, and like those idle Imitators, whom Horace calls a servile sort of Cattel, have only jog'd on in the long beaten road of former Antiquities.

I confess, I might with greater security, and much more ease in the deli∣vering of the Antiquities of the British Nation have followed Mr. Cambden, out of whom merely to collect hath been counted praise-worthy, and whom to imi∣tate is esteemed not only safe, but honourable. As his Learning was great, so is his Authority, and his very Name carrieth a certain veneration along with it, so that it may be questioned, whether his Antiquities add more lustre to him, or he to his Antiquities. His opinions have been long received, and therefore sit deep in the mind, and by some it is thought a piece of weakness only to dissent from him; however it be, I have chose rather to follow that which seems to the best of my judgment to be Truth, though never so naked and destitute of all advantages, then by taking in with the Common opinion, to run on further in a plausible Mistake, and to help to guild deeper what to me appeareth at best but a glorious Errour. Neither can the followers of Mr. Cambden be displeased with me, if they will but inmate his Candour and Ingenuity, whose performances they so worthily admire; who, when he had treated of this Subject, concludes in these words, which may serve for an Apology for me also:

Thus you have (saith he) as touching the Original and Name of *BRITAIN, mine Error or Conjecture, whether you will, which if it Page  [unnumbered] swerve from the truth, I wish it were by the truth it self reformed. In this intricate and obscure study of Antiquity, it is thought praise-worthy somewhat to erre; and remember we should withal, that such things as at the first sight being slightly thought upon are deemed false, after a better review, and further consideration, oftentimes seem true. Now, if any man should summon me to appear before the Tribunal of Verity, I have no other answer at all to make; And as for our Country-men the Britains, such as be of the Learneder sort, I do most earnestly beseech and desire them to employ all their labour, industry, wit, and under∣standing in the searching out hereof, so long, until at last the Truth with her own clear bright beams may scatter and dissolve all mists of Con∣jectures whatsoever.

But I do not arrogate to my self the first discovery of these Antiquities, neither would I, that the credit of so fair an hypothesis should depend upon so weak an Authority. Bochartus, a learned Frenchman in this last Age, having treated of the Phoenician Voyages through the whole World, and out of their Language plainly and easily derived the Names of most Countries and Places especially remarkable, at last bringeth them even to Britain and Gaul, and dis∣covers their Trade throughout all these Western Coasts. But as he is more par∣ticular in his own Native Country, which he would chiefly seem to illustrate; so have I been in mine, making use of the same method in laying open the Original and Commerce of the Primitive Inhabitants of this Island, as he hath done largely of Gaul; For when I considered what Leland writeth of the British or Welch Language, namely, that the main body of it consisteth of Hebrew and Greek words, I began to collect with my self, how it should come to pass that the Ancient Britains could have any Commerce with the Jews, who where never known to send out Colonies, and of all People in the World weremost fond of their own Country; Certainly I concluded, this could proceed from no other root but the Commerce of the Phoenicians with this Nation, who using the same Language with the Children of Israel in Canaan, even in those Primitive times were great Traders and skilful Mariners, and sent out their Colonies through the World; and this Mr. Cambden himself toucheth on, where he gives the derivation of the British Caer Eske, now Exeter. For Caer, to tell you*once for all (saith he) with our Britains is as much to say, as a City, whereupon they use to name Jerusalem, Caer Salem, Lutetia or Paris, Caer Paris, Rome, Caer Russaine. Thus Carthage in the Punick tongue was cal∣led, as Solinus witnesseth, Cartheia, that is, the New City. I have heard likewise that Caer in the Syriack tongue signified a City. Now seeing that the Syrians, as all men confess, peopled the whole World with their Co∣lonies, it may seem probable that they left their Tongue also to their Po∣sterity, as the Mother of all future Languages.

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What can be more plain than this? and yet this is but one example of ten thousand; but I hope that in the following discourse I have plainly made out, that not only the Name of Britain it self, but of most places therein of Ancient denomination are purely derived from the Phoenician Tongue, and that the Language it self for the most part, as well as the Customes, Religions, Idols, Offices, Dignities, of the Ancient Britains are all clearly Phoenician, as likewise their Instruments of War, as Slings, and other Weapons, their Sithed Chariots, and their different Names, and several Distinctions; Out of the same Tongue I have illustrated several Monuments of Antiquity sound out and still remaining in Britain, which can no other waies be interpreted, than in the Phoenician Tongue, where they have a plain, easie, and undeniable signi∣fication. And as to that Concordance which was between the Ancient Britains and Gauls in point of Language and some other Customes, I have shewn that it proceeded not from hence, that they were the same People, but from their joynt Commerce with the Phoenicians, and that in most probability Britain was first planted by a German Nation, and not by the Gauls.

Mr. Burton, in his Learned Commentary upon Antonine's Itinerary, treating of Rutupis now Richborough, asks the question how it came to pass, if the Modern derivation of that place be true, namely, from the Welch Rhyd Tufith, as Mr. Cambden conjectures, that on the Coast of Barbary there should be a Town and Harbour of the very same name mentioned by Pliny. Pudet, saith he, à Britannis Africae nomen mutuari, It is a shame to derive the name of a place in Africa from Britain; But they who shall seriously read and consider, that not only Rhutupis, but many other places in Britain have the same Names with others in Africa, and that the Phoenicians from Africa traded into Britain, they will unquestionably conclude, that to derive, on the other hand, Names in Britain from those in Africa, is not only rational but necessary, and that it is impossible that such vast and constant similitude could happen by chance or blind fortune; For it ever was, and will be a Cu∣stome in the World, and is constantly used in all our Colonies at this day, that places receive their Names according to the resemblance they have with other places of those Countries from which the Planters proceeded.

It is not to be expected, that I should have comprehended every thing that might have been produced to the perfection of these Antiquities; It is sufficient if there be enough to evidence the truth of them, and if any thing be omitted through want of Intelligence, or through over-hastiness neglected, as who is able at once to make a total discovery, It will be a spur for others, to make a further progress with greater felicity.

As for the other Antiquities, namely of the Greeks and Romans, though at first sight they may not seem proper for a Treatise of Britain, and I may ap∣pear to some to have neglected the Counsel of Pliny, who adviseth to have Page  [unnumbered] often recourse to the Title of ones Book, yet they that shall consider that few things are therein touched, which concern not either, Monuments, Altars, Gods and Customes, used by those Nations in Britain, and many other things which serve for the explication of divers Usages in this Island, though there for bre∣vity sake omitted, will charitably conclude that they also were not written with∣out some consideration. This I think may be sufficient to advise the Reader before-hand concerning the Method and design of these Antiquities. It will be needless to add, that the Map of the Ancient World was designed only at one view to set before the eye the Progress of the Phoenicians, and the Names of Countries as by them called, and not to shew the exactness of Longitude or Latitude, much less to represent Cities or Nations as they are known by their Names at this day.

As for the Historical part, I have only this to say, that it is faithfully col∣lected out of the most approved Authors, and digested into the plainest and easiest Method; Neither have I been so Nice as to refuse all before the Ro∣mans time, for seeing that the Names of our Celtick Kings, Samothes, Bar∣dus, &c. are mentioned, not by Mr. Selden only, but other learned Antiqua∣ries, I thought that the story of them was not to be neglected, if it were only to inform the World of the cheat and forgery of Annius in his pretended Be∣rosus; As for Brute and his Successours, seeing their Names are made use of in Laws and Statutes of this Realm, in Titles relating to the Crown since the Conquest, and seeing upon the Trojan pretence in general descents of Ancestry, and other Exploits, are yet continued, and will not easily be quitted, I have taken the pains to rehearse them also. Some perhaps will censure me for needless curiosity in observing Chronology through the fabulous part of this Work, scarce allowing the recital, much less the nice timeing of their Actions to be tolerable; But seeing it is necessary we should know the story of Brute and other Kings, for the reasons above-mentioned, so likewise it is very convenient, that the Ages in which they are supposed to have lived should be marked out with certain stops and periods; For in continued discourses, not distinguished by suc∣cessive and distinct Calculations, the head is apt after reading to confound the whole, and by strange Parachronisms to run one story into another, and misplace the actions of Ages very absurdly; For what though the History of the British Kings were allowed a fable, yet how ridiculous does it appear to hear the Tale of Brute told in the daies of the Saxons, or to see K. Arthur placed above Ju∣lius Caesar? It is fitting in Fables, as well as true Relations, to understand their times, which make to the detecting of deceit, as well as the declaring of truth.

In the manner of Composing I have not used any jingling of words and Phrases in ostentation of writing, but have fitted my words to the matter, and not the matter to them, having an eye more to the benefit of the Reader, than his extravagant delight. It is the miserable fate of an History to be turned Page  [unnumbered] into Romance, for it never reacheth to the delight of the one, and loses the use∣fulness of the other. It is an easie matter to frame the Idea's of Princes as it best pleaseth ones self, or best suiteth the present Humour, and then to descant politickly on their Actions, and praise or censure their proceedings; I have all along followed the footsteps of my Authors, and though I have not burthened the Margent with every quotation of them, yet they who shall examine into the con∣texture of the whole shall find, that throughout I have carefully observed their very words and sense, and kept my self close to their meaning; And though in some places the History may seem short and abrupt, it is the fault of Time, which hath eaten in and left unsightly gaps in the body of it; for I have not Epi∣tomized any thing worth the relating, but endeavoured to draw the lines of Ages so far distant after the largest proportions I could possible. In writing the Lives of the Roman Emperours that possest this Island, I have purposely a∣voided the relating of their forraign Actions, as not desiring to write an History of Rome, but Britain, and where there is little to be found of the particular proceedings, I have studiously sought for some Monument or Inscription whereon his Name hath been preserved among us, and such found, have faithfully in∣serted. I will not omit that I have taken notice all along of the foundations of Cities, Castels, &c. and the reasons of their Names, and times of their build∣ings, and such other things remarkable, so that along with the History you will meet with the most memorable Antiquities of the whole Nation. What pains and study it hath cost me in the compiling I will not stand to commemorate; I shall count my Labours sufficiently recompenced, if it be received with as much Candour, as it was written with sincere endeavour for the use and benefit of my Country. And I doubt not but my mistakes will be pardoned, and the smaller faults passed over both in writing and printing, especially when I con∣sider, that I fall into the hands of the most Ingenuous part of the Nation, the Nobility and Gentry, for whose use it was principally intended.

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CHAP. I. A Description of Ancient BRITAIN.

BRITAIN, the most Renowned Island of the whole World, was called by the Ancient Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, afterwards it took the name of BRITANNIA, but more truly, BRETANICA, from the Adjacent I∣slands called, BARAT-ANAC, or BRATANAC by the Phoenicians, from the abundance of Tynn, and * Lead-Mines, found in them. It was alwaies esteemed a very considerable part of the World, even in the height of the Roman Empire, and much celebrated in the Writings and Monuments of the Graecians; and, as if the Genius of this Nation did prompt the Inhabitants, and insensibly lead them to Trade and Traffick, we find that besides that, the Island received its name from it, Page  2 insomuch, that, in the first Ages, it was frequented by the Ablest Merchants, and Skilfullest Marriners, the Phoenicians; who carefully, and studiously concealed this Treasure from the World, being exceeding jealous, least the source and head of their Trade being discovered, the busie Graecians might put in for sharers; And least the fruitfulness of the Soyl, the pleasant and delightful scituation of the Country, might tempt those of their own Nation to neglect their Barren Soyl, and betake themselves to this more temperate and blessed Clymate; we read, that, by a publick Edict of those States, care was taken to prevent it, yea, all possible means used too, to stop the current which was visibly turning that way.

In this condition BRITAIN continued during the time the Phoenicians flou∣rished, sending forth its Commodities to the Straights, and to all the Mediterranean Seas, as likewise thorough Gaul, by Land, to Narbo, where the Phoenicians held a publick Mart.

About the declining of the Phoenician State, the Graecians began to Trade into these parts, and they, who before had only heard of the Bratanacks, which in the same sence they called Cassiterides, or the Tynn Islands; now learnt the way to them, and conformed themselves to the Name the Phoenicians had given them, calling them first the Bretanick Islands, afterwards Britanes.

Upon the encrease of the Roman Empire, and the fall of Carthage, the Trading began to decrease, and the Graecians, for fear of that powerful State, discontinued their Voyages into the Western Seas. And it may be supposed, that Britain lay idle during the space of a hundred and seventy years, till Julius Caesar's arrival.

From this Time begins Mr. Cambden's Antiquity of this Nation, and the first Discovery of it, not admitting its Name to be known much earlier in the World; Nevertheless I question not, but they that shall read the ensuing Chapters, concern∣ing the Phoenician Voyages into these parts, will be better satisfied touching the great trade of Tynn and Lead exported from them. If the love of my Country has not blinded me, it seems far more evident that it received its Name from its Trade (for which in all Ages it has been renowned) than from any barbarous Cu∣stome of painting, or dying their Bodies, wherewith the Adherents to that opinion have too severely, and with too many Circumstances, branded the Inhabitants there∣of.

In evidencing this Opinion, I have not made use of any of the British Histories, because their credit in the World is but small, but have grounded it upon the Autho∣rity of Greek and Roman Authors, some of which, as Timagenes, Polybius, and Festus Avienus, had made great Enquiries into Phoenician Records, and for that * reason were more able than others, to give a true account of the Trade of that Na∣tion relating to Britain. So that for the present, granting the Bretannick Islands to be so well known to the Ancient World, it will not seem fabulous, that Orpheus, but more truly Onomacritus called them of old, The Seat of Queen CERES; as after∣wards * they were stiled, The Granary of the Western World.

Neither will it seem Ridiculous what Mr. Cambden mentions, namely, That they*were supposed to be the fortunate Islands so much celebrated by the Ancient Poets, where the ELYSIAN FIELDS, and HELL it self might be placed. Let us consider, that upon the first discovery of them by the Phoenicians, they were to the then known World, just as the West Indies were at first to Europe, and that by the small progress the World had made, so early, in the art of Navigation, the Voyage to them was as long, and as difficult. Add to this, the many Stories the Phoenicians might relate to them, especially to the credulous Greeks, and in a fabulous Age, when the digging in Mines might be interpreted, A discent into Hell; and Chule, in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying Night and Obscurity, might be called, The Kingdom of Darkness. No doubt on the other side; The pleasant scituation of BRITAIN, the Remoteness of it from the busie and careful World, the flowry Vallies curiously deck'd by Nature, watered by Rivers, and defended by Woods, Hills, &c. To pass over many other advantages wherewith this Island is blessed above other Nations, when they came to be related, by the Phoenicians, to that Nation, it created in them the Idaea's of another World, and might be the ground-work of those Elysian Fields, and Places of Rest, to which Vertuous Souls were carried after their departure out of a temporal Being.

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This was the Opinion of the Ancient Greeks concerning BRITAIN in those daies, when they had the knowledge of it by Hear-say only, from the Phoenicians, which doth evidently appear, if we consider, that upon the Real discovery of it by them, and their better Acquaintance in these parts, they left not off to hunt after those Imaginary places, still believing (according to the Ancient Tradition) that they were here only to be found. And this gave occasion to the Story of Isa∣cius Tzetzes, a Greek of no small Repute and Credit with M. Cambden; namely, *That JULIUS CAESAR was carryed from Gallia into I know not what Western Islands, where the pleasantness of the place invited him to tarry, had he not been ob∣liged to depart by the Inhabitants, and so forceibly carried back by the same Spirits that conveighed him thither. And, although this be but a Fable, yet it shews the Opinion of those Times, and the strong belief they had, that here were the For∣tunate Islands, and the Elysian Fields.

This Famous Island is in Length, from Dunsby-Heate, the farthest Promontory in Scotland, to Dover, DC and odd miles, and in Breadth, from Dover to the Point of Belirium, or the Lands-end, CCLXXX, or as some reckon it, from the Lyzazd Point in Cornwal (which lyeth on the Latitude of 50 degrees, and 6 mi∣nutes) to the Straythy-head in Scotland (in the Latitude of 60 degrees, and 30 mi∣nutes) it extends in Length DCXXIV Miles, and from the Lands-end in Cornwal (scituated in 14 degrees, and 37 minutes of Longitude) unto the Island Tennet in the East of Kent (lying in 22 degrees, and 30 minutes) it is in Breadth CCCXL Miles.

Mr. Cambden, who measures it according to its Compass, makes, from the Point *Tarvisium to the Cape Belirium DCCCXII miles, from Belirium to the Fore-land of Kent CCCXX miles, from the Fore-land to Tarvisium DCCIV miles. But in his Account, he allows for the turnings and windings of the Shoars, so that in Compass it is MDCCC XXXVI miles, almost two hundred less than what Caesar re∣ported in his daies.

For its Greatness it was esteemed by the Romans, at the first discovery of it, to be a NEW WORLD, and if we curiously look upon the Form of it, as all Europe represents a great Dragon, so this Island hath some resemblance of a huge Snake, whose Head, with a wide and gaping Mouth, looks towards Norway, and part of Denmark, and his Tail to the West.

Ptolemy describes it under five Parallels, whereof the first is the sixteenth from * the AEquator, in the middle of which Parallel the most Southerly part of it is placed, being 52 degrees from the AEquator, and the most Northerly part of it is in the 62 degrees of Latitude. But Ptolomy herein has too much streightned it, and bending the North part of it far more to the East, towards Germany, than it should be, he has taken away from its Latitude. Some, to cure this, have car∣ed it higher Northward, but gave it no more Latitude than it had before, to remedy which, others have thrust it two degrees more Southwardly.

The truest Calculation is, That the most Southwardly parts lie in the Latitude of * 50 degrees and 6 minutes, in the beginning of the sixteenth Parallel, and eighth Cly∣mate, and the most Northwardly, in 60 degrees 30 minutes, in the six and twen∣tieth Parallel, or thirteenth Clime. So that the longest Day in the South parts will be 16 hours, in the Northern, 18 and a half. Upon the North and South, it pointeth to the Ocean, on the West, it hath Ireland, on the East, we may measure its extent by the Continent, for it lieth in the same Latitude with part of France, Flanders, Zealand, Holland, Lower Saxony, and Denmark, so that there can be no certain Rule given (as in lesser Kingdoms) of the temperature of the Air, the na∣ture of the Soyl, the strength, growth, or proportion of the Inhabi∣tants.

It is now, as it was when the Romans first discovered it, that there seems to be many Nations in it differing in the make and proportions of their Bodies. The more Northward we go, the People seem to be sturdier, bigger made, and in their Limbs more resembling the Germans, hardy and stout, and enured to Labour and Cold, and to be of the same nature with the Daues and Saxons, in the latitude of which Kingdoms they lie.

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The Southwardly parts contain Men of neater strength, and more compact Limbs, and what they want of the proportion of the others, they make out in their quick∣ness and agility, being hardy, and not unweildy, having not less strength, but a better management of it. In a word, they seem to joyn the quick and brisk temper of the French, with the staid and more fixed Humour of the Germans, and as the People differ in the temperaments of their Bodies, so in this vast Kingdom are many Countries, Cities, Towns, Villages, Colleges and Free-Schools for the promoting of Learning, Hospitals and Alms-houses for the Relief of the Poor and Maimed, not inferiourto any in any other part of the World beside. Divers Languages, Customes, and Usages, which are not contrary one to the other, but by the mixture of the Gen∣try, and the happy union of this Nation under one Monarch, do meet together in the making up of the best compacted Kingdom in the World.

The Languages in Britain are these.

  • 1. THE first, is the ENGLISH, which is most purely and elegantly spoken in the Southern parts, and especially at London, and it extends thorough all the hither parts of Scotland, being the General Language of the most refined sort of that Nation, who are called by the more Northern People, Sassons, as we are by the Welch.
  • 2. The second, is the BRITISH Language, and is spoken by the Inhabitants of North and South Wales, although with great difference of Dialect.
  • 3. The third, is the CORNISH and DEVONSHIRE Tongue, differing both from the British and English, and not to be understood by either; but it agrees most with the British, but especially of the Britains of Armorica, or Britain in France, and those Words they preserve common with both those Nations, seem to retain in them the foot-steps of the most Ancient British Language, and have in them the very Idiom's of the Phoenician and Greek Nations.
  • 4. The fourth, is the Language of the Wild SCOTS, and differs very little from the Irish in the common Appellative Names, it agrees very much with the Welch, as doth likewise the Irish, which argues, that before the Romans, and afterwards the Saxons had incorporated themselves in this Island, the Language of all the Inhabi∣tants was much the same, and that Ireland was rather peopled from Britain than from Spain, as some have imagined.
  • 5. The fifth, is the Language of the ORCADES, or ORKNEY Isles, with those parts of Britain that shoot out upon them, there is spoken the Gothic, or Danish Speech, which argues them to have been formerly subjected to the Princes of Norway. It is a rough and unhew'd Language, and is the root of the Dialect spo∣ken more refined by the English, more roughly by the Dutch, and the Inhabi∣tants of Upper Saxony and Denmark. It is the very husk of the Teuto∣nick.

The whole Island divided into Britannia Major, as ENGLAND, and Minor, as SCOTLAND, England being the Greater (and of more particular concern to our present discourse) is in Length, by the computation of some, CCC LXXXVI miles. Cluverius reckons, from Weymouth to Berwick upon Tweed, CCC XX, or LXXX German miles. So that in Compass it is about MCCC miles, * reckoning the Creeks, and windings of Promontories. By computation it contains thirty Millions of Acres, and is the Three hundred thirty third part of the Habi∣table World, almost Ten times as big as the United Netherlands, and is to France as 30 to 82.

And thus much for the Extent of this ISLAND, upon which account it was called by the Ancients, a NEW WORLD, and upon a better survey of it, The Great Island. As for the temperature of the Air, as I said before, it is different according to the many Clymates it runs thorough. But concerning the South∣wardly parts of it, or Britannia Major, I will only Cite some Impartial Judges.

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First, Caesar, who was well experienced in the nature and climate of Gaul, writes, That BRITAIN is a more Temperate Country, and is not subject to the sharp and*nipping colds of the Continent. The Reason is given by Minutius Foelix, namely, That it is refreshed by the warmth of the Sea, flowing round about*it.

Experience teacheth us, that the extremity of cold in this Country is blown off from the Continent, and proceeds not from the North, but Northeast-winds; and as it hath not those Colds in Winter, it is not burnt up with immoderate Heats in Summer. Here are none of those violent Thunders and Lightnings which are so frequent on the Continent, nor do we ever hear of Serenes wherewith those hotter Climates are infested. The heat of the Weather is allayed by gentle Winds, and continual Breezes, and the Earth cooled and nourished with mild and moderate showers.

Tacitus speaketh very much of the temperate, and happy scituation of it, for * he saies, There is nothing deficient in it but the Olive and the Vine, which only grow in hotter Countries. But they that shall consider it more truly, namely, that there are many places at this day called Vineyards, in ENGLAND, where in all proba∣bility has been made Wine, will have small cause to complain of the Country in this particular, but will rather attribute it to the cheap and easie importation of that Commodity, and better improvement of the Ground.

But it is a great wonder to hear, what one Brietius of late hath written concern∣ing * the Temperature of the Air in BRITAIN, which, because it is the production of his own Brain, and never heard of before in the World, it will not be amiss to mention it.

[Every One and twenty year (saith he) the Plague rageth in BRITAIN, which proceedeth from the extream Heat of every Seventh year, which Heat is far greater the Third seventh, for then the Waters lying in holes, putrifie and corrupt, and cer∣tainly cause a Pestilence.]

This Cycle of One and twenty years, and the Plague ensuing upon it, as it smells * too much of the Cabbalistical number, SEVEN, to be true, and to be believed, concerning any Nations; so is there not the least appearance of any likelyhood in it relating to Britain. The Plague hath alwaies been observed more to be brought into this Island, than bred in it, and the Contagion hath been kept up by the Crowds of People, rather, than the malignity of the Air.

Tacitus, amongst the rest of his Observations upon the BRITAINS, saies, * [That they generally lived to a great Age, which he attributes, especially to the Air, and Climate of the Country.] And perhaps the same Remarks might be made of the present Inhabitants; But certainly, if they are not so Healthy as formerly, it is not the fault of the Country, but the difference of Times, the Luxury of the People, the Trade of other Nations, crowding their Persons and Interest toge∣ther, and bringing oftentimes the Infections, as well as Commodities, of other Countries.

Generally, the Soyl of this Country is very Fertile, abundantly watered throughout with Springs and small Rivulets, adorned with pleasant and fruitful Valleys, easie and gentle Hills; nay, the Ground which lies waste in ENGLAND, and neglected (by the Judgment of some) far exceeds the Soyl of many Provinces on the Continent.

What Opinion the Romans had of it, may be gathered out of the words of an Oratour to Constantius, the Father of Constantine. [It was no small damage (saies he) to the Commonwealth, to loose the very bare Name of BRITAIN, to forego a Land so plentiful in Corn, so rich in Pasture, so full of Mines, and veins of Mettals, so accommodated with Havens, and for Circuit so large and spaci∣ous.]

And as these things relate more particularly to the Southern part of this Island, viz. Britannia Major, in which the Romans were most conversant: so we may reckon the great price and value they put upon it by their care and diligence, de∣fending it, fencing it in (like a precious Garden-plot) with a Wall of Eighty miles in length, from Tinmouth on the German Sea, to Solway-Frith on the Irish Sea, least the Caledonian Boars (as one calls them) might root it up.

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The Saxons, who followed them, did not think this sufficient, till they had se∣cured it from the Cambro-Britain Foxes, and that with a Ditch of Ninety miles in length.

The Normans, who had forsaken France to take possession of it, had not less thoughts of it, as may appear in their Doomsday-Book, viz. the black Book of the Exchequer, wherein it is called, a Paradice of PLEASURE.

And, if we add to this the Judgment of the Phoenicians and Graecians, we may see that in all Ages the Possession of it did highly esteem and commend it.

It would be endless to speak of all things particularly, which the whole ISLAND plentifully produceth, insomuch that as it is separated from the rest of the World, so it bringeth forth all things sufficient for the life of Man; And if I should here reckon up all the sorts of Grain it beareth, the abundance of Cattle, their several kinds and uses, the plenty and variety of Fish, Fowl, Fruit, Roots, &c. I should seem to Strangers, rather to number the works of Nature, than set forth the Plenty of an Island.

As it affordeth all Food necessary, so it yieldeth to the Inhabitants Rayment also, as likewise all Materials for Architectures, Firing, the necessaries of War, and all Conveniencies that serve for Profit, or Recreation.

It produceth a great quantity of Tynn, Lead, and Iron, it wants not Silver Mines, likewise Brass and Copper, it hath Quick-silver, Antimony, Sulphur, Black-Lead, Orpiment Red and Yellow, Allom, the natural Cinnabarum, or Vermillion, Bitumen, Chrysocolla, Coperas, the Mineral stone whereof Petreolum is made, Cole, Salt-Peter, Salt-Soda. And, as (if this was not sufficient) like a kind Mother, it yield∣eth Physick to the Inhabitants, it hath many Medicinal Springs in it of great use and benefit, Hot Baths for the ease of Maims, Bruises, Inward Aches, and Pains.

Add to this the number and conveniencies of its Ports and Havens, and the most ecellent Ad vantages it hath from all parts of the World to take in Trade and Mer∣chandize, and we may safely conclude, there is not any One Kingdom in the World that can be compared with it.

No wonder therefore that it hath been possest by several Nations, and coveted by many more, being a Country (as One saith of it) like the TREE in Paradice, good for Food, pleasant to the Eye, and to be Desired. And whereas some Countries are still held by their Aborigines, none thinking it worth the while to dispossess them, it is harder to find out the first Inhabitants of this ISLAND, than to number up the General Vicissitudes and Changes it hath underwent.

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CHAP. II. The first Inhabitants of BRITAIN.

IT is in Great Kingdoms as in Mighty Rivers, the higher we trace their Original, the more we are to seek from whence their principal Head and Scource doth proceed; And as Objects, by distance, are contracted till they scarce become visible to the eye, and those things by far removal off, seem to be in one lump, which, in themselves are really separated: So it happens that, amongst many pretenders to the first Plantation of a Country, it is hard to discern, to which the Priority is to be given, and the Map of the Ancient World, by time, is reduced to so small a compass, that the many Colonies, like little Rivulets, seem to meet in one point, and have so dar∣kened and obscured the lines and traces of Antiquity, that of necessity recourse must be made to Probable opinions, and conjectures, those Artificial Glasses, by which the foot-steps of time are laid more wide and open.

In the enquiring out the first Inhabitants of this Island, I do not intend to build any thing upon the British Histories, but will altogether wave them in this place, neither relying on their Authority, nor questioning their Truth, in which pro∣ceeding, I hope, I shall not incur the displeasure of any, seeing I shall put them in a Treatise particularly by themselves. Neither will any one, I hope, be offen∣ded, if contrary to the Judgment of some, I cannot suppose this Island to be Peo∣pled so soon as it is usually imagined. And, I think, to the true stating of this matter, some Remarks and Observations will not be amiss, touching the encrease of Man-kind in the Primitive Ages of the World, nor do I take it to be beside my purpose, to make some reflections on the slow motion and progress of Colonies, occasioned by their ignorance of Passages, and the little knowledge they had of the conveniencies of the Countries they arrived at, all which they could never learn, until they had tarried and made some experiment of them; To which may be added many other circumstances, as the want of necessaries of Travel, and the small improve∣ment of Navigation, as to long voyages by Sea.

Touching the great and extraordinary encrease of Mankind, supposed after the Flood, the Scriptures make no mention of it. Noah had but three sons, Japhet seven, Shem five, Ham four. The greatest number was Jocktans, who had thirteen, a thing not unusual even in our daies. Neither was the advantage of Polygamy so considerable, as to swell the numbers of them to so great a height as is supposed. Jacob with his Wives and Concubines had but twelve sons, and Solomon but one.

But we shall see the Product of Mankind better, if we take a measure and survey of them some hundreds of years after the Flood.

From the Flood to Abrahams daies are reckoned CCXCII years, and yet the Land of Canaan so fruitful, and so nigh to Armenia was not fully Peopled, as by his words to Lot may be gathered, [Is not the whole Land before us?] CC years after, Simeon and Levi, without any other assistance, destroyed a whole City.

Afterwards, when Jacob went into AEgypt, the pleasant Land of Gosben lay empty, and we may judge of the Inhabitants of all AEgypt, by the single Progeny of Jacob exceeding them, which Progeny, by a particular blessing of God, encreased; yet in CCC years to the number only of Six hundred three thousand five hundred and fifty, besides Levites and Children, which being added in proportion will not make at farthest, two parts of three of the Inhabitants, of either London or Paris, and are a very small quantity to the Peopling of a Nation.

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The Phoenicians afterwards driven out of their Seats, by the Israelites, possessed many parts lying upon the Mediterranean, in Spain, Africa, Italy, and other places of Europe and Asia, which could not be supposed to be very well Peopled. How then can we imagine that Britain (lying so far West, having such a vast Continent between it and Armenia, and being secluded by the narrow Streights, from being easily accessible by Sea) should be Peopled in so short a time when far nearer places lay empty, and desert?

If any one object and say, That the Islands of the Gentiles (among which Britain is one) were given to Japhet and his Sons, and therefore Britain was not so long before it was Peopled; Let them consider, that by Japhet and his Sons, is meant his Pro∣geny, and that in order to the enjoying of his Patrimony, and taking their Pos∣session thereof, the delivery of a Turf to him or his Sons was not necessary, but sufficient that his Seed inherited the Blessing.

Some there are, who to shew the great encrease of People in the East, after the Flood, have instanced in Ninus his Army, whom Eusebius saies, lived CCL years * after the Deluge: His Army (by Herodotus) is reported to consist of One Million seven hundred thousand Foot, Two hundred thousand Horse, and of Sythed Cha∣riots above Ten thousand, an incredible number in any Age, and which might startle us if the Author was not sufficiently known. But how came it to pass, that the Assyrian Empire, in One hundred years time, afterwards should be grown so low, as with its Confederates, not to be able to resist Abraham and his Three hundred men? What is become of all this Horse and Foot, that they did not at least, hin∣der him in prosecuting his Victory? Certainly, as Herodotus hath out-stretched himself in the number of the Army, so has Eusebius in his Chrono∣logy.

Justin makes Ninus to be later than Tanaus King of the Getes, which Tanaus lived * about the time of the Argonauts, and Bishop Usher hath placed his Reign in the year of the World MMDCCXXXVII, and after the Flood MLXXXI, or thereabouts, so that we see almost a Thousand years difference in the circumstances of the Peo∣pling of Assyria.

Thus much being said in short concerning the encrease of Mankind after the Flood, namely, that their Colonies were not so great and numerous, as sufficiently, to possess Asia, and all those pleasant and delightful Countries about Armenia, in the space of four or five hundred years. Let us consider whether it be reasonable to suppose our Fore-fathers, of so uneasie and restless a disposition, as to be continually wandering from place to place, and hunting after new Countries, having no Necessi∣ties to move them thereunto. Can we think that they could be drawn into the North, into the cold and barren Countries of Sythea, and Germany, to pass thorow the neck of Scandia, and overcome the ascents and difficulties of the Mountain Tau∣rus, if they had not been reduced to it by those exigencies of affairs, by which, naturally, every Nation is obliged, upon the too great encrease of its Inhabitants, to cast out the worst of its People, and disburthen it self of the superfluity of them. Nor can we easily suppose, that one and the same Leader could induce his followers to accompany him into Countries, wherein they were to undergo the speedy and sudden changes of Weather. It is more reasonable to think, that Colonies crept on by degrees, and every succeeding Generation added one step to the progress of their Fathers, and so Mankind insensibly, in different parts, was accustomed to different Climates, which became easie and familiar to them, by reason that by long time, and short journies, they rather stole into them, than suddenly jumpt upon them.

But granting, that in the first Ages after the Flood, Mankind encreased faster than now it does, and that the Progeny of Noab did desire to disperse it self over the whole Earth, yet could they not do it because they wanted sundry Materials and Necessaries for it, the forging of Iron, the curious working of it is said to be found long after the Flood, an Art without which there could be no stirring, and suppo∣sing that every Colony did know the way of managing of it, it required time to find out Mines in order to the making of Instruments, which must be supplied in every Country, though not producing that Mettal, and sufficient quantities be-provided before they could go on any further; In like manner they must tarry for the growth Page  9 of Provisions in the places where they came, which would take up a year or two, before they could be produced. Neither could Countries in a moment be cleared from Wood, or cleansed from Fenns, with both which the Earth did then a∣bound.

Sir Walter Rawleigh reports, That, the Spaniards, in some parts of America, scarcely proceeded into the Continent ten miles in ten years, which if they (with all necessary * Instruments) could not do, how can we expect that in the first Ages after the De∣luge, Colonies could go on so fast, when they were to encounter with no less dif∣ficulties, and had not the same means to overcome them; And if by this measure we should calculate the progress of the first Planters we might not be far out of the way, but certainly as Europe extends in length IOCCCC German miles, so we might modestly assign so many years to the filling of it, which is four times the speed that *Spaniards made in America.

But because it is reasonable to suppose that the first Colonies took the advan∣tages of Navigable Rivers, which were more commodious for Scituation, Carriage, and many other respects: so it is to be imagined, that following those conveniencies they ran out in length far into a Country before they filled the main body of it, and so in Germany might proceed down the Rhine, and so come into these Western parts long before that vast tract of ground was thoroughly Peopled.

This is the only Reason that induceth me to believe, that this Island had Inhabi∣tants at the first coming of the Phoenicians, things being in this condition as to Land Affairs some hundreds of years after the Flood. But let us see what success the World had in Shipping in those Primitive Ages.

In the daies of Solomon, about the year after the Flood MCCLXX, the Phoenici∣ans were arrived to a great perfection in the art of Navigation, they made long Voyages, and imported many rich Commodities into those Parts; and without doubt the greatest improvement of Shipping proceeded from those quarters, which the Gracians themselves cannot dissemble, although they give the Honour sometimes to Danaus, sometimes to Phoenix and Cadmus, whom they will have the Sons of Agenor, so making Phoenix the name of a Man, which (indeed) is the name of a Na∣tion, and a Nation, which in all likelyhood had Shipping far before either Cadmus, or Danaus, as is gathered by their experience therein in King Solomons daies, who lived much about their time.

But the Gracians (who by the AEgyptians were alwaies called Children) made it their business to fasten all the great Actions, and Inventions of the Ancients, upon something of their own Nation, and being better able to write than perform great Matters, they brought down the original of Arts and Sciences to their own low and pitiful Epocha.

Of this I shall have more occasion to speak in treating of the Name of Bri∣tain, wherein their fraud and vanity will be made more evidently to ap∣pear.

Some say, that Shipping was first invented in the Red-Sea, by King Erithras, who is supposed to be Edom, others in the Mediterranean at Tyre, but however it be, the Phoenicians inhabited upon both those Seas, and it is most reasonable (according to Tibullus)

Prima Ratem ventis credere docta Tyrus.*
To give them the Honour of Invention, who made the greatest progress in it.

If this conjecture be right concerning King Erithras, that he was the first maker of a Ship, and was the same with Edom (as Scaliger supposes) then was Navigation * begun in the year after the Flood CCCC, or thereabouts, and being brought into the Mediterranean by the Phoenicians, there began an easie way of transporting of Colonies to all those Seas, upon which account, we may suppose they were Peo∣pled long before the Inland Countries, and all the Islands of the Ionians, and all the borders of Greece and Epirus, to Italy and Spain on one side, and the Shoars of Africa on the other to the Streights, received their Inhabitants, before the Continent of Europe was half filled with its Inland Colonies.

Page  10

Now adding Four hundred years more to the improvement of Navigation, to its first beginning, and it will be much about the time the Phoenicians entered the Streights; about Four hundred years more the Phoenicians had built great Ship∣ping, and were accustomed to long and tedious Voyages, being hired by King So∣lomon. Now it is that we hear of Danaus, and his great Ship Penteconteros, or fifty * Oars, in which he arrived out of AEgypt into Greece, which Voyage may be ga∣thered out of an INSCRIPTION upon an old Marble, part of which by time is worn out. It is thus.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉*〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

By the Learned Selden rendered to this sence.

Since the Ship . . . . came from AEgypt into Greece, and was called* Penteconteros, and the Daughters of Danaus . . . . . and Helice, and Archedice chosen from the rest . . . . . and sacrificed upon the shoar in Para . . . . de in Lindus, a City of Rhodes, MCCXLVII.

Having premised thus much concerning the general increase of Man-kind, the slow progression of Nations, and the advantage those People had that lay upon the Midland-Sea, above those that travelled by Land. I will leave the Phoenicians in the Mediterranean and return to those Nations whom I left on their journey in the Continent of Europe, and we shall find them no sooner arrived in these Western parts, and well setled, but the Phoenicians from the Streights followed them.

The Reasons which induce me to believe that this Island was Peopled from the Continent rather than from the Phoenicians or Graecians, as some have thought, and from the Germans rather than the Gauls, are these.

First, The Language, although it hath many Phoenician and Greek words in it, and * especially Greek, yet the Idiom of it, as to the main, appears to be Teutonick, and those Words they received either with Trading with the former Nations, or by the Invasion of the Gaules, seem to be much modelled to that Dialect. This could not happen by the mixture with the Saxons in after Ages, because the Armorican Bri∣tains, who fled over in the daies of Cassibelan, retain the same way of Writing and Pronouncing.

Secondly, That it could not be People from Gaule, Caesar methinks makes it * evident (where he saies) That the Inlanders of Britain reported themselves to be Aborigines, that is, Home-born, which they could not have done had they agreed in Language with those Gaules that had seated themselves on the Sea-coast of this Island. It would be vanity for any Country to pretend a different original, and to want some distinction in Dialect, the chief Criterion.

Thirdly, The Judgment of Tacitus in this point is, That the Germans planted the*most Northern parts of it, which he collects from the make of their Limbs, and * several other Circumstances. Add to this, what I shall speak of more fully in the Customes of the Britains, that what Caesar writes of the manners of the Germans, agrees exactly with the description of the Inland Britains.

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The greatest Argument produced to make this Island peopled from Gaul, is the confinity of Language between the Ancient Britains and Gauls. The Confinity of Language between the Ancient Britains and Gauls proceeds not from their being one Nation, but from the Graecians and Phoenicians who Traded to both, and the words produced by Mr. Cambden for that purpose, I shall shew to be most of them Phoenician, some Greek, and as for the rest they have little Analogy one with ano∣ther, and that which is, may proceed from the Invasion of Britain by the Gauls, and the intercourse of Druids in both Nations.

Now, in my Judgment, the Phoenicians stand only in Competition with the Ger∣mans, as for the Greek, it is plain, as I shall shew, they were not in these Seas till some hundreds of years after the Phoenicians Arrival. But because the coming of the Phoenicians may (by many) not thought to be so soon, I shall wave them also in this place, and proceed to shew who where the first that peopled this Isle from the Continent.

The Britains call themselves Kumero, Cymro, and Kumeri, and this name is so Ancient among them, that Cymro, Pluraliter Cymri, is become to signifie as much as Aborigines. From this Appellation of themselves Mr. Cambden does think that the first light of their Original does appear. The truth is, the similitude of Name between these Cymri of Britain, and the Ancient people, the Cimbri of the Conti∣nent, in things of so far distance, doth give sufficient ground for a Reasonable con∣jecture; But especially, if we consider what hath been said before of the slow progression of the first Planters, it will seem more Reasonable the Cimbri, were the Fore-fathers of these Cymri, because in Eight hundred years after the Flood the Name of the Cimbri might be in much use on the Continent, and frequent in these parts, which could not be much before that time, as will appear if we consider the true Original and progress of that Nation.

This I will examine more paticularly, because Mr. Cambden seems to derive them from this very same People, but in making them the Sons of Gomer, and Inhabitants of Gaul, he hath committed two great Mistakes, which I mention not in derogation to so Worthy and Learned a Person, but out of sincere meaning, and desire of Truth.

First, He Cites Josephus (who saith) that the Gauls were called, of Gomer, Gowari, Gomaraei, and Gomeritae. Indeed Josephus doth say, that Gomer was the * Father of the Galatae, but it must be understood of those Galatae who invaded the Phrygians, and possest themselves of their Seats, for by Gomer is meant Phrygia (as Bochartus proves) and, by Ezekiel, is placed North of Judaea, nigh to Togar∣mah; From these Gauls, Gallograecia, and Galatia, is derived, all which * is far enough from being any part of Gallia, properly so called.

Secondly, In the next place the Cimbri are not the Off-spring of Gomer, as will appear by the first Seat and progress of that Nation, besides there is no Authority * to believe them descended of him, but rather to the contrary, and all such as have thought so, have had no other Reason but some little likeness in the Name, all which will manifestly appear in the History of the Cimbri, which in short is this.

The Cimbri are supposed to be, the Relicks of the Ancient Cimmerii, who by contraction were called Cimbri. The Original of the name Cimmerii did not pro∣ceed from Gomer, but from the Greeks, who called them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The first, because they lived in the North in a perpetual kind of Winter, and the latter, because they dwelt in a Cloudy and misty Air, for they lived under the extreamest part of the Mountain Taurus, in that neck of Ground called from thence, Taurica Chersonesus. They were a Scythian Nation, and were the Off-spring of Magog; for the Scythians (as Josephus reports) were first called Magogaei, and afterwards Scythae by the Greeks. But of this we shall have occasion, to declare the Judgments * of other Authors, in the Antiquity of the Saxons.

These are supposed first of all to have chosen their Seats in Coelosyria, beyond A∣raxis, where Magog built a City, called by the Scyrians after his Name, and after∣wards * by the Greeks, in the daies of Pliny, Hierapolis, being driven out of their Seats by the Massagaetes that lived upon Araxis. Passing the River, they possest those vast and wide Regions which lay empty, and which afterwards by the Greeks were called Scythiae. Part of them which lived upon the Euxine Sea and the Bos∣pher, from the feirceness of their Manners and Hellish dispositions were Page  12 called Cerberii by the Greeks, in the same sence as they are now called Tartarians.

Afterwards these Cerberii being more civilized, as from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, became 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they were called by the same Greeks, from the scituation of their Country, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but that they were called Cerberii before Cimmerii, Hesychius wit∣nesseth, * as also Pliny, who mentions a Town called Cimmerium, which before, he saies, was named Cerberium. And the Ancient Scholiasts upon Homer, in these words

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
* There dwelt the People of Cimmeria,
Shrowded in Clouds and Darkness.

Instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 read *〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so that they received this Name long after the death of Gomer, being not of his Off-spring, nor any thing related to the Gomeri, having an Ancienter Name than Cimmerii, and proceeded from Coelosyria their first Seat, and not from Phrygia, the Possession of Gomer.

The Cimmerii in time, by contraction, were called Cimbri, according to Diod. Siculus, and Plutarch, and being a War-like Nation, they proceeded from Scythia* into the Countries called afterwards, Sarmatia, and Germany, and in process of time through several circumstances of Places they possest, they were called by several Names, and the general name of Cimbri was branched out into many particular ones, sometimes they were called Germani, sometimes Celtae, sometimes Galatae and Galli, from their Conquest of a great part of that Country, and their many Victories over it, as Caesar himself witnesseth. And Suidas calls the Cimbri that fought under Brennus, Germans, but the name of Cimbri is Ancienter than either Germany, or *Gaule; so it happened that those Cimbri that lived beyond the Rhine, in after-times were called Germans, and they that Inhabited on this side, on their Conquests, were called Galli.

From hence it proceeds that Florus saies, The Cimbri came out of Gaule, and they that sackt Rome, and went into Greece and robbed the Temple of Apollo, Justin* calls Gauls.

Pausanias AElianus, and Athenaus, names them Galatae, and others Celtae, but as * I said before, as to their Original, they are more truly (by Suidas) called Germans, as also by Livy; so that we see there is great confusion made in the naming of this People, and many Learned Persons not heeding these distinctions, have taken the Aborigines of Gaul to be the Cimbri, when indeed, the Cimbri only possest part of that Country, and by inhabiting the same Seats received the same Name.

In this Errour Mr. Cambden proceeds, not contenting himself to make them the Aborigines of Gaul, but deriving them from Gomeri, whom, he saies, Anciently possest that Country, when the truth is, the Gauls only of Phrygia received that name of Gomari, which was never heard of in any part of the Continent now called France.

Moreover, we are to take notice, that before the Names of Gauls and Germans were found out, both Nations were called both by the Romans and Greeks, Celtae, but afterwards, all the Tract of Ground beyond Massilia, they called Gallia Celtica, and all on this side, to the Hercinian Mountains, and the further parts of Germany to Sarmatia and Scythia, sometimes they named Germania, sometimes simply, Gallia.

Hence it proceeds, that what Plutarch calls the German Tongue, Festus calls the Gaulish, not that the German and Gaulish Tongue was all one, but because the name * of Germany and Gaul was often promiscuously used; And because the Cimbri were sometimes called Celtae as they possest part of Celtica, hence it proceeds that the Cimbrian Tongue is made the same with the Celtic, the Celtae being a promiscuous Name of the Germans and Gauls; The Celtic Language is as much the German Lan∣guage as the Gaulish. The want of this distinction also was another cause of Mr. Cambden's mistake.

Page  13

The Cimbri therefore, though they were called Galli, Celtae, and Galatae, from their Conquest of those People, yet were they a German Nation, as Caesar himself * testifies, and proceeding from Scythia, they passed through all the upper parts of that vast Continent of Europe; from their mixture with the Celtae (as I have said) they were called Celtae, and from their Original Celtecythae by the Graecians, a Name which could not be proper to the Gauls, because they were far from being of Scythian Original.

The Cimbri were an Ancient and valiant Nation. Tully writes of them, That it was their joy and delight to die in Battle, and that nothing so much tormented them as to*be taken away idly in their Beds. No wonder therefore if they conquered many Nations, distressed the Romans themselves, and were a continual Thorn in the sides of the Gauls.

They possest all the Islands of the Sea called Sinus Codanus, all Jutia, which from them anciently was called Cimbrica Chersonesus, and all the rest of the Provinces of Germany upon the Sea, they had Frisia and Batavia in their Jurisdiction, and all the Sea from the Cimbrick Chersonesus, or Jutia, to both the mouths of the Rhine, that is to the borders of Flanders, was called Cimbricum Mare. They possessed also many parts in the Inland Country, and many Nations proceeded from them, although in after times they had lost their Name, and those were only called Cimbri peculiarly who lived beyond the River Albis, within the Chersonesus.

Caesar makes frequent mention of them, how they infested Gaul, and passed the Rhine with their Armies; Nay, that they had overrun all that Country with the * assistance of the Teutoni, another German Nation, whom he constantly joyns with them. Moreover, he saies, that most of the Belgae were of German Original, which Belgae in another place he makes part of Gallia, and in another place he makes part of the Nervii, a People of Gallia, to be descended of these Cimbri.

Thus we see these Cimbri by their Conquest established in many parts of that Kingdom, but especially those that lay upon the Rhine, but even in Caesars daies they were not so mixt, but that they preserved their own Language. For the three Chief People of that Nation, the Celtae, Aquitani, and Belgae, Caesar writes differed in Language, which they would not have done had they been all of one Origi∣nal.

From these Cimbri I have alwaies thought that our Cymri in Britain have been derived, because, for the Reason before mentioned, it is probable Britains were of German Original, and there is no German Nation stands so fair as these Cimbri for it. Besides what Mr. Cambden takes notice of, much conduceth to this purpose, namely, That Grammarian whom Virgil in his Catalects termeth the Britain, Thu∣cydides Quintilian saies was a Cimbrian, but that these Cimbrians should be the *Aborigines of Gaul, or proceed from I know not what Gomarii or Gomaraei, the Sons of Gomer, is impossible.

Mr. Cambden saies, Somer signifies, The utmost Border, and therefore it is pro∣bable, that he or his seed seated themselves in these Parts; But seeing that Moses in * numbring the Progeny of Noah, seems to give the names of Nations, rather than of particular Men (as many Learned do think) how can we imagine that Moses should have the knowledge of the extreamest parts in Gallia, seeing that God never re∣vealed to him many particulars in Geography, that more immediately related to him.

Somer signifies the same as the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in all likelyhood was Phry∣gia, of which the Jews had heard of in their daies, for Phrygia signifies the same as Gomer, viz. A Land burnt up, as indeed Phrygia is. And the Greeks (as shall be shewn in another Chapter) did frequently translate the Names of Places from the Phoenicians, or Hebrew Language, into their own; And this is very visibly shewn in the following Map of the Ancient World, wherein the names of Countries and Cities in the Mediterranean, especially are put down as they were called by the Phoe∣nicians, and afterwards by the Greeks.

I am not ignorant what Festus saies, that the Gauls in their Language called a *Thief or Robber, Cimber, his words are these, Cimbri linguâ Gallicâ Latrones di∣cuntur, as likewise Plutarch,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Germans, that * is, the Celtae (for here Plutarch consounds the two Nations) call Robbers Cimbri, Page  14 but the word Cimber, as to its Original signifies no more a Robber or Thief, than AEgyptius, one that is Superstitious, or Chaldaeus, an Astrologer, or Sybarita, a dainty Mouth.

For these Cimbri living in an Age wherein Mr. Hobbs his Status belli was very much in practice, and in a Nation too which disallowed, as Caesar writes, even in his Age, * all manner of Propriety among themselves; It is no wonder if by their frequent excursions upon their Neighbours, their Name became a common Appellative of Thieves and Robbers, and more especially if we consider what is reported of them by the same Author, namely, That they esteemed Cities most Honourable which had the broadest wastes about them, and which by grievous Contributions, and frequent Parties had made the greatest spoil and havock of their Neighbours. It was a peculiar sign of Manhood, that the Borderers were obliged to keep off, and yield up their Pos∣sessions, and that none durst adventure to inhabit near them.

Some there are who upon the words of Fesius and Plutarch, give another Ori∣ginal of the name Cimber, viz. out of the German Tongue, wherein Kemtter,*Kempher, Kemper, Kimber, and Kamper, according to different Dialects, sig∣nifie a Warryor, and that the words used by Festus and Plutarch, that is to say, Latro, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Robber, are often taken to signifie a Souldier, in a good sence, and that Festus and Plutarch did not intend to say, that the Gauls called a Robber, but a Souldier, Cimber.

To this I Answer, that Latro, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the daies of Festus and Plutarch, were alwaies taken in an ill sence, and that those Authors, if they had had any respect to Kampher, or Kimpher, as the Original of the Cimbri, they would not both have agreed in an absolute word to express the meaning of their Name, especially if we consider, that as Latro and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wre grown out of use, to express Souldiers in the Greek and Latin Tongues, so neither can Kampher, without a figure and some straining, be brought to signifie a Warryor in the German; Besides it appears more manifest that Kamper or Kimper, a Warryor, hath nothing to do in the derivation of the Ancient Nation, the Cimbri, if it be considered that Kamper proceeding from Camp, in the German Tongue signifying a Field where Souldiers pitch their Tents, seems to be derived from the Latin, Campus, a Field.

Now the name of the Cimbri was long before ever the Latins can be supposed to have carried any thing of their Language into Germany; But Lazius, the Author * of this Etymology of the Cimbrians, did not much relie upon the truth of it him∣self, seeing in another place (forgetting what he had written before) he names the Cimbri from I know not what King, called Cambrivius, the Grand-son of As∣chenas.

As the name of the Cimbri, from their continual molesting their Neighbours, was used by the Gauls in their Tongue, to express Robbers; so from the exceeding pro∣portion of their Limbs, being generally men of great and extraordinary Stature, in After - times Cimber came also to be taken for a Gyant. In the Danish Tongue, Pontanus saies, Kimber, Kemp, and Kemper, signifie properly a *Gyant.

Now that the Cimbri were in truth very remarkable in this point, as likewise the Cymri of Britain, according to Strabo, who saies, He saw very Youths taller by half a foot than the tallest Men; Caesar largely expresseth by the general Consterna∣tion * of his Army, in his march against Ariovestus their Leader.

They were described to the Romans, just as the Canaanites were to the Children of Israel, and we may judge of the dreadful apprehension the Gauls had of them by the like expression they used to Caesar, namely, That they were so exceeding Tall, that other Nations seemed as nothing in their eyes; And that Cimbrian whom Man∣lius encountred, is described by the Romans like a Goliah, of a vast and unweildy * Body, but whilst he stood in the rank of his own Army, there was no great dis∣proportion visible in him from the rest, but when he had stalked out some paces, and came higher the Romans, they began to be amazed and astonished at the sight.

And as Kimber, from the great proportion of these Cimbri, came to signifie a Gyant in the Danish Tongue, so from a part of them called Getes,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 also came to signifie a Gyant, but as the Nation of the Getes is far Ancienter than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Gyant,Page  15 this word being derived from them, so the Cumerii, or Cimbri, were a People long before either Kampher, Kimper, or Kimber, had any of the aforementioned sig∣nifications, for this cause the Cimbri could not receive their Names from those words, the signification of which they themselves had occasioned.

Many other remarkable Qualities these Cimbri had, which were also taken notice of in the Cumri of Britain, namely, their exceeding swiftness, by which they could lay their hands on the Mayns of their Horses and equal them in their Race, as is witnessed by Caesar. This might give occasion to other significations of the word Kimber in after Ages, among the Germans, viz. to express Strength and Nimble∣ness.

Mr. Sherringham takes notice, that in Norfolk they say a Kemper Old Man, that * is, Brisk and Lively.

These Cimbri therefore who are supposed by Mr. Cambden to be the Fathers of our Cumri in Britain, I think that none will doubt, but that they were a German Nation, seeing their Name also continued long after in Germany, and in regard their settlement in Gaul, and upon the Sea parts of it especially came by Conquest and not Primitive possession.

But as all Nations, upon some secret and unknown causes, have often many ebbs and flows, as to matters of Manhood and Courage: so it happened that before Caesars daies, as he himself writes, the Gauls exceeded the Germans in Valour, and possibly then it might be that the Gauls encreasing in Number, and Power, and re∣covering their Ancient Seats, might proceed into Britain also, and here invade part of the Cimbri who had long before placed themselves in this Island; And although these Gauls had obtained the Sea-Coasts, and entred far into the Inland parts, so by long possession came to be called Britains, yet they were looked upon by the more Ancient Inhabitants, as Encroachers only, they esteeming themselves only as the Aborigines of the Island.

I have been more particular in treating of these Cimbri, because from a branch of this very same Nation, in after Ages, our English Ancestors proceeded, Provi∣dence so ordering it, that although the Ancient Cumri of Britain were grievously molested by the Gauls, and afterwards afflicted and kept under by the Romans, yet may they be said to have recovered these Seats again, although not by them∣selves, being but a small Relick, yet by the succession of a People descended of the same Original.

But whether these Cimbri entred the Northern and Eastern parts of this Island, before the Phoenicians arrived in the West, is a thing altogether unsearchable, but I have shewed, in all likelyhood, that it was Seven or Eight hundred years after the Flood before any part of it was Inhabited.

In the following Mapp, I shew the progress of the Cimbri, on the Continent, on one part, and the Voyages of the Phoenicians, from the Streights, on the other.

The Procession of the Cimbri is more Obscure upon the account, that all the knowledge we have of them proceeds from the Greeks and Romans, there being nothing of their Language remaining which we can say was particularly theirs, nor any Records of that, as well as other German Nations, whereon to build any solid foundation of Antiquity; But on the other side, all these Proofs are not wanting in the Voyages of the Phoenicians, their Language is sufficiently known, and by it they may, and are traced, not only through all the parts of the Mediterranean, but on this side of the Streights also, even in Britain it self (as shall be shewn hereafter) a Nation of the greatest Antiquity, being it self One, and Conversant with the most Knowing, and Experienced People of the World.

As Learning and Science is especially got by Commerce, and they were the Wisest People that lived on the Mediterranean, and followed Trading in the Primitive Ages of the World; so that Phoenicians, in this point, exceeded all other People, their Colonies were more numerous, and their Voyages greater, than any Nation besides.

Page  16

The Greeks did but Copy-out their Actions, and the Names that were given by the Phoenicians, to all places they Traded unto, were translated by the Greeks into their own Language, which will appear in the following Mapp of the Ancient WORLD, wherein the Phoentcian names of the Countries are exactly put down, with the Greeks, in all or most of those places, to which both those Nations, in dif∣ferent times, Traded.

From these Phoenicians therefore, the first Antiquity of this Nation is to be deduced, which will more evidently appear in the following Chapters, wherein it will be manifest, that Britain, as well as the rest of those Nations mentioned in this following Mapp of the Ancient WORLD, received its name of Old from this People, So that to the full understanding of the design of the Mapp, the Reader is referred to the following Chapter, which explains it.

But granting that the Cimbri from the Continent might be sooner in this Island than the Phoenicians, and the Islanders called themselves Cymri, before they were Britains, yet do I not think, that their sooner Arrival hither proceeded from any advantage by a neck and Isthmus of Land, whereby Gallia, and this Island, have been supposed formerly to have been joyned; But because Verstegan is very stiff and resolute in the maintaining of this Opinion, insomuch as he fancies to himself, he has put it beyond all dispute or question; I desire the Readers Patience while I examine all his Arguments, some of which he calls Demonstra∣tions, wherein, if I shall seem more tedious than is necessary, let him consider, that if this Isthmus were admitted, then it would seem beyond dispute, but that the Gauls peopled this Nation, which, for the Reasons before mentioned can not be imagined.

It seems more glorious for this excellent part of the Earth to have been alwaies a distinct Nation by it self, than to be a dependent Member of that Territory to which it hath often given Laws.

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[illustration] Page  [unnumbered]
A MAP OF EUROPE Wherein is shown the Progresse of the PHOENICIAN Voiages into the most Considerable parts of it With the Antient names of Countrys Cittys, Rivers And Mountaynes of most remarke, as they were Originally called by that Nation and afterwards Varyed by the GREEKS

All which names for the easier reading are sett down in Latin Characters. The name marked with this Asterick x is the Greek the Other the Phoenician and more antient
To which is added the Procession of the antient CIMBRI
A German Nation through the continent of Europe to the Western Seas, Being supposed the first inhabitants of great BRITAIN

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Page  17

CHAP. III. The Explication of the Ancient Names of Kingdoms, Islands, Havens, Cities, &c. as well those expressed in the foregoing Mapp, as others, which in that narrow Compass could not be set down, gathered out of the Phoe∣nician Tongue.

BY which may be understood, how, and upon what account most Nations in the World, especially those lying upon the Sea, received their particular denominations in the first Age, namely, from some notorious Customes, Habits, &c. of the People, Scituation of the Place, or such like remarkable Cir∣cumstance, or otherwise (which was most usual) from the different Merchandize they afforded to the Phoenicians who were the first and most Eminent Traders of the World, and gave Appellations to Places, according to their respective Commodities and Manufactures, wherein if we do but seriously consider, for what particular thing each Country, in former time, was most especially taken notice of, and then apply the Phoenician Name of that thing, let it be Custome, Scituation, Trade, or any thing else, and we shall find the Phoenician word so exactly agreeing with the nature of the Country so expressed, that we must conclude it impossible so constant and general an Harmony between them should happen by chance, but rather, that the Names were imposed for some peculiar Reason and design.

And hereby we may plainly see the vanity and fraud of the Greek Nation, who having received the names of Places, as well as most other things of greater concern, from the Phoenicians, either new modelled them according to their own Idiom, or quite changed them in sound though not signification, and then imposed upon the World new Fables of their own, instead of the Ancient Original.

To begin therefore with Europe, Asia, and Africa, the general Divisions of the then known World.

Page  18Page  19
The Greeks.The Phoenicians.The Interpretation.
EUROPA, was called by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but why this part of the World was named Europa, Herodotus their Ancient Historian, professeth he knoweth not.It is probable it was called by the Phoenicians Ur-appa, (from whence the Greeks made Europa) because of the white Complexions of the Inhabitants, above those of Asia and Africa.Ur-appa, signi∣fies as much as a Country of white Complexions.
ASIA, by the Greeks is said to have taken its name from Asia the Mother of Prome∣them.Asia, called so from its Sci∣tuation, lying between Africk and Europe, and its Position is so described by Pliny, Mela, and Eustathius.Asi, in the Phoe∣nician Language signifieth the Country, Be∣tween, or in the Middle.
AFRICA, from Afer the Son of Hercules.Africa, so called from its plenty of Corn, and all sorts of Grain, for which in all Ages, and by all Authors, it was high∣ly celebrated.Aphrica, Graecis〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifies a Land of Corn, or Ears, in the Phoen. Dialect.
LYBIA, so called from Lybia the Daughter of Epaphus.Lybia, a Dry and Thirsty Country, per calidas Lybiae sitientis arenas. Lucan.Lub. Thirsty, Dry.
SPANIA (vulgò Hispania) from Pan.Spania, so called from the multitude of Rabbats and Conies it produceth, insomuch, that, that Animal was accounted peculiar to that Country. Catullus gives the Epithite, Cuniculosa, to Cel∣tiberia a Province of Spain, and the Baleares Islands adjoyning were so much infested with that Vermin, that they sued to Au∣gustus for Souldiers to destroy them.Spanija, a Country of Rab∣bats, or Conies.
ITALIA, from Italus, a Calf, or Ox of Hercules.Called by the Phoenicians, A∣taria, from the exceeding quan∣tities of Pitch it yielded (the letters R and L being easie con∣vertible in the Eastern Tongue) Old Italy contained no more than the Country of the Brutii, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which word signifieth Black Pitch.Itaria, a Country of Pitch.
CALABRIA, a Province in Italy, called by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Pitch Country.Called Calabria, upon the same account as Old Italy.Calab, in the Phoenic. Tongue, Pitch.
LuSITANIA, from Lusus a Companion of Bacchus.Had its name from the abun∣dance of Almonds it produced, and which were in great quan∣tities thence exported into all Europe; Insomuch that in that Country, at this day, there are many places which take their names from that Fruit, as Cal∣mende, Castelmendo, for Castro∣almendro, and 2. Almendras, signifying Almonds.Luz in the Phoenic. Tongue, signifies an Al∣mond, tania is a Greek addition.
GALATIA (which is Gallia) called from Galates, a Son of Hercules.Galatae and Celtae (or Gauls) so called from their yellow Hair, for which Reason they are stiled by the Latins, Flavagens, and Gr.〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a yellow Nation.Chalath, Chal∣ta, or Chelta, in the Phoen. tongue, Yellow, or Saffron coloured, for the same reason are they termed by the Hebrews, Rhodanim, that is, Yellow.
BRITANNIA (ac∣cording to our home Fables) from Brutus, called by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.Britannia, from its Tynn and Lead-Mines, which was exported by the Phoenicians from the west Coasts of Cornwal, and the Sylly Islands, which were called therefore by the Greeks, Cassiterides.Bratanac, a Coun∣try of Tynn.
ALBION, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, White, or Albion the Gyant.From its high Rocks on the Western Coasts, where the Phoenicians first Landed, called to this day Pens, or from the Whiteness of its Shoars.Alpin, in the Phoe∣nician Tongue, is a high Mountain. Alben in the same Dialect, is White.
HIBERNIA, cal∣led also Jerna.Had its Name from its Scituation, being the last Country Westward, further than which the Phoenicians never took Voyages. It may be sup∣posed to be called Ibetnae by the Phoenicians, from whence came Hi∣bernia, likewise Nerne, from whence is derived Jerna.Iber-nae, the last Habitation, Aher-nae, from which the same Jerna, and it is re∣markable, that, till the discovery of these I∣slands by the Phoeni∣cians, there were ma∣ny places on the west of Africa and Spain that were so named, as being then the utter∣most Habitation.
THuLE, saith Sui∣das, from Thoulis a King of AEgypt.So called from its Dusky, and Dark scituation, lying in the North.Chule in the Phoenician Tongue, is Darkness.
CALEDONIA, a Province of Scotland.So called from its Rocky and Mountainous nature, so that Mr. Cambden derives it from Kaled, Hard, in the British Tongue.Galebtun in the Phoenician Tongue, is as much as a hard Hill.

Thus have I run cursorily over the Countries of most considerable note, pas∣sing from Asia, and so West-ward to these our Islands. It remains now, that I re∣turn back to shew the same consent and agreement in more private and particular Places, which though not so famous as the fore-mentioned, yet are sufficiently known by all at this day, and were no less frequented by the Phoenicians than the for∣mer.

Page  20Page  21Page  22
The Greeks.The Phoenicians.The Interpretation.
BALEARES, two Islands in the Me∣diterranean on the Coast of Spain, derived by the Greeks from Bale∣us, a Companion of Hercules.These Islands were ever Famous, as is notoriously known, for excel∣lent Slingers, upon which account they had their Name from the Phoe∣nicians.Bal-jaro, a Master at Slinging, or an excellent Slinger, in the Phoenician.
CORSICA, other∣wise Cyrnus, so named from Cyrnus a Son of Hercu∣les.It received both its Names from the Phoenicians, the former from its Woodiness, the latter upon the ac∣count of its many Promontories shoot∣ing, on all sides, into the Sea, upon which Reason AEthicus, Orosius, Isi∣dorus, all three give it the same Epi∣thite of Multis Promontoriis Angu∣losa, &c. and for its abounding with Wood, whoever reads of the Island cannot but know it.Carno, or Curno, from whence Kúpros, a Horn, or Promontory, in the Phoen. Chorsi, from whence Corsica, or Corsis, signifies, a Woody place.
SARDINIA, other∣wise Sardo,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from Sardus the Son of Hercules.This Island received its name from the resemblance it had to the Foot of a Man, therefore it was called by the Greeks, Ichnusa, and Sandaliotis.Sarad, and Sar∣da, in the Phoenician Tongue, signifies, the Footstep of a Man.
MELITE (now Malta) from the Nymph Melite, of whom Hercules be∣got Hyllus.Some bring it from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hony, with which it never abounded, but it took rather its Name, from the Commodiousness of its Scituation and Ports, lying exactly in the middle between Tyre and the Streights, whither the Phoenicians Trafficked, insomuch that upon all Occasions, either to Victual, or to se∣cure themselves from Tempest or Enemy, saith Diodorus, in several Places this was a REFUGE to the Phoenicians, having within it a Colony of their own.Melita, in the Phoenician Tongue, signifies, a Place of Refuge, or Sanctuary, &c. and who know∣eth not, that many places in the East Countries have their Names upon the same account, and we call the Mid-way to the East-Indies, The Cape of good Hope, at this day.
GADES, called by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Stephanus, Eustathi∣us, and Suidas de∣rive it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Neck of the Earth.The Streights shut up the Medi∣terranean as a Fence or Pinfold, a little passage only being left, and therefore are they called Septum by the Latin, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the Gr.Gadir in the Phoen. Tongue, signifieth the same as Septum, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
ABYLA, a Moun∣tain on the Streights, it is sometimes writ∣ten Alyba, the Letters transposed.Festus witnesseth, that this Moun∣tain took its name from the Phoeni∣cians, and signifieth in their Tongue as much as a high Hill.—Abilam vocant. Gens Punicorum Mons quod altus Bar∣baro.Ab-illaa, in the Phoen. Tongue, is a high Mountain, so is Al-aba, from whence comes the transposi∣tion Aliba for Aby∣la.
GALPE, another Mountain on the Streights, answer∣ing to Abyla, on the side of Spain.This Mountain, on the West, is o∣pen like an Urn, or Pitcher, and so is described by the Scholiast upon Juvenal, and by Mela, and therefore had it its Name.Galpha, in the Phoen. is an Urn, or Pitcher, and in Festus, Calparis is a kind of Vessel.
RHODUS, an Island in the Mediterra∣nean, derived by the Greeks from Roses, which in their Tongue are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.It took its Name from the multi∣tude of Serpents it produced, upon which very account it was called Ophiusa, by the Greeks, or, an Island of Serpents.Rod, in the Phoen. Tongue, is a Serpent, or Dragon.
CERASTIS, which is, Cyprus.So called from its many Promon∣tories, as Stephanus witnesseth.Keren, in the Phoen. a Horn, or Promontory, from whence comes Kernaa, Kosno, and Kurno.
SICILIA, a Scin∣dendo, because it was cut off from the Continent.It had its Name from the abun∣dance and excellency of its Grapes, with which it supplied Africa in for∣mer times, as witnesseth Diodorus, who saith, that the Agrigentines once arri∣ved to infinite Wealth by that Trade.Segulaia,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as much as a Country of Grapes in the Phoeni∣cian Tongue.
SICANI, a People of Sicily.They inhabited the South and West part of the Island that Buts upon A∣frica, and these only were properly call'd Sicani, and their Country Sicania, and that from their Neighbour-hood with the Phoenicians lying next to them.Secanim, signifies Neighbours, so are ma∣ny People called in the Land of Canaan, for their Neighbour-hood to the Jews.
SYRACUSAE, the Metropolis of Si∣cily.It is agreed, it took Name from a stinking and unwholsome Marsb up∣on which it stood, called Syraco, which by its noisom Vapours, oft brought Plagues upon the City.Syraco, in the Phoen. Tongue signifi∣eth, an Evil Savour.
CHARYBDIS, a place much noted for Shipwracks.The Waters there run round, and make a Gulph, insomuch as Seneca writes, Hiatu magno profundoque sorbet navi∣gia.Chor-obdam in the Phoen. signifies, Fora∣men perditionis, a Hole of Destruction, as the Eastern Nations ex∣press themselves in such cases.
SCYLLA, another Rock that answers Charybdis, on the o∣ther side of the Si∣cilian Streight.No doubt took its Name upon the same reason as Charybdis.Scol in the Phoen. from whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, signifies De∣struction.
AETNA, a burning Mountain in Sicily; the Greeks give no derivation of it, but tell us a fable of the Giant Enceladus, who by Jupiter buried a∣live, under the weight of this Mountain, striving to disengage himself of it, breaths flames and smoàk out of his Mouth and Nostrils.Without question took its Name from the continual Fire, and Smoak, which in all Ages, and to this day breaketh from it.Attuna, in the Phoen. Tongue, signi∣fies 2 Furnace, or Chimney. AEtuna, signifies, a smoaky Fog, in the same Dialect.
ITHAGA, an Island of the Cyclades, the known Country of Ulysses.Received its name from its hard and Rocky soyl, It is like a Nest in a Rock, saith Tully, but I need not bring Testimonies of its barren na∣ture being sufficiently known; yet to see how great the love of ones Native Country is, how often doth Ulysses mourn and pine after it?Ithac, in the Phoen. Hard, and Rocky.
TINGIS (now Tangier) called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from Tinge the sup∣posed Wife of An∣teus, slain by Her∣cules.It was a great Mart of the Phoeni∣cians, who had a Colony in it, ac∣cording to Pomp. Mela. and lying so opportunely on the Streights, from whence they sent other Colonies into Cales and Spain; it was called for excellency, THE MART.Cigger, a Mart, from Cagger, to Trade, in the Phoen. and Caggar, a Tra∣der. The Greeks, out of Cigger made, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, changing the last Letter, which is frequent, but now called Tangier it hath regained its ancient Termination.

Hitherto I have laid down the Etymology of such Kingdoms and Places as are generally and universally known, they that remain, for that they require some com∣petent knowledge in Geography, to discover where they are, how they bear to other places, and such like Circumstances, which would be too tedious here to be dis∣coursed of; and because they carried other relations to the State of the Phoenicians, then being, than now they do to the World, and had Customes, Conveniencies, Trades and Manufactures, then notoriously known, but now quite left off and changed, it would be too far beyond my present purpose to prove minutely every Circumstance of every particular Place. It will suffice that all that are behind carry the same Reason and Analogy for their Names, as the fore-going, and received them from the same Phoenicians, so that setting down the Name only with the Reason of it, and the Phoenician word signifying that Reason, I shall leave the disquisition of the Truth of every particular Reason to be searched out of Bocartus, and Others, who have treated on this Subject.

Places which took their Names from Gods, or some Sacred Rites eminently practised in them.Page  23
The Name.The Phoen, word.The Interpretation.
IDaliumFrom Id-ala.The place of the Goddess, i. e. Venus.
DelusDaal, or Deel.The Island of God, i. e. Apollo.
Inopus, st.Ain-ob.The Fountain of Pitho.
NaxusNasca.A Sacrifice of a multitude performed there to Bacchus.
Amustra, called alsoAm-astarta,The People of Astarta, the Phoenician Goodess.
MutistrataMat-astarta.The City of Astarta.
OnobolaOnbola.〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, consecrated to Venus, who had there her Temple.
CantheleFrom Canath-el.The possession of Saturn.
CarteiaKarthija.The City dedicated to Hercules, cal∣led Melarthus
CaldubaCaltobal.The Refuge of Baal, or Jupiter.
SaldubaSaltobal.The Dominion, or Shield of Ba∣al
SonobaSaanobal.The Prop of Baal.
OnobaOnobal.The Strength of Baal.

All Ancient Cities in Spain, taking their Names from Baal, signifying Lord in the Phoen. where the L in the end is left out, as in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and such like Punick words.

Ossonaba, an Ancient Town in Portu∣galFrom Usanobaal.The Strength of Baal.

Places taking their Ancient Names from the Habits, Na∣ture, Manners, and Arts of the Inhabitants.
CorcyraFrom Carcara.Quiet Possession, namely of the Phae∣aces.
CretesCrethin.Archers, for which those Islanders were famous.
CoaCau.Fine Thread, being the Manufacture of that Island.
AmorgusAm-oregin.The Country of Weavors, from the abundance of that Profession there.
SidonCzidon.From Fishing.
ImacharaAmacherim.From Agriculture, the word signifies the Mother of Plowmen.
GaleotisGelaiot.From Prophecies, in which that City so abounded, that Prophets in the Sicilian Tongue were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
LatiumLat.From Inchantments, not from Latendo.
  • Rhodes, was called,
  • Telchinis
Calchis.An Inchantor, with which sort of Peo∣ple, called therefore Telchines, this Island abounded.
LaestrigonesLais-tircan.A Ravenous Lion, from their Fierce∣ness, and therefore the same People are called Leontini, and were of the Generation of Cyclopes.

Places taking their Names from different Animals they afforded or bred.
PhilaeFrom Phul.An Elephant, upon the same reason, that a City nigh to it is called by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from some Fair there held of that Beast.
  • Lixus, called also,
  • Lizus
Lis.A Lyon from the abundance of them there.
BomoBohmo.Cattle, whence it is called by the Greeks, Eubaea, upon the same ac∣count.
CariaCar.A Lamb, or Sheep, with which this place so abounded, that the Ionians called Sheep Cara, and Car, from it, or else from the Phoenicians, Car.

Page  24

But not to detain the Reader too long in a matter so manifest, the rest I will briefly sum up together as they are in Bocartus, from whence the diligent Enquirer into the Original of Places may fetch them, and have full satisfaction to the parti∣culars of their derivation; To proceed therefore with a Catalogue derived from Animals.

From Serpents, &c. these Places take Name.

PElinas, Tenus, Salamin and Neae. From Cocks, Tanagra. From Crows, Lug∣dunum. From Fish, Tagus, Icarus, Hyccara, Curium, Cuarius. From Mice, Gyarus. From Foxes, Selambina, and Suel. From Horses, Caccabe.

From Woods and Groves, the Pyrenaei, Solymi, Anaphe, Ascra, Tabraca, had their denominations. From Pasture, Parnassus and Parnes. From Deserts, Oasis. From Drought and Barrenness, Boeturia, Cosyra, Myconus, Sicinus, Psyra, Jabesa, Sorbio∣dunum, now Salisbury. Fertility, Bizacium, Adrumetum, Chalcia. Fruit, Pepa∣rethum. Barly, Jabaduc. Corn, Ebora. From Vines, Grapes and Wine, Carmania, Chremeses, Inicus, Anapus, Arvisium, Arambys. Figs, Ruspina and Ebusus. From Olives, Zaita and Uzita. From the Turpentine-tree, AEla and Patmos. Saffron, Co∣rycus. Cheese, Cythnus. Hony, Calymna and Alabus.

From particular Stones, Charystus, Achates, Caridemni, Promont.

From Mettals (besides Britain) Thasus, Odonis, Siphnus, Temese, Carcoma, Orospeda, Cassanitae, Debae, Dairi.

From Minerals, Ciniolus and Minius.

From Clay and Mortar, Adramittium, Thebae, Tenedos, Camarus, Camarina.

From abundance of Waters, Tacape and Arelate, took name. Apamia, from being encompast with them. Rhene, Castalia, Castula, from the noise of Water. Gargaphie, Zerbis, Physcus, from their swiftness: Arar, slowness. From Marshes, Boetis, Bagra∣dus, Decranum, Perca, Percusa. From bitter Water, Hymera: from sweet, Holmius: from cold, Asines: from hot and warm, Emmaus and Helbessus.

From Fountains these places are derived, Cyrene, Enna, Enguium. From Fryths, Asta, Menestheiportus, Nebrissa, Onoba, Lusturia. From Foards, Abara, Abroto∣num. From Shoars, Basti or Bastitani. From Havens, Hippo, Olisippo, Hyccara, Cacypara, Rabbotis, Cyclopes, Cicynethus. From their Roads or Ports, Leptis and Lapethus. From Rampiers, Bucra, Herminius, Hermata. From Shipwracks, Ca∣phareus, Saso.

Again, from Fire breaking out (besides AEtna) Epopos, Mosychlus, Lemnos, Li∣parae, were so called. From Heat, Sulchi: from Cold, Calaris. From the North-Wind (called by the Phoenicians, Carban) Carbasia took name: from the South, Lacter: from the West, Jammona.

From Darkness, the Cimmerii. From Greatness, Cibara, Samatho, Symaethus, Cypara. From Length, Motyr: from Breadth, Ampsaga: from Narrowness, Massi∣cytus, Ichus, Ocha, Capsa.

From the gaping of the Earth, Chalcis, Nisyrus. From Bending, Lydia, Hexi, Camicus, Cephalaedis. From its Round form, Gaulus. From its sharp Point, Drepa∣num, Lindus. From its inward Position, Bithinia. From its Corners, Carna and Syme. For extream Distance, Mauritania, Iberia, Cerne, Acabe, the Mountain Cassius.

From Rocks and Stony places, Tyrus, Cilicia, Celenderis, Cragus, Ios, Scyrus, Seriphus, Prepesinthus, Pholegandrus, Cythera, Cytheron, Solois, Dertossa.

Mountains, Ilipa, Ilerda, Illiberis, Gebennae, Allabroges, Elymi, Phocenses, En∣tella, Eryx, Alontium, Abacaenum, Inessa, Hibla, Herea, Maro, Arne, Helicon, Sa∣mos, Zacynthus, Telus, Mylias. From being in low Places, Hispalis, Amyca, Ustica, Nantuates.

From Firmness, Strength and Defence, Amanus, Itanus, Butoe, Neetum, Herbita, took their Names. Byrsa, Cersina, Tarraco, Acesta, Echesta, Acragas, from their Forts. Pachinus, from its Watch-Tower.

From the Pleasantness of the Places, the ELYSIAN Fields (the description and name of which Places, the Greeks had from the Phoenicians, and turned into Fables) Hypsa, Enna, Ichana, Aganippe, Jalissus, Zuchabari. From its Antiquity, Utica took name. From its new Foundation, Carthada or Carthago, which is as much as, The NEW CITY.

Page  25

CHAP. IV. Whether the First Planters of this Island came by Sea, or Land? and, Whether BRITAIN was ever part of the Continent?

THAT this ISLAND hath been joyned to the Opposite Continent, by a narrow Isthmus between Dover and Bullen, or thereabouts, hath been the Opinion of many: As of Antonius Volsius, Dom. Marius Niger, Servius Honoratus, our Coun∣try * man John Twine, and the French Poet Du Bartas.

That this has been the fortune of most Islands in the World, we may read in Pliny, who makes Cyprus to be rent from Syria, Eubaea from Baotia, Besbicus from Bithinia, with divers others; nay, the Confinity of the two Promontories of Calpe and Abyla, in the Streights of Gibraltar, has been the cause why some have imagined, that Europe and Africa were, in Ancient times, conjoyned, and hath given occasion to some Geographers themselves, to make Africk part of Europe.

As these Opinions carry some pleasure with them, by reason of the Novelty and strangeness of them: so do we find, they were most made use of by men of Fancy, rather than Judgment, to imbellish and adorn their Histories with, that they might render thereby more delightful to the Reader; Among which, not to name many, Pliny may be reckoned for one, whom we alwaies find, catching at any thing that was strange and uncoutch'd, and although his History, by some, might be thought the more delightful, yet assuredly, to such as understand it, it proves more sus∣pected, and so, less useful. But that this should be used by the Poets, is no won∣der, whose business is not to follow Truth exactly, but content themselves with the Possibility of things, studying alwaies what Opinion is most pleasant. Of this na∣ture was he, who turned the Verses of Sicily unto Britany.

—— Britannia quondam
Gallorum pars una fuit, sed Pontus & aestus
Mutavêre situm, rupit confinia Nereus
Victor, & abscissos interluit aequore Montes.
Britain and Gaul, was once, one piece of Land,
Till furious Billows did divide the Strand;
Now Nereus, 'twixt two Cliffs, victorious rides,
And washes both the Shoars, with swelling Tides.

We shall find this such a Trade amongst the Poets, that Lucan was hard at work about the Isthmus in Peloponnesus, for after that the Sea had play'd upon it for the space of two or three pretty Ingenious Verses, at last down fell that little Damm, which Five thousand years separated the two Seas; And with no small noise and impetuosity,

Ionium AEgeo, frangit Mare
I must confess, Judicious Virgil (treating of the Narrow Seas between Sicily and Italy) speaks of the breach the Sea made;
Hesperium Siculo latus abscidit
but puts in the word Siculum to corroborate his Authority, without which he judged the Opinion too light and trivial. The very Name of Sicily, which before was Page  26 called Trinacria, and the Promontory Regium, upon the very Streight of Sicily, be∣tokening by its signification, a BREACH, because at that very place the Sea breaking through the Earth, might be some inducement for any to think it once part of Italy. The constant Tradition in all Ages has been so, and to this day it is ac∣counted part of Naples, or Naples part of it, as mens thoughts shall please to ren∣der it, so that the King of Spain is stiled, REX UTRIUSQUE SICILIAE, But for this Island of BRITAIN, there was never any such Tradition, neither doth there remain any signs or tokens of any name of a place that signifies any thing relating to it, nay, on the contrary, Dover, where this Breach is supposed, as it is derived in great probability, by Mr. Lambard, it comes from the * word Dufyrrha, which in the British Language betokeneth, a place steep and up∣right, an evident sign of the Antiquity of those Cliffs, and Breaches, so that what may be gathered out of the Name, is not indifferent, but makes absolutely to the contrary; Indeed, for the Isle of Wight being part of England, there is some pro∣bability from the Name, as it signifies in the British Tongue, SEPARA∣TION.

When Mr. Cambden had sought on both Shoars, to find some Place, or Promon∣tory, whose Name might have any thing in it that signified a BREACH, but find∣ing none, yet will needs set down Vitland, which we call Vitsan, near unto Backness, in all likelyhood, was that Itium Caesar writes of, from whence, into Britain, he Re∣cords, was the best and convenientest passage, and so continued until Vitsan. Haven was quite stopped up. It is to be observed, that in such Breaches, the Name and Memory of the Separation ought to be sought for, on that side of the Shoar which containeth the Minor part of the Division; As for Example, The word SICILY, was given to Trinacria, and not to Italy. And WIGHT, to that little Island, and not to England; For to speak properly, Sicily and Wight were separated from Italy and England, and not Italy and England from them, so that if we enquire for the Memory of this Breach, made between France and England, we must examine our own Shoar, where we can find nothing that makes for it, but absolutely against it.

The word Vitsan (I lately spake of) must be derived from Gwith, or it maketh nothing for their Opinion, and I leave it to any to judge, whether Vitland, or Vit∣sand, formerly called Itium by Caesar, can claim its derivation from thence, or whe∣ther, upon that account, it is any thing more reasonable to ground a Separation once made from the Continent, than by the word Dehofden, by which name the Dutch call their Streights, and which signifies two Promontories, who do conclude, that those Promontories and Cliffs were alwaies so, and that they were never joyned by any neck, or bridge of Land whatsoever.

Richardus Vitus, in his History, Lib. 1. saith, That the Morini who lived on the* French side of these Streights, were called so in the Ancient Celtick Language, for Mor, signifies the SEA; Now the great Antiquity of the Celtick Tongue, shall be shewn hereafter in a more proper place, however thus much appears, That from any Name there can be nothing gathered of this Isthmus, for these Morini lived on the Sea-coast, and not upon the end of the Isthmus.

Thus much as to the Name of these Streights, that they have nothing in them, or contiguous to them, that can preserve the Memory of any such conjunction of Shoars, or violent Separation made by the Sea, or dug by the labour of Man, a thing easily to be expected, considering, that less mutations in the World have left some Tradi∣tion behind them. Certainly, such a Breach as this, between two such considerable Countries, must make more noise in the World when ever it happened, than either Sicily, or the Isle of Wight, which to this day do retain some Memory, of being cut off from their Neighbours.

Let us now consider, whether in the Reason of the thing, the nature of the Streights themselves, the position and similitude of the opposite Soyls themselves, and such Arguments are sufficient Inducements to engage any Rational man to believe that Britain was once joyned to Gallia. And it is not to be doubted, but there has been several mutations and changes in the World, before, and since Noahs Flood, Countries in some parts being swallowed up by Earth-quakes, which in these Colder parts of the World are never so violent, as to be able to subvert twenty miles Page  27 of dry Land together, and to cast it into the Sea by that force. In the Northern Countries we have only experience of some general Tremblings of the Earth, and where they extend to any length of Ground, bring only fear, not distraction, on the minds of the Inhabitants. For when any Earthquake is united and contracted, the most that we experience is the removal of some Church, or the walking of some little Hill, as it hath been seen often in England, when as in Hotter Countries, , whole Cities have been overturned, nay swallowed up, and for many miles together, Houses shattered and demolished.

This is very easie to be imagined, if we consider the nature of Earth-quakes, and from what Cause they proceed, being very obvious to any that know and consider the AEolopylae, how, by heat, the Wind and Vapours rarified, are forced out in great violence, for the force is augmented by the strength of the Heat in its several Sallys: So likewise must it be with the Earth, which in the Bowels of it having many Concavities that contain Vapours, the greater the external Heats are that rarifie those Vapours, the stronger force will they have, if they can find no vent and passage, for as the heat is greater, so must the passages likewise be more suffoca∣ted, stopt, and choaked up in dry Countries, when as in cold Climates, the moisture of the Earth keeps open its pores, and admits passages for the Vapours, agreeable to its proper nature, and natural Constitution.

From hence it may be concluded, that such a Neck of Ground that is presumed to have been between Britain and Gaul, of that length and breadth, could not (by any Earthquake) be thrown into the Sea. What is alleadged out of Ovid, will make nothing material to our purpose; He brings Pythagoras, whose Soul for many years, by Transinigration, had passed from one to another, and therefore must be wondrous well fraught with the Ocular experience of things, we only hear of, to speak these words,

Vidi Ego quod quondam fuerat solidissima tellus,
Esse fretum vidi factas ex aequore terras.
I saw what once was solid Earth, made Sea,
And dry Land there, where Waters us'd to be.

This I suppose must have been in those daies of Yore, in which he saies of himself,

Panthoides, Euphorbus eram*
May not a very material Objection be offered, and say, That he did not really distinguish the times of his Transmigrating to Fish and Flesh, and so mistook Earth and Water, as he was longer or shorter in the Element.

But to come to the purpose, Verstegan, to make way for this Opinion, quotes Genesis, cap. 14. Omnes hi convenerunt in Vallem sylvestrem, quae nunc est Mare Sa∣lis *. All these met together in the Wood Valley, which is now the Salt Sea; So that, saies he, many places are now Sea, which have been formerly dry Land. This may be easily granted, where there are Reasons to induce one to believe it: As the shal∣lowness of the Sea, the position of the Ground, as we find to be in the Red Sea, part of which to this day, and a considerable part too, at Low Water, lieth like a great Vally, and Plain of Sand, so that it is made a publick Road for Passengers, the Waters lying on both sides of them, and this I have heard from one who passed through it himself, when he Travelled in those parts. And this part might be that Wood Vally Moses speaks of, which lying so low, might easily by degrees be turned into Sea, but that all the Red Sea should once be a Wood Vally, the depth of it in ma∣ny places, and the steepness of the Shoars, do manifestly contradict it. Not to say any thing, that this very Text may be understood otherwise, viz. Quae nunc est Mare salis, may in the Hebrew bear, Quae nunc est ad Mare salis. It is not to be de∣nied there has been several Changes in the World, as Sea turned into Land, and Land into Sea, although I am perswaded this latter to have happened more rarely, as will be shewn hereafter.

Page  28

As briefly as I can, I shall Answer, now, Verstegan's Reasons, and take them in order as they lie. The first Reason he gives for the liklyhood of it, Is the nearness of the Land between England and France, not exceeding Twenty four miles, and how one Shoar is exactly answered with a Shoar of like nature; as for Example: Dover Clyffs are of Flints and Chalk, the opposite shoar between Bullen and Calais is of the same substance, I suppose he means Vitsan, Dover Clyffs are broken, and so are they. Again, Calais lies upon a Flat and an Eaven shoar, so does Sandwich, which exactly answers it from Eng∣land, therefore it seems very probable, saies he, that they were once joyned. To Answer this, I will not question, how, and by what Rule he makes his Opposites, nor enquire so strictly, how the Clyffs correspond one with another, for it will happen as the line is laid, and places at a distance may be thought to be one against another as fancy leads the string. I say, that neither the nearness of position of the two Promontories, nor the similitude of Soyl, are sufficient Arguments to make us believe a Conjunction here, more than in any other part of the World. And here I must desire it to be granted, that the Earth continues for many miles together, in most parts of the World, the very same un∣der Water, as it is on the next Neighbouring dry Land, and that in no place, or very rarely, and by accident, there is a mutation of the Soyl just upon the Sea-shoar, I mean, that upon the Sea, the uttermost bounds of the Earth shall be fat and sertile, stony or minerally, and immediately where the Sea begins, it shall be of a different nature.

The want of this Consideration seems to have been the Reason, why men in several parts of the World have thought, by the likeness of soyls, there hath been a Conjuncti∣on of Earth, when, the truth is, it was nothing more but the very fame Vein of ground which ran under Water, from one Country to another.

To Explain this matter, I will set down Des-Cartes his Hypothesis concerning the forming of the Earth, which whether it be true or false, as to the Mechanical way he proceeds in, yet by it this Phoenomenon in Nature may be solved, and serves as well as if it were true. And here I will not treat of every particular Phoenomenon in the for∣mation of this Globe of Earth, which requires a continued series of progression, and depends on a link or chain of Reasons, whereby he establishes and grounds his Opini∣on: But let it suffice for the present that we know, That this Ball of Earth contains in its Centre, Fire, next to that Mineral Earth, made by that constant Furnace which is in it, next to that Water, then Air, above all the Earth on which we live. Which will seem strange to any that have not read his whole discourse; but supposing it for the pre∣sent, the Figure of the Earth in its first formation is thus:


V and F are the Air, part whereof is above, part under the upper Crust of the Earth. E, D, is the Water. M and G, the Mineral Earth, upon which the upper Crust E is supposed to fall. I, the Fire. Now supposing the upper Crust of Earth, E, be dried by the heat of the Sun, it follows in time that it would shrink, and so Page  29 wanting the continuation of its parts which is necessary to support the Arch, some of it would fall upon the Mineral Earth, C, whereby the Water D, and Air F, would arise and be uppermost, and other parts of E remain above, yet so hollow within as to keep Water in its Concavity, which drayned through the Earth would produce Springs, and being rarified into Vapours would cause Earth∣quakes.

Now, that which makes to our business is this: Suppose all the distance between 1, 2, 3, 4. to be of a Sandy and Rocky nature, if the breach be in the middle point, betwixt 1 and 4, the shoar 1, and shoar 4, will be of the same Nature, in re∣spect the Earth is the same all along between them, which now is supposed to be under Water between those two Points.

Again, Suppose the Earth between 1 and 4 be of a different Soyl, so that from 3 to 4 is of a sandy and hard nature, and from 1 to 3 of a different Soyl, if the breach be in the point 3, then the shoar 2, and the shoar 4, will be of a different quality.


E, E, E, the upper Crust of the Earth, 1, 2, 3, 9. V 6, the several Breaches, the Breach at 9 and V makes the Mountain, whose top is at 4, the Concavity at F. From 2 to 8, as likewise from 7 to X, the Water is above the Earth, and maketh two Seas, the shoars whereof are at 8 and X; from 8 to 9, and so to X, is dry Land.

And because, in the Nature of the thing, it is more reasonable to imagine the Breaches to be made where the Soyls differ, therefore it happens that different and opposite Shoars are most commonly of a different Nature, yet it follows not, that Shoars of the same Nature and Soyl ought to be imagined of later date in their Sepa∣ration, than those which are of a different Nature; neither is it material, whether the Shoars be steep and Cliffy, or whether plain and eaven, or whether they answer one another, or no. For we find, in sounding of the depths of the Seas, Hills and Valleys, as well as on the dry Land, neither does it follow more, that the Cliffs of Dover and Bullen were a continued Ridge of Hills, than that Highgate, and Penman in Flint-shire, are.

All that I think worthy to be observed is this, that where a Shoar is high and steep, there, as to the main matter, the further you go from Shoar for some distance, the fewer fathom of Water you find. And on the contrary, where a Shoar is plain, by degrees you go deeper and deeper, and in this also you must allow for height of ground, which often casually happens in the bottom of the Sea, as well as on the dry Land.

The Reason of it is this, because that Arch of Earth which we called Mineral Earth, and was formed under Water, being a less Circle of vast proportion, as in∣cluded by two Outward ones, could not have Superficies enough for the upper Earth to lie upon it, for where the fall is greater and steeper, of necessity not far off must Page  30 there be some Ascent proportionable, as we find Dover and the opposite Clyffs ex∣actly in the mid-way, an Ascent of ground called the Riff, or Trowen Shoal, not sandy, but of a Rocky substance, scarce four Fathom deep at low Water, the farther you go from it East or West being deeper and deeper, still, as afore, allowing for casual and accidental Hillocks in the bottom.

From all which, I think, that the similitude of Soyls, and equality of Promon∣tories, are no Argument to make us believe (that after the general ordering the Earth) Dover and Bullen were more joyned than any other parts whatever, but were Pri∣mitively disjoyned, as other Nations were. And this Argument will hold good, whether, according to Des Cartes, we suppose the Earth above the Water, as a Po∣stulatum only and no further, or whether, with Moses, we certainly believe that the Waters were above the Earth, for according to both the Earth must shrink, and by ascent and descent, gather it self together to make room for the Waters, which in its hollow or concave places were to be gathered together.

As for Verstegans Argument, That there is nothing broken but what was whole; I think he might have joyned the two Promontories, as easily, with any other Principle, as two entire parts joyned make a whole, or that the Parts are less than the whole; Of the same force is his Observation, That steep places near the Sea are called Cliffs, when as in the In-lands they are rather called Hills, or Mountains, and this he would have to intimate as much, as if they had been cleaved from some other Promontory. According to his Principle, Nothing is broken in Nature, that hath not been whole, a Principle undeniable, yet makes no more for the Cliffs of Dover than any other in the World, which are not answered by other Cliffs as perhaps Dovers are.

These are his Reasons that shew the probability of such a Breach. Let us now examine his Arguments by which, he thinks, he has put it out of all doubt, Such as he calls evident Reasons, and remarkable Demonstrations, which, he saith, ought to be admitted as sufficient as Authors, nay beyond some who deliver it by Hear-say; but to give my Judgment in this case, I should think the least Tradition in Antiquity, that there was such athing, to be of more force than all his Demonstrations, to perswade and convince a man of so great a change in the World.

Although to him it might seem never so easie and common, yet we read, that some who had rashly undertook to cut the Isthmus of ground on which Corinth stood, they were daily and hourly terrified and affrighted with Noises, and hideous Out-cries, and their works, notwithstanding all their diligence, went backwards. Nature will not easily permit such Changes, whether it proceeds from guilt of mind, being a pre∣sumption that naturally would startle humane nature; to set surer bounds to Kingdoms than first ordained, or whether it proceeds from the hardness or impossibility of such an Attempt, sure it is, the Work was discontinued to this day, notwithstanding all the Conveniencies may be alleadged for it; for such a Cutt would needs make the Trade to the Archipelago much shorter and safer, when all the Cyclades, those little Islands, or great Rocks, might thereby be avoided: yet if we compare that Isthmus to this Neck of Land which is supposed to joyn Britain and Gaul, what a petty business it was, either for the Sea sooner to break it down, or for Man to remove it?

The first Demonstration he gives us, is, That the Neatherlands, not only those parts of Holland and Zealand, which at any time, by Cutting the Banks, may be turned into Sea, but great part of Flanders and Brabant, which lie so high that they can never be made Sea any more, have in former times been Sea, and he quoats Hubert Thomas, sometimes Secretary unto Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine, who, in his description of the Country of Liege, saith, that the Sea hath come up even to the Walls of Tongres, and that there remains to this day, great Iron Rings, to which the Ships, that there sometime Arrived, were fastened. Now Tongres lies almost an hun∣dred English miles from the Sea, having many pleasant and fertile Countries between that and the Sea.

That these Provinces have formerly been Sea, the Eaveness of them are Argu∣ments, besides the nature of the Soyl, which in Flanders and Brabant is Sandy, besides, in digging (in many places) two Fathom deep, are found innumerable shells of Sea-fish, and in many places great Bones of Fishes, which argues those places Page  31 formerly to have been the Sea-shoar, because Shell-fish is naturally bred and nou∣rished in the Flats, and Shoar, and not in the Deep; So that Holland and Zealand, must be supposed to have been deep Sea, because in none of those Provinces are any * Shells found under ground; moreover in Brabant, there hath been dug up Anchors, and when that famous Cut was digged from Brussels, unto the River of Rupel at Willebrook, begun Anno Christi 1550, and ended Anno 1561, through Corn-lands, Wood-lands and Meadows, for fifteen English miles; an Undertaking that shews the Richness of that City; In those daies, there was found among other things the Bones, or Anatomy of a Sea-Elephant, the Head of which being reserved, Verstegan himself saw.

Now the cause why those places were Sea, and afterwards became Land, Verstegan thinks can be no other than this, That the Isthmus of Ground between France and Eng∣land kept up the Northern Seas, so that wanting passage they over-flowed those Countries, and when they had workt themselves through this Neck of Land, they left these Coun∣tries dry, so that never since they could be over-flown by the Sea; I mean, those higher places of Flanders and Brabant: And that this could not be the Reason, I hope to demonstrate by several Arguments.

He himself does acknowledge, that in some Vineyards of Campagne of France, a high and Hilly Country, many shells of Fishes has been dug up, which he attri∣butes to Noah's Flood; and why, by the same Reason, may not those in Flanders and Brabant have the same Originals, seeing they lie so deep under ground as two fathoms, which argues a great Land-flood that could cover them with so much Earth.

Neither does the multitude of them in Flanders, or the paucity of those dug in the Vineyards, any thing alter the case, for without doubt, the Waters in the Flood could not so easily carry them to the tops of Mountains, but that the greater number would stick in the Low Countries, as is plain in those Firr Trees which were found in the Neatherlands, and in some low Grounds of Lancashire, and other parts in England, with their Roots to the south, and their Heads to the north, which Firr-trees never grew on those Grounds naturally, as it is a Tree of the Mountains, and thrives not but on craggy and barren Hills, as the abundance of them in Upper-Germany do witness.

But supposing those Parts to have been Sea, those Iron Rings which, they say, are yet at Tongres, do shew, that they have been Sea a great while since this Isthmus was broken down; For in the daies of Julius Caesar, seventeen Hundred years ago, there was no such thing, nor any memory of it, but the passage from Itium and Ges∣soriacum, into Britain, was by Sea.

Now that Iron Rings exposed to the Weather, and Rust, should continue for Se∣venteen hundred years, nay this supposed Isthmus, in all Reason, must have been some Hundreds of years before Caesars time, otherwise he would have Recorded so memorable an Action, I leave to any Rational man to judge whether it be possible so to be; the like may be said of those Anchors found under ground, and not unlike of the Sea-fish bones and shells, though it is more probable that they being genera∣ted in the Sea, and preserved in a Ground that retained the natural Saltness of the Waters that flung it up, might be preserved longer than Iron, which, by Moi∣sture, quickly rusts and moulders away into its first Natural constitution, Earth.

Besides, if this passage of Water through the Isthmus sunk the Sea northward, then that Sea which was south of this Isthmus must rise but upon the very Coasts of Sussex and Dorcet-shire, which lie south of it; the Inhabitants do shew several Marks, to which, they say, the Tide once did rise, which upon the Level is very much higher than now it flows, and this doth not happen among them only, but the whole World over.

England is full of those Marks, and so are other Countries; and, I think, it ariseth from a general decay of Moisture in the Universe, and that the Earth continually grows dryer and dryer. And, although the Sea may be said to gain in some places (that is) where the Earth fell lower than the Waters, and had nothing to preserve it from being Sea but some continued Ridge, which, by accident, kept the Sea out, and which as soon gone, the Sea broke in; yet as to the whole, the Land hath gained on Page  32 the Sea, as all parts of the World do evidence: Delos was not alwaies visible, great part of Egypt was Sea in Homers daies, and Venice to this day keeps Marks of the falling of their Waters, of which latter Ages have been very sensible; nay, they have a Tra∣dition among them, That the Sea, in future times, will forsake their City, and that then the Government thereof, and the City it self must be destroyed.

But to return to England, I my self have examined many Coasts both on the East and West parts of it, so that in most places I find there are plain grounds, sometimes half a mile, sometimes a mile broad, which lie between the Sea and some Hills, which Hills, by their steepness and being broken off, seem once to have been washed by the Sea. The soyl of those Meadows now lying higher than the Sea, do argue much that they were once part of it: Neither could I find any other Reason, excepting the ge∣neral decay of the Sea in all Parts, why those Coasts once lying under Water, ever became dry Lands. That this has happened in other parts of the World is plain, viz. That the Water hath left many places it once possessed; Hybanda, an Island once of Ionia, in Pliny's daies, was Two hundred stadia from the Sea, likewise Ortygia is now become a Peninsula, by a neck of Ground the Sea hath either left, or flung up.

I am very certain there are many more Examples in the World of Peninsula's made, than destroyed.

But I leave this to others to judge, whether this be the true Reason or no, Why the Neatherlands, and some parts of England, formerly Sea, are now become dry Land, and so will proceed to shew, That such an Isthmus of ground between Britain and Gaul, could not be the cause why they were drowned. Here the cause is not the same (as Verstegan suppo∣ses) between these Seas and the Mare Rubrum, that is, the Red Sea; For although it might be dangerous to cut the Isthmus, and so let the Red Sea into the Mediterrane∣an, by reason that the Red Sea was the higher, and so inconveniently might be drayned on one side, and several Countries on the other side lying on the Inland-Sea might be drowned, yet the cause could not be so as to this Isthmus between France and Eng∣land, as is represented in this following Figure:


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Here I am not to be understood, as though I speak of the Lunary Tide, but of the general and constant Flux of Waters. Let A be this Isthmus that disjoyns C France, and B Britain, D D D the North Sea, about the thirteenth Parallel, and uttermost parts of Scotland; now this North Sea equally slows upon the Isthmus A, and the same opposite Parallel E, so that when the Flood is at A, or between Dover and Bullen, it will likewise be the same time at E, about South Wales, and so going round about the Point F, it comes to the other side of the Isthmus A, and there raises the Waters at G; so that the passage of the North Sea lying so open by E and F, there can be no difference of the height of Waters at A and G, which cannot be in the Red Sea, there being no passage for the Red Sea into the Mediterranean, nor is it possible that the Waters of the Mediterranean can be raised on the other side of that Isthmus, by the Red Sea, there being no way for the Waters of the Red Sea to come into the Mediterranean but round about Africk, and so thorow the Streights of Gibraltar.

The like may be said of that Isthmus of ground in the West Indies, between Pan∣nama and Nombre de Dios, for now there is no passage from the Pacifick Sea (Core Mar del Zur) into the Atlantick Ocean; so that one Sea may be higher than another, but it cannot be so with this English Isthmus, as hath been already shewn.

But granting that the North Sea, about Britain D D D, be higher than the Southern Sea coming in at F, yet will not the Shoar H, which we suppose to be Holland and the Neatherlands, be any thing the more under Water, by reason of the Isthmus A stopping the passage of the Water, because, as was said before, of the free course of the Northern Sea, by E, F and G, to the same Isthmus on the South∣side.

So, that if we could make an Isthmus from England to France, yet would it not endanger the Low Countries, as we see in the Isthmus in Peloponnesus, the Sea is equally high on both sides because of the short passage the Waters have round that Peninsula; so although the nature of one side of the Sea and its scituation should be higher, yet it comes to a Level, because in so short a turn it would raise the Waters on the other side.

But how comes it to pass, that the Sea on the North side of the Isthmus is higher than the South, when as the Inland Sea, lying on the north and west of the Red Sea, is lower? But this (amongst Verstegans other Opinions and Demonstrations, saies) is plain, as from the Current of Water which runs from the North Sea; so that Old Shippers of the Neatherlands say, The Voyage from Holland to Spain is shorter by a day and a halfs sayling, than from Spain to Holland: This may proceed from several Reasons, as the insensible quickness of some Winds from some Corners over others, and the conveniency of Sea-Marks, which are not the same in going, and returning, although in the same Voyage.

The Arguments to prove, that the Sea was higher on the North side, than the South side of this supposed Isthmus, are taken from the sundry flats on the North side, where∣by the bottom of the Sea is supposed to be higher than the bottom of that Sea on the South side, and consequently, the SEA also.

To consute this, let us first consider, If there had been such an Isthmus of Land, the Sea working forceably upon it from the North side, would have carried the Earth of that Isthmus southward, so that for some space of Sea, the bottom would be shal∣lower Southerly than Northerly; but we find it to the contrary, for on the North side the Ryff, which is supposed a Relick of that Isthmus, we find twenty five Fa∣thom, on the South twenty seven, besides farther you go Northerly the deeper the Sea is, excepting some Shelves, as off of Harlem, eight or nine miles within the Sea, be∣gins, De breed Verthien, reaching along the Coast of Holland to the Plain of Ame∣land, where it endeth.

To manifest this, I will set down the sounding of the North-Sea from the Fore∣land.

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Depths of the North Sea from the Fore-land.

IN the Channel, from England, Fore-land, and the Sands of Flanders, you have twenty four Fathom; without the Shoald, between Zealand and the Texell, is twenty six Fathom, as far as the Shoald which the Fishers call Dog sand, or Doggar bank. In the Channel on England side, over against Yarmouth, is thirty five Fathom: And against Flambrough and Scarborough point, is thirty eight Fathom, where the White-shelf, called Dog-sand beginneth, from nine to sixteen Fathom, and so reaches Northward, so that the Depth encreases Northwards, excepting these Shoalds.

All these things laid together, any Judicious mans Opinion may be convinced, that the Isthmus here supposed is a meer Fiction, and that it could not be the cause of drowning the Neatherlands, they having been Sea long after this Isthmus could ever be in the World, as I have shewn. Were there an Isthmus now risen out of the Earth, it could not in the least endanger the Neatherlands.

I shall add this, that in those Countries that are Peninsula's, we see the Isthmus lies on the end, and not on the sides of the Country, and where the Sea hath made a separation, yet there has remained some Neck of Ground that hath shot it self into the Sea, sharper and sharper, till it ended in a Point, an evident sign that the Sea has wrought away the Earth before it. But to make a Neck of Ground on the flat part of England and France, of twenty miles in length, and six in breadth, to be joyned to a Couple of plain and flat Clyffs, seems rather to build a Bridge, than to evidence an Isthmus.

As for that Argument, How Wolves and Foxes came into England? I think it alto∣gether unnecessary to build them a Passage; for the same Reasons that induced Noah to preserve their kind, would also perswade men to Transport them; for their nature was not unknown to Noah, neither are those Creatures without their use, in Countries that are not thoroughly Inhabited, God having so ordered the natures of Animals, that one should destroy another, least the Beast of the field should too much increase upon Man! So that in Countries that are not thorowly Planted, at Ire∣land, and some parts of Scotland, it has been a great question, whether they do not more good than harm, seeing that any Nation, when it is fully Peopled, can destroy them at their pleasure? as England hath done, by the Order of King Edgar, and Others, when the Tribute of the Welch Princes was, so many Wolves Heads yearly, till at last there was none remaining.

If there were nothing else but the Recreation they afforded in Hunting, and do yet afford, where the Inhabitants are not so many, but they can suffer sometimes loss of Cattle; I say, if there were nothing else, we may easily suppose, that the First Planters of Countries, after they had setled themselves, would cause them to be Im∣ported for their Pleasure.

The World in its Infancy was much given to Hunting, as Nimrod is said, to be a great Hunter before the Lord, so was Esau, and Zenophon makes his young Cyrus take great delight in slaying of Wild Beasts; so that though these Wolves have been the destruction of two British Princes, Madan and Memprcius, yet they have been the delight of many more. There is no one Conveniency in the World, but some Inconveniencies or others may attend it.

Now the Reason why Foxes and Wolves are not convenient for such Islands, as Wight, &c. and so are never Imported into them, is, because those Islands, being small, cannot admit of them, either for sport or safety, by reason they must be mixt with Inha∣bitants, for so small an extent of Ground, hath none or very little waste ground, where the Recreation can be carried on without mutual invading of Propriety; whereas in so large Countries as England, where there has been more waste ground than now there is, they have afforded most excellent sport, with little or no peril, or inconvenience.

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But, if this Argument should hold against England, it would in like manner a∣gainst many other Places in the known World, there being divers Islands that are far distant from the Continent than this is, and which were never supposed to be joyned with it, and have abounded with the very same, or as noctious Animals as these; And so in many places in the East Indies, as Java, Sumatra, and other large Islands, and of all the West Indies in general; for supposing that the vast Continent northward of New England, should joyn with some parts of the Continent of the Old World, yet were it impossible that way to bring those Creatures, by reason of the vast Ice and Snows, covering the Earth, would yield no nourishment for them in their passage, by reason there are no Beasts to prey upon in those Climates, unless the Deer, and the Bears, which, as Sea-men witness, abound in those parts under the Cold, the first for their swiftness, the other for their fierceness and strong natures. And if the Cold in those Countries do not stop or destroy them, want of necessary food would do it. Neither is it supposed for Beasts of Prey, to have any natural desire farther than the present Object, or that they would leave the Flocks and Herds in pleasant and fertile Countries, over which they had dominion, to seek out new Acquests in cold and soli∣tary places. On the South parts of America there is no passage for them, unless we suppose the Streights of Magellan once to have been conjoyned, a thing not easily to be granted to these Isthmus Makers; and what is as Ridiculous, as some Atlantick-Islands lying not far off Africa, should extend either to the Caribee-Islands, or St. Domingo.

Granting a Passage at the Magellan Streights, yet the Heat of those Parts would stop their passage as much as the Cold on the Northern side, there being Beasts in the temperate parts of America, that can as little endure the heat of some, as the extream cold in other places.

St. Augustine, treating of this Subject, after he had laid down, that they were trans∣ported for the delight of Man (meaning the Islands of the Old World) for as yet, many Centuries after the New World was not found, had recourse to the Ministery of Angels, and much more had it been necessary, had he lived in our daies, since, by the improve∣ment of Navigation, the New World hath been discovered, and several Islands in the Atlantick-Ocean. To instance in Barmudas, some hundreds of Leagues from any Continent, which nevertheless when they were discovered, abounded in some sorts of greater Animals.

I remember, in reading the Prodigies of Old Rome, in observing of which some Authors were very diligent, it is reported, that once, in viâ Fornicatâ, it rained a Calf, if true, was it not a work of the Prince of the Air, to terrifie and amaze the Peo∣ple by so sudden a surprize? I question not, but the Transporting of Wolves and Foxes, will be rather thought a work of the Devil than Angels, especially by those that receive damage by them.

And in the stories of New Rome, which are very busie in employing of Angels, I find but one Monument of their Actions in this nature, and that is Our Ladies Chappel of Loretto, so that we will leave this solution of the Doubt, and pass to the third Way, the same St. Augustine proposes, and that is this, in his own words, follow∣ing:

[But if they sprung out of the Earth, according to their first Original (when as, God said, Let the Earth bring forth a Living soul) then it appears much more evident, That all kind of Living Creatures were in the Ark, not so much for the increase and propa∣gation of them, as to figure out sundry Nations for the Sacrament of the Church, in case the Earth brought forth many Creatures in those Islands, whereunto they could not pass.]

Here we see, St. Augustine grants, that the Earth might bring forth Animals after the Flood, by that spirit of Generation that God had first infused into it. This I leave to Divines to judge, as it is a mystical Relation, between the kinds of Beasts in the Ark, and those that were to spring out of the Earth〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it is a flight peculiar to St. Augustine, whose volatile Soul often dived into those Depths, common Capacities are not able to fathom.

In my serious thoughts, this Solution seems more rational than the other, for who can ever imagine, that all Beasts of the Earth in their different kinds, every kind should have one beginning of its Race to which it referred its Original, and that Page  36 they had some principal who might be reckoned to be

Dux gregis ipse caper —
It is sufficient that the Ark bore the types and forms of all Species, and that the Earth in producing living Creatures, was to be subject to those Patterns God had preserv'd for it, and not to be extravagant or deficient in the number of the Species, and their forms, but to keep exactly to all those lines that God had drawn in those Creatures in the Ark, he having shaped them to that proportion of Limbs and strength, and distinguisht them in their several Natures and Capacities, as in his Infinite Wisdom he fore-saw would be most convenient for Mans use, and answerable to the Earths production. And this order and government of Nature we find in the least and minute Insects, which although they be various in their kinds, yet doth not one kind interfere with another, but a steady and certain method may be discerned in their Production, one answering another in the same kind exactly, that it is a great won∣der to see the uniform symetery of their Parts, in so small and little Models, so en∣tirely preserved.

Hugo Grotius, in his Notes on his first Book, De veritate Religionis Christianae,* speaking of the Traditions of the Heathen corresponding with the Doctrine of Mo∣ses, concerning the production of Animals, quotes divers Authors, and amongst the rest Sanchoniathon, who all with one consent agree, That all kinds of Creatures sprang*out of the Earth, and that it was the certain Traditions of those Ancient times, wherein is also particularly described the manner of their Productions, with the dif∣ferences of Fish, Beasts and Fowls, in the nature of their Generation, viz. How the Earth, being in the nature of one great Bogg, or Moor, which must be imagined so to be, and so to continue long after the general Deluge, out of the watery part of it produced Fish, whilst that part had more spirit, and was more refined, gave being to the Fowls of the Air, who following the volatile nature of their Original, took wing, some more, some less, according as they consisted of a grosser or purer sub∣stance, whilst the earthlier and drossy part of Matter gave being to those Creatures which are stiled Prona naturâ, & humi fixa, heavily creeping upon that Earth, from whose deadest part they proceeded.

Not withstanding all this, we ought not to expect these Procreations from the Earth, who long since have disburthened it self of those Forms at first it retained in its womb, when it was pregnant with the Species of all Creatures, it having long since lost its Moisture which then opened its Womb, so that it is now become the dead Supporter, and final Receiver of its former and primitive Births; yet in some parts of it, as in Egypt, where the Soyl is kept fat and moist by the Inundation of Nile, there is daily experience of its generations, though small and abortive, as in Mice, and such like Vermin: Creatures, though little in comparison of what it hath brought forth, yet great, in respect to what in other Places it produces. These re∣main now the only Instances, and Monuments, of that wondrous fertility it once enjoyed: so I think, to bring the Originals of all Creatures from any particular quarter of the Earth, is a great disparagement to its other Parts. As the Jews fancy their Country the Navel of the Earth, this would be to make its Womb at Babylon, or some part of Mesopotamia, where ever the Garden of Eden was.

Now, to return to England, I think it not necessary at all to build any Isthmus, in order to the bringing in of Wolves, or to solve such a little piece of Philosophy, to make this Ancient and Renowned ISLAND, once a hanger on, or part of the Continent.

It was ever the Glory and Safety of GREAT BRITAIN to be environed by the Sea, and to command those Waters that encompass it, and whilst other Nati∣ons are subject to daily Incursions, being separated only by Rivers, Hills, or Valleys, and imaginary Lines, by turns, one Kingdom often Elbows out another; But Na∣ture has set BRITAIN such distinct Bounds and Limits, that its Empire is pre∣served entire; and as it abounds in All things, both for the necessary delight and support of Man, and needs not the World to sustain it, so was it alwaies esteemed, and called, Novus Orbis, & Orbis BRITANNICUS, by reason of its Great∣ness, and especially Separation from the Continent, for proceeding from the EastPage  37 through that vast Tract of Ground which contains so many Empires and King∣doms, and arriving on the Coasts of France, Normandy, Picardy, and the Low Countries, ones Fancy tired with so long a Progress, would naturally imagine that on that Shoar was the uttermost bounds and limits of the Earth, and that there was nothing Westward but a vast Ocean. But as soon as the British Island discovered it self by its High and White Rocks, it is no wonder it should be called, a distinct WORLD by it self, being of so large an extent, that for many years after the Romans had discovered it, it was not known whether it was an Island, or the be∣ginning of another Continent Westward. That it ever was joyned Eastward to the Continent of France, as there is no Tradition for it, so there is no real Truth in it, and so I shall leave it, as I found it encompast by the Sea, with these Verses (out of Mr. Cambden) upon the Streights, the matter of which, I question not, will be verified in all Ages to come.

— Gemini quà janua Ponti
Faucibus angustis, latéque frementibus undis
Gallorum, Anglorumque vetat concurrere terras.
— The British and the Gaulish Shoars
The SEA at distance keeps, through every Age,
Least the two LANDS each other should engage.
Page  38

CHAP. V. When BRITAIN was first known to the Phoe∣nicians, And how it received its Name from them.

HAVING shewn that BRITAIN was originally an ISLAND, and in the greatest probability Peopled from the Continent by the Cimbri, a German Nation; I come now to Treat of the Phoenicians, who although lived upon the most Easternly part of the Mediterranean, as Tyre and Sidon, yet by the advan∣tage of Shipping, and the many Colonies they had upon the Streights, are supposed not to be long after, if not contempo∣rary with the Cimbri in this Island. And from these Phoeni∣cians are the first Antiquities of this Nation to be derived, upon the account, that their Voyages hither may be proved by the Authority of the best Authors.

Their Language is sufficiently known, being a Dialect of the Hebrew, or Syrian Tongue, by which Language they are traced through all the Coasts and Islands of the Mediterranean Sea, giving Names to those Countries they Arrived at, according to the respective Commodities they afforded, or the nature of the Soyl, or some such notorious qualities, which Names, though a little varied by the Greeks, and after∣wards by the Romans, remained till the fall of those Empires, and many of them remain unto this day.

And as they gave Names to all places on the Midland-Sea, so passing the Streights they gave name to this ISLAND.

The truth of this will appear, when I shall have shewn that they were here long before the Greeks, and that the Greeks did take the name of BRITAIN, as well as of most other Countries, from them; And before I proceed, I will here speak something of the Custome of the Greeks in giving Names to places, they being not so early Marriners as the Phoenicians, and finding that all Countries had received some denomination or other from these Traders, they took the Phoenician Name and translated it into a word of their own, agreeing with it either in signification, or sound, The latter of which waies was the most ingenious, because by so doing they preserved something of the true Original, which will appear plainly in the fore-going Mapp of the Ancient WORLD, I have collected for that purpose. Thus from Cham they made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Copher,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Nahal,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brat-anac,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the like, and had they done no otherwise, certainly the Original of names of Places had not been so obscure.

But we may find that in other Countries they were not so sincere, as when they changed some material Letter, and then placed some fable or other of their own In∣vention, for the derivation of that Country, as making the Phoenician Itaria, or the Country of Pitch,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so derived it from a Calf, so Borsa became 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aschenas,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Goghasan,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the like, upon all which some ridiculous story or other depends.

But, the greatest falsification was, when they understood the sence and meaning of a Phoenician Name, they translated it into a word of their own Language, agreeing in signification, but not sound; thus Gomet they made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Noammon,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brat-anac, the Countries of Tynn, Cassiterides.

The Phoenicians therefore being the first Traders, from them are the Names of this Island, ALBION and BRITANNIA, to be derived, and that it may appear more evidently, I will first prove by sufficient Authors, that they first Traded hither and that very early. In the second place, from several Arguments drawn from the Page  39Greek Writers themselves. Lastly, from the foot-steps of their Language, as likewise their Customes and Religions setled in this ISLAND; of all which I shall make manifest in their Order.

THE first discovery of this ISLAND, as may be gathered by Ancient Hi∣stories, was by the Phoenicians, some say by Hercules, others by Himiclo, who was sent with a Fleet through the Streights to discover the Western Seas, which he did [as Fuller reports] by the help of the Load-stone, which he will needs have the Carthaginians to have known, and to have kept as a great Secret.

But as their Voyages by Sea were so Famous and many, it gave occasion to Fuller to think, that they exceeded other Nations by the vertue of this Secret, so have we seen by what Motives he was mistaken; for because this Stone was called Heraclea, he imagined the Name might be given it from HERCULES, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not from Heraclea, a City in Magnesia (from whence also it was called MAG∣NES by the Latins) because, saies he, it would have then been called Heracleotis, not Heraclea, not considering, or at least dissembling, if it was to be derived from HER∣CULES, it ought to be rather from the Greek Hercules than the Phoenician, because the Greek Hercules was in Lydia, and resided about Omphal, where he might find this Stone, for Magnesia is part of Lydia.

I presume, it will never be granted that such a Secret, so useful and advantagious for Mankind, if it was known to the Phoenicians, could ever have been lost. For granting that some Arts, once known to Mankind, have been by time forgotten, yet we shall alwaies find, that they rather concerned the pleasure and luxury of Man, than his real profit, and which were supplied by others with greater ease, and no less delight.

However it be, we shall find that the Phoenicians were the first that discovered these ISLANDS long before the First Olympiad, [The beginning of which, ac∣cording to the Julian Account, was Anno 3938, from the Year of the World 3256, from the Temple, &c. 263.] as I shall prove by and by.

Strabo, in his third Book, writes thus: First of all the Phoenicians Traded thi∣ther, meaning the Cassiterides, now called the Isles of Scilly, not divulging this Voy∣age*to any, and he reckons up the Commodities of the Country, Tynn, Lead, and Skins, which they exchanged for Salt, Earthen-Pots, and Brazen-ware; and Pliny writes, That Lead was first brought into Greece out of those Islands, by* Midacritus. * And although these ISLANDS were not yet known to the Graecians, by reason the Phoenicians kept them so private, yet Herodotus makes mention of them in these words: [I know not, saies he, the Islands CASSITERIDES from whence comes all our Tynn] for the Graecians bought their Tynn, and Lead, either immediately from the Phoenicians, or the Veneti, or from the Narbonienses, to whom it was brought by Land (as Diodorus in his fifth Book witnesseth) a Journey of Thirty daies, so that tis plain, they had only heard of the Islands from whence those Com∣modities came, and had never seen them.

Mr. Cambden himself Learnedly proves, that these Cassiterides were the Scilly* Islands by their scituation, described by Solinus, Diodorus, and Enstathius, and also by the Mines of Tynn and Lead, which are not found in any but in these BRITISH Islands.

Ortelius, makes the CASSITERIDES to be those Islands including Cornwal* and Devonshire, and that England and Ireland were called by the Ancients CASSI∣TERIDES, of which I shall speak more at large anon.

Now, because these Islands were the first of all BRITAIN, as they were so called, that were discovered by the Phoenicians, lying exactly against Spain, on which Coast, it is supposed, the first. Adventurers in those Seas would sail, it will not be amiss to give an exact account of them.

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That these Islands of Scilly were the Cassiterides of the Ancients.

FIrst, We have the Authority of Strabo, as to their Position, full opposite to the Artebri, that is, Gallitia in Spain, those Islands Northwards are discovered, * which are called CASSITERIDES, placed after a manner in the same Clime with Britain. This Description cannot suit with any other Islands in the West Sea, for the Asores bare westward of Gallitia in Spain, when the Cassiterides are said to be northward; so that the Asores cannot be they, neither are the Asores near the Eighth Climate, which is the vttermost Climate of the South parts of England, and so could not be said by Strabo, to be almost in the same Climate; In another place Strabo saies, That the Sea, between Spain and the Cassiterides is broader than that which lieth between the Cassiterides and Britain; so that Olivarius his Opinion is cut off, who makes them *Cysarga, for Cysarga lieth on the Spanish Coasts, almost close upon the Conti∣nent.

Next to him we have the Opinion of Solinus, in these words [The Cassiterides *look towards the Coasts of Celtiberia;] Now the Asores look no more towards that Coast, or bear no more upon it, than they do upon the Coast of Asrick; and as for Cysarga, lying upon Spain, it cannot be proper to say it looks towards it, for that term in Geography is used to Places that have some distance, yet lie in some relation as to Parallels and Clymes. Diodorus Siculus writes, In the Islands next to the Spa∣nish Sea for their Tynn, are called CASSITERIDES, which description is only proper to the Islands of Scilly, for Cysarga is not next to the Spanish Sea, but in it, and as for the Asores, the Spanish Sea was never extended so far.

That which has made the greater doubt, is, the words of Eustathius; There be Ten Islands (saies he) called CASSITERIDES, lying close together Northward,* when as Mr. Cambden makes them in all One hundred forty five. *

To Answer this, let us consider that in no part of the Western Seas there are Ten Islands lying close together, no more, nor no less, and we must understand Eustathius either to have written of the Principal only, which are but Ten, namely, St. Maries, Annoth, Agnes, Samson, Silly, Brefer, Rusco or Truscaw, St. Hellens, St. Martins, and Arthur, which is not unusual in Geographers; or, which is most probable, that in those daies of the Ancients, they had no certain knowledge of these Remote parts of the Earth, more than we have now of the Islands of Mar del Zur, the passage through the Streights of Gibraltar being as full of Difficulties, or more, than those of Magellan are to us.

Neither can this number of the Cassiterides make, but that they are the Scilly Islands, any more than the Hebades, which by Ptolomy are made Five, and the Or∣cades Thirty, take from the truth of those Islands, because in the discovery of them * they are not found now exactly of that number. The Chief of them that have Names are these;

S. Maries, five miles over, nine in compass; Agnus Isle, six miles over; Annot, Minwisand, Smithy-sound, Suartigan, Rousuian, Ronsuiar; the Cregwin, Moncarthat, Inis-Welseck, Suechial, Rat Island, Anwell, Brior, Rusco, as great as St. Maries; the Round Island, St. Lides Island, Notho, Aving, Tyan, St. Martins Isle, Knolworth, Sni∣villiver, Menwetham, Vollis, Survihe, Vollis again, Arthurs Island, Guiviliner, Ne∣nech, Gothrois.

That which is most material, is, that they have Veins of Tynn, which no other Islands in this Tract have, and according to those descriptions of Strabo, Solinus, Diod. Siculus, and Eustathius, have, as witnesseth Mr. Cambden, and Bocartus; Besides Mr. Cambden, according to his usual manner, hath found two of the lesser of them to have their Names from the Mines, as Minan Witham, and Minuisisand; so that laying all Circumstances together in the words of Mr. Cambden: Seeing these Islands of Scilly are opposite to the Artebri, viz. Gallia in Spain; seeing they bend directly Northward from them; seeing they are placed in the same Clime of Britain; seeing they look towards the Coast of Celtiberia; seeing they are disjoyned by a far broader Sea from Spain thanPage  41 Britain; seeing they lie next to the Spanish Sea; seeing they lie hard one by another to∣ward the North, and TEN only of them of any good account; that which is most ma∣terial, seeing they have Veins of Tynn, as no other Islands have besides them in this Tract, I think we have as much demonstration, that these ISLES of Scilly were the Cassiterides of the Ancients, as we have for any Kingdom under the Sun, whose de∣scription we find in Geographers.

This therefore being granted, that the Phoenicians Traded hither, which I shall * prove, from hence may be gathered the Name of BRITAIN it self, and that from these Islands, and part of Cornwal and Devonshire, this whole Island first received its Name not from Brit, or Brith and Canta, as some will have it: so that what Mr. Cambden ends his History of Britain with, viz. the ISLES of SCILLY, from thence I shall begin to derive its Name, and clearly demonstrate to any, that the Western-name of this Island, in process of time denominated the whole, as in after Ages it happened to the Monarchy it self, the West Saxons taking in the Heptarchy, united the whole Kingdom under one entire Government.

Now the Reader is desired to recollect what before I have writ concerning the Greeks, their way of denominating of Kingdoms, and it will be found from whence and from whom they called these Islands CASSITERIDES, which could be from no other than the Phoenicians, who alone knew them, as I have alrea∣dy made appear, but for the better satisfaction shall discourse it more at large.

WHAT the Graecians call CASSITERIS, or the Country of Tynn, in the Phoenician Language, which was but only a Dialect of the Hebrews (as all * know that have read Plautus his Poenus, or any of the Phoenician Records) is, BARAC-ANAC, or BRACANAC, the first a or Patha being, ac∣cording to the Eastern Languages, silenced in a Sheva.

Now this word Bratanac in the Phoenician Tongue, signifies the very same thing as Cassiteris, viz. A Country, or Field of Tynn, as Bochartus Learnedly proves, * from whom I confess my self to have gathered it, and taken the first hints of this Derivation upon this very account, in all reason it is to be supposed, that the Greeks hearing the Phoenicians in their Language call these Islands, to which they Tra∣ded for Tynn, Bratanac, they gave them the name Cassiterides, signifying the same thing.

When the word Bratanac by the Phoenician Marriners prevailed more, and more, then the Greeks were obliged to receive it, but mollifying it after their manner, as I have shewn, yet not so far as at first to make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but preserved the last c of Bratanac, by which they acknowledged it a Phoenician derivation, which is very remarkable, so that Strabo all along calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bretanica, not Bretania; so that Bretanica is Ancienter than Bretannia, as Punicûm, and Poe∣nicum, derived from Phoenix, are Ancienter than Poenum, which yet seems to be of a more primitive extract, and nature. The same may be said of Afri, Marmoridae, Messabatae, later in time than their Primitives, Africa, Marmarica, Messabatica (as Learned Bochartus proves) from whence they were derived.

Now the reason of this Chang of Bretanica into Bretania, by the Greeks, is this, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems, according to the Idiom of their Language, to be an Adjective, and so defective in sence without 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 joyned to it, might give occasion of mistake in Readers to understand it, which was alwaies carefully prevented by the Graecians, who studied nothing more than Elegancy of stile.

In that little Book De Mundo, which is falsly fathered upon Aristotle, as, besides other Errors, the Luxury of the stile witnesseth, I find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bre∣tanica the primitive Substantive, by Error, turned into an Adjective. So that when once Bretanica, or Bratanac, came to be Bretannia, we ought not to wonder at the several Changes, as 〈◊〉 in the body of the World as in its Terminations, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bretania, Brettania, Britannia, Brittannia, the People Britanni, and so on to Britones, Britus, Britton, for this is very ordinary in Places themselves, whose Ori∣ginal Names are undoubtedly known, where men by negligence mistake a Humor, or Dialect, often deviate from the true Original.

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But to clear every point, I will further search this Termination of BRITANNIA, which Mr. Cambden calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which I think improperly, and ought to be only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that being a frequent Termination of Countries in the World, as Germania, Pomerania, Transylvania, and Romania; this I believe was the reason too why Bretanica was turned into Britannia, because it corresponded with the Idiom of o∣ther Terminations; and Mr. Cambden saies, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Greek Glossaries, beto∣keneth a Region, which is granted in some Compositions, but then must be consi∣dered, whether the word to be compounded, end in a Vowel or Consonant, for if it ends in a Consonant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 makes the Composition, but if it end in a Vowel, as Mauri, Aqui, the T is put in for sounds sake, because Mauriania, Aquiania cannot sound well, and that T is a letter often used Euphoniae gratiâ [as it is aster ce in French, cet un, and n among the Saxons before a Vowel, as an Island,] among the Greeks, without any other signification; as any one versed in that Language may understand. And this is the true Reason, I suppose, why the Mauritania, Aquitania, and falsly Britannia, as Mr. Cambden saies, are the only Countries of note that end in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it did not happen in compounding in other Countries names, that they ended partly in a Vowel.

Thus much considered concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, let us see how it could be added to Brith, to clear out Mr. Cambden's Britannia, for add 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to Brith and it makes Brithtania, which would have been written by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to their Idiom; and let Mr. Cambden make as little as he will of the H, yet it is the Shibboleth, or Ca∣racteristical note of the British, and Teutonik Dialect in general, and we know words as blithea, sithe, which can never be made vlite, site; with, teeth, become wit and teet, are clear of another signification without the h.

And if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 had been added to Brith, it would have made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which, I think, proves, that Brith alone was not the name of these Islanders, but rather Britani, as Pomerani, Pomerania, not Pomeranani; Romani, Romania, not Romanania, if you give the name from the People so called, or, as I rather apprehend, from Pomer, Rom, the ani being rather taken from ania, than ania from ani.

So that when Bratanac was mollified first into Bretanica, as in Strabo, than into Bretania; It is to be supposed, the People were called Bretani, Brittani, by them∣selves, * or something like it, according to the Dialect of their Neighbours, but nei∣ther Brit, or Brith, but by diminution and corruption; as at this day we call a Switzar, a Swis; so that although the Saxons called the Britains, in their Lan∣guage, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Witigandus the Saxon every where names the Britains, Britae, yet this proves not Brit to be the Primitive any more, than the Phoenicians being cal∣led Poeni, prove that Punicum (as I said before) and Poenicum were derived from it, when all the World knows Poenicum to be the Primitive. For granting, just be∣fore the Saxons daies they were called Brits, Brittae, yea and in Caesars daies too, yet this makes not that Britannia came from Brit, this Age being many hundred years subsequent to the first discovery of it by the Phoenicians, and how Bratanac might be altered and changed in those daies, delivered only from mouth to mouth, in a Rude and ignorant Age, wherein they had few Records and Writings, I leave it to the wisest to judge.

And here it is carefully to be noted, that in deriving of Nations and People, we mistake not in the primitive and first Name, by thinking that to be it which in rea∣lity is only part of the whole, and not a distinct composure by it self, as here it is in Brit and ania, where Brit is only made part of the signification, and ania, because it corresponds with other like Terminations, is only a hanger on: To give one Ex∣ample, of the Euxine-Sea, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is taken for the Primitive alone, A or Ev being thought to be given to it only, as People stood affected or disaffected to the Inhabitants upon it; so that if you make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it is the most Barbarous place in the World, if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pretty tolerable, however 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is accounted the Primitive, for A or Ev being joyned to it, are of 〈◊〉 real signification to the Thing, but only to the Affections of Men; yet, in the diligent search after the Antiquity of those Coasts, we find that the Alpha is a real and essential part of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not a privative Particle, for that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is derived from Askenaz, from whom also came the River and Lake Ascanius, the Ascanean Islands, the City and Country Asania.

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In like manner may it undoubtedly be thought, hath happened to Britania, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by reason of its similitude with other Terminations being neglected, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 alone carries the glory of the Derivation, when as in reality 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 had a real part and share in it, as derived from Bretanica, and being Anciently Anac signifying Tynn among the Phoenicians.

To shew a little of these sorts of Derivations, I shall instance in two only, BRITAIN, and LONDON its Famous Metropolis. I desire the Reader, for diversion sake, to imagine himself living two or three thousand years hence, as Ovid wittily makes his Pythagoras, and suppose likewise that some fatal Barbarism should over-run the World, that most Writings and Records of Britain were lost, and only the Name of it, and some of our present Language and Roman Histories preserved, let us then see which way men would go to work; perhaps some or other might happily blunder upon Brutus, but, by the wary and judicious, that would soon be exploded, as too fabulous to derive Britannia; Well then, first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that must be granted to have been a Termination of that Kingdom, which in the Reign of King CHARLES the Second (as we find on an English-Coyn was called BRITAN∣NIA) so that it is evident it was named so in those daies, all the pudder will be about BRIT, but saies one I have found it, Britannia was called from the Eng∣lish word Bright, signifying Shining, and so, Britanni quasi Brightania, for I find that the English in those daies had a project to leave out those Letters as superfluous which sounded not in the Pronunciation, so that g and h being left out, Britannia is as much as the Light, or shining Country, for I find in a Roman Satyrist

minimâ contentos, noite Britannos.
In which words the Poet intimates its derivation, for the Britains have but very lit∣tle Night, and in some parts none at all, so that the business now is ended, and we have a solid and unquestionable derivation of its Name.

In like manner would they proceed in deriving the Great and Famous Metropolis LONDON. I have seen, saies one, upon this great and noble River (but by what name the Thames will be then called, God alone knoweth) the Ruines of a CITY, which extends six miles in length, and in breadth not above one quarter of a mile, and this I guess was LONDON of the Ancients, or Long-Cown, so called by the English, by reason of its vast disproportion in length to the breadth of it; and so you see London is also dispatched.

But if in truth I may deliver my Opinion, there is no way more fallacious and deceitful, in deriving of Kingdoms and Cities, than from the Language of the People, for I scarce think there is a Town, or any place in England, but by fertile Heads may be derived from some word or other that is now in use among its present Inhabitants, every place yielding something, either by Scituation, Soyl, or else Creek of Rivers, Prospect of Hills and Valleys, Customes and Manners, Battles, Buildings, with thon∣sands of other Circumstances too tedious to mention, from whence they may be de∣duced.

Now I leave it to any Rational man to judge, whether it be not more proper and consonant to Reason, to derive Places from their undoubted Trade, by which they were known to all the World, as the Isles of SCILLY were, by the name of Cassi∣terides of the Greeks, and Barat-anac or Bratanac of the Phoenicians, than to de∣duce them from the uncertain sound and coincidency of a word, with some light and trivial Custome among them.

The Reason that absolutely confirms me in the Opinion, the Scilly Islands gave Name at last to this Great ISLAND, that now alone keeps the name of Britannia,* is, because Pliny writes, that this Island was called ALBION, when as all the Islands adjacent were called BRITAIN: so that we see the name of Bratanac first took place in the adjacent Islands, before it came on the main Land of Albion, but in succession of Time the Name gaining footing in Cornwal and Devonshire, it prevailed at last over all the Island, and the greater part swallowed up at last the Name of the whole, although corrupted and distorted by the several Dialects it ran through.

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And that the exported Commodities of Countries gave Names anciently to Peo∣ple, by which they were most commonly known, although they might have other Names peculiar to themselves, will be manifest, if we consider how Africk and Ebora, part of Spain, took their names from Corn, Iava, called of Old Iabaduc, from Barley; Carmania, Cremetes, Sicilia, Inychus, Anapus, Arvisium, A∣rambys, from Wine; Ruspina and Ebusus, from Figgs; Zaita and Uzita, from Olives; Lusitania, not from Lysus the Son of Bacchus, but from the abundance of Chesnuts called Luza, and the delicacy of them, a great Merchandize in those daies, and brought from those parts of Spain. Italy and Calabria took their Names from the Pitch they yielded; Cythnus from its Cheese, Calymna and Alabus from its Hony; Caristus, Achates, from certain Stones found there, and the British Islands from its Mettal; as also Chasus, Chryse, Odonis, Siphnus, Cimese, Carcoma, Orospeda, with many others.

For considering the many diversities of People and Governments in this Island, it is not reasonably to be supposed, that they had one common Name among them∣selves by which the whole Island was known, unless they had it from Forreigners who Traded with them.

If we examine the Original Names of all Nations, we shall find that the Name by which they are known to the World, differs much from those Names they have from themselves, and by which too they do distinguish one another; yet the Major part of the World which is ab extra to every particular Kingdom, prevails in the denomination, therefore it happens that those Kingdoms themselves so denominated, are obliged to conform to those Appellations given them by the Major part; and therefore that saying of Isidore, That the BRITAINS were called so from some∣thing*within them, in my reason as it makes no more for Brit, Painting, than for King BRUTUS, is to be neglected. For the same Motives that could make an Hi∣storian write so much, might have enabled him to have writ more; for he that can positively affirm, that a NAME comes from within a Kingdom, and not from without, in my Opinion, ought to be particular in valuable Reasons, otherwise he had better be silent, being against the experience of the World; That Nations re∣ceive their Names not from themselves, but others.

But if Isidore means, that BRITAIN had something within it from whence Strangers gave it that Name, then none can deny it, for it is true, that these Islands took their Name from the TYNN they yielded, though not all alike and at the same time.

And here I cannot but wonder, that when Mr. Cambden had laid down, that CUMERO was the primitive Name of the Inhabitants, by which they called them∣selves, he then in answer to his own Questions, Whence then came ALBION? Whence came BRITAIN? saies, that those Names came either from themselves, or from others, when just before he had given Examples, That Countries have different Names, some Names by which they called themselves, others by which they were called of Strangers, for as follows, I will set down his own words; They that were called Israelites, saies he, by the Greeks, were called Hebrews and Jews, by the AEgyptians Huesi, as witnesseth Manethon: so the Greeks named those Syrians (who as Josephus* writes) called themselves Aramaeans; they which named themselves Chusians, were by the Graecians, for their black Faces, called AEthiopians, those which after their own Speech were called Celtae, the Greeks named Galatae, so those that nominated themselves, after their own Language, Teutsch, Numideans and Hellens, by the Ro∣mans were named Germans, Mauri and Graecians: even so in these daies, not to speak of many others, they which in their own Idiom, Musselmans, Magier, Czec∣chi and Bessermans, are by all Nations in Europe named Turks, Hungarians, Bohe∣mians and Tartarians: so even we our selves in England, by our Native and natural Speech, call our selves English men, but by the Welch, Irish men, and the High-land Scots, Saffons, that is as much as to say, Saxons.

Now what follows from this, but that the Inhabitants of this Island being called CUMERO by themselves, were by some others named BRITAINS; No, for this will destroy all, then they could not give themselves Brit, &c. from their Painting, which assisted much to the derivation of BRITANNIA, therefore (saies he) mark I pray you, they were upon some other cause, by themselves or others, Page  45 named BRITAINS. But why by themselves? when he had proved before they were called CUMERO by themselves, and by the Examples he brought, if they were proper, he ought to have inferred, they received their Names of Britains from Others, which indeed they did, as I have partly shewn, and shall shew more at large hereafter.

Grant we then that Brit or Brith, &c. was the name of these Islanders, and that the name signifies in their Tongue, Painted, depainted, dyed or coloured, yet it is not reasonable to believe, that Brit signifying a Britain, came from Brith signifying a Colouring, but rather that Brith, Colouring, came from Britha, a Britain: my Reason is this; Because that Customes in Nations, arising from some general likings, and insensible creepings upon the People, are not so much taken notice of by them∣selves, as by Neighbours and lookers on, so that although they may be remarkable in themselves, yet are they not so to those who by several gradations and steps have received them; for which cause I am not deceived, if I think that names of Countries arising from some strange and unaccountable Customes, have been given them by their Neighbours, who have been absolutely surprized by them for the novelty of them. For instance of which shall be Gallia Comata, not called so by themselves but their Neighbours, by reason of their immoderate nourishing their Long hair.

The like may be said concerning the Aspect, Greatness, Scituation, Nature, and other Circumstances of People; and here is to be observed, that the Ethiopians had nothing in their own Denomination of themselves that signified Black, because it was no wonder in their own Country to be so, AEthiopem Albus derideat; neither ought we to think, that the Islands of the Cannibals, now called the Caribees, had any thing in their own Appellation given to themselves, that denoted any such barbarous Action. But it was the Complexions of the one, and Customes of the other, that gave occasion to Strangers to call them so.

This is a good Argument to induce me to believe, that the Britains were not cal∣led Brith by themselves, from their being Painted.

That which confirms most in this Opinion, is the connexion of Reason, but ra∣ther the coincidence of Words; It is certain, say they, that these Islanders were a Painted-people, Brit signifying Painting, and these Painted-people were called Brits, therefore Bryth must needs give them their Name.

To this I Answer, Let us consider how many names of Nations have become common Appellatives, of some Customes peculiarly belonging to such Nati∣ons.

To instance in a few: A Sybarite, signifying a debauched Person, from Sybaris, the most exquisite of Luxurious Commonwealths; a Ghaldean was a common name among the Jews for any South-sayer; an Egyptian; was as much as to say a Magician or Sorcerer: so it is supposed it happened with the Britains, when they were immo∣derately given to Painting themselves, that their Neighbours, the Gauls or some o∣thers, by long use, might call whatever was painted by the name of Brit or Brith, as much as to say, Like a Britain, so that in time a Painted-man and a Britain might be all one, the proper name Britain being become a common Appella∣tive.

To evidence this plainer, let us look farther into the word Egyptian, and we shall see something more in its Derivatives that makes to this case. In the time of the Saracens possession of Spain, there entered a sort of People into Christendome calling themselves AEgyptians, as much as to say Subtile or Cunning People, and so took up the trade of Fortune-tellers, AEgypt having in those daies kept up the repute of such Sciences; These sort of People used to paint their Hands, Face, and Neck, as they do to this day, to make themselves appear more horrid and strange, and are now at this day, among us, called Gypsies, not that all came out of Egypt, or pre∣tended so, but because they use the same Arts in Painting and Fortune-telling, and in our Laws provided against them are called Gypsies, or People colouring their Hands and Face.

Now some have derived, though falsly, these Gypsies from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies Paint, because a painted Person in that manner, and a Gypsie, is all one.

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Now as Gypsie has no relation to painting it self, but by accident, and the syllable 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ought not to be the Root alone of its Derivation seeing it is derived from AEgypti, primitively and immediately from the Egyptians, so I think it is with the word Brit, signifying Painting, that it came from the People called Britains, and not that the Britains came from it; so from Egypt comes an Egyptian, from thence a Gypsie, and from whence, if I am not mistaken, a Gyp, the meanest of Servants, a swarthy Turn-spit, &c.

In like manner I think that Brit comes from Britanni, and they from Britannia, Britania, from Strabo's〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was the Bratanac of the Phoenicians: so * that their Painting comes in only by accident in the diminutive Brith, and hath no∣thing to do in the Original Primitive of Britannia, the Root of which ought not to be Brit alone.

And although it is to be supposed that none can be so mad, as to derive Egypt from Gyp, the Antiquity of the name Egypt being sufficiently known, yet it has hap∣pened that the not considering of the Antiquity of Britannia, which really was the Bratanac of the Phoenicians, hath caused that Brith and Brits, whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Saxons (many hundred years after the First Olympiad when this Island received the Name) which are diminutions and corruptions of the Primitive word, have been accounted the Original.

To manifest this, let us hear what Humphry Lloyd, a Gambro-Britain, and a * Learned and diligent Searcher after Antiquities, saith, concerning BRITAIN, namely, he confidently and boldly affirms, that there is not any British word whose first Radical Letter is B; if this be true, then it plainly appears that the word Brith and Brit, if not the same with Pryd, are not genuine British words, but are derived from some Forreign Name, which crept by degrees into their Language, which exactly agrees with the Bratanac of the Phoenicians, or the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, words by Trading and Custome introduced into their Language, whose Idiom in their own genuine production admits not of a B in the first Radical.

Hence I believe it might proceed, that when the Greeks had named them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and their Country 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Islanders after their own manner turned the B into a P and called themselves Prydayns (as Humphry Lloyd proves out of Anci∣ent Copies, and Traditions of their Old Poets, and Bardi) for it is Recorded by Bishop Cooper something to this purpose.

At Evy Church (saith he) two miles from Salisbury, in the digging down of a*Wall, a Book, containing twenty Leaves of very thick Velom was found, which from the hands of Mr. Richard Pace, Chief Secretary to the King, I read, but being sore defaced, could read no one Sentence through, yet could I well perceive in several places the word Prytania.

If this Book be admitted of any considerable Antiquity, as that Humphry Lloyd speaks true, that there is no first Radical Letter B in the Welch Tongue, but that they were called Prydayns by themselves, I believe, without doubt, the Greeks, from this way of the Islanders, derived them from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Prytania, signifying Mettals in their own Language, for they knowing that the first Original Name Bretanica came from the Phoenicians, in which name the Commodity of the Country, Tynn, was expressed, and finding it corrupted by the Natives into Pretan, Prytan, or something like it, easily making 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wittingly embraced this occasion to derive the Country from a word from their own Language, signifying Mettals; so that if there be any truth in the Derivation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it must of ne∣cessity proceed from this Fountain.

The like may be said of Bretta, the Spanish word Earth, from whence some have derived it; For if there be any kind of Truth delivered by Tradition of such a thing among the Spaniards, then it must come from those Spaniards which in former times were called Iberi, that is, Diggers in Mines, and as the word importeth, it was derived from the Phoenicians.

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That these Iberi might be employed by the Phoenicians in the Tynn Mines in BRITAIN is not unlike, for Tacitus saies, That the Complexion of the South * part of Britain differs much from the Northern, and both from those parts that lie upon France; and therefore he is of Opinion, that the North parts were Peopled by the Germans, the Eastern Coast by the opposite Neighbours the Gauls, and the South parts by the Iberi. This he gathers by the different Complexion of the People, the North Britains being Fair, having large Limbs, long Yellow hair, as the Germans have; the South Britains being Swarthy, and Curled hair like the Spaniards; the Coast lying upon France, agreeing in Language, Customes, and in every thing with the Gauls.

It is difficult to perswade me, that Primitively any part of Britain could be Peo∣pled out of Spain by entire Colonies, but rather that it is more natural, that this Island being peopled by Colonies descending down the Rhine, and filling France, Belgium, and all that Tract of Ground, the Spaniards came to the South part as Mi∣ners only, being very active and expert in that Trade, having plenty of Mines in their own Country, as the Roman Histories witness, continued unexhausted even to Hannibals daies.

According to this account, it must certainly be vainly supposed of the derivation of Britain from Bretta, signifying Earth in Spanish, especially when considered, this Island once in conjunction with the Continent; but from the Spanish Mariners, who took Bretta from the Phoenician Brat, the first syllable in Bratanac signifying Earth. For it will frequently happen, that the Truth of things is delivered down, though the Reason by which men would evidence them, are often vain and frivolous, according to the divers apprehensions and conceptions of Men.

The time when the Phoenicians came from Tyre and Zidon, their own Native Country, to discover BRITAIN.

THE next thing I shall shew, is about what time the Phoenicians, from Tyre, came into the Western Seas, and when in all reason it may be supposed they discovered and named this Island, for from the Certainty and Antiquity of their Navigations will depend the evidence of our Derivation. And I shall also make it appear, that the Tyrians before the Trojan War, under their Captain and Country man Hercules, having Trafficked to all the parts of the Inland Sea, at last passed the Streights of Gibraltar, having first built several Cities on the Streights, and possessed Tartessus, Erythea, and Gades, Islands, with great part of the Conti∣nent of Spain and Africk, lying on the Sea Coasts, as many Monuments of their Language and Customes do evidence; And that the Western Sea was discovered be∣fore the Trojan War, we learn from the Ancient Poets Orpheus, and Homer, with whom nothing is more frequent than those sayings, That the EARTH was an Island, and encompassed round with the SEA. And first Orpheus,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
The Sea around the Earth her Water throws,
And in that Circle does it all inclose.

Upon this very account was it called AMPHITRITE by Homer, its going round the Earth, as Herodotus speaks in his fourth Book. *

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Homer makes the Sun to arise and set in the Ocean, and in the first Mapp of the World, as I may call it, the Shield of Achilles which Vulcan makes him, we find that the Earth was in the midst of the Waters, for the SEA was placed *

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
Vpon the extream borders of the Shield.

From whence could Orpheus and Homer have this, if not by Tradition from the Phoentcians, for Colaeus Samius was the first of the Greeks that discovered the Western Ocean, and he lived four hundred years after Homer, besides he never went farther than Tartessus, but contented himself with the discovery of the Streights mouth only, and to have seen that Ocean, so that we must suppose Homer had it by Tradition from the Phoenicians, as Bochartus proves him to have had many Names * of Places, particularly the ELYSIAN FIELDS, in Hispania BE∣TICA.

Let us hearken also what Strabo saith to this business, speaking of the Phoenicians;*They (saies he) went beyond HERCULES Pillars, and there built Cities even to the middle of Lybia on the Sea Coast, a little while after the TROJAN War; and Mr. Milton saies, that he thinks that ALBION has some relation to these Actions in Lybia, quasi Alebion, so called by the Phoenicians, which in my opinion is the * most probable Derivation I ever read of ALBION. However we see that the Navigations of the Phoenicians into these Seas were Ancient.

Herodotus makes mention with wonder of some Phoenicians sent by Nero, how * they failed round Africa and returned through the Streights of Gibraltar, having in their Voyage the Sun on their Right hand, part of which story Herodotus will not believe. It must needs be true, for after they had passed the Tropick of Cancer, beyond which Africk runs out many degrees. Now this story so innocently told by Herodotus as a Wonder, argues the Ignorance of the Greeks, and the great Expe∣rience the Phoenicians had in those Seas, all along the Coast of Africk.

This, I conjecture, is the cause why men, beyond Reason, have drawn their Voy∣ages even to the East Indies under King Solomon, and to the West under Hanno and Himilco, a Fate we often see that attends Great Actions, when over-fond men out of a desire to magnisie things Famous beyond their true proportions, inconsiderately stretch them beyond the bounds of Truth and Modesty.

Having said thus much of the Derivation of BRITANNIA, that it came from the Phoenicians Bratanac, let us see whether the Graecians might not take the name ALBION from that Nation also; It is agreed on most hands, that it had its de∣nomination of ALBION from its Whiteness, and it is observable that Orpheus, or rather Onomacritus calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the WHITE ISLAND, and the British Poets name it Inis Wen, the White Island, whether from the Plasterish Soyl (as Faucastorius thinks) or the White Rocks about it, is uncertain.

That it came from the Latins ALBIS RUPIBUS is impossible, because it was known to the Greeks by this Name long before the Latins, and that it pro∣ceeded from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying WHITE in the Greek Tongue is very unlikely, because being called Albion when the rest of the Islands about it were named Bre∣tanicks; It may be supposed to have gone by this Name long before the Greeks entered these Seas, when the Tynn Mines in Cornwal and Devonshire were not yet found out; For upon the discovery of the Mines in those Countries the name of BRITAIN was given to part of this Island also, and ALBION by degrees began to grow out of use.

From ALBEN therefore in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying WHITE, it may with most probability be derived, and as the Greeks translated Brat-anac, the Country of Tynn, into Cassiterides, and afterwards 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, why might they not turn likewise Alben into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or White Island, and afterwards vary it into Albion.

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Bochartus taketh notice that the Mountains upon France, commonly called the *Alpes, were sometimes named ALBIA, from their continual Whiteness. Now seeing that the Phoenicians were in Liguria and those parts of France, as likewise in Bri∣tain before the Greeks, it is rather to be supposed that ALBION, and ALBIA, came from their Alben than the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, White, and it may be easily thought that both the Latin word Albus, and Greek〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were both originally derived from the Phoenician, Alben.

I will only set down one conjecture more of the name of Albion, and that is ALPIN, which in the Phoenician Tongue signifies a high Mountain. In the Country of the Silures, now South Wales, there are many high Cliffs, which the Britains, from the Phoenicians, call Pens to this day.

Now seeing it may be supposed that the Phoenicians Landed in those parts, why might they not call that part of the Island Alben or Alpin, from whence Albion might afterwards proceed, the B and P being easily convertible, and seeing that the name of ALBION is so Ancient, it is far more probable it was taken from those parts where the first Traders arrived, than from the Cliffs of Dover, frequented only by the little Traffick of the Continent.

And that which maketh further to the confirmation of this Derivation of Albion from Alben, White in the Phoenician Tongue, or Alpin, High and Mountainous in the same Dialect, is, that the High-land Scots who were once part of the Britains, and to this day retain the British Language, call that Country which they inhabite, Alban or Albin, whereupon Blondus terms the Scots, Albinenses as well as Albienses, and Buchanan, Albini, why might not therefore the whole Island in former times be gene∣rally * called Alban or Albin, and afterwards Albion by corruption, seeing that the same Author names the Scots, Albienses and Albinenses, promiscuously.

Moreover it is to be observed, as to the Derivation of Albion from Alpin, that St. Hierom inveighing against a Pelagian, a Scot by Nation, calleth him an Alpine Dog, which Mr. Cambden would correct, and in the place of Alpin puts in Albin, by which name the Highlanders call their Country; Because, saith he, of Alpin Dogs I never remember I have read ought, but Scotish Dogs were very famous at Rome even in those daies. As if St. Hierom by Alpin Dog, meant a Dog of the Alpes and not of Scotland; I see therefore no reason why the word should be changed, for if the Greeks could call the Alpes as well 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Albions as well as Alpions, and that from the Phoenician Alben and Alpin, why might not St. Hierom call the Scots Alpins as well as Albins, upon the same account, especially seeing the change is so in∣considerable.

What the Highlanders call Alban and Albin, the Irish call Allabany, and Mr. Camb∣den putteth the question, whether this word Allabany may not have some token in it of the ancient ALBION? but why doth he not rather ask, whether Alban and Albin, by which the Natives call their Country, doth not rather carry some foot∣steps of Albion than Allabany, a Foreign word, pronounced after the broad and scattering manner of the Irish.

The Reason is plain, Alban and Albin have nothing in them of the Scottish, which is also the British, or of the Irish Tongue, higher than which he never goeth. But Allabany will afford matter for a pretty Derivation.

It is Question, saith he, for a liberal and searching Wit to travel in; he gives there∣fore two Conjectures as touching the name of Allabany, but not one of Alban or Albin, might it not come of Whiteness, saith he, which they call Ban, and import as much as Ellan-Ban, that is a White Island, or from Banne, by which the Irish Poets call their Country, and〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉the Greek word, signifies ANOTHER, so that Allabany may sound as much as another Ireland; for, saith he (pray mark the Reason) Ancient Historians call Ireland, Scotland the Greater, and the Kingdom of the Scots in Bri∣tain, Scotland the Less; but I never heard that they were called Ireland the Great∣er, and Ireland the Less, so that Allabany, allowing Banne in the Poets sence, will ne∣ver truly derive it; as for his joyning a Greek word to make out the Derivation, I pass it over, seeing it is no more than what he hath done in Britain it self.

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Thus you see he taketh care for the Irish Allabany, but as for Alban and Albin of the Highlanders, carrying the true foot-steps of Alpin and Alben in the Phoenician Tongue, and the undoubted Mother not only of the Ancient Albion, but the more Modern Albania, and this corrupt Allabany he provideth not at all, yet I doubt not but the derivation of this Island from Alben or Alpin in the Phoenician Tongue, and the Natives pure pronunciation thereof Alban and Albin, will be more satisfa∣ctory to the Enquirers into Truth, after the name of ALBION, than any thing that can be produced from the distorted Pronunciation thereof, ALLA∣BANY.

Mr. Milton will have it Alebion, and to have some relation to Lybia from the *Greek Colonies in those parts, but had he considered that they were Phoenician Colonies, as shall be shewn in the sequel, their names only being Greekified, he might have given a more solid Reason.

As for the Giant Albion, and Albina Dioclesians Daughter, I think they are not worth the mentioning in this place, as the Original of ALBION. Likewise King Brutus for BRITANNIA, I will pass over, leaving the Truth of that story to be discussed in the British History.

Concerning the Phoenicians on the West Coasts of Africk, because Mr. Milton saies, that Albion has some relation to Lybia, I will be more particular, especially seeing he takes notice only of the Greeks, and not Phoenicians who were many years before acquainted with those Places, and from whose Idiom Alebion is easily de∣rived.

In HANNO's Navigation, written by himself in the Phoenician Tongue, and * set out in Greek by Sigismundus Gelenius at Bazil, Anno 1533, I find that the Phoenicians on the West part of Africk built divers Cities: The question is what Hanno this was?

Gerardus Vossius makes him that Hanno whom the Garthaginians sent against Aga∣thocles*, but Isaac Vossius proves this Hanno to be Ancienter, because Scylax who flourished under Darius Nothus, records Cities built by that Hanno.

For my own part, I verily believe it was Hanno who is mentioned by AElianus, who desired to be esteemed as a God, no doubt as his Predecessour Hercules had * been, for his excellency in Navigation, a manifest sign he lived early in the Deifying Age of the World.

However it be, with a great Fleet of Threescore Sail, and accompanied with Thir∣ty thousand Men, he passes the Streights of Gibraltar, and after two daies Sail find∣ing a pleasant Plain of Ground, he built Dumathiria, so called from its low Scitua∣tion, although corrupted by the Greeks, after their manner, into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the like; Afterwards passing a Promontory, to which he gave the name Solois or Solountis, for its Cragginess, he came to a Lake, a daies Sail, where he built Caricum, Gytta, Acra, Melitta, Arambe, the last of which is only remaining; so that all the Coast West of Africa, from the Streights Mouth to Cerne, Chernaa of the Phoe∣nicians, signifying the last Habitation, was filled with the Colonies of Phoenicians, and beyond Cerne they had not one Colony.

From this Cerne or Herne (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Cheth being resolved in h) I think the Ancient name of Ireland, Erne and Jerne as Strabo calls it proceeded, rather than from *Ibernae as Learned Bochartus shews it, although both of the same signification, and implies as much as the uttermost Habitation, as indeed Ireland is, Westward. But if Hibernia be not derived ab Hiberno tempore by the Romans, which I think not, by reason that Ireland hath not such sharp Winters by far as England; Then, I think, Iberne of the Phoenicians takes place, signifying the uttermost Land, for naturally from it proceeded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Juverna, and from Herne comes Jerne, and Jerna, and Jernis, as Orpheus, or rather Onomacritus taught by the Phoenician,* writes,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
It lay against Jerne Isle.
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These Derivations I take to be truer than to fetch it from Erin of the Natives, and that from Hiere signifying the west Wind among them, because I have shewn before, that Countries that have their name from Scituations and Customes, receive them from ab extra, for to the Natives Ireland is no more a West Country than Eng∣land, unless they compare it with Eastern parts; But to speak the truth of the mat∣ter, every Country by its scituation receiving a Name, has it from its Neighbours, as the West Indies and East Indies are called as they lie to us, there being no such name known among them. So Anciently Gallia was divided by the Romans into Cisalpina and Transalpina: In like manner you may imagine the East Saxons were called by the West, and the West Saxons by the East, or else by some Third Person.

It is easie to imagine how Jerne might by long use come to be Erin among the Na∣tives, if we do but consider what strange Alterations and Mutations have happened in the English Tongue it self in a few years, yea how one Dialect varies from another, as may be seen in the Chapter treating of that Subject.

The Reason which concludes me in the Belief that Ireland took its name from the Phoenicians, is, because in the uttermost Coast of Spain westward, is a Promontory called by Strabo, Jerne, and the River next unto it is called by Mela, Jerne: so * that we see when Spain was the uttermost bounds of the knowledge of the Phoenici∣ans, Spain was called 〈◊〉, but when these Islands were discovered, then Ireland took the name as being the Uttermost: I cannot imagine how the Names should so exactly correspond, if they had not the same Original; Besides, in the farthermost parts of Ireland there is a River called by Ptolomy, Jernus, agreeing in name with the River Jerne in Spain, and all this cannot be from Hiere, signifying West in Irish, be∣cause * there is no Language in Europe, besides the Irish, that have any such kind of word to signisie the West; for we find those Countries that have any thing of West Position, are in the Teutonick called so, adding West, as Westrich, Westphalia, to Germany; Westminster, Westchester, &c. to London.

So that Mr. Cambden is much to be suspected, as guilty of a mistake in his Deri∣vation of Ireland, and Irish men, whom he fetches out of Spain from the point Jerna, from whence supposing they came. By the way of my discourse let me ask this Que∣stion. By whom was the River and Promontory Jerna in Spain called? if he saies, By the Inhabitants themselves, from Hiere, it being west of Spain, I would be glad to know from whence came this Hiere, it having no relation to the Spanish Tongue, nor any Dialect or Language in Europe besides, and we know none that lived Anci∣ently in those parts of Spain but were either Phoenician or Greek Colonies, which have nothing like in their Languages relating to Hiere, signifying the West; But in the Phoenician Tongue the derivation is so easie from Iberne or Herne, to bring Berne and Jerne, that seeing the Phoenicians lived west of any in Spain and Africk, and called the uttermost part of both after that Name, as is manifest out of the Peri∣plus of Hanno.

It is therefore reasonably to be supposed, when they came to discover these Lands, and found Ireland the Uttermost, that then they gave it the name Jerne, so that the Derivation of Ireland runs thus: Herne or Iberne of the Phoenicians turn∣ed by the Greeks into Jerne, as Orpheus, Aristotle and Claudian have it; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * as Eustathius; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Martian of Heraclea; by Juvenal and Me∣la, Juvernia; by Diodorus Siculus, Iris; by the Natives, Erin; from the Britains or Welch, Yuerdon; and the English, Ireland.

Now I think the Derivation of it is not to be sought from Eria, and that from Hiere, which is made the Root of all these Derivations, according to Mr. Cambden's way, than which nothing is more easie and fallacious, but from the Phoenici∣ans.

Seeing we have said thus much of Ireland, it will not be amiss to treat of THULE also, a place Famous in the Writings of the Ancients, because the examination of the Name of this Island, and shewing of it to be of Phoenician derivation, will con∣duce much to the confirming and proving of what has been said concerning the Ori∣ginal name of BRITAIN.

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For since it is not to be doubted but the Phoenicians Traded into these parts, it could not happen by chance, that the Names of all these Islands should preserve so entirely (as they do in the Phoenician Language) the very marks and foot-steps of those things for which they were so taken notice of by all the Ancients; so that the consent and harmony of the names of so many Places, with their very natures, both in sence and sound, confirms each others derivation, and puts it beyond dispute, that Britain was named Bratanac by the Phoenicians for its Tynn, for which only thing it was famous to the then known World, as Ierue or Iverue was called so from its Western, and Thule, as shall be shewn, from its Northern, or Dark scitua∣tion.

Bochartus mentions three Opinions of the Ancients concerning the Position of *THULE.

The first and worst of them makes it Scandia, which is Procopius his Judgment, * but Scandia is not an Island as Thule was supposed to be, but a Peninsula, I think his Opinion is not so much to be blamed upon that account, seeing this was never absolutely defined. But his singularity is rather to be condemned in fixing of it in that quarter of the World, so remote from those parts others thought it lay upon.

The second is of Pytheas Massitilensis, that it lies six daies Sail northward of Britain, and has the Summer Tropick, for the Artick Circle, and in the Solstice * has little or no Nights, and no Daies in Winter, which agrees exactly with Ire∣land.

The third Opinion is of Marinus and Ptolomy, by whom THULE is * made no great Island, scituated in the sixty third Degree, where the longest Day is twenty hours, and not above two daies Sail from Britain, which agrees with Schet∣land, one of the Orcades.

But I rather believe Bochartus, that there was no such particular place as Thule, but that the Phoenicians sailing Northward on our Seas, and being obliged to return upon the account of the Suns turning from his Tropick, they gave the name of Thule to those places which were the Extreamest, and by reason of their approach∣ing Darkness, put a stop to their further Navigations, and that the Tradition of this was delivered by them to the Graecians, and by them to the Romans, so that they called that THULE which was the Extreamest part of the then known World.

With this description of Thule agrees exactly the word Tule or Thule of the Phoenicians, signifying Darkness; for Teth by them is often expressed by Theta, as in Cadmus his Alphabet, although AEthicus writes it, Insula Tilae, and Gerirat Thule, * is with the Phoenicians, The Island of Darkness.

We well know the Northern Climates of the World are taken notice of for their Darkness, not so much by reason of their long Nights, as their gloomy and obscure Daies, for with Homer,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(Odyss. 1. v. 25.) to Darkness, is the same with *〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the North; and Thule by Statius is called Nigra and Nigras.

Now the truth of this Derivation will more evidently appear if we consider the vanity of all others hitherto produced.

Suidas brings the Name of it from Thulis a King of Egypt. THULIS (saies he) reigned over all Egypt to the Ocean, and called one of those Islands lying in it Thule, from his own Name; But of such a King as this we never read of either in Mane∣thon, Herodotus, Diodorus and Africanus, besides it is strangly ridiculous to extend the Dominion of Egypt to the uttermost bounds of the North.

Some bring it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but then it would be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And to make it come from the Saxons is worse, viz. from Tell, which in that Language signifying a Bound, to make 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Telle.

Isidore, that makes the Sun to keep his Summer Solstice in it, saith, that beyond it is no Day, derives it from thence very ill, if we may judge by his skill in Geography.

These are the Opinions of THULE, so that I leave it to any man to judge, whether it be not most probable to be derived from the Phoenician Thule, agreeing exactly both in sence and sound, with the notions of all Ages concerning this Island, and the Appellation of it.

Page  53

But to return to BRITAIN, The Reason which makes Mr. Cambden in all his Antiquities of Names to have recourse to the Language of the People, to the Welch for Britain, and to the Irish for Ireland, and so looked no higher, proceeds from an opinion he took by the mis-understanding of Polybius, That Britain was but late known, yea not long before the daies of Caesar.

The words of Polybius are these, faithfully translated out of his Third * Book.

For as concerning Asia and Lybia, where they joyn with one another about AEthiopia, no one can say perfectly, to this day, whether it be a Continent running to the South, or whether it be encompassed by the Sea. So likewise, what lies between Tanais and Narbo, stretching Northward, is unknown to us at this present, unless afterwards by diligent Enquiring, we learn something of it. They that speak or write any thing of these matters, are to be thought to know nothing, and to lay down Fables.

These are the words of Polybius, by which he only means, That as it was doubt∣ful whether the Sea encompast the South parts of Africa, so it was unknown whether the North parts of Europe, above Narbo, were encompast too.

Now Mr. Cambden understands the words, as if they were spoken in general, when indeed they related only to that particular Question, Whether the North Tract of Europe be environed with the Sea? which, notwithstanding the great improvement of Navigation, stands unresolved even to this day.

It is manifest Polybius spake not this in General, because he himself describes the Fountains of Rhodanus and Corbilo on Ligeris, and many other Places of France, which all lay above Narbo.

In his Third Book he promiseth, particularly to write of the Outer or West Sea, and of the Occurrences that happened in it; And, which is more to our purpose, to write of the Bretanick Islands, for so he calls them, and of their manner of making of Tynn, which promise of his requires more than a Cursory knowledge to perform, and urges that the Trade into those Seas was very great.

Nay this Promise he performed, as we gather out of the Second Book of Strabo, where Polybius is brought in describing of Europe, and comparing the Opinions of *Pytheas, Dicaearchus, and Eratosthenes, concerning the Magnitude of BRI∣TAIN.

This Work of his, had it not perished, would undoubtedly have made much for the Honour of Our Nation: And we might have expected (from so Ancient an Au∣thor, living Three hundred and seventy years before Christ, and from so accurate and worthy a Person, as who, with Scipio the Great, had been an Eye-witness of most Places of Note, and had seen most Phoenician Records) some notable History of Britain; But thus much we are sure, that in his daies the Islands were called BRATANACS, preserving the C of their first Original, as in his Works is found.

Those three Persons, Pytheas, Dicaearchus and Eratosthenes, whose Opinions Strabo introduceth Polybius, comparing and confuting (as they writ of Britain) all three of them, so were they much Ancienter than Polybius. As for Eratosthenes, Suidas makes him to live in the One hundred twenty sixth Olympiad, in the daies of Ptolomaeus Philadelphus. Dicaearchus was the Schollar of Aristotle, Ancienter than he; and Pytheas, cited by both of the former, precedes them both, so that I find three most Eminent Persons among the Greeks to have written concerning Britain, even in those daies when Mr. Cambden imagin'd it to lie in a Nook of the World, ob∣scurely, and unknown; For as the Trade of it was great for Tynn and Lead, so that the Graecians had none but what was brought from thence, as Mr. Cambden himself confesses, so it manifestly appears that the Cassiterides were known before Homers daies, who writes of Lead, which otherwise he could not do.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
The Goddess to the bottom fell like Lead.
Page  54

Now let any judge, whether the Scilly Islands could be discovered, and many Voyages made thither, and this Island of BRITAIN to be unknown.

As for those Verses of Avienus, which Mr. Cambden seems to slight so much, as to call them Credulous, who give any belief to them, although he makes use of them afterwards, in his description of the Scilly Islands. Thus much is to be said in general.

Festus Avienus professes that himself had read all the Navigations of Himiko, in the Punic Annals.

Haec olim Himilco Poenus, Oceano super
Spectasse semel & probasse retulit;
* Haec nos ab imis Punicorum Annalibus,
Prolata longo tempore edidimus tibi.
These things of Old on Western Sea,
Himilco saies, he try'd and saw;
From hidden Punick Annals, we
Relate, what we from thence did draw.

Certainly, it is unreasonable to condemn an Author upon no ground in the World but Humor, neither do I think it a fond Credulity but an act of true Judgment, to give Assent to a Person who professes himself to have read it, and especially where there is nothing related but what agrees with the whole consent and current of those times.

And this way of proceeding is unequal, to Reject, without being able to give some Reason; so it reflects upon the Authority of all Ancient Writers, whose Vera∣city cannot be made out otherwise, than by their constant assevering, that they have Heard and Read such things which they relate, without Assent to which their Histo∣ries become dead and useless.

Now to deny that to Festus Avienus, which we grant to other Authors, without giving any Reason for our dislike, but only because it makes not to our purpose, seems to me rather the Act of a Judge, than an Inquirer or diligent Searcher after Antiquities; And looks as if it proceeded from the thoughts of having obtained the utmost heights and top of Truth and Antiquity, so that it is lawful to judge and condemn Authors at pleasure.

However Festus Avienus, in this matter, agrees with all Antiquity, as to the Sail∣ing of the Phoenicians into the Western Sea, there arriving at the Isles of Scilly to Traffick for Tyun and Lead with the Inhabitants, all which things are made out from Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, and Solinus, and therefore needs not to lie so heavy upon the Credit of Festus Avienus, as though he were the only Person that sustained them.

And here it will not be amiss to take notice how Mr. Cambden, although he will not have Britain to be known long before Caesars time, that the beginning of his Antiquities (to speak the truth) in time are very much below the discovery of this Island, may seem to be of a higher date than indeed they are; yet where he speaks of the Plenty of this Nation, how the Ground was enriched with all sorts of Corn, he cites Orpheus, who reported it to be the very Seat of Lady Ceres:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
Loe here the stately Hall of Ceres Queen.

And saies, that this is meant of BRITAIN, which, if he means as he speaks, cer∣tainly he contradicts himself in saying, It was not known but by Name only to the An∣cients, seeing that Orpheus, one of the Argonauts, treats in particular of the Commo∣dities in this Country, in which it is blest above all Nations in the World even to this day.

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But enquiring closer after the Truth, you will find Orpheus to be of a later date than he is generally thought to be of; for in his daies Britain was not discovered to the Greeks, but the Phoenicians who kept it private to themselves, as I shall shew hereafter out of Strabo, so that this feigned Orpheus, is indeed the true Onomacritus, as may be learnt out of Tacitus and Clemens Alexandrinus, an Athenian Poet who * lived in the daies of Pisistratus, and, as they say, in the Fiftieth Olympiad, but ra∣ther in the Five and fiftieth, before Christ five hundred and sixty years, when the Graecians began, by the discovery of the Phoenicians, to enter the Atlantick Oce∣an, and to be Eye witnesses of those Places they formerly had only by Hear-say.

And when (no doubt as Pliny writes) our Island was celebrated to the Greeks,* not only for its Mines of Tynn and Lead, by which it was useful to all the World, but its plenty of Provisions also, by which it sustained and blest its Inhabitants; so that Mr. Cambden, forced by the Truth, oftentimes confesses what in other places he would have lie dark and obscure, namely, That BRITAIN for a long time was unknown, but here I suppose we must take him in his Poetical humour only, and so I shall leave him, and proceed to shew what Foot-steps the Phoenicians left among the Ancient Britains of their Language and Customes, and what remains to this day.

And first I will begin with Strabo, because what he speaks of has relation to the Plenty of England for all sorts of Grain; in his fourth Book, Artimidorus asserts, *That there was an Island near Britain, I suppose one of the Scilly Islands, and in most probability St. Maries, in which they worshipped Ceres and Proserpina, with the same Rites they did in Samothrace.

Now this Artimidorus lived in the daies of Ptolemeus Lathyrus, before Colaeus the Greek had ever discovered any thing of these Seas, so that the Graecians could not introduce the Worship of Ceres and Proserpina into any British Island. It remains therefore, that they were brought in by the Phoenicians, who had taught the Samo∣thracians first their Worship, and the Mysteries of their Cabiri, which were so many that Juvenal takes notice of them:

jurent licet & Samothracum
Et nostrorum ar as

Now, that the Worship of the Samothracians, and consequently of the Bri∣tains who had the same Rites, were taught them by the Phoenicians, I will prove.

First, The word Cabiri, signifying their Gods, is a Phoenician word signifying Power and Greatness, and they were worshipt chiefly at Beritus by the Phoenicians, as Sanchoniathon in Eusebius witnesseth, which place was dedicated to the Honour of Neptune, a great God with them, and the Cabiri.*

Now the Mysteries of these Rites were accounted so Sacred and Powerful, that whosoever was initiated in them, immediately received, as they thought, some extra∣ordinary gifts of Holiness, and that in all their Dangers they had a present Remedy and Expedient about them to deliver and rescue them; but that which most affected the Phoenicians was a confidence they had, that those Religious Ceremonies preserved them from Dangers by Sea, Therefore it is no wonder that Arriving in Britain, they taught the Inhabitants that Worship, to which they held themselves most obliged for their Safety.

These Rites of the Samothracians, by their mysterious Obscurity (as it happens that things best understood are most admired) prevailed so much in the World, that besides many of the Ancients, as Jason, Orpheus, the Greek Hercules, Agamemnon, and Ulysses, Castor and Pollux, that were Devoto's to them; Philip the Father of A∣lexander, a wise and politick Prince, was initiated in them; and from these mystical and unintelligible Rites of the Cabiri, in which I suppose the Phoenicians preserved the main part in their own Tongue, I conjecture the word Gibberish to Gaber, a∣mongst us proceeds, a frequent name given by us to any long harangue of words which we understand not; And I find that these Rites were in Britain, or some Island nigh it, which could be brought by none but the Phoenicians.

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In the next place is sound in Hesychius that Cotes was a Priest of the Cabiri, and I find in Mr. Cambden that Coi-fi (I know not what fi means in the Ancient British, but with them it was frequent to compound Monosyllables) is the name of a *Heathen Priest in Britain, when Paulinus preach'd the Gospel here; so that we see Cotes, a Priest in the Phoenician rites, continued its name even to the Saxons. But of this I shall speak more, when I come to treat about the Ancient British Gods. It will suffice in this place, that Ceres and Proserpina were worshipped in the British Islands, after the manner of the Samothracians, before ever the Greeks had any knowledge of these parts, and that this Worship could be introduced by none but the Phoenicians.

The next foot-steps we find of them is among the Silures, about which part of England it is to be supposed the Phoenicians Landed; I find, in Solinus, an Island * called Silura, lying upon that Coast which the British Danmonii, or Cornish Men pos∣sest.

This name Silura, with the transposing of one Letter, proceeds from the Phoe∣nician Sirula, signifying that Garment called Bracca, which the Ancient Britains as well as the Gauls wore, as Martial witnesseth,

Quam veteres Braccae Britonis Pauperis—*

Now, that the Phoenicians might call the Britains from this Garment they sound them in (as part of France was called Braccata from the same) it stands with reason; and although all the Britains might use the same Garment as all France did, yet would not the Name pass through all the Island no more than it did in France, the novelty and edge of the Derivation being by Custome taken away when the Phoenicians had greater converse with them.

It will not be improper in this place to put down the Conjectures of Tacitus, who from the swarthy Complexion and curled Hair of the Silures, believes them to be * derived from the Iberi, which Iberi, as Bochartus makes out, were a Colony of the *Phoenicians placing themselves in Tartessus, for, as for any other Iberi, they had not the experience and knowledge enough to send out Colonies.

Upon the Coast of Cornwal and Devonshire I find a Promontory, called HER∣CULES his Promontorv by Ptolomy, and called to this day Herty-point, containing in * it two pretty Towns, Herton and Hertland, whereof Herton is the greater and cor∣ruptly called Harton; Now as I will not aver as ever Hercules was here and named it so, as Franciscus Philelphus and Lileus Geraldus aver, because Mr. Cambden saies there was three and forty Hercules's, as Varro will have it, he cannot admit of one * of them to arrive at this point. Well let it be so, though I think Diodorus Siculus, nor any of the Greeks, to be competent Judges of the Voyages of the Phoenicians, yet I do believe that the Phoenicians rather than the Gracians might give it the Name, and build some Temple in honour of their own Hercules, as he almost got the Honour of the Temple in the Streights, so has he almost robbed the Phoenician Hercules of this also.

But is it absolutely against Reason to say, that Hercules might arrive at this Island? Certainly No, as it hath some probability in it, if we consider what Pliny writes, * viz. that Midacritus was the first that brought Tynn out of the Cassiterides. Now who should this Medacritus be? we are assured it is a Greek name, and a Gracian could not be the first that brought Tynn from thence, wherefore Bochartus thinks * it ought to be Milicartus, or Melcartus, a known name of Hercules.

Of this Hercules Phoenicius many things are Recorded, as to his Voyages, even to this ISLAND, but we advise none to relie on the truth of them, we desire not to heap up Fables, as many have done, and usually do to make good their Opinions, for the truth of the Phoenician Voyages into Britain under other Captains, appears plain enough, and their Trading into these Parts, only thus much may be averred, that where any remembrance of Hercules remains, it it rather to be attributed to the Phoenician than the Graecian, as the Learned know, especially upon Promontories and Sea-Port Towns, as Hercules Rock in Campania, Hercules Haven in Liguria, the Promontories of Hercules in Mauritania and Galatia.

Page  57

Now, because we have found one HERCULES his Promontory in our Seas, we will relate another Monument concerning him, found Anno MDXIIII, at the Mouth of Scaldis in Zealand, where a Tower or Temple dedicated to Hercules was found. The Stone had this Inscription:

V. S. L M.

Now this Inscription is thought to belong to the Ancient HERCULES whom the Dorienses followed into Gaul, as Marcellinus out of Timagines writes, * and not to the Greek HERCULES, as some have gathered by his Followers, the Dorienses, whom they have imagined to be Greeks, when indeed they were Phoeni∣cians of the City Dora, or Dorus, in Phoenicia, of which Stephanus thus writes: Dorus in * a City of Phoenicia, as Josephus and others write, the Name of the People was Dorites, but Pausanias calls them Dorienses. Some think that Petronius should be read for Pausanias, for an Epistle of his is extant in Josephus, where the Inhabitants of Dora are called Dorienses. The Inscription of the Epistle is this:

P. Petronius The Embassadour of Tiberius Claudius CAESAR Augustus Germanicus, To the Chief of the Dorienses, Greeting.

These Dorienses, as Marcellinus writes, who followed the Elder Hercules, could not be Gracians, because in his daies (I mean the Elder Hercules) there was no such People so called among the Greeks, for Dorus the Father of the Greek Dorienses lived after the Phoenician Hercules.

Enidius and other German Writers, upon those words of Marcellinus, The Dori∣enses following the Ancient Hercules, inhabited the Sea Coasts of Gallia, by Gallia they * think is meant Germany, because all Germany was called so Anciently, and by the Sea Coast, Beligium, and in particular an Island of the Zealanders, called Wallacheia. And this Inscription is brought by him to confirm his opinion.

Now as this Inscription is in Latin, as V. S. L. M. viz. Votum solvit Lubens merito, shews consequently of later date than Hercules his daies, and in memory only of him, so the word MARCUSANUS has puzzled the heads of many to find out its meaning.

Geropius derives it from Marchius, signifying among that People the Bounds or Li∣mits,*Because (saith he) the Romans, before the dominion of the Franks, had a Limit∣ing Castle in Zealand, from whence it was called Marchius on the Uttermost shoar, which was consecrated to Hercules the Preserver of Bounds and Limits, who upon that account was called Hercules Marcusanus.

But because this relies on the Credit of Geropius without any Authority, and be∣cause it seems unprobable, upon the account that Marchius is a General word with them, signifying any Fort or Gastle upon the Borders of any Territory, it is thought Hercules could not be denominated from it, it being never found it was his office to serve instead of the God Terminus; besides Learned Mr. Sheringham observes, that Hercules (and I may add other Gods too) derived his Sir-names from proper Ap∣pellative * names of Places, and was never called the City Hercules, or Town Hercules, or Castle Hercules, from City, Town, or Castle. Therefore Mr. Sheringham derives it from Man, and Cpyran, the first in the Cimbric Tongue signifying a Disease, loss, and evil, and Cpyran to beat off, or quash, which word quash, as I take it, preserves some∣thing of Cpyran.

Page  58

And this Derivation he grounds upon a Greek name given to Hercules;〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the driver away of Diseases, and he quotes Plutarch who makes Hercules a Physitian,* so that Map signifying a Disease, as we see in Night Mare, and the Dutch have it Die nacht Maet, a disease proceeding from oppression of Wind in the Stomach, likewise to spoil and hurt, as we say to marr a thing, and Cpyran signifying to quash, in which word, I think, Cpyran is preserved, therefore he thinks it is a genuine Derivation of Marcusanus; but with the leave of so Worthy a Person, from whom I would not willingly dissent, but for Truths sake, I cannot take this to be the meaning of Marcusanus, by reason it is fetched from an Epethite rather than a name of Hercules, which way is very uncertain. As for Example: why may not Marcusanus as well be derived from Mapc, signifying a Horse, and Cpyran, to tame, both of the same Language, because we sometimes read Hercules,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Domitor Fquorum, a tamer of Horses, or from Mapp, signifying Death, and Cpyran, from his conquering of Death in his return from Hell; all which in my thoughts bear the same probability.

Besides, this Epithite 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was proper only to the Greek Hercules, whom Marcellinus brings not to this Coast, but saies, it was the Phoenician Hercules, fol∣lowed by the Dorienses who came hither. So that the Derivation must (without doubt, be sought in the Phoenician Language, in which I find Mat to signifie a Lord or Prince; and upon which account Cusanus comes in I know not, unless Marcusanus be from Mat Cus, Lord of the Cussites, of whose race were the Dori∣enses whom Hercules Commanded, but rather as I think from the known Sir∣name of Hercules the Phoenician ought we to derive it, to wit, Melcarthus or Mar∣carthus, Mel and Mat signifying the same thing in their Language, viz. a Prince, so allowing the abbreviation Marchus for Marcarthus, which is frequent in syllables of the same sound, I think we have an easie and true account of Marcusanus; But if any think it more natural to bring it from the Cimbric Language, I shall not contend, only I could wish that instead of Map a Disease, they would take Mop the Sea, it being more Honourable for so great a Traveller as the Phoenician Hercules, to be a Skilful Pylot than a Physician.

But to return to England, as the Silures derived their Name from the Phoenicians, so likewise did the Danmonii, the Inhabitants of Cornwal and Devonshire, in which two Counties the Phoenicians were very conversant, by reason of their abounding in Tynn.

Upon this account some have derived them from Moina, in the British Tongue signifying Mines, but the Question is, whence the Dan or Dun proceeds? for So∣linus calls them Dunmonii; Ptolomy, Domnonii, and in other Copies (as Cambden* saith) trulier Danmonii, although I think the transposition is very easie and usual, and hides not at all the Original Dan or Dun.

In the Ancient British Language, as also in the Phoenician, Dun or Cun (for in composition we sind both waies) signifies a Hill, and Dan of the British, Down of the Phoenicians and English signifie Low.

Now whether we derive them from Dan, from their Low habitations in Valleys, or, which is righter, from Dun or Cun, or Monia, signifying Hills of Tynn; I sind both waies that they are of a Phoenician Derivation.

Besides, this word Dun, being a frequenter word in derivation, and extending to the Language of the Gauls, who called an Hill Dun, I think more proper to derive Dunmonii from it, for from Dun, a Hill, many Cities of high Scituation both in Gaul and Britain take their Name, as Augustodunum, Axellodunum, Juliodunum, Lau∣dunum, Melodunum, Noviodunum, Sedunum, Vellannodunum. Clitophon expresly, *Lugaunum, Corvi Collem, because it was placed on a Hill; likewise Andomatunum, with a T, in Ptolomy, the Metropolis of the Lingones.

The first Country of the Danmonii Westward is Cornwal, shooting into the Sea, and running into a Point of Belirium, the Name of which Country, if we examine the Original of it, and what at this day it is called by the Inhabitants, and the simi∣litude it bears with other places, exactly agreeing in Name and Nature with it, we shall find it could be called so by none but the Phoenicians.

Page  59

To prove this, let us consider it is agreed unto by all hands, that it received its Name from being like a Horn, running sinaller and sinaller, with little Promontories, as if they were horned on either side: And this is brought from Korn, Plur. Kern, signifying Horns in the British Language.

Now as this Kern or Korn is derived from the Phoenician Cheren, signifying the same, so the manner of calling Places after that sort came from them also, a thing so frequent in the Eastern Countries, to call any Corner or Angle made, by the name of Horn; As for Example, Cyprus called Cerastis, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Taurica Chersoneso; that we are not to doubt but Cornwal, called Kernaw by the Inhabitants, proceeded from the Phoenician here.

To give an Instance, the City Carnon, as Pliny calls it, Carna, as Ptolomy, meerly * upon the account of its standing upon an Angle, cut out by two High-waies that met there in a point on which Carna was built, one of which Roads from Mecca leads to Tasph, the other to Sanaa.

But this way of the Phoenicians was frequently in Promontories whose Angles were more discernable, by being made of another Element, as we find Corsica, called by the Phoenicians Carnatha, afterwards mollified by the Greeks into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and all this, from its having so many Promontories, which by the Phoenicians were called Kern.

That Cornwal was called Kernaw by them rather than the Inhabitants, will ap∣pear,

First, Because there is no other Promontory in this Island so called, notwith∣standing the British Language was in use through the whole.

There are other Places that run into the Sea as much like a Horn as this, which, in my Judgment, is an evident sign of the Phoenicians in this part of England above others.

Secondly, Because it is more natural to imagine, that Sailers (to whom the shapes of Countries appear at a distance, more than to the Inhabitants) should give the Name, than those that only ply'd upon the Shoars in small Carows, or Leather and Wicker Boats, as the Britains did.

It is to be observed that Meneg, a part of Cornwal, which of the South Sea does make another direct Horn, is also of a Phoenician derivation, agreeing to that description Mr. Cambden gives of it, viz. that it is a Demy-Island, Meneog of the Phoenician signifying kept in by the Sea, and which he proves in the Menna which Jornandus describes out of Cornelius a Writer of Antiquities; so that to Sailors afar * off, Cornwal appears with two Horns, striking it self into the Sea, which part of England, I believe, was first discovered by the Phoenicians, who, without question, finding a world of Tynn in them, secured them for themselves.

And although Meneg is now destitute of all Mettals, as long ago exhausted, yet that there were such Mines in it, hear the same Author:

It has great store of Mettal Mines, very full of Grass and Herbs, bringing forth more plentifully all those things which serve for Pastorage of Beasts, and nourishment of Man.

I will only mention one thing in this Peninsula, which seems to me exactly to pre∣serve its Phoenician Name, and that is a Fortification of Stones only without any Cement or Mortar, lying as upon the Lake Leopole, a Fortification after the manner of the Britains, as Tacitus describes them, Rudes & informes Saxorum compages, which was the way of the Eastern Nations, as the Scriptures themselves inform * us.

This Rude heap of Stones the Inhabitants call to this day Erth, without giving any Reason for so Ancient a Rampier, and of so great a Compass as it is, so that none can induce me to believe but that it took its Name from the Lake on which it lies, for the Phoenicians call'd all Lakes, Arith, so that this Military Fence called, as I have said, Erth, I believe from thence received its Name.

There are many Places in these two Counties, Cornwal and Devonshire, which retain exact foot-steps of the Phoenicians, that cannot be found any where else, which I shall omit as nothing easier than to fancy Similitudes〈◊〉 especially where, perhaps, they will not be allowed of.

Page  60

The truth of Phoenician Trafficks in these Parts do not depend upon such Con∣jectures, but evidenced by Authentick Histories, so that I will not mention *Go∣dolcan, a Hill famous for the plenty of the Mines of Tynn, as Mr. Cambden witnesseth, which plenty of that Mettal is included in the very word it self, only here let me observe, that in the West and South parts of England, even where the British Lan∣guage prevails not, we find many places begin with Pen, namely, such as are of a High scituation, which, without dispute, is an Argument, that Pen, a Hill in the British Language, came from the Phoenician Pinnah, signifying the same thing, because we find it most used in those parts of England the Phoenicians frequented most; nay through all this Island we shall scarce meet with any Northward, when on the West and South Coasts, we cannot go six or eight miles but we find them.

To instance in the south-side of Cornwal only: Penrose, Pensans, Pengersick, Pen∣rose again, Penwarron, Pendennis, Penkeivel, Penwyn, Pentuan, Penrock, to which may be added that infinite number of Towns beginning with Tre, as Treewofe, Tre∣nowth, Tregenno, Trewarveneth, Trevascus, Trenona, Trewaridreth, Treworgan, Tre∣gernin, Trelistick, Trefusus, Tregamian, Tremadart, Tregonoc, which those very same Parts can have no other account given of them, if they proceed not from the Phoe∣nician Cira, and by contraction Cra, signifying a Castle, so that they were Forts built by them to secure their Trade.

Now give me leave to instance here in some British words that agree exactly with the Phoenician, which I shall put down in English Characters, leaving the Examina∣tion of the words, and the Roots of them, to the Learned.

Crag, or Careg,Carac, Crac,A Hill.
Corn, plur. Kern,Coran, plur. Kern,A Horn.
Caer, from whence came Caerlyle,Caer, from whence Carthago,A City.
Get,Gwith,A Breach.
Caturfa,Kat. erva,A Troop.
Penn,Pinnah,The Cliff of a Hill.
〈◊〉, Furthest off, whence Mr. Cambden brings Belirium,Peli,To remove away.
Meath,Mawath,A Plain, or Valley.
Garw, or Garaw,Garaph,Swift.
Dun,Cun,A Hill.
Bro,Baro,A Country, or Region.
Gwith,Guet,A Separation.

Page  61

I will proceed now to shew, how that most of those Words of the Ancient Bri∣tains and Gauls, which Mr. Cambden brings to prove them one and the same Nation, proceeded from the Phoenicians, and that there is as much, or rather more similitude between the Phoenician and British, than between the British and Gaulish.

And here I cannot but wonder, why there should be any dispute concerning the first Inhabitants of this Island, for, I think, it is not to be doubted but that we did receive them from the Continent of France, but whether from that Part now called Belgium, or from Piccardy, or any other particular place, 'tis impossible to be known. For as Mr. Cambden fetches his Antiquities little higher than Julius Caesars daies, so if we will bring the Britains from those particular Gauls that then inhabited that Country, I think it is not reasonably to be allowed him, because it is at least seven or eight hundred years after the Trading of the Phoenicians into these Parts, in which time Gallia might have many and great Revolutions, there being nothing commoner in those daies, than great fluxes and refluxes of Nations, and incursions made by whole and entire People.

Now that the Language of the Gauls and Britains (I mean those that lived in Cae∣sars daies, or thereabouts) was the same, or alike, I think none will deny, or at least, that they agreed in several things. This is so far from needing proof, that I cannot imagine how it could be otherwise, considering the vicinity of them, and how the Sea Coast of Britain, as Caesar witnesseth, was inhabited by the Gauls that came thither to make War, and a prey of their Neighbours; Besides, several Britains that warred in Gaul, and so returning into Britain, might bring a great deal of their Tongue, for it was one of Caesars Reasons he gave for his entring Britain, that they had assisted his Enemies the Gauls, so that the Britains going into Gallia, and the Gauls coming in∣to Britain, they interchangably mixed their Language.

It is not to be doubted but that Traders hither, such as the Phoenicians were, did impart much of their Language, as to the Britains especially, so to those Inhabitants of Armorica on the Sea Coast of France, which congruity in Language appears to have proceeded much from the Phoenicians as shall be next shewn, and especially in those very Words Mr. Cambden brings for Examples, to evidence the Gauls and Bri∣tains were the same People.

First then, for TARAMIS, whom Mr. Cambden calls Taranis, that it may agree better with his Caran, Thunder, was a Gaulish God, and without dispute worship∣ped by the Britains under the same name. Now this God was Jupiter〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Tonans, the Thunderer, to whom Augustus Caesar built a Temple, as many others re∣port.

Now Caram in the British Tongue signifies Thunder, and is supposed so to signifie in the Gaulish, upon the account of the name of this God; But Carem, Thunder, in the Phoenician Tongue, I believe is the Original of the British and Gaulish word, and that the Phoenicians were the cause that this God called by the Britains Chor, whom (in treating particularly of the GODS, I will prove to be the most Ancient God Jupiter) was called Caram, the Thunderer, and I verily believe that Taram and Ta∣ramis both, have the same Original.

The Gauls had another God called by Lucan, HESUS, this Hesus is thought to be Mars, as we may learn out of the History of the Ancient Gauls, which not long since Antonius Gosselinus put forth; And the name Hesus comes from the Syrian〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying strong and Powerful in War, from which word the Phoe∣nicians* had their name of Mars, as out of Jamblicus Julian the Apostate shews in his Oration of the SUN; I will, saies he, out of the Phoenician Theology produce some∣thing,*They that inhabit Edessa, a place alwaies sacred to the Sun, place Monimus and Hazizus with the Sun; which Jamblicus so interprets, that Monimus is Mercury,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mars; and in another place of the same Oration, Mars is called Hazizus of the Syrians, which Hazizus comes of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from whence comes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all of the same signification, so that Hesus of the Gauls. and Britains differs little from them.

Page  62

That this Hesus was worshipped in Britain, methinks is very plain from many Places that retain his Name; besides Tacitus and Caesar witnesseth, the Gauls and Britains had the same Gods; As for Heus, I cannot believe him to be the same with *Hesus, but rather that he is confounded by Lactantius with the known name of Bac∣chus and Hues which was worshipped in these parts, as I shall shew in the particular Chapter of the British GODS; And granting him to be Anubis Latrans, and so his name to be preserved in the British word Haud, a Dog, yet could he be brought to these Countries by none but the Phoenicians, who received Him of the AE∣gyptians.

That Tutates was worshipt in these Parts is most certain,

Tutates horrensque feris Altaribus Hesus. *
Lucan declares; and that he was Mercury, Livy witnesseth in these words, Scipio in Tumulum obversus quem Mercurium Tutatem appellant.*

Now that this Tutates was a Phoenician God none can doubt, if they consider what Philo Biblius writes out of Sanchoniathon the Ancient Phoenician Writer; *Taautus was born of Misor, he invented the first Elements of Writing, whom the AEgyptians call Thoot; the Alexandrians, Thouth; the Greeks, Hermes or Mercury: He was promiscuously called Thoot, Thouth, or Theuth; by Plato, in his Philaebo, he is called Theuth, and in his Phoedras, THAMUS King of Egypt, who has a * long conference with him of the use of Letters, where he is called the Father of Letters.

Tully calls him Thoyth and Theuth; Lactantius, Theutus and Thot; from whence it * plainly appears, that this name of Mercury, Tutates, is not of a British Original, as Mr. Cambden makes it derived from an Office of his, To guide in Journeys, Diw Caith, signifying the God of Travelling in the British Tongue.

This was but the smallest of this Gods employment, for although that Derivation may found prettily to them that know not the Antiquity of the Name, TUTATES, and seek not further than the Welch Dictionary, yet it is certain to those that exa∣mine higher, that this God was brought by the Phoenicians, and his name, Cu∣tates, known long before either Diw, or Caith, might be in the World.

This God Teuth ought not to be confounded with Tuisco, their Offices, Employ∣ments, and Regions from whence they proceeded, being so Geometrically oppo∣site, Teuth being a God of Arts and Learning, and came from the Phoenicians: Tuisco, on the other side, a great Warryor, and Leader of the Northern Nations. And seeing the Graecians had their Letters from the Phoenicians, it is to be considered whether the Letter Teth had not its name from Teuth.

The next word Mr. Cambden brings is Dusit, by which the Gauls termed their lucubi, upon the account of their filthy Uncleaness practiced continually amongst them; but how this should come from the Welch Duth, signifying only Continually, without any thing of their Practice, I cannot imagine, for if one would strain Ety∣mologies, one might as well bring it from Dud of the Phoenician, signifying the love of those unclean Spirits; but we desire here to be excused.

As for Divona, signifying Gods Fountain, according to Ausonius, in this Verse of his,

Divona Celtarum lingua fons addite Divis.
It is acknowledged that Dyw, signifying Gods, and Uonan, a Fountain, in the Bri∣tish Tongue; but here we must consider, that as the Britains and Gauls used this word Dyw before they conversed with the Romans, and so could not receive it from Deus, as some may think, so it may easily be supposed that they received it from Dai of the Phoenicians; but we cannot be so bold as to derive the Uonan, although we know a River in Sicily called Danus by the Phoenioians, for its Weedi∣ness, and we might bring this Divona from Daionus, but it shall suffice to shew that both Nations had their Dyw from the Phoenicians.

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The next word Mr. Cambden produces is Senae, and this he would read Lenoe, but it cannot be allowed him, as I shall evidence; For these Senae were Reli∣gious Women, as Pomponius Mela writeth, attending upon a certain God, whom the *Gauls, and consequently the Britains, worshipped.

Now this God, or rather Gods, I shall evidence to be the Phoenician Cabiri, when I come to treat of the British Idolatry, and had their Priests who were called Coies and Coes by the Greeks, and by the Phoenicians Coen, and the Women Coenae, afterwards written with an S, Senae.

Now if Mr. Cambden will derive his Lean-Minster from Consecrated Virgins, named Leanes by the Britains, now called Nuns, he must be contented with the word Laena of the Latins, which word was not alwaies of evil signification among the Romans, but taken from them, and used by the Britains in a good sense, although afterwards in an ill one; as Latro and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among the Greeks and Latins, and Villain and Knave among us. For undoubtedly these Senae are the same with Pom∣ponius Mela's Cenoe, which Bochartus will have read Coenoe, and are not to be changed, and brought so low as to derive Lean-Minster. The words of Pomponius*Mela, are these;

SENA, in the British Sea, lying against the Osismick Shoars, is famous for an Oracle of some Gaulish God, whose devotaries being said to be Nine in Number, Sacred, by a perpetual Virginity, are called CENAE by the Gauls.

This Sena is now caled Sayn, and lieth on the farthest Armorica. Now, what Reason there is to turn Senae into Lenoe, to make a similitude between the Antient British and Gaulish Language, let any judge.

The Gauls, saith Polybius, in their own Tongue call their Mercenary Souldiers Ges∣satae, and at this day the Welch Britains call their hired Servants, Guessin. Thus * Mr. Cambden.

I confess, not only Polibius, but Plutarch and Orosius say as much, but I am * afraid that this Opinion proceeded from the same motives Euphorius in Stephanus did, viz. because they derived them from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Gaza, signifying Mony, or Treasure; for Strabo makes them a distinct Nation, and so does Suidas. And Others derive them from a sort of Weapons called Gesa, as Servius on the Eighth *AEneid, where he reports, that Valiant Men among them were called Gesi.

So that among these several Opinions, we must seek out the true Derivation, and not depend on the similitude between the Gessatae, and Guessin, hired Servants, upon the account only that the Gassatae might be hired.

We find in the Syrian Dialect (which the Phoenician used) Gaisa, and in the Plural Foeminine, Gaisata, to signifie an Army or Armies, and from thence un∣doubtedly proceeded the Gessatae of the Gauls, and Guassdewr of the British, signifying a Valiant Man, and Guessin, an Hireling; for I suppose Gessata was equally communicated to the Gauls and British.

To shew more plainly that this Gessatae was of Phoenician Derivation, let us consider Gessum, a Weapon, said to be peculiar to the Gauls, and if we find the very name of it, and the same use of it to be among the Eastern Nations, lying upon Phoenicia, I hope none then will dispute but that it was received from them, for it was altogether unknown to the Greeks and Latins.

It was a kind of a sharp-pointed Spear-Dart, which they used to push or dart with as they saw occasion; It was made all of Iron (as Hesychius witnesseth) and * every man carried a couple of them in his hand.

The Syrians had the use of this Weapon, and the name of it from the beginning was called Gisa. In the 2 Sam. 18. 14. they are called Gisessin with the S doubled. * And this Weapon was first carried by the Phoenicians to Tartessus, and afterwards, without doubt, brought into our Seas.

As for Caterva of the Gauls, and Katurfa of the Britains, as they were the same as a Legion, and so consisted of divers sorts of Souldiers, I think they ought to be referred to Caterva, signifying the same thing among the Phoenicians. To this word I think Kadwarr and Kadern, the strength of War in a Legion, both British words, ought to be referred; so likewise, if you please, Cateia, a Warlike Weapon among the Gauls.

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Galba, exceeding fat, from whence Mr. Cambden brings the British, Galvus, that betokeneth passing big, comes from the Phoenician Cheleb, fat, and Galbanum from the Phoenician Chelbena, signifying the same thing.

The next word is Trimarcia or Trimarcisia, signifying (as Pausanias saith) the Order*of Horse-fight among the Gauls, consisting of three in a Ranck; Now this word is derived from Marca, and the British Marc signifying a Horse. For allowing Ra∣mac, a Horse (among the Phoenicians) only to be transported in a letter, which is frequent in Derivations, and we have the true Original letter of the word.

Rheda is a Gaulish word, and was introduced into the Latin Tongue in Tully's time, as Quintilian avers, and being of a different make than what was used among the *Greeks and Romans, must therefore have a different Original.

Now we find this very word Rheda, among the Syrians and Phoenicians, to signifie a Chariot, and therefore no doubt but the name and thing was brought by them into Britain and Gaul, and so from thence came Rhediad, a Course, Rheder, to Run, and Redecfa, a Race, all British words; and it is not to be disputed but that Eporedia, a City of the Salassians, had the same Original, for Pliny saies it took its name from Horse-breakers.*

Essedum, was a Gaulish and British Wagon, from the Syrian Hassedan, signifying the same thing; from whence also we have this Proverb,

The Cart before the Horses.

Expressed by them thus,

Hassusin acher Hassedanim.

Pen, from whence came the Mountain Penninus, and the Apennini in Italy, was learnt from the Britains, Pen, signifying a high and steep Hill, by which name they have many called in this Island, as Penmanmaur, Pendle, Pencohcloud, Pennigent; and the Britains from the Phoenician Pinna, signifying the same thing.

The Arverni, a People of Gaul, saith Sidonius, called the In-born Thieves of the Land, Vargi, these sorts of People were partly Souldiers, and partly Robbers, which answers exactly to the Farkin of the Phoenicians; but as to the British, Viriad, I know not what it has to do with either words.

As for Mr. Cambden's Bauchada, the Gaulish Rebels in the daies of Dioclesian, un∣der Amandus and AElianus then Captains, Eusebius calls them Bagaudae; Orosius,*Vacaudae; Eutropius, Bacaudae; Salvianus, whom we ought most to credit in a word of his own Nation, constantly calls them Bagaudae (where Mr. Cambden has his Bau∣chadae, I know not) and shews by this name to be understood the same as Boguedim in the Eastern Countries, viz. Rebels; and Prosper calls Rebellion, Bagauda, in these words, All the slaves of Gaul conspired in one Bagaud; and Eumenius the Rhetor, calls it, a Bagaudian Rebellion.

These Bagaudae were not Rural People only, as Mr. Cambden makes, to derive his British word Beichiad, signifying Swine-heards, and Country Gnoffs, but many of the better sort, who being intollerably oppressed by the Romans, were forced to take Arms, as Salvianus witnesseth, so that this word also is of the Phoenician Original, *Allobroges saith, an excellent Scholiast on Juvenal, were so called, because Broga in French, signifies a Region or Country, and alla, another. But alla signifies not another in the French, but in the Greek, and Broga is to be suspected.

Now the British Bro, a Region or Country, comes from Baro the Phoenician, and perhaps there might be such a word as Broga derived from it. The Allobroges living on the Mountainous part of Savoy, I think they may be better derived from Al, High, and Bro or Broga, a Country, than from Allan in the British Tongue, signifying external, or without.

Brachae, a Common Garment to the French and Britains, descending below and covering the knees, from whence it took its name, viz. Berec, the Knee, from whence also came Braciar, signifying a skin, or any covering of the Knees; so that 'tis easie from Brachym the Plural of Berec, to derive Brachae.

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Lainae, an old Gaulish word in Strabo, where he writes the Gauls weaved them∣selves Casiocks of Thickned Wool, which they call Lainas. It is to be considered, if it ought not to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with which the British word Glawn, signifying Wool, has more correspondence.

But by Laina I judge is meant Linna, with the Weaving of which, Plautus writes, Gaul was universally employed; Isidorus and Diodorus affirm it, to have been a soft * sort of Cloth, and may be derived from the Syrian Lina, signifying Soft∣ness.

Bardus, saies Mr. Cambden, in the Gaulish Tongue signifies a Songster, one that sang and plaid together; Now as it may be derived from Parat, exactly signifying their Canting in a certain Modulation, so the Nablium, much like the Harp on which they played, was a Phoenician Instrument of Twelve strings.

That these Bardi might disperse themselves and their name in Gaul and Britain, is no wonder; for, from Bardus Cucullus comes Bardo-Cucullus, Cucullus being British, and Cucul is the very same with the Phoenician Cucla, and Bardus in the Gaulish and British Language, is the same Garment with the Phoenician Borda, but more of this in the Habits of the Britains.

Pempedula, Sinkfoyl, is partly AEolick and partly Phoenician, for in the Ancient British and Gaulish Tongue, sometime before Caesars daies the Greeks brought hi∣ther by the Phoenicians, from whom they learnt the Voyage to these Parts, introdu∣ced a great many of their words both into Britain and Gaul, as will be shewn when I come to treat of the British Language.

'Tis no wonder to see Words of different Languages meet together in Composi∣tion, this was frequent with the Romans, witness Biclinium, a Room with two Beds and two Tables; Epitogium, a Garment worn upon a Gown; Anti Cato, a Book writ∣ten against Cato; Epirredium, a kind of Waggon, the same may be instanced in other Languages, but I have not time, so that this Pempedula, Cinckfoyl, though it be im∣mediately derived from Pymp in the British Tongue, five, and deilin, a leaf, or from Pemp, five in the Armorican British Tongue, and delis or delion, a leaf, or dula of the French, yet Pymp or Pemp comes from the AEolick variation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and deilin, delis or delion, and dula, from the Phoenician Dalioth.

The like may be said of Petoritum, a Chariot, so called, as saith Festus, of its four Wheels. Now as the British and Gauls had these Chariots of the Greeks, as shall be shewn at large, so their names also proceeded from them; for the British Pedwar, and the Gaulish Petor, signifying Four, manifestly sprang from the AEolicks, with whom 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifyed Four, for the Massilenses who taught the Gauls in after times their Numbers, were a Colony of the AEolians that came out of Phocea, a City of the AEolians.

The like may be said of Dercoma, called so by the Gauls, a composition of Wine and Water; now as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a frequent word among the Greeks in any thing compounded, so no doubt Dwr of the Britains comes from the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aqua. But since it hath been found that the reading it Dercoma is a mistake, for it should be read De Corma in two words, so that the Liquor it self is Corma, and is of the same nature and composition as the Phoenician Drink called Chorma, as is made more evidently to appear in the Chapter of the Customes of the Britains. So that it clearly appears, that those words in which the Ancient Britains and Gauls did agree in, did not pro∣ceed in their being one and the same People, but were introduced by Forreigners who traded to both Countries.

By the Ancient Gauls here, I mean those that lived some time before Julius Caesar, for as I cannot, so I will not deny, but that Britain was Peopled from the Continent of Gaul, yet I cannot but think, but that the Antiquities of Britain ought to be searched for higher a great deal than those times in which Mr. Cambden looked for them.

The other Words Mr. Cambden produces, to prove the Gauls and Britains to be the same Nation, are either of manifest Greek Derivation, and brought in by them into both Nations, as Ratis, Gaulish, Redin, British; From 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Elder Tree, Taria, Thireos; from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Gliseo and Glys; from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tripetia, and Tripet, a three footed Stool, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Plow,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Coch, Scarlet, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; or else they were of so late use among the Gauls and Britains, that they seem Page  66 to be of a Roman Derivation, such as Cent, a hundred, from Centum, unless 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be admitted; so Vetonica Marga with the British Betony, Marl, Glastum, Glass∣woad, Cedos, Caesar, Let Caesar go, from Ceao, from whence possibly Geduch of the Britains might come; or lastly have very little relation one to another, as Gessa and Cethilon, Bulga and Butsiel, Taxea and Tew.

Moreover it is to be observed, that in the British Language many Saxon words are crept in, yea French too, which have been modelled by them to their own Idiom, so that it is carefully to be heeded that those words which have been received from the French in latter daies, be not unravelled and devested of that Dialect the Welch have put upon them, and then produced to derive the People them∣selves.

The Termination of Towns taken notice of by Mr. Cambden, to prove the Gauls and Britains the same Nation, are, Dunum, Briva, Ritum, Durum, Magus, and these we shall find to be either Phoenician, or Graecian, and first for Du∣num.

All Towns ending in Dunum or Tunum, for it is all one, are of high Scituation, such as Augustodunum, Axellodunum, Guleodunum, Laudunum, Melodunum, Novio∣dunum, Sedunum, Vellaunodunum, Lugdunum, Andomatunum; and this proceeds from the Gaulish and British, Dun, a Hill, and this proceeds from the Phoenician Cun, signifying the same thing as has been shewed before.

In Briva ends Antoninus his Duro co Brivae, and in this Island were one or two Duro Brivae; in Gaul, Briva Isara, now Pontois. Briva Oderae and Samaro-brivae, all (as Mr. Cambden saies) Passages over Rivers, whose names they carried: so that Briva, among the old Britains and Gauls, signified (as he supposed) a Bridge or Passage over a River, which conjecture (if true) may be referred to the Phoenician Ehra, signifying a Passage; but seeing that this signification is the same with Ritum following, I should rather think that these were Bounds of particular Territories, as we find Duro co Frivae was, and that Birja of the Phoenicians, signifying bounds and limits is the Original, as Marchius is the same in the Teutonick.

Places either beginning or ending in Dor, Dur, or Dour, have their Original from Dour or Dwr, signifying in the Welch Tongue Water; As for Example, Duro∣cases, Durocottorum, Dordonia, Doromellum, Divodurum, Breviodurum, Batavodurum, Octodurum, which Dour or Dwr signifying, is very probably conjectured to come from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Water: so that if this word was common to the Gauls, with the British, it is to be attributed to the Graecians in both Nations, and proves not that they were the same People.

In Ritum, and such Places as these stand upon Fords and Passages over Rivers, as Augustoritum, Vagoritum, Darioritum, of Gaul, Camberitum of Britain; and these are derived from the British Rid (for T and D, as in Dunum and Tunum, are the same) signifying a Ford, as Geraldus Cambrensis testifies, which Rid is the same with Rid* of the Phoenicians, signifying the same thing.

In Magum ends several Towns both in Britain and Gaul, as Rhotomagum, Caesaro∣magum, Neomagum, Noviomagum, Drusomagum, Argentomagum; and some have made Magum to signifie a Ford, but unadvisedly, for at Rhotomagum the Seyn is not fordable, nor the River Padus at Bodincomagum, which the word Bodincum testifies, being in the Gaulish Ligurian Tongue, as much as to say wanting a bottom. But tru∣lier Rhenanus, Ortelius and Mr. Cambden, interpret it a Habitation and Town, fol∣lowing Pliny, who calls Bodincomagum, a Town on Bodincum: Now what is plainer * than that Magon among the Phoenicians signifies a Habitation, and that in the East Country it was a name of several Towns, as Magon a City of Judaea, and Magon to which the Israelites served, Baal. Magon, a City of Moab.

Garw or Garaw, in the Welch signifies Swift, from whence Mr. Cambden thinks the River Garumna was derived, because of its Swiftness. Claudius saies, Pernicior unda Garumnae; now why may not Garaw be brought from Garaf, to hurry away, as 'tis used in that Language of Torrents.

The River Arar for its slowness, is called Lentus Arar, the slow Arar, so likewise Mr. Cambden in Brigantibus, makes mention of a River Ar, that g ideth so slowly, that one cannot discern with ones eyes which way the stream goeth. Now Arar in the Bri∣tish Tongue signifies slow, or still, so doth Ahar in the Phoenician.

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The Hills Gebennae run out far into Gaul in a continued Ridge, and Keven among the Phoenicians soundeth as much as a Ridge of a Hill; and Mr. Cambden saies, in Yorkshire, he himself saw a long chain of Hills, which the Inhabitants call Kevin. Now it is not unlike that from this Keven the Gebennae, in French, Les Cevennes, are derived: But let us consider that Gebina in the Phoenician, is the Ridge or Back of a Hill, and that the Britains and Gauls might have Keven from Gebina of the Phoenicians.

About the side of that part of France called Narbonensis, where is reported Her∣cules and Albion fought, there are so many Stones scattered all about, that one would think it reigned Stones, by Writers, called, Stony Strond, and Stony Field; the French call it La Crau, and Stones in the British Tongue are called Craig, and in the Phoenician, Crac.

Arelate, a most famous City in Gaul, seated on a Moist soyl, from whence it is thought it took its name, viz. from Ar, Upon, in British, and Laith, Moisture, and why may not Laith come from Laiith, signifying the same with the Phoeni∣cian.

Uxellodunum is derived from Uchel of the Britains, signifying Steep, or Lofty, and Dunum, a Hill; now Uchel of the Britains is Uhel of the Phoenicians: of Dunum we have spoken before.

The Town Tolon, upon the Promontory Citharistes, by Antonius called Telo Martius, and may better be read Telon; Now saies Mr. Cambden ask our Welch Britains what is an Harp, and they will tell you by and by, Celen, and if you could raise an Ancient Phoenician, and ask him what are songs play'd on the Harp, and he would answer you, Cillsh.

Dole, by the Britains, is called a Plain, or Valley, lying to the Sea, or a River, and in Ninnius, an Ancient British Writer saith, Caesar fought a Battle upon Dole; from thence the City Dole in Armorica hath its name, and all from Daula, a Plain in the Phoenician.

The Northern part of Britain was divided into that Region the Caledonii inha∣bited, which is as much as to say, the Mountainous, and Maiatae as much as to say, the Plain Country: Now as Caledonii is derived from the word Kaled, Hard, in the British Language, and Dun, a Hill, so it is in the Armorican British Kalet, and exactly Kalad, Hard in the Phoenician. Of Dun or Don, I have spoken before; so likewise Maiatae, from Meath in the British, a Plain, and that from Maijth, the same in the Syrian Dialect.

Camulodunum, Malden, a Town in Essex, written by Ptolomy, Camudolanum;*Antoninus and Dio Cassius, Camulodunum; Pliny and Tacitus more exactly, Camalo∣dunum; Dio Cassius calls it the Court of Cunobelin; Camol signifies a Prince and Governour in the Phoenician Tongue, and Dun a Hill, so that this may be called the Kings Hill, as Mons Capitolinus at rome, Jupiters Hill, and in favour of this Inter∣pretation we may find the Court of Arthur called Camalot.

Sorbiodunum, as formerly there were in Britain two Salisburies, the Ancienter of them stood on a dry Hill and had no Water migh it, of this Salisbury Gulielmus Malmsburiensis writes in these words: There is such a scarcity of Water, that it is a*great Commodity there to Traffick withal; and Mr. Cambden brings in a Poet writing of it in these words,

Est ibi defectus Lymphae, sed Copia cretae.

This Ancient Salisbury, in Antoninus his Itinery, is called after its Ancient Name, Sorbiodunum, which Mr. Cambden, out of the British Tongue, interprets, the Dry*Hill, from Dunum, a Hill, and Sorb, Dry; now as Dunum, so Sorb or Sorba, signifies exactly in the Phoenician Dialect, the very same thing, to wit, Dryness.

The Promontory of Ptolomy, called Abravanus, Mr. Cambden truly derives from two words, Aber and Ruan, the first of which signifies in the Welch Tongue, a Haven, and Ruan is a River that disburthens it self into the Sea, by this Promon∣tory; But we must understand, that Haber does not only signifie an Haven, but any place where two Rivers meet together, as Silvester Giraldus intimates, a WelchPage  68 Writer, who lived about five hundred years ago. His words are these, Aber in the* British Tongue, is the place where one River falls into another, and in his Description of Wales, in his Fifth Chapter, Aber is in Welch every place where Water meets with Water.

To make this more plainly appear, I find Towns in Wales that seem to have their Names meerly upon this account, as Aber Avon, a small Market. Town in Glamorgan∣shire, standing upon the River Avons Mouth, and Aber Conwey, a Town in Caernarvonshire on the very Mouth of Conwey; and to prove Silvester Giraldus his words true, Abergevenny, in short Abergenny, a Town on the meeting of the 〈◊〉 and Gerenny in Monmouthshire, and Mr. Cambden interprets it the Confluents of Gevenny, so that we see whether a River be joyned with the Sea, or with another River that place is called Aber; Now Aber or Haber is properly a Phoenician word to signifie such a Conjunction of Waters, and no doubt from them had the Britains their Aber.

Cetrae, was a short sort of Shields; Plutarch and Silius attribute the invention of * them to the Spaniards, Tacitus, to the Britains, and how this may be the Phoenician Cetera, a Shield, read Bochartus.

The Mauri called them Citurae, as the Old Scholiast on Juvenal witnesseth in these words,

—Et Getulus Oryx.
*Oryx, saies he, is a Beast something less than a Buff, which the Mauri call an Unx, whose Skin makes Cituras, i. e. the lesser sort of Shields among the Mauri. What can be plainer, than that Ceitrae, short Shields, used by the Britains, had their name from Cetera of the Phoenicians, signifying the same thing, as likewise the Citura of the Mauri.

Another great Argument that the Phoenicians were very conversant in this Island, * is the manner the Britains had in numbring the Daies and Nights, a way peculiar only to the Eastern Nations and them, viz. To make the Day to sollow the Night, and not the Night the Day, as the Romans and Germans did, and this is witnessed of them by Caesar.

Names of Offices and Gods, in Britain and Gaul, of Phoenician Derivation.

THere were two BRENNUS's, Famous Men in Gaul; the Eldest sackt Rome, the other robb'd the Temple of Delphos, Suidas calls Brennus Bren.

The Welch, to this day call a King, Brenniu, the Armorican Britains call a Judge, Baruer, and Barn, to Judge, and Parnus from the Root Parnus, to Feed, with the Phoenicians, was a Prince, Judge or Governour; in the same signification Agamemnon, Homers Prince, is by him called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Prince, or Shepheard, of the People.

Mar, or Maur, as 'tis now pronounced in the British Tongue, signifies GREAT;* From this word, without doubt, many British and Gaulish Names of PRINCES were compounded, as Condomarus, Cwismarus, Combolomarus, Induciomarus, Viride∣marus, Teutomarus; Now Mar of the Phoenician, is a Lord or Prince.

Rir, is a great word likewise in the termination of Great Mens names, as Sino∣rix, Dumnorix, Orgetorix, Ambiotrix, Vercingetorix, Eporedorix; and, without doubt, this Rix was written Rich by the Gauls and Britains, as the Armorican British now write it.

Rich, signifies Powerful and Strong, from whence, in an Ancient British Book, intituled the Criades Caradauc, u, rich fras, is as much as to say, Caratacus with the strong Arm; Now Rik, in the Eastern Language, is Strong and Pow∣erful.

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Paterae, were the Priest, of Apollo, who were worshipped by the Britains and Gauls under the name of Belenus, and this name of theirs is derived from Patar in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying to Interpret, because they were the Interpre∣ters of his Oracles; And Joseph was called Potar, because he interpreted the King of Egypts Dreams, and as this Belus was brought by the Phoenicians into Britain, and is a peculiar God of theirs, as shall be shewn in the Treatise of the British Gods, so without dispute this word PATERAE is to be referred to a Phoenician Ori∣ginal.

Ausonius, writing of Attius Patera, or Paterius, has these Verses:

Beleni sacratum *ducis è Templo genus,
Et inde vobis nomina.
Tibi Paterae sic ministros nuncupant
Apollinares mystici.
Fratri, Patrique nomen à Phoebo datum
Natoque de Delphis tuo.
Your sacred Race from Belius Temple spring,
From thence, you all your Names receive.
You from your Mystick Priests, your Name do bring,
Paterae height, Phoebus himself does give
Name to your Sire, and Brother, and your Son,
From Delphick Oracle his Name begun.

St. Hierome, writing in his one hundred and fiftieth Epistle ad Hedebiam, saies * thus, Thy Ancestors Paterius and Delphidius, oue taught Rhetorick at Rome before I was born, the other, whilst I was but a youth, with his Prose and Verse illustra∣ted all France; So that we see, as Paterius was derived from Paterae the Priests of APOLLO, so they received his name from being Interpreters of his Oracles.

Of the Religious Persons Cenae we have spoken before, and have made it appear they were of the Phoenician derivation.

The Bardi are sufficiently known to be Poets, and Songsters, both in Britain and Gaul, and 'tis also manifest, they never Rehearsed any thing to the People but in a tone, alwaies having some Instrument or other, to which they sang the Famous Deeds of their Ancestors.

Posidonius witnesseth, that they were Poets, who, with Musick, recited the Enco∣miums of Great Persons, and Strabo calls them Poets and Singers, and Festus saies, * that a Singer in the Gaulish Tongue was called a Bard (and by the Britains, at this day they are so called) because he sang the Praises of Great Men.

Certainly, there can be no easier Derivation than to bring them from Parat, sig∣nifying to sing in a Recitative manner, for P and B, likewise T and D, are Letters of the same nature and element, and in common Speech are every day confounded, not only in our present Language but in all as ever I cou'd hear of.

Now as the Bardi are derived from Parat, so I have shewn before, that the Nablium, or Instrument on which they played, was a Phoenician Instrument, and was called exactly so by the Phoenicians, viz. Nabal, so that we ought not to doubt, but that as well the names of the Persons as their Musick, were of Phoenician derivation.

If Turnebus may be Credited, Bardaea and Bardala, is a Lark with the Gauls; His words are these, Bardi apud Gallos sunt Cantores, & Bardaea & Bardala Alauda, and possibly this Bird might be derived from the same Root Parat, to sing, for which excellency she is chiefly admired.

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Thus in short have I run over all the Words used by Mr. Cambden, to prove the Gauls and Britains the same Nation, with intention not to deny but they were used by both Nations, with variation only in Dialect, but to shew that this consent and harmony, in some points of their Language, cannot evidently demonstrate them one and the same People, but that it proceeded from the Phoenician Traffick into Britain, and the Mart for Tynn which they kept in Gaul. To which may be added, that the Gauls, as Caesar witnesseth, sent their Children into Britain to be Educated in *Learning and Religion, where, without any doubt, they learnt great part of their Language; For Britain being the Learneder Nation of the two, could not proceed from any other cause than the Concourse of Phoenicians and Greeks to it upon the account of Trade, but especially the Phoenicians, of whom the Greeks themselves confess they received their Letters.

As it is not my intent in this place, to search into the Language of the Britains,* but only what relates to the proving of the Phoenician Traffick into these Countries, and that the Name of BRITAIN proceeded from them, and not from any such word as Bryth and Cania, so give me leave summarily to recount what has been said of this Matter.

How that the Phoenicians, about the time of the Trojan War, sayled into these Seas, first discovering the Scilly Islands, and finding them full of Tynn Mines, they called them in their Language BRATANAC. From hence they carried all the Tynn the Greeks afterwards used, who from the Phoenician, Bratanac, called them in their Language word for word the same, namely, CASSITERIDES; But when Bratanac prevailed, then the Greeks used Bretanica long before Britannia, as has been proved. And that some Islands about Albion were called Britains before this it self was called so, I have manifested out of Pliny, which Islands could be none but the Scilly Islands; But when the Phoenicians had discovered the Mines of Tynn and Lead in Cornwal and Devonshire, then began the Name to prevail over this Island also. To make this evident, I have shewn many Foot-steps and Remains of their Language and Customes, remaining to this day among the Britains, and especially in Cornwal and Devonshire, and have given a short Catalogue of Words, relating to the scituation and nature of Places which most frequently occur, in the composition of Towns, Cities, Forts, Hills, &c. in the Western parts of England, where they most conversed.

And all this, that the Phoenician Voyages to Our Island might appear the more clear and evident, and that Britain it self received its Name from them, as well as other more particular Places, which Mr. Cambden in one particular himself confesses, when he saies, That the Syrians, meaning the Phoenicians, sending out so many Colonies, left great part of their Language in most places of the World; Now if he had seriously considered, and not have deceived himself by misunderstanding Plybius, That Britain was but lately known, certainly he would have given a more exact account of this most Renowned Island, and never have derived its name from Bryth, Painting, a Custome among very few of them, and that many hundred years after it was called Bretanica.

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THE Antiquity and Original OF THE PHOENICIANS, THEIR Correspondence and Agreement WITH THE JEWS.

HAving discoursed thus much of the Phoenicians in this ISLAND, it will not be amiss to shew from whence they derive their Original.

Bochartus (in his first Book, and first Chapter, concerning Canaan) learnedly and evidently proves, that they were the same with the Canaanites, from the Identity of their Names (although promiscuously given them) Scituations, Language, Institutes, Arts, Manners, Customes, Gods, Rites and Cere∣monies. By promiscuousness, I mean, when as the Land of Canaan is called, the Land of the Phoenicians, and the Phoenicians the Canaanites; As for Example, the * Woman in St. Matthews Gospel is called a Canaanite, by St. Marks interpretation is made a Syrophoenician, which clearly demonstrates the promiscuous way of na∣ming that People, although all of one Original.

And Bochartus further shews, that the Phoenicians were the Sons of Anak, and therefore saies, that the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is most properly to be derived from the the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Son or Sons of Anak; insomuch that the Greeks from the * Canaanitish word, Ben Anak, and by contraction Beanak formed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from whence more truly sprang 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Phoenicia.

And the Graecians, through Ambition, endeavouring to fasten all the honour of Pri∣mitive knowledge upon their own Ancestors, obscured the true Antiquity of most Nations (and that evidently appears, in their attributing more Honour to their own Hercules than the Phoenician, from whom they had received most of their Arts and Sci∣ences) foisting in those words to derive their Originals, as best seemed agreeable to * their own genius and probable conjecture; so that in giving 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the Original of Phoenicia, which by interpretation was a place in that Country where a multi∣tude of Palm-Trees grew, they also put 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying Red, in allusion to the Red Sea, upon which those People bordered, from which they were also called the Idumaean Tyrians, and so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Phoenicians; And still proceeding, after that in∣genious Method, of naming People according to the product of their own Brains, as I Page  72 have instanced in other matters, in another place, they sounded also the word # upon them, agreeable to the Jewish Institution, as they suted with them in their strang kind of inhumane and unnatural Customes in sacrificing to their Gods; For as the Jews sacrificed their Sons and Daughters to Devils, viz. unto Molock, that god was in high esteem with the Phoenicians, and although it discovers the near Allyance and Correspondence between the Jews and Phoenicians, yet was it altoge∣ther improper from thence, to derive the Original of Nation, and a People too, so considerable as they were, upon no better foundation of Antiqui∣ty.

This Molock was also the God of the Ammonites, and the same with Baal, &c. the Original of whose name proceeded from Belus or Bel, the King of the Phoe∣nicians or Tyrians, and this also gives some light from whence the Old Romans (of whom I shall treat particularly by themselves) might receive the first Institution (a though perhaps performed after another way and Method) of consecrating their Princes, after death, to be no less than Gods.

The Canaanites were willing to receive the names of Phoenicians,*Syrians, || Assy∣rians, Sidonians, and Syrophoenicians, rather than Canaanites, to blot out the Remem∣brance of that great and terrible Persecution they received from the Jews, ensuing the Curse laid on their Father Canaan, so that in truth the word SYRIAN, be∣came a Common Name to them, and their neighbouring Nations, proceeding from Tyre the Metropolis of Phoenicia, yet all the Canaanites, who from that time received all these Names, were not all of one and the same Family and Lineage, for they must be distinguisht into two parts:

  • 1. Those that came from Tyre, the grand City in Phoenicia, were called Syrians, Assyrians, and Syrophoenicians.
  • 2. But those that came from Ashur, and dwelt beyond Euphrates, were of ano∣ther stock, and so known by Sidonians, and Phoenicians, by themselves. Thus Hesychius.

To treat now a little of the Correspondency and Agreement between the Jews and Phoenicians will be necessary, and as we have had occasion to set down the Ori∣ginal of the Phoenicians, so in brief shall that be concerning the Jews, more espe∣cially, when it is to be considered there happened so mutual a Friendship and Cor∣respondency between them.

The word HEBREW in most likelyhood proceeded from Eber, or Heber, the father of Phaleg, so called from the Confusion of Languages, and it must be under∣stood, that all the Nations of the Canaanites, by different Sir-names, were derived from the best known Authors of their Families, which in a particular manner is de∣scribed by Moses himself, in his Book of Genesis, Chap. the 10th. and so it hap∣pened with Heber and Phalegs Generations, who were the Issue of Shem; yet all the People that sprang from the Hebrew Nation, &c. differed not in their Language * save only in Dialect, and it is instanced in the Punick Language, to shew the Agree∣ment between the Phoenicians and them; and it is further Argued, that the difference in latter times did more plainly appear, foisting, by long continuance, many things into the Punick which were intrinsick thereunto, insomuch that those words that did agree with the Radicals of the Hebrew, differed only in the flexions of Vowels in sound, and yet not in signification.

The Hebrew continued in its native purity until the Captivity of Babylon, which Language, beginning from the Creation, was preserved very near Three thousand and forty years, and then, and not before, it degenerated from its primary Institu∣tion; for the Jews, after their return from the Captivity, suffered the Chaldee, Syriac, and Philistin Idioms to intrude into it, and therefore no wonder there happened in process of time, some variance relating thereunto, that at last they lost both the Lan∣guage and Worship they were born in.

And whereas the word HEBREW was particularly appropriated to Israel, it was because the Israelites possest the Land of Canaan by a divine Decree, and the Hebrews had not enjoyed their Language so long as they did, had it not been for the benefit of the Patriarks, to make their Peregrination in Canaan the more easie.

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In the first Ages of the World, between the Jews and Phoenicians, there happened a great disagreement in maintaining of Interests, Rights and Ceremonies; but after some debate between them, the Jews taking a fancy to the Phoenician Worship, the Phoenicians answered their kindness, by affecting their mysterious Doctrine and Ce∣remonies, and so, making Religion like a Merchandize of Goods, they exchanged the one for the other, the Jews sent them Traditions, Laws, and Mysteries, in lieu of which was returned, a set method of Idolatry, Custome; and the Name of the Phoenicians which happened so early as to receive its first birth in the time of the Judges, yet grew not up to its nature and full perfection till Solomons time, and if the true Original of the Phoenicians, according to the Greeks, is to be derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, intimating the Red Sea, which relates to the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea into Egypt, as they agree in Names, so must they be one and the same People without such need of distinction, insomuch that where Herodotus, under * the name of Phoenicians treats of the Jews, speaks, that those Jews that were Cir∣cumcised in Palestine were called Syrians, which was an additional name to Canaan, and a great probability of it, Syria lying as near Judaea as one County or Village in England can properly be said to border one upon another, so that in time, what by Commerce and Neighbour-hood, they might be best known by one and the same Name.

The cause of making the Phoenicians so early Marriners, was not only through their ambition of Empire, and particular genius to Navigation and Merchandize, but through necessity of inventing the best and safest way of escaping the hands of Joshua, who persecuted them with an Army of Israelites, who after they had made themselves Masters of most part of the Land of Canaan, they were driven up into a slender Nook of Earth, too narrow to contain so great and numerous a Body, dis∣ceded themselves into good Shipping, to seek their Fortunes in most parts of the World, of whose Company Britain received a considerable share.

These were the People so publickly commended for distributing Arts and Sci∣ences, and if we should attempt to trace them to the end of their long Voyages, value the Richness of their Merchandize, we must measure the Heavens, and number the Stars, which certainly is beyond the Art of Arithmetick to accomplish.

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CHAP. VI. The Greeks in BRITAIN.

COncerning the Phoenicians Traffick into this ISLAND, I have discoursed at large, and have proved, that long before the Greek COLAEUS had discovered the West Ocean, Britain had been Famous for its Commodities of Tynn and Lead, through all the Mediterranean Seas, and that the name BRETANICA, was many years known in their Parts, before ever the Greeks had so much as the least knowledge of these Islands. I come now to treat of the Greeks arrival in BRITAIN, the discovery of these Cassiterides or Breta∣nick Countries which before they had known only by Hear-say, and of which they had writ so much upon the Relations of the Phoenicians, that Pliny saies, BRI∣TAIN *was famous in the Greek Monuments long before the times of the Ro∣mans.

The usefulness of those excellent Commodities imported from Britain into those Parts, rendered the Greeks very curious after the search of them; It is not to be doubted, but the Phoenicians very studiously concealed this Treasure from them, as we find they did from the Romans, because they being the great Trading Nation of the World, they were jealous least these Mines once discovered to their Neighbours (who by this time had learnt of them the Art of Navigation) they should lose the Advantages, that infinite Trade of Tynn and Lead, which had hitherto been a pe∣culiar Monopoly to themselves, and which they had dispersed and sold to all Na∣tions at their own prizes.

That this is true, Strabo in his third Book of his Geography witnesseth: 'At the * beginning (saith he) the Phoenicians alone Traded to Britain from Gades, and concealed from others this Navigation; but when a Roman Vessel followed a certain Master of a Ship, that they themselves might learn this traffick of Merchandize, he upon a spiteful Envy ran his Ship on purpose upon the Sands, and after he had brought them, that fol∣lowed after, into the same danger of destruction, himself escaped the Shipwrack, and out of the Common Treasury received the worth of the Commodities and Wares be had lost.

Now if this diligence were used by them, after the Greeks had discovered the source of their Trade, how jealous ought we to imagine them to be of this Secret, when as it was preserved intirely and peculiarly to their own Nation; So that as the Greeks knew these Islands long before the Romans, so are they to give place to the Phoenicians, who were their Masters and Instructers in the Art of Navigation, as well as in all other Arts and Sciences whatsoever.

But, although the Greeks were later than the Phoenicians in these Coasts, yet they were far earlier than Mr. Cambden will acknowledge them, which I mention because the Derivation of the word BRITANNIA depends altogether upon the true stating of this matter. For if the Greeks arrived hither not above one hundred and sixty years, or there abouts, before Caesar's time, under Phileus Taurominites, as Mr. Camb∣den* out of Athenaeus seems to intimate, higher than which he will not admit of the Antiquity of Britain, then it might be indeed supposed, that since all Nations were so far Civilized as to wear Garments to cover their nakedness, the hardiness and customes of the Britains to the contrary might give occasion to Forraigners, to de∣nominate them and their Nation from the Painting of their Bodies, which but very few of them used as the only covering of their Nakedness in that more civil and resormed Age. But if the Greeks were in this Island in those Early daies, when it was not any strang and unusual thing for Travellers to find Nations rude and un∣cloathed, it cannot be supposed this Island of all others should meet with the ill luck to have a Name stampt upon it, as a perpetual monument of its savage Custome, and Barbarity.

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To omit here, that if the Greeks had named them from this Custome of Painting, they would have done it as they did by other Nations, by a word totally peculiar to themselves (as we find the Picti, on the same account, so called by the Romans) and not have borrowed the better half of the word from the Britains, and have made it up only with a termination of their own.

We find no such respect shewn by the Greeks to any Nation they gave name unto, for their Ambition suffered them not to be so modest in imposing Names upon Coun∣tries they discovered, by borrowing any thing from the Nation it self, as might be shewn in many Instances, as AEgypt, AEthiopia, &c. and more particularly in Bri∣tain; For when they had learned the word BRATANAC, by which the Phoenicians called this Country of Tynn, they gave it a clear contrary name, though of the same signification in their own, GASSITERIS.

It is to be supposed it was a great while before they could be induced to follow the Phoenician name, till such time it made them as it were deaf, by being so rung in their ears by the Phoenician Marriners, so that it was grown so frequent in all mens mouths, that had any concern in Trade, that they saw themselves obliged to con∣form to the universal consent of Saylors, in calling it something like Bratanac, viz. Bretanica, and afterwards Britannia, and all this long before any Greek had either set foot, or seen any part of these Islands; so that BRITANNIA was famous in the Monuments of the Greeks, long before either Brith or Brit, a diminutive Cor∣ruption of the ancient Name had prevailed in this Nation. This will appear plain∣ly, if we shew the Voyages of the Greeks hither, are much Ancienter than what is commonly supposed, or is of necessity to be allowed by Mr. Cambden in the making up of his Antiquities; for by his misunderstanding of Polybius, as has been evi∣dently shewn before, he ran himself into this Error, That Britain was not known to the Ancients long before Caesars time, and upon that great Mistake, though but few apprehend it, begins his structure of the Antiquities of this Nation, not so high as he ought justly and truly to have done.

And here I doubt not but it will be easily granted, that the Graecians arrival into these Parts, was not the same way we suppose these Countries to be Peopled by, that is, through Germany, France, and so by successive Colonies drawn along through those spacious and vast Territories, but that they came through the Streights of Gibraltar., as Merchants, to Traffick in these Western Seas. This will more evidently appear, if we consider, that between the Greeks and Romans, in the daies of Alexan∣der the Great, and long after, there was not the least mutual knowledge one of the other, so that their passage could not be over the Alpes, through Gaul, and as for Germany, we are certain how that was shut up to all Passengers by the reserved and Warlike temper of the Nation.

Livy, when he comes to write of the state of Rome, in the daies of Papirius* and Manlius, Consuls, when Alexander had arrived to the full pitch of all his Glo∣ries, and had now made himself Master, as he thought, of all the World, sets down the posture of Affairs in Italy, the strength and Order of the Nation, the excellent Commanders it enjoyed, their Policy and Conduct in War, the Martial temper of the Souldiers, their long accustomedness to War, and the Experience they had gained in their habitual exercise in it, the severe Discipline they underwent, the least breach whereof was unpardonable, though in a Son to his Father, as was seen in Manlius. This concludes, that if Alexander had attempted them, as no doubt he would had he heard of them, he had found them an equal Match, and his full careir of Vi∣ctory had met with a sudden Rub, and probable obstruction in his design.

This Argues, that the Graecians had not arrived to any knowledge of the Western Parts of Europe, on the Continent, and that wheresoever we find them, as most cer∣tainly we do on the Sea Coast of Spain, France, Belgium, &c. is to be attributed to their Sea Voyages, by which all along the skirts of Europe abounded with them.

Thus we find St. Hierome, in his Questions upon Genesis (setting aside the ground of his Hypothesis) out of most Ancient and Authentick Writers, shewing the matter * of fact, That the Sea Coast of Europe, and all the Isles throughout, even to Britain, were inhabited by the Greeks, and this he proves out of Varro's Book of Antiquities, *Sisinius Capito, Phlegon the Greek, and divers others.

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If then the Greeks did at first only inhabite the Sea Coasts of Europe, there must some competent time be allowed before they could penetrate very far into the In∣land Country, especially if we consider them as Navigators only, whose business was not to settle any considerable Colonies where they arrived, but to keep Marts only, and to fix themselves in convenient Parts for the carrying on of Trade.

But in Caesars daies, we find the Greeks, in the very heart of Gaul, setled, both in their Customes, Language and Religions, which, in my opinion, is a perfect demon∣stration that they had long before been in those Western Seas. For can it be possi∣ble, that a Nation coming so far as they, and arriving at Britain and the Sea Coasts of Gaul, could (without Conquest) fix themselves, their Customes and Religions, and not some hundred of years past.

Besides, it is to be supposed, the Greeks were much sooner in Britain than Gaul, and much more conversant, if we consider how the Gauls used to send their Children to be instructed of the Druids of Britain, and how in this Island, and in Man, and Anglesey, were publick Assemblies, and general Rendevouz held by all the Lear∣ned, to which People from neighbouring Nations, and all Parts, did re∣pair.

In Caesars daies, we find the Greek Language not only in Britain, but even in those barren and Mountainous parts of Gaul, which the Helvetii inhabited. Learning by this time had found its way even unto those Parts out of which the Inhabitants themselves, weary of their Country, scarce could find a passage; For the Helvetii, after they had burnt their Houses, and agreed upon a general March of the whole Nation, to seek out some New Plantation, the first difficulty we find them encoun∣tring with, is, how to get out of their Country, so securely bounded as it was with Hills and Rivers, that it seemed to them rather a Prison than a Defence, and yet upon their return, being beaten by Caesar, there was found (as he himself writes) and brought to him Table Books written in Greek Letters, wherein was Recorded exactly the number of all that went forth, how many bore Arms, besides old Wo∣men and Children.

We see what footing the Greeks had gotten in these parts, in the daies of Caesar, and therefore I leave it to the Reader to judge, Whether in a hundred, or two hundred years time, Traders out of the Mediterranean, could so fully plant them∣selves and their Language in these Parts, as to be trusted with the managements of the Records of a whole Nation?

The Foot-steps of the Greeks are so ancient and frequent in these Islands, that it has given occasion to many to think that they were the first Planters of them, and the Reasons they give are these.

1. They must needs be planted by Navigators, because they are I∣slands.

2. The Graecians, in the first Ages of the World, were esteemed among the best Navigators, taking in the Ionians, and the Inhabitants of the Mediterranean Islands, all of Greek extraction, and differing only in Dialect.

3. It is certain that their Colonies were very numerous through all the Mediter∣ranean, and that they passed the Streights is undoubtedly true, after Colaeus the Greek had first, of all that Nation, discovered the West Seas, so that 'tis probable, they wan'ed not People to plant even in these Islands also, as well as in several places in Lybia and Spain that lay to the Sea Coast.

4. They suppose the Greek Language, or a Dialect thereof, altogether used in these Islands, till corrupted and grown out of use among the People, It was pre∣served only entire among the Druids, whom they cannot otherwise imagine could have that Language, unless there had been some plantation of the People formerly in these parts.

What makes them the more confident in this Judgment, is, That the Druids had the very same Interests, and used the very same practice as the Roman Clergy do, in sticking fast to the Ancient Latin Tongue. And they took notice of a great jealousie in the Druids, least their Learning and Religion should be too much understood and divulged; so that it was grown to that height, that it was accounted almost unlawful to reveal any of their Mysteries, or to set down in writing, what they thought most safe and honourable for themselves to deliver by Tradition.

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5. Their manner and expert way of fighting in Chariots, after the Ancient manner of Greece and the Countries adjoyning, when it was unknown to the Roman Terri∣tories.

Now this is a great Argument of the Graecian Antiquity in these parts, and Caesar in his Commentaries takes notice of it as a wonderful thing, and a great novelty, where he describes their way of Fighting, and much admiring their dexterity and agility of Body, their nimble and sudden turns; and here it will not be amiss to put down his very words.

In Fighting, for the most part, the Britains employed their Charioteers, first these drive about through all parts of the Battle, and fling Darts, and with the terrible sight*of Horse, and ratling noise of the Wheels, they do most commonly break their Ranks, and put them in disorder, and after they have once forced themselves within the Troops of Horse-men, they descend from their Chariots and fight on foot. The Chariot Guiders in the mean time withdraw a little from the hurry, and place themselves in such postures, that if the other be overpowred by the number of Enemies, they may readily, and with∣out hinderance, retreat in safety.

Thus in their Fights, they performed the quick motion of Horse-men, and have the steadiness of Foot-men. By daily practice and experience so ready in their Service, that on the descent of steep Hills they can stop their Horses, although in full Carreer, quickly turn short, and yet moderate their Course, run along the spire-pole and beam of their Chariots, rest upon the yoak and harness of their Horses, and from thence jump again, with ease, into their Chariots.

Where, by the by, we may take notice; that the expertness they had in their Chariots, argues, that they long had known the use of them, and consequently, that the Greeks had been longer in these Islands than is for the most part conceived, and yet not so long as to be the first Planters; and that the Nakedness and Painting of some of them, was rather a corruption and degenerating from the Greeks Civility in those points, than the reason of their Name; For the Greeks are supposed to be here long before any such Custome, and if at first the Greeks did find them Naked, yet was it long before any such word as Brith was used among them, which is not conjectured by Mr. Cambden, to be long before Caesars time.

6. There were two different Nations in Britain taken notice of by Caesar, one of which proceeded out of Gaul, to which People I think Mr. Cambdens Antiquities only refer, who came out of a desire of Conquest, and so planted themselves on the Sea Coasts.

The other sort were they within the Land, of Ancienter date and settlement, who acknowledged themselves to be derived from none of their Neighbours, either because they were ignorant of their Original, or perhaps thought, according as the Greeks did, that there was no greater honour than to be sprung from that Earth they possessed, and so gave out, according to the usual Custome of those times, that they were Aborigines, so that the Greeks called them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and this People it is they imagine to be of Greek Stock, and to be the primitive Planters of this Island, being, as Caesar and Tacitus write, they were of a different Stature and Complexion from * those whom they gather to have come out of Gaul, besides their similitude of Language and Manners.

7. Another Reason they give for their Opinion, is, that although they do not believe all the History of Brute to be true in every point concerning the Trojans, who, on the matter, may be accounted Graecians, if we consider Dardanus their Founder, and the vicinity of the two Nations, so they cannot imagine but there was some Truth in the ground of that History, although so obscured with the Fabulous superstructures of some Writers, that not being able to undergo the test of Wise men, the whole Story has had the fate to be accounted Idle and Ridiculous. For, say they, if one consider the consonancy of the Greek Language with the British, like∣wise, several Manners and Customes the British had, which were peculiar to them on∣ly, and the Greeks, and to no other of these Western Nations, certainly we may reckon them to be of one Stock or Language, yet the first Historian finding this great Pro∣bability, might be ambitious (according to the Customes of those times) to derive his Country-men from a Trojan Race, and so put this general Truth into a particular dress of his own.

Page  78

These are the Reasons given by Wise men, by which they verily think the Britains to be primitively of a Greek Original, which though it cannot be true (considering how I have shewed before, that the Phoenicians Traded into these Islands some hundred of years before ever any Greek entered these Seas) yet does it plainly shew, that they were of longer standing in these Islands than is commonly supposed.

1. Now as for the first Reason given, That these Islands must be planted by Naviga∣tors.* I think will not hold good, unless we call there Navigators who in small Wicker Boats used to row between Britain, Gaul and Belgium; for, from that Continent do I rather believe the first Planters to come, than from the Mediterranean through the Streights.

2. To the second Reason I answer, That the Greeks were not in the first Ages of the World esteemed the best Navigators, but that the Phoenicians preceded them both in time and experience in those Arts, has been shewn already.

3. To the Third, That although their Colonies were numerous, yet were they not so early as those of the Phoenicians.

4. To the Fourth, That although their Language was very frequent in Britain, and the Welch to this day has very much in it, yet cannot we reasonably suppose that it was the only Language of the Country, because we find not their Tongue in any Country so soon, and so much corrupted, so as in Caesar there is no notice ta∣ken of it at all, which he certainly would have done, if he had found the British Tongue only a derivation from the Greek, or corruption in Dialect, and not a quite different Language.

As for the similitude that is made between Druids and Roman Clergy at this day (I think) it holds better, if we suppose the Religion and Worship of the Greeks brought hither, and preserved in its Native Language, than to conjecture, that the People understood it at first, but by time and ill manners lost the knowledge of it.

5. To the Fifth, That the Chariots of Greece, as well as other Customes of theirs used by the Britains, argues the Greeks to have been here indeed, but proves not they were the only Planters, or brought those Chariots to take possession of an empty Country.

6. To the Sixth, Although there were two different Nations in this Island, yet Caesar and Tacitus takes no notice of the Inland People, more than the Gaulish Britains, * as I may call them, as being of a more Greekish extraction.

7. To the Seventh, That although there may be some Truth couched in the Hi∣story of Brute, yet do not the Histories of Brute, prove, but that there were others before him in this Island, which makes me wonder at Mr. Cambden, and Others, that think, that in adhering to the History of Brute, we must cast off the search and en∣quiry into the Antiquity of the Inhabitants of this Island.

Mr. Sheringham, to prove that the Greeks and Britains had no Commerce together, * brings in an Ancient Poet in Eustathius, who reckoning up all the Greatest Islands known to the Graecians, never makes mention of Britain, which he would have done in the first place, had he ever heard of it. The Verses are these:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Of the Seven ISLANDS Nature made,
SICILY the first place had
For Greatness, next is SARDO Height,
Then CYRNUS, next Jove's Country, CRETE,
Narrow EUBEA then, and CYPRUS, last
Of all is Little LESBOS placed.
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But to this may be Answered, That this Poet, as usually all Poets, do reckon only the Islands of the Mediterranean, which were most obvious to the Greeks, and trou∣bled not himself with the exactness of things, as we see by his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Besides, it may be Answered, That although the Islands about Britain and Britain it self, were known to the Greeks, yet at first they did not know this to be an Island, having nothing to do in the more Northern parts; It was not long before the Romans time, when Thule, and six daies say I beyond Britain, was discovered, of which Pythias makes mention, The Graecians, as well as the Phoenicians, at first, con∣tented*themselves with the Commodities of the Southern and Western parts of these Islands, and no doubt but they secured themselves, by little and little, of the nature of the People, and conveniencies of Ports, and all other Provisions, before they ventured too far Northward.

Now, in my Opinion, this makes nothing against the Greek Voyages into these parts, to whom the Cassiterides, or the Scilly Islands, and Cornwal and Devonshire, might be known, yet they had not discovered Catness, or the extreamest point of Scotland.

What he saies afterwards, That before the Arrival of Caesar into this Island, the Name of Britain cannot be found, is a great mistake and madvertency, for Polybius,* in his Third Book, makes mention of it particularly, and by Name, where he pro∣mises to give an account, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the British Islands, and the making and ordering of their Tynn, which he performed, if we may believe Strabo, who brings him in conferring and confuting the Opinions of Pytheas, Dicaearcbus, and Eratosthenes, concerning the Magnitude of Britain. Thus Mr. Sher∣ringham ran himself into the same Error of Mr. Cambden, I suppose, by mistaking of Polybius.

But granting that we do not find the Name of Britain, or very rarely, before Caesars time among the Greeks, yet the Name of Cassiterides was sufficiently known, likewise Albion was in frequent use among them. And if any Object, That this Island was not any of the Cassiterides, yet let any one judge, whether it be reasonable to imagine those Scilly Islands discovered, and yet Britain that lies in sight not to be known to them, especially considering, that Cornwal and Devonshire did not less abound in Tynn and Lead.

The Reasons why we meet not with BRITAIN oftner in the Writings of the Ancient Greeks, may be these.

1. Because it lay so far off, and did not concern or relate to any thing of the Greeks Polity, as to be taken notice of by their Historians; They sent no Governours hither, nor any that presided over the Colony, but the Commodities of the Country were sent either through France, up to a Mart in Narbo, or else to the Veneti, or else, by Sea, through the Streights of Gibraltar, so that the Learneder sort of the Graecians could not attain to much information of those places, from whence they that went to them seldom retur∣ned, having no Reason so to do, upon the account of the plenty of the Soyl, and plea∣sure of the Country, and the Dominion the wiser sort had gotten, by their Learning, over the minds of a rude and barbarous People.

2. Besides, the Greek Historians concerned themselves, more, in relating the Actions of their Country-men, as they had respect to their Neighbours, extolling the puissance of their Commonwealth in comparison of those States that bordered upon, and of∣ten invaded them; Their resolute and vigorous defence of their Laws, and Liberties, against the frequent and numerous Expeditions made against them, is the greatest subject made use of by their Writers, in extolling their Policy, and Conduct.

It had been a vain thing, and besides their purpose, to have Recorded their New Discoveries and Acquests in the Western Seas, as Britain in particular, when all the World saw them strugling at home, not to increase Empire, but to preserve their Lives and Liberties.

3. It would have been esteemed a strang and extravagant humour, if whilst they were almost over-run by the Persians, Athens burnt, and they forced to betake themselves, according to the Oracle, to their Wooden walls. And afterwards, when Philip, a powerful and politick Prince, had designed and almost perfected their Rume, with many other Calamities they underwent, both among themselves and from others, that their Historians then should be comforting themselves with their Page  80 great Atchievments in a New World, as these Islands, for their Remoteness might have been esteemed. What laughter would this have raised do we think in their Reader, if then they should have given blessed and exact descriptions of the For∣tunate Islands as these were, thought probably to be esteemed by them, when they were every day contending for their own Country, of which they accounted them∣selves '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Aborigines.

Indeed, BRITAIN, being of so forraign a concern to them, as to the Polity of their Government, although they were concerned in the Commodities of Tynn and I. ead, I never could wonder why we hear no more of it in their Writers, espe∣cially when I consider, that the Romans (whom for their increase and growth, the whole World began to have an eye on) were so lately discovered unto them, cer∣tainly it is vain to infer, because the Romans were not mentioned either in Thucidides or Herodotus, that therefore the Greeks had no knowledge of Italy. Yet certainly, * that Country is as little mentioned by the Greek Historians of that time, as Britain, although Pythagoras, some say, before others, after the daies of Numa Pompilius had seated himself on the Sea Coasts, which afterwards was called Magna Graecia, and it is manifest to all that have read any thing of the Greek Voyages, that they traded to that part of Italy called Ager Brutiorum, by them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Pitch.

And it happens with Britain, in this respect, the same as it did with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Italy, because the Greeks contented themselves to trade upon the Sea Coasts of Italy only, so that they make little or no mention of the Inhabitants; therefore we must think them to have no Commerce at all with them, when indeed it is only true, that they were ignorant of the higher and Northerly parts only, but not of the whole Coun∣try. Insomuch as we find in Stephanus, that in those daies Italy was no more (than the Country of the Brutii) with the Greeks,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. *
And if one had asked a Greek what Italy was, he would have told him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was but a Province, and a small part of the flourishing Country. And, I seriously believe, the same account would he have given, should one have demanded, whether it were an Island or no.

If it happened so with Italy, which was so nigh unto them, what great account can we expect of Britain from them, whose distance rendered it more capable of an exact account.

For, although it be no question, but that the Greeks Traded hither, and that several Colonies of the AEolians had seated themselves in these parts, yet do I judge, that they were for a long time altogether ignorant of the greater part of this Island, nay, they knew not whether it was an Island or no, contenting themselves at first with the knowledge of the Scilly, and adjacent Islands, Man and Anglesey, like∣wise Cornwal and Devonshire, small parts of this large and spacious Dominion, and that the name of Britains was first given to them alone from the Phoenician Bratanac, or a Country of Tynn.

What exact account can be expected from them, I say, who first must be sup∣posed to employ all their time in the Traffick of the Country, and the heaping up of such Commodities as would make amends for their great Costs and long Voy∣ages?

It is not to be supposed, that when they had set footing on so plentiful a Place, as this was ever esteemed, that they would return on purpose to give true Relations of it, to satisfie the natural Inquisitiveness of their Country Men after News, or quit the possession of a peaceable Trade, to run the hazards of continual War at home.

Yet, seeing these ISLANDS are mentioned by their Historians, sometimes un∣der one Name, sometimes under another, and it is agreed on all hands, that the Scilly Islands were the Cassiterides mentioned by Herodotus, and that Polybius, above two hundred years before Christ, makes particular mention of Britain, and the Com∣modity Page  81 of Tynn thence exported, we may in all reason suppose them to have been discovered by the Greeks, though upon the aforesaid accounts given, their Au∣thors make no such particular relations of them, as some, in vain, have ex∣pected.

Having premised thus much concerning any Intercourse that might happily pass, between them of Greece and their Country men that first Landed in these parts, I shall proceed to shew, what Remains the Greeks have left in this Island, and shall set down the Opinions of Authors as touching their Language, the progress they made in promoting their Customes and Language, and the designs they carried on in managing of their Authority with the People, and then I shall leave it to any to judge, whether that great esteem and veneration their Druids were in, when Julius Caesar entered this Island, and that vast opinion all had of their Judgment and In∣tegrity, so that recourse was made to them in all matters of moment and difficulty, could be acquired in so few years, as is generally supposed, and whether it be likely, that a Nation so stubborn and hardy as the Britains, are easily conjectured, would submit so quickly to forreign Customes, and yield their necks to the yoke of Greek Sacrifices, which spared not often their dearest Children, and nearest Rela∣tions.

Where, by the by, we may take notice, that this sacrificing of Men, Women, and Children, devoting the lives of Captives and Prisoners to the Altars of the Gods, as we find the Druids used to do, was a Custome left off by the Graecians of the latter Ages, and was the peculiar Blemish of their Fore-fathers, in the times of their Great Hero's, when the shedding of Blood was a Princely thing, and was so esteemed for its own sake; so that it is not to be in the least imagined, that these Druids, men generally reported of a moral and honest Conversation, would begin such Bloody Customes, had they not for a long time received them from their Predecessors, and so on, till we come to that Age of the Graecians, which first sent Colonies into these Nations, and brought over those Customes which were then esteemed commendable even in Greece it self.

The Landing Place of the Graecians.

THe Places where the Greeks first Landed, is guessed, by some, to be the two Islands, Man, and Anglesey, or one of them, and the Reasons given are these.

First, Because the Druids, whose Name proves them of a Greek Original, upon the discovery of this Island, the more known Parts of the World principally resided in these Two; There they had their Head quarters, as I may say, hither resorted as to publick Seminaries, all that desired to be instructed in their Learning, or initiated in their Religion, here they studied privately, and retired, sometimes twenty years together, to learn their Mysteries, which was not permitted them to carry away, otherwise than in their Memories; When Britain was invaded, to Anglesey then retired the Southern Druids and their Followers, not as a place of more Safety, for then they had fled Northwards to Scotland, because this was supposed to be their Original and Capital Seat, and so either out of Superstition, that, that Land which first gave footing to their Fore-fathers, would be most fortunate to them, or else, be∣cause it was really best Fenced; It was looked upon as their own Patrimony, the Woods of it being so Sacred, and so inviolably preserved for the exercise of their Religious Adoration, that it yielded more shelter for them than any other Parts; Whatever the Reason was, certain it is, it hath given occasion to some to think, that these were their primitive Habitations to which they so naturally had re∣course.

What is said of the Southern Druids, and their Retirement into Anglesey, the same may be said of the Northern, into the Isle of Man. A President was kept there, to whom once every year they repaired from those parts to take Counsel for the ma∣nagement of Affairs, and after They of Anglesey were expulsed that Island, the Re∣mainders fled hither as to their last Refuge, and here remained, until King Cratilinth, An. Dom. 277, with great difficulty drave them out.

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Moreover, about those Parts they have this Tradition, Mon mam Cumri, Man is the Mother of the Cumri.

Now the more Northern Britains are supposed, Anciently, to be called, CUMERO, I mean, those Britains that lived in the Inland parts of Britain, and not the Gaulish-Britains; Sure I am this has given some Reasons to think, that the first Britains came out of Anglesey, auciently called Mona, and if they be of a Greek Stock, that the Graecians first Landed here; likewise there are who have thought, that these two Islands are the same which Anciently were celebrated by the Poets under the Name of the Fortunate Island, and the ELYSIAN Fields.

Isacius Tzetzes, a Greek Author, in his Notes on Lycophron, reports, they were*among the Britains; and Homer, by one is brought in to say, they were on the Coasts of Britain, and here I will put down the following chief Reasons, and so leave it to the Reader to judge.

The Fortunate Islands lay in the Atlantick Sea, and so do these with the rest of the British Islands.

The Fortunate Islands were Two, so are these, the lesser and bigger MONA, one the nearer, the other the farther off.

The Fortunate Islands were a Type of the ELYSIAN Fields, and are so called promiscuously, sometimes by one name, sometimes by another. They were said to be Places of Ease, Pleasure, and Rest from all Labours, to all who lived Vertuously and Regularly, as that the Conversation of just and upright Persons was the most va∣luable Happiness.

The strict Life of the Druids might therefore render these Two Islands more valuable than others upon all the accounts aforesaid, as they were sequestred from the Cares of the World, Men of upright and moral Conversation. Here was their Gene∣ral Meetings, here they taught and discoursed of nothing but Vertue and Piety. Their Solemn Assemblies were all concerning the Principles of Divinity, Morality, the immortality of the Soul, and the World to come; so that this Conversation might well be esteemed for its Retiredness and Gravity, to come nighest those Idaea's that the Philosophers and Poets, lovers of Vertue, had of the Rewards of another World.

The Druids had that Authority, that they were made Judges of Controversies both in Britain and Gaul, to which esteem they could never have arrived, unless they had been strict Enquirers and Searchers into the Lives and Manners of those they had admitted into their Order.

Because these Two Islands were the Fountains from which proceeded all their Streams, no doubt but the greatest care was taken, that they should be preserved pure and untainted, and this strict enquiry, and severe examination of Souls, is supposed to be made by Judges, before their admission into the Elysian Fields, as the Ancient Poets witnes.

Their Retiredness, which is so much spoken of by the Poets and Philosophers of the Elysian Fields, is intimated in the very Names of these Islands, they being called MONA, as has been said before, from which Greek word the Monastick Life had its * denomination.

The Elysian Fields, or Fortunate Islands, were said to be full of Shades; Anglesey was called Ynis Dowil, a Dark and Shady Island, because the Druids planted here many Woods and Groves, as necessary for the exercise of their superstitious Rites and Ceremonies.

The Greek and Latin Poets Anciently accounted the North their Right hand, and the South their Lest; from their way of looking to the West towards the Elysian Fields and Fortunate Islands, and, in the Judgment of the best Authors, were seated on the Western Coasts of Britain.

Plutarch, on the Life of Sertorius, writes of him, That at his retreat from Spain, *he was obliged to take the Sea, where, not being secure, nor permitted safely to Land upon the Spanish or African Coasts, being then in the Mediterranean Sea, he passed the Streights, and turning on the Right hand of the Spanish shoar, he met divers Saylors from the Fortunate Islands, seated 10000 furlongs from the Coast of Africk, to which Islands he intended to go, had not the Cilician Privateers (who understood his design) for∣saken him. Thus Plutarch.

Page  83

The Islands MONAE are about the same distance, and the Ships coming from them, arriving from the Spanish Coast, seems to make it more probable that they were Islands Northward on the British Coast, than those which go under the name of Fortunate Islands.

Now if there be any likelyhood of truth in these Conjectures, certainly the Plantation of the Greeks here is very Ancient, and must of necessity be long before those times Mr. Cambden assigns for the first discovery of these Islands by them; and so consequently Brith could not give name to them; For many hundred years before Julius Caesars daies, or before ever Philaeas Taurominites had been in Britain, the name of the ELYSIAN Fields, and Fortunate Islands, was sung by all Po∣ets.

Mr. Cambden reports out of Robert of Avesbury, That when Pope Clement the * sixth had given the Fortunate Islands to Lewis of Spain, he made great preparations in mustering Men in France and Italy, in order to the taking possession of them, that the English verily believed that all those Levies were made against them, and our Leigier Embassadors at Rome, Prudent Personages, as he calls them, were so strongly possest with this Opinion, that they withdrew from Rome, and hastned for England, to give warning of it.

Mr. Milton, after most of the former Conjectures, thinks, there are no Two such Islands, so probable as the Monae are to be the FORTUNATE ones, seeing * undoubtedly they were in the Atlantick Sea, and upon the British Coasts, as they were strongly reported to be in Ancient time.

But leaving these Conjectures, I come now to shew, what Foot-steps remain of the Greeks, and certain Evidences of their being once very conversant in these Islands. And I shall begin first with their Language, and afterwards with their Customes, Manners, Habits, and Religions, which were continued even to JULIUS CAESAR's daies, and are not as yet utterly rooted out from among them.

And here it is to be observed, as touching the British Language, that above all Nations in the World they have been curious in preserving of it entire, without mixture, and carefully and studiously avoided the entertainment of any strang and forreign Words into it, as may be seen in Merlyn and Thaliassen, two of their * Poets, who although writ so long ago, yet setting aside some sinall variations, is the very same Language spoken by them at this day, not only by the Britains of Eng∣land, but of Armorica also in France, a thing much to be wondered at, did we not consider the exact Orthography they preserved, so that if you take half a dozen Scribes, and dictate to them a sentence of their Language, they will all agree in the same way of writing, which exactness is not observed in Our, or any other Lan∣guage, but that there will be as many waies of writing, as there are men appointed for that purpose. This Observation was made by Sr. John Price, who made an Ex∣periment * of it.

Now, this exact Orthography, and the natural care that through all Ages they had of preserving their Language, has been the cause that the Old Language of the Britains (setting aside what Words crept in by force from the Romans, and Saxons, who conquered them) has been preserved so entire as it is.

The Foot-steps of the Greek Language is evidently seen not only in particular British Words, which agree in sound and sence, but in the very nature and Idiom of the two Languages.

Some are of Opinion, that the Greek Characters were used in Britain, and that * they were changed by the Roman Conquest, who alwaies were very careful to obtrude their Language upon them whom they overcame, as a certain sign of Do∣minion over them, and a surer Union with such Provinces; And this I am apt to credit, because Caesar, after the Conquest of the Helvetii (as I said before) found their Publick Records written in Greek Characters.

The Ancient Greeks had but Two and twenty Letters, no more had the Britains, and as afterwards the Greeks, for conveniency, did receive two more into their Al∣phabet, so have the Britains.

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Moreover, it is to be observed, that the British Letters agree exactly in sound with the Greek, as is most remarkable in c and g (not to instance in d and u) which c and g are alwaies pronounced by the Britains, as, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not as now they are before i and e, where c is pronounced like an s, and g like an j Conso∣nant.

Of Vowels, the Britains had Anciently six, now they have added a seventh, viz. a w, but this relishes of the Teutonick.

Their Consonants, after the manner of the Greeks, are divided into semivocales and mutas, and these again into tenues medias and aspiratas, which, in the flexion of Nouns and Verbs, pass one into another exactly after the Greek man∣ner.

R, in the beginning of words, is alwaies with an Aspirate, as it is in the Greek Tongae, out of which Observations in the British and Greek Language, I would note these things.

  • 1. First, That the Druids of Britain and Gaul, by the number of Letters having only twenty two, as may rationally be supposed, after the manner of the Ancienter Greeks, came into Britain very early, when the Greeks had not as yet learnt the use of their other Letters, or if they had, notwithstanding they were not frequently known among them.
  • 2. Secondly, The Druids, using the same Characters which were common in Greece, in the time of Julius Caesar, it appears, that neither were they of so Ancient a stand∣ing in this Island and Gaul, as the first and primitive Times of Greece, when the Greeks learnt their Letters from the Phoenicians, and without doubt something nigh their Character.

Besides, Pliny observes, out of an Ancient Inscription in the Greek Tongue, that formerly the Graecians had very nigh the same Characters with the Latins; If I be * not mistaken, did write an H instead of their Aspiration, after the manner of the Phoenician, and if the Phoenicians did not themselves bring the use of Letters, and the number of them into Britain, but contented themselves with Trading only hither, yet I am sure the Graecians had not only the first number of their Letters from them, but Characters also, and as may be very rationally conjectured, might bring them in∣to this Island, after they had new modelled them, and before they had added any new ones to them.

The true attaining to the just Circumstances of Time, as to the Navigations of the Phoenicians and Graecians, makes much to the stating of the Antiquities of Britain. But care must be had, that as we bring not the Greeks too early into these Islands, as by the more Modern Characters they used do appear, so we must not assign the time, too late, of their discovering them, which their long setled Customes in Bri∣tain, the great esteem they had gained with the Islanders, the very Idiom of the Greek Language introduced, and their Religious Ceremonies and Rites, though never so cruel, allowed and approved by the whole State, argues them of a very Ancient standing in these Parts, and that not suddenly, but by long use, and against much oppo∣sition, they were at last admitted and entertained.

Seeing we have here spoken of the Concordance of the British Tongue with the Greek Idiom; it will not be much out of the way, if we take notice, that as the number of their Letters agree exactly with the Phoenicians, though we will not sup∣pose them to have received them immediately from the Phoenicians but the Graecians, so there are a world of Words in the British Language (as partly has been shewn upon another occasion) which agree exactly with the Syrian or Phoenician Tongue; For, I verily believe, that the extream number of Aspirations, and guttural pronunciations, were peculiar to no Western Nation, but only the Britains of Armorica, and Wales, and the Irish (which may well be supposed to be peopled out of Britain, or else to have been Traded unto by the Phoenicians themselves) is an evident sign of the Phoeni∣cians once conversing in these Islands; For it is to be observed that the Eastern Lan∣guages, and that they as well as the Greeks, contributed much to the making up of that Language which was used here in Caesars daies, and since, the mixture of the Saxon, Roman, and Norman Tongues, only excepted.

Page  85

But to return to the Greeks, besides the peculiar conformity of Idiom, which the Britains have of their Language in general with the Graecians, it is to be ob∣served, that the Numerals of both Nations are most the same, where sometimes our Britains, sometimes they of Gaul, have the greatest resemblance. As for Example, I will set down in order.

Un,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,One.
Daw; Armorican, Dow,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Two.
Tri,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Three.
Pedwar,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; AEol. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Four.
Pump, Armo. Pemp,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Five.
Chuech, Armo. Huech,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Six.
Saith,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Seven.
With, Armo. Eith,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Eight.
Naw,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Nine.
Deg,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Ten.
Un at deg,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Eleaven.
Deuddeg,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Twelve.
Ugain,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,Twenty.
Cant,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,a Hundred.
Mil,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,in the Latin Mille, a Thousand.
Myrdd,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,a Million.

Most of these may easily be supposed to come from the Greek; if we consider how variously that Language alters the Letters of Forreign words it receives. And if any think that some of these may better be referred to the Romans than Graecians, as Un, Daw, Tri, Cant and Mil, I shall answer them in Mr. Sheringhams words, That*besides these so like the Greek Numerals, the Britains have no other to express themselves by. But if these words were lately introduced, it behoved that the Old Terms should have re∣mained in their Writings, as the Old Saxon and Latin words, though out of use, remain still in the Writings of the Ancients; But I fear, by his words lately introduced, he supposes the objection made, as if they were brought in later than Caesars daies, perhaps by the Clergy of Rome, otherwise it is not improbable but they had some of these from the Romans, although there be no mention of any Ancienter words of the same sig∣nification in their Old Poets, because they have no Writings of such Antiquity, and Numerals are (of all other words) used according to the acceptation of the present time. But the greatest Argument, in my opinion, that the Britains had not any of them from the Romans, is, because that the Armorican Britains in Gaul, who fled over (not long after the coming of the Romans) into this Island, cannot be supposed (in so short a time) to change so considerable a part of their Language, do notwithstanding keep the same Numerals as our Britains of Wales do, setting aside some small variation, Page  86 as Dow for Daw, which is rather to be attributed to a difference in Dialect, than that they had them from the Greeks.

But, besides the names of Numbers, the Britains have in their Language a whole Lexicon of Words, whose Original is undoubtedly Greek, I will put down some Examples out of Mr. Sheringham, which he collected, most of which, as he writeth, hath no synonimous words to express them.

Agos,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Neighbour, or that which is near at hand.
All,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Another.
Am,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Round about, of all sides, or of all parts.
Amwyn,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Defend, or afford aid or assistance.

An, is a Particle Privative, as it is among the Greeks.
Arth,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Bear.
Bloesy,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Stammerer.
Brochi,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉more Cruel, hasty, or un∣ruly.
Cade,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Strong, or valiant.
Carthu,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Purge, or clear.
Casmai,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉an Ornament, garnishing, or decking of any thing.
Caul,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Grewel, or Pottage.
Civ,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Shell, or Cabinet.
Claiar,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Warm.
Cledr,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Rafter.
Clod,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Praise, or Commendati∣on.
Cnithio,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Strike.
Cnoi,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Bite, or gnaw.
Deysif,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Petition, or request.
Diliis,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Manifest.
Dor,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Water.
Drysi,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉an Oak, or Grove of Trees.
Eiddo,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Proper, or particular ones own.
Elin,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Cubit.

Page  87

The Particle Er increases his signification, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth among the Greeks.
Etto,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Yet.
Faelu,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Erre.
Fair,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Fairs.
Flaw,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Cut.
Forrior, fur,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Thief.
Gatan,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Crane.
Geyleisio,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Tickle.
Malen,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Salt.
Paul,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉the Sun.
Medd,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Mead, or Metheaglen.
Mis,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Mouth.
Moccio,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Mock.
Ni,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉We.
Nyddu,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Spin, or Weave.
Porthwys,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Ferry-man.
Rhechayn,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉to Sneeze, or Snort.
Rhyn,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a Hill.
Seban,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Soap.
Sirig,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Silk.

And thus ad infinitum, but let these few Examples suffice to shew the Agreement of the British Language with the Greek, which could proceed from no other cause than some Plantation of Greeks in this Island.

If any object, that in the Saxons Language, there are many Words likewise which may be referred to the same Original (as appears in Mr. Cambden's Remains) let them consider first, that their Number is not so great, also that the Idioms of the two * Languages are very different, which is not so with the British and Greeks, as is visibly seen in their Flexion of words and Aspirations, by which Letters they are easily resolvable into others of the same kind.

Lastly, It is to be supposed that the Germans bordering upon the Gauls, and alwaies infesting and incroaching upon them, even unto Caesars daies, when scarcely they could be quieted, might either take some Druids in War, or else entertain them in times of Peace, to learn those Religions and Rites for which they were in much esteem among their Enemies.

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And, that which induces me to believe this, is, because the Saxons, a People of Germany, in their Tongue, as Alfricus writes, called a Wise man or Diviner〈◊〉, * which carries with it the very Name and Profession of the Druids, they being very much given to the Art of Magick, of which, the fore-telling of things to come, was alwaies an inseparable Companion.

Besides the Names of things common to all Nations, as, Fire, Air, Earth, Water, Hills, Rivers and Vallies, the use of which is understood by all Nations, and so cannot be supposed to want Appellations in any; There are other words which depend upon skill, either in Physick, Astronomy, Geometry, Agriculture, Archi∣tecture, Habits, Wars, Customes and Religions, &c. which cannot be supposed in any Nation before the use of the thing it self, and that particular Science be intro∣duced; Where we see two or more Nations agreeing in these Circumstances, we may rationally think, that the more Learned Nations did not only communicate the things themselves, but the Names also with them, as we see, to this day, the Inventions of Arts and Sciences, to the great honour of Industrious people, preserved entire in the Language of the first Inventors.

In regard, to treat of this Subject fully would be endless, we will confine our selves to some particular Words that Mr. Cambden has brought, to prove the Gauls and Britains one and the same Nation, and will shew, that, in all probability, those very words were introduced by the Greeks, as we have shewn in others by the Phoenicians, and that in all likelyhood, the things themselves as well as Names were brought in by them, and therefore the promiscuous use of them in Gaul and Britain, argues no more the Nations to have the same Original, than the word Astro∣nomy, or Geography, used by both, will prove them Graecians, or the word Admiral, Turks or Saracens.

The first I shall instance is Thireos, which he collects out of Pausanias, by * which word the Gauls call their Country Shields, and the Britains to this day Carian, but I pass over the similitude of these two words, which I doubt not but some will count very little.

Let us consider Thireos without the Termination Pausanias puts upon it, and we shall find it to have a far greater relation to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Breast-plate amongst the Greeks, and if some shall say that Thireos signifies not a Breast-plate but a Shield, let him consider that in the nature of a defence they are the same, and although the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Breast-plate, might be brought in by the Greeks, yet the Gauls and Britains accompanying themselves in Skirmishing and sudden On-sets, rather than to set or fixt Battles, that which was fastned to their Breasts they thought more conve∣nient to wear loose before, than in the nature of a Shield, from the weight of which they could easier disengage themselves upon any sudden occasion of retreat, and served better, or at least as well, to desend their Bodies; And this I think is the true Original of their Thireos, the shape and make of which was, without any doubt, dif∣ferent from their Neighbours.

As for the word Carian, by which the Britains in our Island and Armorica called their Shields, I think it may have more relation to Caran, Thunder, by reason of the flames on all sides painted on their Shields, issuing out like Lightning from Thunder, or else from a God much of that name, who with their Shields pre∣served them in War, and affrighted their Enemies; For the Britains had on their Shields a terrible visage painted like a Gorgon, to amaze their Enemies, which, accor∣ding to the horrid manner of those Times, represented their Deities, may very easily be supposed some Tutelar God, under whose protection they thought themselves se∣cured in the day of Battle; Others there be that derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it was long in the manner of a Door.

Circius, a vehement Wind, so called by the Gauls from its force and violence, is derived by Mr. Cambden from Cyroch, signifying Violence, and doth suppose this Wind was so called by the Gauls and Britains;〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Greek, signifies to ex∣asperate or make violent.

The Galathians, who spake the same language with the Gauls, had a little Shrub which they called Coceus, by which they dyed Scarlet, and the Britains called this Colour Coch; Now as I believe the use of Dying, so this colour also of highest estimation among the Greeks was brought by them into these Parts, for it is manifest Page  89 they called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; It is very easie to imagine, that when the Britains and Gauls found the use of this Herb, they might give it the name of Coch, from the tincture it produced.

Petoritum, Festus saies, was a Chariot used in Gaul, so called from its four Wheels,* the name whereof is manifestly Greek, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies Four in the AEolick Dia∣lect; And no doubt but the Britains and Gauls, as they had the use of these Cha∣riots from Greece, so did they retain their Names in the Language of the In∣ventors.

The same I have shewn before in another place, of Pempedula dercom a Ratis, to which may be added the Gauls Glico marga, and the Britains Gluys marl, White Marble, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, white; Tripitia of the Gauls, and Tribet of the Bri∣tains, a three-foot Stool, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Gaulish Phanarat, and Arat of the Britains, a Plow,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Greeks, the same thing; Rodanus, a swift River in Gaulish, Rhe∣dec, Swiftness in British, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to flow apace.

All which things put together, as they argue the Greek to have brought many words both to the British and Gaulish Language, so if we shall add these words with those that have been already shewn to be Phoenicians, we shall find no ground to judge, that the Britains and Gauls were the same people, seeing that most of the words brought in by Mr. Cambden to prove them so, relate to publick Customes, Magistrates, Honours, Manners of War, Gods, Arms, Arts, Priests, Habits, Agri∣culture, Measures, &c. the use of all which, as is manifest they did, so might they receive the very names of them from some third Nation, and that they had them so, some from the Phoenicians, others from the Greeks, as has been apparently shewn.

Tacitus writeth, that the People of the Estii used the fashions and the habits of the *Suivians, but in Language came nearer to the Britains. Now seeing there were People in Gaul that differed from them both in Language and Habits, in the first of which they agreed with the Britains, in the latter with the Suivians, a People in Germany, I am apt to believe, that these Estii had something of German Original by their Habits, and therefore that their agreeing with the Britains in Language, that is (as I judge) both differ from the pure German or pure Gaulish, argues the British to be somewhat of a German Race, although mixed with their Neighbours the Gauls. That they have something of them it plainly appears, if we do but con∣sider there were two sorts of People in this Island, the Maritime and Inland, the latter of which did pretend to be Aborigines, which they never would have had the confidence to have done, had they been of the same Language with the Maritime Gaulish Britains, or the Gauls themselves.

Besides, in comparing the Old Gaulish Language and the British, we shall alwaies find the British to have something more of the Teutonick, even in those very words they received from the Greeks, and others. This cannot spring from the Saxons conquering them, since the Armorican Britains, who were long before in Gaul, ere the Saxons were called to the Britains to assist them, retain the very same Teutonick Dialect.

A few Examples here will not be amiss.

G. Teutates, B. Diw Taith, the God of Travelling. G. Caterva, B. Caturfa, a Troop. G. Covin, B. Cowain, a Waggon. G. Laina, B. Glawn, Wool. G. Petor,* B. Pedwar, Four. G. Betal, B. Bedw, a Birch-tree. G. Scovies, B. Iscaw, the Elder-tree. G. Gliscomaga, B. Gluys marl, White marle, whereby the w, u, y, the peculiar Characters of the Teutonick Dialect so frequently being in use amongst the Britains, we may plainly (in my thoughts) gather that they were originally of a German Original.

Mr. Cambden, to avoid the words of Tacitus concerning the Estii, a People of Gaul, who agreed with the Britains in Language, and the Germans in Habit (because this implies the Britains to differ from the Gauls in Language, seeing that the Estii, a People of Gaul, spake not the same Language as the Gauls, but seem'd of a German Race, and so speak like the Britains) saies, That the Lan∣guages most remote in some parts agree. And gives an Example, how Busbequius (not long since) Embassador (from Frederick the Emperour) to the Turk,Page  90 found many Dutch and English words in the Taurica Chersonesus. By this Mr. Cambden implies, as if it were absurd to think they of Taurica Chersonesus, and the Dutch and English, have any relation one with another. But of this we shall have more occasion to Treat in the Saxon Original, wherein shall be proved they are of the same Original, both by their Idiom, way of Numbring, and several particular words that agree with the English and Dutch, and so must refer it to its proper place; so that if according to Mr. Cambdens own words, Languages most remote in some points agree, it is no wonder if the British and Gaulish have some similitude; If we take away the words which were intro∣duced into Britain and Gaul, either by the Phoentcians or Greeks, or last of all by the Romans, possibly no two Languages may be judged more remote than theirs was, and then Mr. Cambdens large Catalogue of Words will be reduced to a small number indeed.

As for the Primitive Original of the Britains, I will not treat of any farther in this place, it being the concern of this Chapter only to shew, that the Greeks were more Ancient in these Islands than Mr. Cambden supposed them to be; For his Derivation of Britannia, which has been shewn by their Language and some particular Customes herein mentioned, all which could not be so fully setled, as they were in Caesars daies, had not the Druids been of longer continuance in these Parts, as will more evidently appear when we come to treat of their Customes and Manners, as likewise of their Gods, Religion, Rites and Cere∣monies.

Page  91


GREECE, in the present Latitude thereof, is bounded on the East with the Propontick Hellespont and AEgean Seas, on the West with the Adriatick, on the North with Mount Haemus, which parteth it from Bulgaria, Servia, and some part of Illyricum, and on the South with the Ionian Sea; But at first, the name of Greece being proper only to Attica and Athens (the considerable place in Attica) being more remarkable and conspicuous above any part of Greece, in its present extent, and for Learning, Va∣lour and Navigation, we shall confine the present discourse to the Religion, Civil Government, and Extraction of the Athenians only, who are supposed to have suc∣ceeded the Phoenicians in the discovery of this Island.

All Relations concerning the Greeks before the beginning of the Olympiads, through length of Time and a mixture of erroneous Fables with truth, are so ob∣scure, confused and imperfect, that they seem like Inscriptions upon Ancient Coyns, half defaced and eaten out by Time; the sence and true meaning of the de∣fective part being to be pickt out and guessed at, from the remaining Chara∣cters.

Attica formerly was called Ionia, and the Athenians, by Homer, are called Iaones, which carries a great affinity and cognation with the word Javan, the fourth Son of *Japhet, by whom Greece was certainly planted, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and all Greece, Dan. 8. 21. is called Javan; but the Athenians (least the * nearness and similitude of sound betwixt Iaones and Javan should discover them to be Upstarts, and of yesterday) they pretended that their Country was termed Ionia, from one Ion the Son of Xuthus, Son of Deucalion, making it purely a Greek Name, and that they themselves were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aborigines, being not content to spoil the AEgyptian, in attributing to themselves the Honour of inventing all kind of Sciences, unless they could also rob them of the Glory of Antiquity, in which they were ever known to pride and boast, yet Plato (concerning the Greek Letters) saies, that the Greeks received them from Barbarians more Ancient than them∣selves.

Cratylus taught Thucidides to confirm the other Report, who tells us a pleasant story, * How that the fruitfullest parts of Greece often changed its Inhabitants, the pleasure and profit of their Seats constantly exposing them to the fury and malice of more potent Enemies; and the Traders fore-seeing that they were as liable to expulsion as others had been formerly, tilled so much of their Grounds only as served for pre∣sent necessity, neglecting the rest, not being willing to go away muttering like those in Virgil,

Impius haec tàm culta novalia miles habebit?
Barbarus has segetes; en queis consevimus arva!
Shall the rude Souldier this rich Corn possess?
See with what care, for Rogues, our Land we dress!
Page  92

They were resolved, that the fruits of their Labour should never draw upon them their own Ruine, so that all Greece (saies he) was not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, firmly or fully Inhabited, by reason of these continual flittings and removings; But Attica, through the barrenness of its Soyl, being worth no mans Ambiticn or undertaking,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Was alwaies inhabited by the same men, till at last it was so crammed and crowded with its own multitude, that the Land it self would scarce contain, much less main∣tain its Inhabitants, that they were forct to send Colonies (for the ease and relief of the rest) into a part of Asia Minor, calling it after their own Country, Ionia; thus far reaches the Graecian sigment. But he that can believe, that Attica was so well stored with People before Asia the Less had any, may as reasonably conclude they were Aborigines, i. e. sprung out of the Earth also.

Strabo out of Hecataeus asfirms, That the lones came out of Asia into Greece,* which Opinion is probable enough, for why might not Javan impart his Name to that Province, or part of Asia Minor, which is called Ionia, as well as he did after∣wards to that part of Greece which is generally known by the name of Attica.

Most Greek Authors bring the Name of Ionia from this Ion, which we (in favour to their Memory) shall not be much against, supposing we may have leave to con∣jecture that Ion himself took name from Javan, it being a Custome observable in the Histories of all times to retain the ancient Name of a Fore-father in some, the prin∣cipal of his Issue.

Others have supposed, they were derived from the AEgyptians, grounding that * Supposition upon the nearness and similitude of signification between Sais and Athene in Greece, and that they were formerly Colonies from Sais (a City of AEgypt, sci∣tuated near one of the Mouths of Nile) is concluded on from the Identity of many Customes, common as well to the Saitae as the Athenians; For as the Athenians di∣stinguished their People by three divisions: viz. into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Nobility;〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Pcasants; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Mechanicks: in like manner also did the *AEgyptians the Athenian '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who were totally addicted to the search of Learning and Wisdome, and therefore being had in great estimation by the People, we may compare them to the AEgyptian Priests; nay some of the chief Families in Athens had the Priesthood by Succession, as Eumolphidae, Ceryces, Cynidae, the Geo∣mori,* who had Lands assigned them for the maintenance of the War, are not unlike them in AEgypt, who hold Possessions on these terms, viz. to provide Souldiers when need should require to fight.

The Demiurgi resemble those Plebeians, who (skilful in some Art) did set-out their Labour to daily hire; and Herodotus is of opinion, that they had their Religion * from the AEgyptians, although it is stiffly denyed by Plutarch the Reader, who, according to his inclination, may make choice of which Opinion he pleases, but the first is the most probable, and best received.

But that which detracts much from the Antiquity of the Athenians, is, that CECROPS, the first King and Founder of Athens, who, according to St. Augustine was contemporary with Moses, was the first that reduced the Greeks (living before like Savages or Brutes, without Law or Religion) into a form of a Body Politick * He first advised them to offer up Sacrifices to Jupiter, and divided the People into four Tribes, taught them to dwell together civilly in Villages (the People of Attica before, being ignorant of the benefit of Societies and Corporations.) Afterwards, Theseus collected the People of Attica into a Body, and incorporated them into the City of Athens, which he had beautified and enlarged; but at first Greece was inha∣bited by Villages and not by Towns.

Athens was governed by this Cecrops, and his Successors, by no other Title than that of KING for the space of Four hundred years and upwards, till the time of *Codrus, who in the Wars against the Dorienses (being advertised by the Oracle, that his Enemies should come off Conquerers, if they did not kill the Athenian King, for the honour of his Country and safety of his People) put himself into the habit of a Common Beggar, and entered the Enemies Camp, where he behaved himself so Page  93 strangly, that they were forct at last to kill him; But when the Dorienses under∣stood what they had done, they were so discouraged that they dismist their Army in haste, and so departed homewards.

The Athenians resenting this noble and generous Action of their King so highly, they thought no Man in the Commonwealth, nay not his own Son, worthy to succeed him as King, resolving that as he had proved himself to be the best of Kings, so they, in honour to his Memory, would make him the last, intimating that all Royal Qualifications departed with him, therefore laying aside Monarchy they constituted Princes for term of life, differing from Kings only in this, That the one claimed by the right of Succession, the other by Election and favour of the People.

The first of these Archontes, or Princes, was Medon, Son of the late King Codrus; and * these ruled Athens three hundred and sixteen years; After this they chose a Gover∣nour, in whom resided the chief Authority for ten years only, expecting Justice and Moderation from his hands, who at the end of Ten years was to become a Private man, and consequently, upon any Injury or Affront committed, was liable to the power and severity of his Successors.

Seven of these Decennial Governours only ruled Athens, which compleats Three∣score and ten years; then the Government became Annual, the City being Gover∣ned by Majors or Burg-Masters, and this form of Government was not only distur∣bed and shaken, but quite dasht in pieces by Pisistratus, in or about the time of Solon, for he having calculated his Laws purely for the Meridian of Democracy, and made it his business afterwards to put the Supream Authority into the hands of the People (to which the People of Athens ever had a natural inclination) he not only in his own time saw his Laws violated, as quite raced out of force, but the Govern∣ment changed into a Monarchy by Pisistratus; for observing a potent Faction in the City, and striving for Superiority, the one animated by Megacles, the other headed by Lycurgus, took an occasion of raising a third; And as he pretended, in defence of the Liberties and Priviledges of the People, the ruine and suppression of which he gave out was the aim of the other two.

This Pretence gained him such credit and esteem among the Common People, that when he complained in a Publick Assembly, That his love and affection to∣wards his Country had raised him up such implacable Enemies, that he could not pass the Streets without danger of his life, shewing at that instance some Wounds and Cuts, which he said, he had lately received for their sakes, though really he gave himself those Wounds on purpose to promote his Interest, they voluntarily and unanimously, it being unknown to them, allowed him a Guard for defence of his Person, with which Ingratitude to the People he seized on their State-House, taking upon him the Government of Athens, from which he was soon after expelled, and beaten, partly by the dis-inclinations and ill resentment the People bore towards Monarchy, and partly by the sudden friendship and union of the two other Factions.

But Megacles soon after, being suspicious of Lycurgus's Power, called in again Pisistratus to his assistance, who again made himself Master of both his Factions and Government, but after some new Misdemeanour and Insolency, was again forced to relinquish it, and to retire to Eretria, where, after Eleven years abode, he again ob∣tained the Principality of Athens, and left it to his two Sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, as his lawful Successors.

Hipparchus, according to Plato, a Prince and Master of many eminent Vertues, was Murthered by Harmodius and Aristogiton; and Hippias, though he governed with great Moderation, mistrusting the like fate, was resolved to rule them with greater Rigour and Severity than ever, to try whether he could scare them into Obedience and compliance with his will, since his Gentleness and mild usage had so ill effects up∣on them; But the Athenians (a tender neckt People) impatient of Tyranny, stir'd up a Noble Man, called Clisthenes, who by the assistance of the *Alcmaenidae, and an Army of Lacedaemonians, delivered them from the Tyranny they so much complained of.

Hippias, for fear of such potent Enemies (voluntarily forsaking Athens) fled to Darius Emperour of Persia, to whom he made his Applications and Redresses to be re-instated, making him also Judge and Revenger of his wrongs, which enterpise Page  94 at last Darius undertook to his immortal disgrace, and to the eternal Honour and memory of the Athenians.

Darius lived only long enough to give the first blow and onset on the Gracians, dying not long after the defeat he received at the Battle of Marathon, leaving his Son Xerxes Heir both to the Empire and this War; he was so earnest and intent on the prosecution of it that he would hear none of his Counsellours, nay, he hated all those that laid before him the Inconveniences he might probably meet with in that War, as his Father had done to his great dishonour; But on the contrary, ima∣gining the disaster at Marathon, proceeded meerly from the sinall number his Father had levied for that Battle, he gave order for the raising such vast numbers, both for Sea and Land, that the very noise of his Preparations might save his Army the labour of reducing them by their Swords, under his obedience. Their great Forces, by the Wiser sort, were lookt upon more for ostentation, yea impediment, than use, for the Greeks from thence perceived his fear and folly under his painted Vizard, and ever after esteemed their own Valour as very considerable.

Xerxes commanded, that a Bridge should presently be framed on six hundred threescore and fourteen Gallies, lincked together, for the transporation of his Army over the Hellespont, putting to death the chief Workmen that built the other, which a little before was torn asunder, and separated by a Tempest; in the space of seven daies and seven nights his Army, which consisted of Seventeen hundred thousand Foot, and Fourscore thousand Horse, past over into Eu∣rope.

Xerxes being seated on a convenient place, where he might take a general view and survey of all his Forces, began to think on the many miseries and inconveni∣ences the Greeks, by their Obstinacy, were in a short time likely to come to, yet not without some reflexions on his own Happiness, who was absolute Commander of so great an Army, compounded of so many different Countries; but those thoughts soon passed over, and gave place to others of a quite different Complexion, when he found how briskly his whole Army was entertained by an inconsiderable number of Lacedaemonians, and a few of their Confederates, who two daies together defended the Streights at Thermopylae against the whole Army; a narrow passage lying between the Mountains which divide Thessaly from Greece, and might have done longer, to the Infinite disadvantage of the Persian, had not a Graecian Renegado taught them a secret way of ascending those Mountains, by which the distressed Lacedaemonians, and their Confederates that stayed with them, miserably encom∣passed; yet they so resolutely maintained their Post that they had undertaken, with∣out shewing any kind of fear or desire of flight, that though the Persian came off Conquerour, yet the glory and honour of this Battle ever was attributed to the Lacedaemonians, and Xerxes himself raised such a conclusion from the success he had in this Fight, that he ever after seemed to mistrust the strength of his Forces and goodness of his Fortune, especially when he heard that Greece had more Men of the same temper and Courage.

But the Athenians, against whom this War was chiefly intended (for that they with the Ionians, late Rebels to the Emperour of Persia, had taken part with them against that Crown, and been equally instrumental in the sacking of Sardis, the Metropolis of Lydia) abandoned their Country to the fury and malice of their Enemy, their Wives and Children they secured in Troezene, AEgina, and Salamis. The Common Treasury, and a great part of their private Wealth was laid out in building a Navy, which afterwards was the Reason they became the most famous and strongest part of Greece, from whom the Persian received the greatest overthrow; for being better Sea-men, and having more Shipping than all Greece could shew, besides not only by Themistocles, encouraged by a Stratagem of his, forced the rest of the Graecians to venture one brush at Sea with this invincible Armada; For the Peloponnesians hear∣ing that a Persian Army was sent to invade their Country, were resolved to leave the Common good of Greece, and to defend, with the best of their blood, their private interest at home.

But Themistocles knowing the ill consequence, this their separation might prove to all Greece, sent privately to the Persian, under colour of Friendship, adver∣tizing him of the flight, and consequently of the fear of the Graecians, telling him Page  95 withal, that if he sent part of his Navy about the Island Salamis, where the Graecian Fleet lay, they might be circumvented, as formerly were the Forces under Leoni∣das, at the Streights of Thermopilae. The Persian took all the advantage they could of this Information, for in the Morning the Greeks found themselves encompassed, and obliged to fight, if they respected their own safety, and the delivery of their Country.

Themistocles, whose contrivance this was, well knew the advantage a small Fleet had over a vast and numerous Navy in narrow Seas, therefore animating the rest of the Greeks by his own personal Valour, he gave the Persian a very memorable and signal Overthrow, which proceeded partly from the good conduct of so excellent an Admiral; From the fright and confusion of those vast numbers, Xerxes was so timerous and heartless after it, that being cunningly forewarned by Themistocles of the intent the Greeks had in breaking down the Bridge, if he did not secure himself by sudden flight, made such hast out of Greece, that he is said to have escaped in a small Vessel obscurely, respecting neither Ceremony nor Honour, although he came thi∣ther attended with such a numerous Retinue.

Mardonius the Persian General staid behind, with Three hundred thousand under his Command, who had flatteringly undertook and promised Xerxes, either to re∣duce Greece under his obedience, or at least put a stop to the Precipice of his too hasty declining Fortune; But he and his Army were utterly cut off, by the united Forces of the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, in the Morning.

In the Evening of the same day, the rest of the Persian Forces which lay at Mi∣cale, a Promontory of Asia, was totally disabled and broken by the Conduct of Leutychides the Spartan, with Xantippus the Athenian, Admirals of the Graecian Navy.

Xerxes, after this, being altogether incapable of making an offensive War upon Greece, gave the Athenians leisure enough of re-building their City, and of re∣setling their frighted and dispersed Families; They also, the better to secure them∣selves for the future, fortified and encompast their City with a strong Wall, contrary to the advice of the State of Sparta, who were grown already too jealous and sus∣picious of their rising Greatness; However, they wisely dissembled their dislike till their Affairs were in a better posture.

Things being thus managed at home, the Athenians were resolved to carry the War into the Emperours Dominions, to receive some satisfaction for the loss they had so long sustained by those vast multitudes of Barbarians in their own. In pur∣suance of which, the Athenians set forth thirty Gallies, strengthened with twenty others from Sparta, and some of the Cities Confederate, who came in to their assi∣stance, with which they took several considerable places in Cyprus. After this, they embarked and set sayl for Thrace, where they stormed and took Byzantium, now Constantinople; The Lacedaemonians, whether wearied with these continual Sea-fights, or somewhat discontented that the best of their Actions were eclipsed by those of the Athenians, as being more expert in Maritim affairs, soon after recalled home their Forces, leaving the prosecution of the War to the Athenians, the rest of Greece also, except Peloponnesus committing the management of their Affairs solely to the wis∣dom and disposal of that People.

The Athenians glad that they were thus peaceably left Lords of the Sea, and without any Copartners in the profit and glory they expected, dispatched Cimon, Son of the brave Miltiades, with a considerable number of Gallies, well Mann'd, to set upon the Persian Fleet, then riding in the River Eurymedon in Pamphylia, which he soon overcame, taking some, and sinking others; he overthrew also their Land Forces, encamped on the Shoar, and on the same day (happily meeting with a Fleet of Phoenicians, coining to the aid of the Persians) he seized upon their Navy, for∣saken by the Owners almost before he could put himself into a posture of Battle, or, as King Edward said of Charles the Fifth of France, concerning the Dutchy of Guien, Took it without ever putting on his Armour. The Phoenicians at the first ap∣pearance of Cimons making up to them ran their Vessels on shoar, escaping, as many as could, this victorious Enemy by Land.

The Persian being thus quite disabled at Sea, and the Phoenicians worsted and defeated in every Battle, the confederate Cities also, out of a strange Largness, con∣cluding Page  96 rather to pay in what mony the Athenians allotted them, to find Ships and serve in them, themselves, against their common Enemy the Persian. It must be evi∣dent therefore to any mans Reason, from all these Accidents concurring together, that the Athenians must needs prove the expertest and ablest Sea-Men, and exceed any Nation at that time in the number of Shipping, it being made out that most of their strength consisted in their Navy. And I hope it will not be irrational to con∣clude that they traded into Britain, from these following Reasons.

  • First, From their measuring all their Actions by profit, undertaking any Voyage, how long or tedious soever, if they could promise themselves to be well recompenced for their labour and hazard.
  • Secondly, Their Ambitious endeavours in getting into their hands all Islands they could, witness those in the Greek Seas, and their adventuring such infinite losses, as the ruine of their whole Fleet, rather than quit their pretences to Sicily, which is in no respect to be compared to this our Island.
  • Thirdly, Why might not some false and cowardly Renegado Phoenician, who had formerly Traded hither, discover to them the scituation and fertility of this Island, as well as a Renegado Greek, shew the Persian a way over a ledge of Mountains, whereby the Lacedaemonians were encompassed, at the Streights of Thermopylae, which otherwise, in all probability they had never found out; Neither could they long be well ignorant, of the Phoenicians transporting their Commodities of Tynn and Lead from this Island, considering the great number of their Ships roving in most Seas, so that some of them must needs meet with the Phoenicians in their way homewards, whom constantly they set upon as Assistants to Xerxes, at the Invasion of their Country.
  • Fourthly and lastly, They were likely to understand the goodness of this Island from the Phoceans, an Athenian Colony, who dreading the Persian Tyranny, set sail with their Families, never setling themselves till they landed in France, where they founded Marseilles.

Now, that these AEolians traded into these parts, is sufficiently proved in the pre∣cedent discourse, and that the Athenians, who had abundantly revenged their wrongs on the Persian, had intelligence from these, is probable enough from the nature of Mankind, who after their afflictions past, are inclined to let their Friends and Allies know, how happily they live in other parts, which is daily confirmed from those that come from the West Indies, extolling the Fruitfulness of the place, partly to invite others over to live with them of the same temper, and partly by such Accessions to strengthen their Colony, whereby they may enjoy it more secure.

But suppose the Athenians themselves were not acquainted with these Parts, yet the Phoceans being of their Colony, very probable were inclined to the same form of Government, and did retain in general many of their Customes, though they differed in some circumstances, wherefore it is hoped that this present account may not altogether prove ineffectual, especially to those whose education or business has not given them full opportunity, of being acquainted with the Customes of the Athe∣nians.

After all these several Defeats, the Athenians grew so proud and conceited with the strange notions of their own Merits, that now every private Citizen lookt upon himself able enough to be a States-man, and nothing but Democracy would please their palate, as if Themistocles had managed the War against the Persian, not so much by his own cunning, as by the direction of the Athenian Commonalty; Now they began to oppress (and insolently Lord it over) their Allies, now it is that we hear no mans Vertue, or Innocency, was sheilded strong enough against the malicious darts of an envious Tongue; The People condemned rather by reports or events, than by a just enquiry and search into the matter. This made Alcibiades, when he was commanded to return from Sicily, and answer for his life at home, re∣fuse to go, as a thing very dangerous and uncertain, for being asked, Wilt thou not trust thy Country which begat thee, to be thy Judge? No, not her (said he) that brought me forth, least she not receiving the Truth, mistake the black for the white Stone. The Greeks formerly Condemned by Black Stones, and Absolved by White.

Page  97

But these two things, viz. Pride towards their Confederates, and an over hasty Condemnation of their best Captains, in the end proved their Ruine; the one weakning their Army, the other alienating the affections of their Friends, the La∣cedaemonians, who had long lain still, but ever jealous of the aspiring Greatness of the Athenians, and consequently watchful in taking all advantages of them, at last entred into the War, which was called the Peloponnesian; It was fought a long while between them with various success, but at last the Athenians, through the sudden and frequent revolt of their Allies, the banishment of the old, and neglect and inadver∣tency of the new Captains, were totally beaten at the Battle of AEgos Potamos, by the fortunate Conduct of Lysander, and were at last forced to submit to these Conditions; That the long Walls, leading from the Town to the Port, should be thrown down; That all the Cities subject to that State, should be set at liberty; That the Athe∣nians *should be Lords only of their own Territories, and the Fields adjoyning to their Town; That they should keep no more than twelve Ships; That they should hold as Friends or Enemies, the same whom the Lacedaemonians did, and follow the Lacedae∣monians as Leaders in the Wars.

After this Athens was Governed by thirty Tyrants, who under the notion of compiling a body of Law, and Governing the People accordingly, soon abused their Authority to the grievance of that City, which at first they had governed with great Moderation, and to the good liking of the People, but afterwards they Con∣demned any Citizens, if by them suspected, as they had formerly done the lewdest and worst, without due tryal or legal proceeding, from which Tyranny they were delivered by Thrasibulus and his Party, after which they continued free till the death of Alexander.

Who were the first Attick Legislators, is very much doubted amongst the best Authors I ever conversed with; some make Solon the Chief founder of their * Laws, others have given that honour to Theseus, from a passage in Plutarch, where he saies, That after Theseus had gathered together the dispersed People of Attica, and setled a Democracy, he received to himself only the chief Command in War, and the custody and preservation of the Laws, which in my mind rather intimates, That they had Laws amongst them in force before this their Incorporation, of which he desired the keeping; For if he was their first Legislator, and his Laws easie, reason∣able and just, whom can it be supposed the People could better entrust with their Laws than their King, who is most able to see them put in execution, and would be sure to keep them most free from corruption and alteration, every Change (unless upon mature deliberation) implying impotency and weakness, at first, in the Au∣thor.

Triptolemus, who taught them first to Till and sow Lands, was the first that deli∣vered Laws unto them. Porphyrie, lib. 4.〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is (saies he) affir∣med,*that the most ancient of the Attick Legislators was Triptolemus. And Hermippus, in his second Book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, They say that Triptolemus gave Laws to the Athe∣nians. And Xenocrates the Philosopher writes, That there remains in the Eleusine Temple three of his Laws, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that Parents are to Honoured;〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that the Gods are to be worshipped with the Fruits of the Earth;〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that flesh was not to be eaten before Solon Draco gave Laws to the Athenians; but he was too much above Humanity to be a good Law-giver, not considering in the least the frailty of humane Nature, for he punisht with death almost every peccadillo or little slip, prosecuting him that had stole a Pin, or any inconsiderable trifle, with as great rigour as he would have done a Murtherer; and Aristotle saies, They ought to be remembred for nothing but their Severity. But the Athenian Laws were never exact and compleat till Solons time, who abrogating what old Laws he thought inconve∣nient and useless, and adding what new ones he thought necessary, most of which he brought out of Egypt, made so excellent a composure, that Athens for many years was happily governed by them, and afterwards they became the ground of the Roman Government.

These Laws of Athens were engraven in Wood, and kept in the Acropolis, tran∣slated afterwards to the *Prytaneum by Ephialtes, besides there were Decrees esta∣blished by the Senate, to which the consent of the People was not required, these were in force but for a year only, but those Decrees to the ratisying and confirming Page  98 of which the peoples Votes were necessary, remained firm for a longer time. Before any Decree came out, the Senate sate in Consultation, to weigh and consider of the advantages and disadvantages it might bring upon the State, then the Prytanies wrote upon certain Tables, on such a day, and about such a time will be an Assembly, to Consult of these, and these Affairs. The People being gathered together and puri∣fied, the Decree is read, which, if approved by the People, was confirmed, if other∣wise, of no force. But least through variety of Circumstances, and in length of time, Inconveniences might arise, which at the making of them could not be fore-seen, they appointed a day of examination and inspection into their Laws, which was on the Eleventh of July, for preventing and correcting all such disadvantages, Whosoever would introduce a new Law, was to write it in a Table, and let it up in some eminent and conspicuous place, where every Citizen had liberty of spending his Judgment upon it as he pleased; They slew one Eudenues for bringing in a Law that displeased them.

The People in their Assemblies, deposed or confirmed their Magistrates in their places, according as it was known they had behaved themselves. They heard Causes, took cognizance of confiscated Goods, and Possessions left by Inheritance; they gave Audience to Embassadors, and took into their consideration those things that belon∣ged to the worship of their Gods.

But there was a Court, or Senate, consisting (after their Tribes were augmented from Four to Ten) of Five hundred, who by their advice and care instructed the People in those things which were to be handled, least any thing might be proposed without due consideration, or unworthy of so Reverend an Assembly; without the consent of this Senate the People approved of nothing, neither would They confirm any thing without the good-liking of the People.

The Power and Authority of this Councel consisted in making Laws, confirming Peace, denouncing War, imposing Tributes, or of taking notice of all Civil Transacti∣ons, and the affairs of their Confederates, raising and collecting Mony, looking after the due performance of Sacred Rites and Ceremonies, appointing Keepers for Priso∣ners, Guardians for Orphans, taking an account of all Offices discharged.

The whole management of the Commonwealth belonged to this Senate; none was admitted into this Councel under Thirty; afterwards by the addition of two Tribes more they became six hundred. Out of these were their Judges chosen, and this ho∣nour fell to none under Threescore; being thus constituted they met together, bring∣ing a Table and a Wand, on which was written a letter that did betoken some Judi∣catory, for there being ten Tribunals every one of them was noted with a Red letter, A, B, r, &c. to K, &c. over the Door; Time calling them to sit, they drew Lots, and the person to whom A fell sate in the Court-market with A, and so the rest accor∣ding to the Letter drawn out; you may see the manner of their proceedings more at large in Archaeolog. Attic. l. 3. c. 3. out of which partly this is abstracted. *

The great and famous Councel, Areopag. very much renowned for its Widom and Ju∣stice in deciding Controversies, had at first an unlimited Authority; they were Judges of all wilful Murthers, Wounds given through malice; to them appertained all Blas∣phemies against their Gods, violating of Religion, and divulging of Mysteries. They en∣quired into the Behaviours of Men, in this not unlike the Roman Censors, when the *Persians invaded Greece, by their Advice was the War undertaken, but this their Power was extraordinarily lessened by Pericles himself, being an Areopagite, who took from them a great part of their Prerogative in deciding Differences, referring them to the Judgment of the Common People: The Areopagites judged in the dark, that they might not regard the Speaker, but what was spoken in this Court, they did not pass Sentence by word of Mouth, but wrote privately on Tables, C if they Condemned, A if they Absolved, and N. L. if the Case was not manifest. No Appeal lay from this Court to any other Tribunal; their Determinations in all things being so just and upright, that neither Plaintiff or Defendant could ever complain of the Injustice of their Sentence.

We shall give an account of their Gods and Ceremonies in a discourse of the Pagan Roman Ecclesiastical Government: The Gods of these Nations being almost the same.

Page  99

CHAP. VII. The Customes and Manners of the BRITAINS; Their Laws and Government.

IN speaking of the Manners and Customes of the BRITAINS, we shall distinguish and sort them according to the several Na∣tions, from which (in most likelyhood) they received them. Some Usages they had particular to themselves, of which no account can be given, but others there are (which, as they differ from those of their Neighbours) so they carry an apparent congruity with other more remote Nations, such as the Graeci∣ans, who, upon the account of Trade, planted themselves in these Parts.

As this Work was never yet undertaken by any, so I hope it will receive the more favourable Construction, seeing all that is aimed at or intended is but to lead the way, and incite others to a more exact and curious Enquiry into the Antiquity of this Nation, and no: to rest upon so low a foundation as hitherto hath been laid.

Although the Customes of the Britains herein mentioned, are collected out of Caesar, Tacitus, Strabo, and many other Latin and Greek Authors, whose Writings are far * inferiour in Time to the Customes themselves, yet these Customes have Originals which they themselves that wrote of them understood not, partly because Books, and the Intelligence between Nations, was not then so universal, or perhaps, because they neglected to give serious accounts of a Nation, which, in their esteem, was then justly to be accounted Barbarous.

But that which more especially moves me to this undertaking, is, the hopes I have, that when this similitude of Customes and Manners, between the Britains and the aforesaid Nations, shall be shewn, there will be no ground to doubt but that their Commerce with these Nations was Ancient, and that, without question, the Bretanick Islands (for so, Anciently, they were all called) as they were named CAS∣SITERIDES by the Greeks, signifying Islands of Tynn, so did they receive their name from the Phoenician BRATANAG, signifying the same in the Phoenician or Samaritan Dialect, but of this I have more largely discoursed in another place.

The most Ancient Order of People in Britain are justly esteemed the BARDI, and these were before the Druids, although in time these got the start of the other in great Esteem. They were (as Strabo writes) Poets and Songsters, and at this day * are called by our Britains, Bards, Posidonius and Festus writes, they sang in Recita∣tive Musick, the praises of Great Men, and Diodorus calls them, Composers of Verses only, and to that purpose must that of Hesychius be interpreted, who writes, the Bardi were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is to be read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Singers or Poets.

The Name of these Bardi, as likewise the Nablium and Cynira on which they played, we have proved word for word to be Phoenician. They were not Harps, but some think like to them. The Cynira had Ten strings, and was play'd on with a quill, or some such thing; the Nablium had Twelve strings, and was play'd on by the Fingers. Mr. Cambden (I suppose) relying on Ammianus, calls them Harps, but Diodorus saies they were Instruments only like Harps.

These sort of People were (no doubt) at first of a Religious Order, and made use of in the Deifying of Great men, singing the Praises of Hero's at their Apotheosis, which in Ancient times was not only esteemed glorious for the Dead, and useful to the Living, but also a Religious and acceptable act to the Gods.

This Custome was derived from the Eastern Nations, first to the Greeks, and after∣wards to the Latins. The Ancient Greeks had not only the whole body of their Di∣irnity in Verse, but upon all occasions, as Marriages, Funerals, &c. their Religious Page  100Rites and Ceremonies were performed in them, likewise upon occasion of some great Deliverances and notable Victories, they sang the praises of their Gods in Verse, composing Odes and Hymns, which in solemn manner, and with musick, they rehearsed to the People.

This sort, exactly as the Bardi in the Phoenician Tongue, were called '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as in the Scholiast upon Pindar) in their own; and Hesiod by some * is thought to be the first of the Greeks upon mis-understanding of his Verses, in which he saies not absolutely he was the first, but that together with Homer he sang the Praises of Apollo in Delos. The Verses are in the Scholiast of Pindar thus:

'Ev 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
*〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Homer, and I, first Bards in Delos Isle,
Sang in new Hymns, and new composed Lays,
The Golden bair'd Phoebus, Apollo's Praise.

But before them were Musaeus and Orpheus the Argonauts, and before these others * likewise, as Musaeus intimates in his Poem on the Loves of Hero and Leander,

'〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
No Bard as yet has Sacred Marriage prais'd. Which proves there had been Bards, or Songsters, before him, although they had not treated of that subject.

The Greeks received this manner of Composing of Songs from the Phoenicians,* from whom also they received their Letters themselves, and from whom Homer, one of the first of necessity, must have learned that the Earth was incompassed with the Ocean, the Greeks having not as yet encompast the Western Sea.

But that which makes me believe that the Britains did receive this Custome im∣mediately from the Phoenicians, and not from the Graecians, is, because the Britains preserve the very Phoenician name of these Singers, viz. Bardi, entirely, although the Greeks, after their Custome, translated it into '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the same thing.

It happened that in continuance of time, the DRUIDS got the upper hand, so that these Bardi (who formerly were the only Religious Order, and whose compo∣sures were used in the most solemn Rites, and whose Persons, without doubt, were esteemed most honourable) degenerated, by degrees, into the nature of common Ballad-Makers, and they who formerly sang of the Essence and Immortality of the Soul, the works of Nature, the course of Coelestial Bodies, the order and harmony of the Sphears, the Praises of the Gods, the Encomiums and Vertues of Great Men, be∣came the divulgers of idle and empty Genealogies, in which they studied more their proper gain than the advancement of Vertue. Instead of rehearsing the past Actions of Worthy Men, which were useful to the encouragement of the People to Great Enterprises, they gave themselves up to the composing of Mystical Rhimes, stuft with Prophesies of things to come, to Charms, Spells, Incantations, the Art of Magick and Necromancy, insomuch they had sundry Verses to that purpose, which were ac∣counted of wonderful power and energy.

That BRITAIN was sorely infected with these Doctrius, the Roman Authors * sufficiently witness, and Sr. John Price, in the defence of his British Histories, saies, That the Welch, even to this day, are prodigiously adicted to them.

Page  101

The next Order of People in Britain were the DRUIDS, who did not totally abolish all the Customes and Opinions of the Bards, but retained the most useful parts of them, such as the Immortality of the Soul, to which they added the Trans∣migration of it, according to the Opinion of Pythagoras, about whose time, or a little after, I believe the Greeks entred this Island. Moreover they continued the customes of rehearsing things in Verse, which they either brought out of Greece, or continued it as they found it establisht here.

A Druid

The Haebits and Fashion of these DRUIDS, in the English Tongue, hath not hitherto been discovered. Mr. Selden* describeth them after this manner, taken out of Old Statues found in Germany about Wichtelberg; as he delivers them I have here exprest, with the words of that Author.

Erant sex numero (lapideas dicit antiquas imagines ad radices Piniferi Montis* Wichtelberg, vulgò in vicinid Voitlandiae, in Coenobio quodam sibi visas, quas credit iconicè Druidas prahibere) ad fores Templi parieti insertae, I'll. pedum singulae, nudis Page  102 pedtbus, capita intectae, Graecanico Pallio & Cucullato, peruláque, barbara ad in∣guina usque promissae, & circa naris fistulas bisurcata, in manibus liber & Baculus Diogenicus, severa fronte, & tristi supercilio, obstipo, & figentes lumina terris.

They were in number Six, found at the foot of the Mountain, which abounding with Pines was therefore called Peniferus, and in the German Tongue Wichtelberg, upon the Confines of Voitland, in a certain Monastery, which being dug up and exposed to view, Conradus Celtes (who was then present) in his Judgment, thought to be the Figures of Ancient Druids; His description, and the Place where they were found he thus delivers: At the Gates of the Temple they were placed, Seven foot in height, bare-footed, their heads covered with a Greekish Hood or Cukil, with a Budget by their side, and a Beard descending to their very middle, and about their No∣strils plated out in two divisions, in their hands was a Book and a Diogenes Staff, which is supposed Five foot in length, a severe and morose Countenance, and a Fore-head down lookt, and sorrowful, and much intent upon the matter, their Eyes fixed upon the Earth.

That which followeth in Mr. Selden is this.

Quod ut cum iis quadrat, quae de eorum Aureis Ornamentis, tinct is vestibus, armillis, rasis Britannorum genis, & mento, at que id genus aliis à Caesare & Strabone recensentur viderint quorum interest.

How this can agree with the description given otherwise of them, namely, of their Golden Ornaments, painted Garments, Bracelets, and the shaving the Britains used, which are delivered by Caesar and Strabo, let others judge; And indeed the business is not so intricate to be judged, for that Golden Ornaments in a Statue should be exprest, is both difficult and unnecessary, as likewise their painted Gar∣ments and Bracelets, not to be preserved in Stone. As for the Shaving of the Britains, we know that the chief distinction they used from other Nations, was in their Upper-lip, and if all this should fail, the Druids were Priests of other Pro∣vinces as well as Britain, and it may easily be supposed (as we find it even in these daies) that they being Priests, and proceeding from Greece, might preserve their own Customes in so small circumstances, and not conform with the Laity in those points, whose Manners only Strabo and Caesar describes.

These Druids committed nothing to publick Writing, both which Customes relish of the Ancient Greeks; For Pisistratus (as Agellius reports) was the first that ex∣posed to common view, Books of the liberal Arts and Sciences at Athens, and the * way of composing altogether in Numbers, was left off in Greece a little before the daies of Herodotus, who notwithstanding entituled his Books by the names of the Muses.

The way of delivering their Mistery by the secret Cabbala savours of the Jews, from whom in all probability the Phoenicians learnt the Custome, and so taught it to the Greeks, but it was preserved longer in Britain than in Greece it self, so that to the daies of Caesar the Commonalty were kept in Ignorance, and none permitted to understand any thing, unless they admitted themselves of this Order, and underwent the severities of a long and tedious Discipline.

Their Publick Records were preserved in the Greek Tongue, and in Greek Cha∣racters, * which being unintelligible by the Vulgar, none could have recourse unto but persons of Repute and Learning; They were not permitted to take any thing away in Writing, but by Memory only, and a Trust was reposed in some particular Persons, who by their singular integrity, and long experience of their Fidelity and Learning, were chosen for that purpose.

Whereas Britain was divided into several Petty Governours, as to Civil Affairs, Kent alone having four distinct Kingdoms within it; The Government of the Druids was Universal over the whole Island, and some part of Gallia also, so that their Power and Interest was infinitely the greater, being subject only to two Primates, whereof one precided over the North Druids, the other over the South; the former of which is supposed to have his Residence in the Isle of Man, the other in Anglesey, although it is thought by some, there was but one in Chief, so that although the Secular Power might often clash by reason of its many decisions, as parcelled out into many Kingdoms, the Interest and Authority of the Druids was preserved Page  103 entire by their unity under one head, to whom once a year they had recourse in publick Meetings and Assemblies. This Custome of the Druids, I am of opinion, was received from the Bardi, and delivered down from the Phoenicians Origi∣nally.

For in the Eastern Nations, as India, Egypt and Syria, we find that the power of the Priest was in a nature distinct from the Civil Government, and calling of Assem∣blies, and general Meetings was absolutely in their power, and independent of the Temporal Magistrate, which Custome nevertheless in those daies was often a∣bridged by wife and politick Princes.

The Primate of these Druid Priests was constituted by Election, and being a * place of eminent Repute and Authority, in its vacancy there used to be many Competitors or Strivers, as I may say, for it, insomuch as often as the Secular Power was engaged in the quarrel, every Prince endeavoured to oblige his Favorite, and to strengthen his Authority by that Seat, to which a Creature of his own was advanced.

They had Excommunications much after the manner of ours, this (as Caesar reports) * was the greatest Punishment that could be inflicted. A Person so interdicted could not be admitted to any Sacrifice, but was esteemed in the number of the Profani, i. e. Wicked wretches; All persons studiously avoided his Person, not daring to approach near him, or converse in Talk, although at a distance, for fear of being infected with the contagion of so dangerous a Curse. They were utterly uncapa∣ble of any Honourable office, and excluded from the benefit of the Law, as to their Estates.

Many other waies the Druids had to punish the Contemners of their Religion, and yet had considerable Rewards for the Obedient.

They were made Judges of all Controversies, both private and publick, as Murther or Man-slaughter, Theft, &c. or if Suits arose about Inheritance, or Strife about the bounds of Lands, they absolutely gave Judgment, and used not to execute their Decrees by the Temporal Authority, but issued out their Excommunications upon the Non-performance of them, which, as they were of all punishments the most grievous, so were they thundered out not only upon private, but publick Persons, which publick Persons, mentioned in Caesar, no doubt, extended to their Magistrates and Governours themselves: A Custome used in Ancient daies by no Na∣tion else but the Eastern.

They were the sole Interpreters of Religion, in the exercise of which their Persons were absolutely necessary to be present; they proclaimed publick Sacrifices as they saw occasion, and no private ones could be performed without them; They sacrificed Men as well as Beasts, which were for the most part Enemies, or Malefactors, but sometimes innocent Natives, by which means they were feared and reverenced by the People; The absolute power rested in their hands to de∣termine what person was fittest for that purpose, and whose Blood would be most acceptable to the Gods.

Probable it might be, that this sacrificing of Natives, entered upon the small con∣tempt of their Decrees and Excommunications, and not upon the will and pleasure of the Priest, but however it was, no doubt, it commanded such an awe upon their persons, as due Obedience was offered unto all their Commands.

The Druids were exempted from the services of War, and paid no Taxes as the rest of the people did, by which Immunities many were invited, on their own free wills, to enter themselves into that Order and Discipline, and many were sent by their Friends and Relations to learn it, and although it was taught in Gaul as well as Britain, yet most perfectly in this Island, although more probably in the Isles of Man and Anglesey, whither, they that desired to be fully instructed, repaired, inso∣much as Caesar writes, that the Order it self began in Britain.

The Druids had the Oak in great veneration, but especially the Missletoe upon * it, or any thing they found growing to it; neither did they perform any Sacrifice without a branch of it.

The Missletoe it self they gathered with many superstitious Ceremonies, and great devotion, cutting it down with a golden Bill; They chose Groves of Oak only to officiate Divine Service in, for which purpose they planted many in the Island, Page  104 from whence they received their Name, and from whence they were also called Saronides,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, Derw by our Britains, and Deru the Armoricans, to wit, an Oak; the derivation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I have spoken of in another place.

When they found Missletoe upon an Oak, they accounted it a sure sign the God they served had chose that Tree; and the Circumstances they observed in gathering are many.

First, They principally observed that the Moon was six daies old, for on that day they began their Months, and New Years, and their several Ages had their Re∣volution every Thirtieth year; And Mr. Selden notes, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Judgment of Heraclitus and Herodotus, was by the Greeks included in the same measure of * time.

In the next place, Having prepared their Sacrifices and Feasts under the Tree, they brought two young Bullocks, milk white, whose Horns, then, and not before, was bound up.

Then, the Priest who clymb'd the Tree, being cloathed in a white Vesture, cut it down, and they below received it in a white Souldiers Cassock, then they sacrificed and blest the Gift, by mumbling over many Orations; all which Ceremonies duly performed, it was esteemed a soveraign Antidote against all manner of Poyson, and an especial Remedy against Barrenness, both in Men, Women, and Beasts.

This Institution undoubtedly sprang from the Greeks, who had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Hamadryades; And Mr. Sheringham, in comparing the Druids of Britain with those * of Greece, takes notice that the latter Nation had only them of the Female Sex, whereas the Druids of Britain and Gaul were of both. And although the Druids of Greece were esteemed Nymphs, and half Goddesses, yet no doubt, principally they were Maidens, who dedicated themseves and their Virginities to the Gods, and to that purpose retired into Groves and Deserts, to have freedom in their Devoti∣ons.

This seems to be another Argument, that these Druids in Britain Originally came out of Greece, in the early Ages of the World, and not so lately as some have imagined, when the names of Dryades, and Hamadryades were grown out of use in that Na∣tion.

Geropius Becanus, is certainly much mistaken in the derivation of the Druids of *Britain, who brings them from Trowis, signifying in the German Tongue one skilful in Truth, for, setting aside the harshness of the Etymology, the Germans had no Druids, as Caesar writes, or if they had, they were so few as not to be taken notice of, so that 'tis very absurd to bring the derivation of an Order of People from a * Nation who were altogether ignorant of such an Order.

Others there are, who are guilty of the like absurdity, and derive them from Trutis, signifying, in the Old British Tongue, a God, and that they were called Truti, as much as to say Religious persons, for, as I said before, they could not receive their Names from a People that knew them not, or had only heard of them, so that they being undoubtedly Greeks, and writing in Greek Characters, in Caesars daies, they were undoubtedly called Derwydden by the Britains, from Derw and Deru, both proceeding from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Oak.

The Druids held an Opinion, that the life of a Man, either in a desperate Sickness, or in danger of War, could not be secured unless another suffered in his stead, so that in such cases they either offered Men in sacrifice, or else vowed so to do after their delivery.

The most acceptable Sacrifice to their Gods, they esteemed Murtherers, Thieves, and Robbers, and also other Criminals, but for want of these Innocents often suffered. In some places this Custome was observed, which, I suppose, was common to the Dru∣ids of Britain and Gaul; They made a Statue or Image of a MAN in a vast propor∣tion, whose Limbs consisted of Twigs, weaved together in the nature of Basket-ware: These they fill'd with live Men, and after that, set it on fire, and so destroy'd the poor Creatures in the smoak and flames; the strangness of which Custome, I have here thought not amiss to represent to the view.

Page  105

The Wicker Image

The Ceremony observed in sacrificing of Men to their Idols, in a Wicker Image, as it was strange, so, without any question to be made, it was not begun by chance, but upon some great occasion, and something extraordinary may be sought for in the Magnitude of the Statue it self, whence it proceeded.

The Heathens, in their festival Fires, which were most usually attended with the Sacrifices of Beasts, but sometimes of Men, as this was alwaies used to represent the occasion of the Solemnity, which they did by some visible sign of an apparent signification, a Custome not left off at this day, as sometimes by burning the Effi∣gies of the person, either to his Honour, as in Deifying him, or else in publick detestation of some high and notorious Crime and Misdemeanour; sometimes they burnt Living persons themselves (even for pleasure, on their publick Feast daies) to the Honour of their Gods, and the mirth and jovialty of their Barbarous Spe∣ctators. Thus Nero wrapt the Christians in Hemp and Pitch, and made them serve as Torches to his Theater in a mock (as some write) of that saying, Ye are the Lights of the World.

Page  106

But certain we are, that in these great festival Fires, they alwaies had something which set forth to the Eyes the occasion of the Solemnity. I cannot believe, but the Britains and Gauls (in making these vast Images) did represent something, which had been formerly in great detestation amongst them.

Now, there is nothing that doth so easily occur to our first apprehension, as that they might do it in the Remembrance of the Phoenicians, who were Men, as shall be shewn, of vast and exceeding stature, who for a long time had subdued and kept them under (and without doubt, if Credit may be given to the British History) they were those Giants that so long infested the Land; Wherefore in publick de∣testation of that Slavery they once endured under them, this vast figure of a Man, made up in Wicker or Osyer work, might be introduced as in scorn and derision of them, having now lost their power over them, although the cause why they were first made (as it often falls out) might be forgotten, and so the Representation only remain.

Many idle Tales and Fables have been reported concerning Giants, which some have advanced to that incredible Greatness, that many have had just cause to suspect, whether there were ever any that exceeded the usual stature of Men. Of this opinion is Geropius Becanus, to which also Mr. Cambden seems to incline: That the Phoenicians were Men of exceeding stature Mr. Sheringham learnedly proves, and * the Scripture it self testifies.

I will set down some Monuments, in England and Germany, which do confirm this Opinion.

Lazius reports, that he was an eye witness of many Monuments (near Vienna) dug * out of the Earth, but almost worn out by Time, in which Monuments were the Bones of vast proportions found, and Epitaphs upon them in Hebrew Characters, which the Phoenicians used without points, and out of many he collected four only; The first of which I will set down out of the Translation of Franciscus Stancharus an Italian, and Christopher Milander, a Jew by Birth and Conversation. The Inscri∣ption * was thus word for word.


By this Inscription, and the others there mentioned, and the wonderful Greatness of the Bones, besides the concordance of time with the Canaanites expulsion (from their Land) by the Jews, we may gather that they were Phoenicians, who planted themselves there.

In Essex, in a Village called Eadulphness, the Monk of Cogshall reports, that there * were found two Teeth of a certain Giant of such a huge bigness, that two hundred such Teeth as men now adaies have might be cut out of them; These Teeth, he sales, he saw himself, but not without great Admiration. And a Gentleman, named R. Ca∣vendish, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, reports also, that he saw some Relicks of * this nature near the very same place.

That which Geropius and Mr. Cambden answer to this, out of Suetonius, seems fri∣volous, That the Bones of Sea Fish have been taken for Giants Bones; Men certainly may easily distinguish between them, neither is it ever to be rationally supposed men ever entombed Fishes, as those in Germany were found to be.

Page  107

But that which comes nearer to our purpose, concerning the Phoenicians in Bri∣tain, and their Gigantick bodies, is the Tradition which has been preserved in Cornwal, a place they most resided in for the sake of their Tynn Traffick, which Tradition of the being of Giants in those Parts was preserved to the daies of Havillan the Poet, who lived four hundred years since; In some of whose Verses the *Phoenicians seem to be exactly described, neither can this relate (as Mr. Cambden implies) to the Great bodies of Cornish men, who are not so disproportional to their Neighbours, as to create so serious a description. The Verses are these of Cornwal.

—Titanibus illa,
Sed Paucis famulosa domus, quibus uda serarum
Terga dabant vates; Cruor haustus, Pocula trunci,
Antra Lares, dumeta Thoros, Coenacula rupes,
Praeda cibos, raptus Venerem, spectacula caedes,
Imperium Vires, animos suror, impetus arma,
Mortem pugna, sepulchra rubus: monstrisque gemebat
Monticolis tellus: sed eorum plurima tractus
Pars erat occidui, terror majorque premebat,
Te furor, extremum Zephyrt Cornubia limen.
Here Giants lodg'd, a brood of Titan's Race,
Raw Hides their Cloathing, Blood their drinking was;
Their Cups were hollow Trees, their Houses Dens,
Bushes their Beds, their Chambers craggy Pens;
Hunger with Prey, their Lust with Rapes they cas'd,
The sport of slaughtering Men, their Eye-sight pleas'd,
Force gave them Rule, their rage did Arms supply,
Being kill'd, in Groves instead of Graves they lye.
These Monsters every quarter did molest,
But most of all, the Cornwal in the West.

This description of them agrees exactly with the Character the British Hi∣stories, all along, gives of those Giants that lived before Brutes entrance into this Island, which Histories, though by some are esteemed Fabulous, yet let any one consider, whether it be not much more probable to imagine, that there were many Truths delivered down, and so taken up and corrupted by those Writers, than to think they had no grounds to begin their Histories, or that they were so unreason∣ably given to Deceiving, as to have no other motives in the publishing their Wri∣tings, but to put Tricks and Cheats upon the World, especially in the matter of Giants, a thing which they could not but fore-see, would (in all Ages) be hardly credited.

Now, if there be any truth in the British Histories, those men of vast Proportions, called by them, GIANTS, could be none but the Phoenicians, as the Time of the being of such Giants, viz. about the year MMDLX, this Island correspond∣ing * with the Age of the Phoenicians Navigation hither, doth plainly shew.

I do verily believe (from their hard usage of the Islanders, whom they found at their first entrance, and whom all along they oppressed) this custome of making of Wicker Statues, and firing them upon special occasions was introduced; for we see even to these daies, the burning of Persons, in Effigle, is preserved in many civi∣liz'd Nations, but the making them in Wicker rather than any other Materials, may very easily be attributed to the manner of the Boats the Britains used on their Coasts, thereby, in their own little Models, representing the Phoenicians Navigation, their Wicker Vessels, becoming an Emblem of the Phoenician Ships that enslaved them.

Page  108

That the Skiffs they sayled in were made of this sort of work, Caesar testifies, when he writes, Ships they had, of which the Keels and Foot-stocks were of slight * Timber, but the Bodies were winded and worked with Osyers, and covered with Leather. These sorts of Vessels Lucan also describes, after the same manner.

Primùm Cana Salix madefacto vimine parvam
Texitur in puppim, caesoque induta juvenco *
Victoris patiens tumidum super emicat amnem;
Sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fusóque Britannus
Navigat Oceano —
At first with twisted Osyers Boats were made,
And when the Wicker was with skins o're-laid;
These Vessels on the Seas the Britain guides,
On swelling Rivers the Venetian rides.

This shall suffice to have been spoken of this Custome of the Britains in making these Wicker Statues, which I have treated of more largely, because in reading the Bri∣tish History, where frequent mention is made of Giants, we may know to what Nation we may refer and their Original. Although, after the manner of those Historians, the greatness of their Stature, and the cruelty of their Natures, may be too much mag∣nified, yet seeing the Trading of the Phoenicians is made out from undoubted Au∣thority (as from Greek and Latin Historians, whose testimony, in matter of Fact, is necessary in other respects) we ought not to question but they were the Phoenicians, men of Great bodies, who gave first the occasion of this Tradition, and who by their Traffick hither might bring that Thraldom on the People, the remembrance of which they preserved after the Phoenicians themselves had forsaken them.

But to return to the Customes of the Britains. They used a Drink made of Barly, as Solinus witnesseth, a Custome used by us at this very day, a thing unknown in * former Ages in any Country of Europe, Britain only excepted; For in other Na∣tions they used Wine and Water, either by themselves or intermixt, even in colder Countries than Britain, which of it self is not deficient to produce Grapes, and to ripen them, so that excellent Wine, may, and is daily produced, did not the richness of the Soyl invite the Natives to more useful improve∣ments.

We find Ovid in his Tristibus complaining of his banishment among the Getes,* giving this instance of the Coldness of the Country, That they did not draw their Wine out of their Vessels as in hotter Countries, but that they were constrained to take the Hoops off, and so opening the Vessel, brake the frozen Wine with Chizels; having thawed it by the fire, drank it.

We do not find any Country that had the use of making drink of Barly, but if the Country of it self would not bear Wine, they had it brought them from hotter Countries, or else pleased themselves with Water only. Now we must seek else∣where for this Custome of the Britains, and we shall find that this also they might have from the Phoenicians; To the proof of which, let us consider, that the Phoe∣nicians, by their Colonies, planted themselves on all the Sea Coasts of Africk, even to Carthage and the Streights of Gibraltar, that Egypt, a place of great fertility without any question, was much frequented by them.

We read in Herodotus, that the Egyptians did make a sort of drink with Barly, and the invention of it was very Ancient in that Kingdom, the particulars thereof * he describeth.

Now, why may not this Custome be thought to come from them by the means of the Phoenicians, who found Britain very fruitful in that Grain, and not inferiour to Egypt it self in the wonderful production of it. For as Egypt was esteemed the Granary of those parts, so was Britain of these; yea, as Orpheus calls it, The very * Seat of the Lady Ceres, so that the usefulness of this Invention of the Egyptians (who abounded in Corn) was not less to the Britains.

Page  109

This Drink which we call Ale, by the Britains, at this day, is called Kwrw, by the Gauls, Korma; so Athenaeus,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is corrected by Causabon out * of Manuscripts, as thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by Dioscorides,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Marcellus, Curmi. Dioscorides names it not wrong, seeing Marcellus and Athenaeus agree with him; For although at this day the word be depraved into Kwrw, by our Welch Britains, yet (no doubt) Anciently and Primitively it was called Corma, Cormi, or Curmi, or else something like it; By transposing of the R and M, making Comra for Corma, we have the very Phoenician word of this Liquor, which the Britains drank instead of Wine.

If any shall say, that Chomra in the Phoenician Tongue signifies Wine and not Ale, let them consider that at this day we give that name of Wine to Drinks not pro∣duced of the Grape; And seeing the Britains used it instead of Wine, no doubt (as Bochartus saies) they gave it the same Appellation.

Now, seeing this Custome was used only in Britain, and the parts adjacent, having * plenty of that Grain, and in respect we read of no other Nation but the Egyptian that used it, since the Phoenicians were frequent in Egypt, and Traded also into these Islands, and more especially since the name of this Rwrw, or Curmi, is Phoenician, we have not the least cause to doubt of the original of this Custome, but that the Britains received it from this fountain.

Pliny writes of the Britains, that in some solemn Feasts and Sacrifices they co∣loured * themselves like AEthiopians all over their Bodies, being naked at the Solem∣nities; whence could the Britains have this Custome, if not from the same Original. As in AEgypt, so in Britain (as Gildas saies) Ugly Spectres, meerly Diabolical, nay, in the number of them, Britain, as he reporteth, rather exceeded AEgypt.

These they placed upon their Walls, within and without, and as they cut them in the same shapes as the Britains did, so, I suppose, by the like placing them, they esteem'd them of a Talismanical nature, to expel Mischief, and to defend their Walls. Some of these Representations were remaining, in the Ruines of their Cities, to Gildas his daies, who describes them to have ugly Lineaments, with stern and grim looks, after the manner of those of AEgypt; Perhaps they might be Monkies, or *Baboons, Creatures much worshipt in those Countries. But of this I shall treat of more fully in the Chapter which concerns the Idolatry of the Britains.

To the same Original may be reduced the great opinion the Britains had of the Art, Magick, which by a peculiar name was called, the Learning of the AEgyptians.

Pliny saies, the Britains were so wholly devoted to it, and had such entire Cere∣monies, in the performance, as a man would imagine, that the Persians learnt all their *Magick from them; which Flourish of Pliny, I conjecture, gave occasion to Annius Viterbiensis, in his seigned Berosus, to make Magus a King of this Island, who taught * this Art, and spread it abroad in the World. Upon such slender foundations, do Confident men ground their own idle and ridiculous Inventions, and these very Cu∣stomes the Britains learnt of the Phoenicians.

Mr. Selden sets down a British Custome, namely, that when any Great man died, his Relations made great enquiry of his Wives (if they suspected cause) concerning * his death; If they found them guilty, with Fire, and other Torments, they proceeded against them. Sr. Edward Cooke refers to this Original the Law of England, for burning Women that kill their Husbands, &c.

The Britains, as Caesar reports, did not esteem it lawful to eat either Hare, Hen or *Goose, but kept them for pleasure; and their delicate Diet, as Pliny saies, were the *Chenerotes, Fowls less than wild Geese, which some have made to be Brauts, or Soland Geese, so that Caesar and Pliny, do (after this account) disagree in their Relation, unless we believe that the Britains had left off this Custome not long after the Arrival of the Romans into this Island. However this distinction of Meats, their making some lawful, others unlawful, some clean, and others unclean, Mr. Selden saith, re∣lished something of the Jews, and was rarely observed in any but Eastern Nations, as Phoenicia, AEgypt, and Syria, &c. with whom the Jews conversed. With the Syrians, the Britains agreed in that Custome, in not eating of Fish, but seeing this is by Dio Nicaeus only reported of the Northern Britains, and that the Custome of Di∣ets do vary according to the diversities of Ages, it cannot be expected that exact ac∣counts * can be given of it.

Page  110

Their usual Diet was of any sort of prey, as Venison, Fruit and Milk, but they * had not learnt to make Cheese of it. They inured themselves to Hardness, so as to be able to endure any cold, hunger and labour whatever.

Dio Nicaeus reports of them, That they would stick themselves in Boggs up to the heads, and there continue many daies together without any sustenance, and upon oc∣casion, * retiring and hiding themselves in the Woods, they fed on the Barks and Roots of Trees, as the Indians at this day are wont to do; But I cannot imagine, what Meat that should be which Dio saies they preserved on all occasions, whereof, if they eat but the quantity of a Bean, it satisfied their hunger and thirst. Dio Siculus re∣ports * in general, That the Food they eat was simple, not dainty, according to the luxury of rich Nations, likewise, that they howed their Corn, and brought it in by Sheaves, but never threshing out more than what served their present occasion, which is a perfect sign that they did Till their Grounds; Pliny saies, They did manure them*with Marle. Dio Nicaeus writes of the Northern Britains, that they Till'd no Ground; and Strabo saies, That some of them were altogether ignorant not only in Gardning and Planting of Orchards, but in all other parts of Husbandry.

Thus what Dio Nicaeus saies of the Northern Britains only, and Strabo of a few of them, Mr. Speed confounds the whole Nation, making Diodorus Siculus, and Pliny, to * contradict Dio Nicaeus and Strabo, whereas indeed, their Authors treat only in those places of particular People in Britain; For it is manifest that there were two sorts of the Britains, one of which was more Civiliz'd, namely, those that lived upon the Sea-Coasts, and (as Caesar saies) they of Kent exceeded all the rest.

These had their sumptuous Houses, Gardens and Orchards, after the manner of the Gauls; they did not go Naked, but had their Apparel after the Custome of the same Nation, and were experienced in the most exquisite way of Manuring their Grounds with Marle. They were daintier of their Diet, having particular Dishes in great request among them, and positively, not superstitious, in the eating of Hen, Hare or Goose, as the Chenorotes, their delicate Diet, may witness.

It is very probable they understood the use of Milk in all its productions, Cheese not excepted, for Strabo, when he speaks of the ignorance of the Britains in those points, speaks only of some particular places, as may be easily gathered from his own words. Some of them (saies he) for want of skill, can make no Cheese, although they have plenty of Milk. This is not to be understood of the Maritim Countries (for it is probable, that the Phoenicians who Traded into this Country (insomuch as Cythims received its name from them upon the account of the abundance of Cheeses there made) taught the Britains the use of it) which necessary Art, in a Kingdom abounding with Milk, cannot be supposed ever to be utterly lost.

Another sort of People there was in this Island, whom necessity or choice made them seem more Barbarous; These had no Houses or Cities, not because they knew not the use of them, but by reason the Circumstances of their lives did not permit them to build any, living continually in War, and making daily excursions upon their Richer Neighbours, so they that had built Houses would have been daily subject to spoil; and it could not be but altogether against their design to settle themselves in any fixt Habitations, whose business was to Range about at liberty, whose livelyhood depended upon sudden Excursions, private and obscure Re∣treats.

These are they of whom Strabo is to be understood, when he saies, That Woods stood them instead of Cities and Towns; For when they had, by felling of Trees, en∣compast * and fenced a spacious round plat of Ground, there they built for themselves Hutts and Cottages, and for their Cattle set up Stalls and Foulds, all for the present use, and not to stand long, just after the manner of the Cossacks in the Ukraine, who, although are daily exercised in the Sieges of great and sumptuous Cities, and know all the Arts of Building and Fortifying, yet live exactly after the manner of these Britains, retiring into these Tabors, made like the British Holds described by Caesar, senced in with Trees, and trencht about with Ditches and Rampiers, into which they draw all their Cattel and Carriages, the necessity of their condition being much the same as these Britains.

Being attacqued by the Polanders lately, they retired into their Bogs and Fastnesses, Page  111 just as the Britains did, living upon Barks of Trees, and enduring the same hard∣ships, so that we must not esteem a People barbarous, for those Customes, to which the necessity of their forced condition, not Ignorance, leads them unto.

These were the Britains which till'd no ground, because they tarried not so long in any place as to expect a Crop; They went naked, keeping no Sheep, a Creature slow in motion, and apt to be surprized, besides subject to Beasts of Prey, as Wolves and Foxes, which were in great number in the Wood-land Countries of this Island. They made no Cheese, as it was heavy in Carriage, but satisfied their Hunger with the prey of Venison, and natural Fruits of the Earth; It had been a piece of mad∣ness in them to have made delicate Gardens, or planted curious Orchards, when they could not tarry so long as to enjoy the fruits and pleasures thereof.

These Inland Britains, as they exceeded the Sea-Coast or Gaulish Britains, so I believe they were in perpetual Hostility with them, being, as may be conjectured, of a quite different Original, the Custome of these Inlanders exactly corresponding with the German Nations that Caesar describes, which Customes of the Germans I will set down in his own words, because it seems to be an exact description of these Britains, and may partly evidence the Primitive Inhabitants of this Island, not to have been of the Gauls but German Race.

The Germans spend their lives in Hunting, and in the exercise of Military Affairs, from their Youth they give themselves to Labour, and to endure Hardships. They cover*half of their Bodies with the Hides of Rhenos, they take little or no notice of Tillage, the greatest part of their Diet is Milk, Cheese and Flesh; they have no measure or certain bounds of Lands, least by Tillage they should forget the use of Arms; they build no curious Edifices to keep out Cold or Heat, least the more powerful should drive out the weaker; they keep their People in unity by making all things Common.

This seems to be the Method the Inland Britains used, who by the very same mo∣tives were induced to it, so that seeing there was two sorts of Britains in this Island, it is carefully to be heeded, least in reckoning up their Customes, we take those to be general which indeed were peculiar only to a part of them; This is not ob∣served either in Caesar, Pliny, Tacitus, Strabo, Solinus, or any other that writes of them, so that they do frequently contradict each other, and sometimes agree not with themselves.

In this particular Mr. Speed is strangely confused, for in his relating the Customes of the Britains, he makes no distinction of the times of his Authors writing, but * huddles up a Rhapsody of their Manners, without the due consideration of the di∣versity of Circumstances the Britains were in, partly by long continuance, and partly by the Subjection they underwent by the Romans. To give one or two In∣stances; Caesar (saies he) reports, that they used to dye themselves with Woad, to make*themselves more terrible in Battle; Herodian saies, They did it out of an opinion that it was very gay and handsome; and thus he brings these two Authors clashing, not con∣sidering * that when Caesar entred this Island, the Britains had some sort of Rayments, as is clear by his own Writings, and that a few of the Inlanders only went naked, the rest painting their bands and faces; But in Herodotus his daies, the Romans had reduced all the Britains in general, that held against them, to the same Method of living, which formerly only Inlanders used.

Now, it is no wonder if they used the same hardships in going Naked, and distin∣guisht themselves one from another by the shapes of Beasts, curiously worked upon their skins, when they had no Rayments else to deck and adorn their Nobility; so that, that might become a badge of Honour in time, and upon such necessity of Af∣fairs, which was first introduced for Terrour to their Enemies; The like confusion he makes in the description of their Persons, sometimes their Hair is long, sometimes short and curled; now they are cloathed, presently again they are but in part, some∣times not at all; So they are Cruel, Barbarous, build Houses, have none at all; Tyll the Ground, and by and by understand nothing of it; have Houses, and yet live only in Woods, with a thousand other ridiculous Contradictions in themselves, which ne∣vertheless must be granted to be all true, upon the testimony of his Authority, which indeed are true if understood aright, as distinguishing them into the diversity of their Originals, the circumstance of Time, and the different waies of Living, by the exi∣gences the Inlanders were obliged unto.

Page  112

Having premised thus much concerning the diversities of Customes and Manners, according to the diversity of Nations in Britain, I will treat of the Custome of Painting and Dying their Bodies, a thing so frequent and universally used among them, that Mr. Cambden derives the Name of BRITAIN from it.

First, Caesar reports, that all the Britains did stain themselves with Woad, which * createth a blew colour, to make themselves more terrible to their Enemies in fight.

Pomponius Mela saith, Their bodies are dyed with Woad; whether it be to make a gallant shew, or for what else, is uncertain.

Dio Nicaeus saies of the Northern Britains, that, They went Naked, and Unshod.

Pliny saies, There groweth an Herb in Gaul like unto Plantain, named Glastum,* that is, Woad, with the juyce of which the Women of Britain, as well marryed Wives, * as their young Daughters, anoint and dye their Bodies all over.

Solinus saies, That the Country is partly Peopled with Barbarians, who, by the means of Artificial Incisions of divers forms, have, from their Childhood, sundry * figures of Beasts printed upon them, and having these Characters deeply en∣graven on their Bodies, as the Man grows in stature, so do these painted Chara∣cters also. Neither do these Savage Nations think any thing shews their Courage more, than undergoing these lasting Stars, by which their Limbs drink in much Paint or Colour.

Herodian saies, They knew no use at all of Garments, but about their Belly and Neck they wear Iron; their Bodies they mark with sundry Pictures, representing all * manner of living Creatures; and this is the cause they will not be clad, for hiding forsooth, the painting of their Bodies.

These are the Authorities upon which the Painting of the Britains is built, but as they must not be questioned, yet let us consider a few things concerning them.

Caesar, who was the first of the Romans that entered this Isle, only saies, that Om∣nes* Britanni se Glasto inficiunt, quod caeruleum efficit Colorem, atque hot horribiliore sunt in pugnae aspectu. Here is no mention made of any delight and pleasure they took in the variety of Figures, but only a plain colouring and dying of their Hands, Arms, Faces and Necks, much like to Gypsies now adaies, whereby they thought they looked more terrible; That they painted their whole Bodies in Caesars daies, I cannot believe, seeing he reports of the Inlanders (which of all were the most Bar∣barous) that most of them were cloathed with Skins, so that then they had no Pride, as in Herodians daies, to shew their naked Bodies, or to discover the curious em∣broidery of Scars and Colours.

In the next place, it may be thought, that they used only this Custome in War, or * in some particular Sacrifices, which Pliny makes mention of, at which they danced naked after the Customes of the Heathens; For if promiscuously they all used this Custome both in Peace and War, how could they expect by that means to look more terrible in Battle one to another; Neither can it be expected they dyed themselves to amaze forraign Enemies alone, and I am confident this will not be granted by those who stand most for their Painting; It remains therefore, that they put on these terrible vizages when they went to War, when one side would not lose that small ad∣vantage of looking as grim as the other. Neither did they use this Custome when they went to the Wars in Gaul, for, under hand, they assisted that Nation against Caesar, which they could not but publickly have done, had they been so notoriously branded and stigmatized, as in after Ages they have been reputed; Besides, Caesar reports, that before his entrance into this Island, he strictly enquired of Merchants * and could hear nothing of them, concerning the nature of the People in War, or their Customes by which they lived, which, had their Painting been so general, then (as is pretended) he could not but have heard of it.

Whereas he speaks, that all the Britains stained themselves with Woad, the word is Britanni, meaning the Men only, and such as were in Wars, for, without doubt, at his arrival all put themselves into a Warlike defence and posture. I cannot believe, that Comius, and the Embassadours that came to him into Gaul to leave Hostages for the Britains, were any waies depainted; or, that in the daies of Claudius Caesar, Ca∣racticusPage  113 had any thing unseemly about him; Since we find that Claudius, and his Em∣press Agripptna, were taken with his Behaviour. And if any say, that upon such great occations they might wash off the Painting, I will not deny it, but since they thought themselves to look terrible by it, certainly in Peace, and in their familiar Conversations, they did not use it; Besides, Tacitus, in laying down the Nature of * the Britains, guesses at a different Original, upon the account some looked Swar∣their, others Fairer, which could not have been distinguisht had they all been Painted.

The Gauls sent their Children into Britain, to be instructed in the Mysteries of * the Druids; now what opinion could the Gauls have of the Civility of a Nation, which, contrary to the practice of the whole World, did so barbarously disfigure themselves. Certainly it would have amazed their Youth, to have seen a whole I∣sland in that shape, by which their Priests, in their Sacrificing, did represent their Daemons.

When we read of the wisdom and good nature of Comius the Britain, praised by Caesar, who was intimate with him, the great conduct of Cassibelan the British Ge∣neral, his prudent and politick management of the War, by Caesars own confession, we cannot naturally suppose them to be so barbarous as this Custome would make them, and seeing we have no Authority to believe it practiced only in War, where it was not without its use, we ought to think that Caesar's words, Omnes〈◊〉, is meant of the Men only, and that in time of Battle.

In after Ages, wherein the Authors afore-mentioned lived, in succession, it came to pass that the Britains, being driven out by the Romans of their Possessions, be∣took themselves, Men and Women, to their Arms, having Leaders promiscuously on either part, whose Authority they followed; Then came the use of Painting into much request, partly because it was terrible to their Enemies, so that many had continual use of it, partly because they were reduced to a Savage life, wanting. Cloaths, had this only for the distinction of Dignities, then Women as well as Men Painted themselves with terrible Creatures, but never (as I could read of) with Flowers, because Women as well as Men were in Arms, and because being exposed naked in Fields, and often subject to wet Weather, then, and not before then, do I believe, they took up the custome of making Incisions into the flesh, whereby to keep in their Painting. From hence, in succession of Time, these Britains were called Picts, from their Colouring, but were not named Britains on the same account.

Isidore gives the Derivation of the Picts rightly, but when he speaks of the Bri∣tains, he saies they received it from a word of their own Nation, but declares not * what that word signified, which he would not have failed to have done, if both the Names had had the same Original.

Now, as for the word Brith, signifying Painted, I conjecture it came from Bri∣thon, rather than Brithon from it, for 'tis usual now to call Tawney, or Sun∣burnt Persons, Gypsies, and the Borderers (as I have shewn before more largely) might bring the name of a Britain to be the common Appellative of a Painted Person.

Certain I am, that the British Islands were famous in the Monuments of the Greeks for Tynn and Lead, but as for this Custome of Painting themselves, it made no such noise in the World, as to be ever likely to give Name to the Island, no not in Caesars daies, who (had it been so remarkable as later Authors make it) would not surely have given so slight an account of it as he has done, especially, as he doth not stick to acquaint the World of their superstition in Hares, Hens, and Geese.

As for those Fancies of Mr. Speed, according to which he hath modelled the Cuts of the Naked Britains, where he brings in the Maid, with Flowers and Herbs, pain∣ted curiously on her Body, whereas Married persons were pounced with the stamps of all sorts of Ravenous beasts, I shall omit them, as I am jealous of the Authority he grounds them on, or if they were true, yet they relate to a more Mo∣dern time than those Ancient Britains we are treating of; For it would be endless to speak of the divers and barbarous Customes of the wild Britains, which they took up after the Romans had reduced them to a Savage and brutish life, insomuch that the Attacotti, a British Nation, according to St. Hierome, feed upon Mans flesh,* nay, so much were they given to it, that when they lit upon any flocks of Sheep, or herds of Cattle, they preferred the Buttock of the Herdsmen or Keepers before the other Prey, and accounted the Paps and Dugs of Women the most delicious Diet.

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I shall only only treat in this Chapter of the Customes, which in all probability were taken up before Caesars daies, referring the rest as they shall fall in the course of the History, to which later number, I think, their delicate and various Paint∣ing may be referred, and, as I suppose, is more properly to be reduced to the Picts, than Britains, of whom Claudian writes,

Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.
* As if the breathless Shapes seem'd to languish at the death of their Supporters, and the Painted Figures die away by degrees, as their Master loseth his strength.

Mr. Cambden, in confirming his Opinion concerning the Painting of the Britains,* has produced many Names of their Chief Leaders, in the composition of which he relates the manifest Prints, and some Colour to remain; For Example,

Coch or Goch, Red in the British Tongue, is seen in Cogidunus, Argentocoxus, Segonax.

Du, Black, is seen in Mandubracius Cartismandua, Togodumnus, Bunducia, Cogidunus.

Gwin, White, in Venutius and Immanuentius.

Gwelw, a Wan or waterish Colour, appeareth evidently in Vellocutus, Carvillias, and Suella.

Glass, Blew, in Cuniglasus.

Aure, a fair Yellow or golden Colour, in Arviragus, Cungetorius.

Ceg, a lively and gallant Colour, in Prasutagus and Caratacus.

But (he saies) if the Britains borrowed the Names of mingled Colours, together with the very simple Colours themselves, then from

Prasius, Leek-blade green, comes Prasutagus.

Minium, Red, Vermilion, Acliminius, King Cenobelins's Son.

Thus far Mr. Cambden.

Now, it is confest the Britains did take many Names of Colours from the Romans, as Werith for Veridis, Green; Melin for Melinus, that is, a Quince yellow Colour; Aure from Aureus, a Golden Colour, because perhaps the Mixture of these Colours was taught them by that Nation; But where does Mr. Cambden read that the Britains ever painted themselves with such divers Colours, seeing he brings in many Names of Persons so coloured, who never had any thing to do with the Romans, but were alwaies in hostility with them.

Caesar saies, they dyed themselves with Blew only, and we see in all the afore∣mentioned Names, Cuniglasus has the most resemblance with his Colour, viz Giass, Blew; why may not the Colour Ceg, as well as Du in Togodunus, and Coch in Cogidunus, so that the former Person will be black, and yet of a lively and gallant Colour, the latter black and red.

And whereas Mr. Cambden saies, there are not above four or five more Names of Britains in Ancient Writers, and doubts not, but the skilful in the British Tongue might reduce them to some Colour, I am verily of his mind, and methinks my Eyes begin to open, and I see the very prints and express tokens of Coch in Comius, and Melinus in Cunobelinus, Ceg, Taximagulus, as plainly as he did Gwin in Venutius, and Gwellw in Suella, Vellocatus and Carvillius.

If we do but consider the great numbers, and wonderful power of the fore∣named Syllables, in putting themselves into any shape as well as colour, I believe, one would find it no difficult matter to find four or five Names in any Language what∣soever, which had not some relation to some of them.

But I suppose Mr. Cambden, when he derived Britannia from Brith, Painted, was resolved to bring in as many Colours as possible he could, although he could not be ignorant that it was called Britannia, before any such diversity of Painting was used, namely, in Julius Caesars daies, when in all probability they were wont only in time of War, or Sacrifices, to discolour themselves, and that only with Glastum that gave a blew Tincture, which seems to be more reasonable, upon the account that other Na∣tions in the East, from whom our Britains received many Customes, used this manner of Colouring themselves, as I have read in Herodotus, at their Sacrifices, and if I * am not mistaken, in their very Wars also.

As for the word Brith, if I may have leave to give my conjecture, I believe it is of a Phoenician derivation, from Borith, signifying any thing used by Fullers to get Page  115 out Spots or Stains, with which Borith they besmear'd their Cloaths first, and after∣wards cleansed them, and this Borith, in time, I believe, might be brought to signifie any thing stayned, painted, dyed or coloured; so that if any will yet contend for the derivation of Britannia from Brith, they may understand, that this way also it pro∣ceeds from the Phoenicians. Thus much for the Painting used by the Britains.

The Ancient Britains, as to their Persons, are said (by Strabo) to be taller of Sta∣ture than the Gauls, an Argument that they were not of Gaulish Extraction, their Hair * not so yellow, nor their Bodies so well compact, knit and firm, and but bad Feet to support them; And, he saith, he saw divers Youths at Rome made after that pro∣portion, but as to the other lineaments of their Bodies, they were well made, and had excellent features.

Herodian writes, that about their Bellies and Necks they wore Rings of Iron, sup∣posing that to be a great Ornament and sign of their Riches, esteeming it as highly as * other Nations do Gold.

Caesar reports, that in his daies Iron Rings, and Brazen pieces, was their Mony, * but makes no mention of their wearing of them about their Necks and Bellies, I sup∣pose, a Custome took up afterwards, when they were driven about by the Romans, which being first begun out of a necessity of Carriage, afterwards became an Orna∣ment. This is observable in their Coyns, that one sort of them had a figure of a Shield embost, and on that side a certain Image, the device was within, which kind of Coyn was in use in no part of the World but in some places belonging to Greece, which, although it be not (as some do imagine) a sign of a Greekish extraction, yet it is a proof of the long continuance of Graecians in this Island.

It seems Iron and Brass were in much esteem among them, although they wanted not better Mettals of their own, the abundance of which brought down their value, as may appear by the little Commodities they exchanged them for. Strabo, rela∣ting their Traffick, saies, That for Tynn and Lead, Skins and Furs, they received *Earthen Vessels, Salt and Brazen wares of the Phoenicians, who first of all Traded hither, and concealed their Navigations from others. And, although Mr. Speed makes only mention of their Skins and Furs, and saies that their Trading was inconsidera∣ble, yet their Tynn and Lead were the greater Commodities, from which the Scilly Islands, likewise Cornwal and Devonshire, received their names of Bratanac first, and afterwards Cassiterides. Hence it is that Iron and Brass was so much esteemed among them, upon the account they received them from Forreign Nations, the latter of which is more Malleable, and the former more serviceable than their Native Mettals.

They wore the Hair of their Head, and upper Lips, long, and shaved it off in all other parts, according to Caesar; where we read of their going Naked, or the mo∣desty * of some, in covering only those parts which Nature would have hid, it must be attributed either to the Inland Britains, or to those whom the Romans had re∣duced to the same Exigences, being it is related by Authors, that lived when it was a Roman Province, who stick not, in a horrid manner, to describe those Barbarisms of the Inlanders, to which they themselves had brought them.

As for their divers Complexions, mentioned by Tacitus, their good Constitution of*Body, taken notice of by Plutarch, so that they lived to an Hundred and twenty years; as likewise their fair and good Dispositions, recorded by Strabo and Solinus; the Beauty of their Women, their making of War under the conduct of them; their Riches in Cattle and Lands, their small Carroghs, in which, as long as they were un∣der sayl, they never used to eat any thing; with many such things, recorded by Roman Authors, after their Conquest of them, I purposely omit, and will treat of some of their Customes which seem to be of long continuance in the Island, of which some account may be given.

First, The Britains as well as the Gauls, as has been toucht of before, exactly (according to the Customes of the Eastern Nations) began their day at the setting of the Sun, not at his Rising, as the Romans, or at Midnight, as we now use it, so that what the Latins call Septimanae, at this day they call With-nos, that is, eight Nights, and two Septimanae, Pimthec-nos, that is, sixteen Nights, following the Law of Nations, wherein Darkness precedes Light, which was observed in those Countries that most conversed with the Jews, who by Moses were taught, That the Evening and the Morning were the first day.

Page  116

This Custome, I belive, was brought into Britain by the Phoenicians, who, in all likelyhood, used it.

Add to this their observation of the New Moon, the beginning their Months and New Years, yea their several Ages according to the Cycle of Thirty Years, in her first Quarter, and methinks there is something of the same Nation in it.

Pliny writes, that the Druids called an Herb Samolus, which grew in wet places, * and used these Ceremonies in gathering it; First, they were fasting, next, they ought not to look back during the time of their plucking it, lastly, they were to use their left hand only.

Now what Herb this Samolus was, he doth not tell us, but it seems very probable, that from the last Ceremony, namely, in gathering it with the Left hand, the Herb took its name, that is to say, Samol, signifying in the Phoenician Tongue, the Left hand. Seeing many of the Plants have Greek names given them by the Britains, why may not this receive its name from the Phoenicians. This Herb so gathered with all its due Ceremonies, was esteemed of soveraign vertue to the curing of all Diseases in Swine, or other Cattle.

The Habits of the Britains were much after the manner of the Gauls, according to Caesar, and, I believe, had much the same Names, many of which we have proved * to be of Phoenician Derivation, in the Chapter treating of the Phoenicians, so that we need not here speak much concerning them.

I will only mention two more; The first out of Varro, is called Gannacum, from whence our word, Gown, seems to be derived; It was a thick covering made of * Course Wool, and had a Nap upon it on both sides, much after the nature of Freeze, it was called by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and was esteemed by some of them to be a Per∣sian, by others a Babylonian Garment. I suppose the Name was introduced by the Phoenicians into these Parts, for the Galdees called it Gouneca, or Gunca; It was worn by the Gauls, and better sort of Britains to keep out the Cold.

This Gaunacum in the Glossary of Isidore is expounded Gausapa, and may have its original from Gulpak, signifying thick and hairy Garments, so that Martial esteem'd it a Paradox,

Mense vel Augusto sumere Gausapinas.

Bardiacus (which as Bochartus thinks) was called Bardus, from whence Bardo∣cucullus* was compounded (of which I have spoken of before) was a Garment wore * by the Gauls and Britains, of which Martial thus writes,

Lassi Bardiacus quod evocati
Malles quàm quod oles olere Bassa. *

This Garment was of divers Colours woven together, and made a gaudy shew, without doubt very pleasant to the Britains in those daies, as we find the Indians to be much taken with the like. It is called Bardes in the Phoenician Dialect, and Bord or Borda by the Arabians, and no doubt by the Phoenicians was brought into these parts, which words are very sufficient also to prove from whence the Bardi re∣ceived their Name. The Arabians wore it mixt only with black and yellow, but generally it was made up of some colours in the nature of our Fools Coats. Hence it is that St. Augustine, in his 68th. Epistle of the Circumcelliones, saith, Presbyterum*burdâ vestitum, &c. they cloathed a Priest in this habit, and shewed him as a ridiculous spectacle. But however odd this Garment seems in our daies, certainly it was worn by the chief Nobility, and greatest Princes of the Britains.

If Mr. Cambden, from the divers Colours which he finds out in the Names of the British Princes, would make them to be diversly Painted, he had better have looke for it in these Coats than in their Skins, for, as for their Bodies, they used but one Colour in the dying of them.

Mr. Speed, with whom Mr. Cambdens Derivation of Britannia from Brith is all Gospel, in confirmation of it has exposed two Naked Britains to view, not consi∣dering * the Circumstances of time, how that it was long after they were called BRI∣TAINS they took up that Custome; To Answer him, Since I suppose Britain to be truly and rightly derived from Bratanac in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying Page  117 a Country of Tynn, and upon the account, that from hence that useful Commodity was dispersed by them through the whole World; upon the very same account are these Islands called by the Greeks the same as Bratanac, namely, Cassiterides, the Tynn Islands.

I will represent one Person of the Bretanick Islanders, who lived, I suppose, in the Forelings or Scyllies, in which Islands, together with Cornwal and Devonshire, Mettal most abounded. The description of which is given by Strabo. They are Inhabited (saies * he) by Men wearing black Garments, clad in side Coats descending to their Ankles, going with Staves like the Furies in Tragedies; Mines they have of Tynn and Lead, which they exchange for Earthen-Pots, Salt, and Brazen ware.


Megens Phoenicum condemnavere metallis;
Polluit hinò yultus eruta terra meos.
Quamvis ore niger yidearg, inyestibus atrox.
Candidus intereà moribus esse feror

These are the Silures of whom Tacitus writes, That their Hair was black and * curled, differing from the rest of the Britains in their swarthy Countenances, by which he reckons them to be of a Spanish Original, namely, the Off-spring of the Iberi, who were great Miners, but we have shewn (treating in the Chapter of the Phoenicians) that in all probabillity they were called Silures from some Colony of *Page  118 the Phoenicians Trading with them, as their Name in the Phoenician Tongue importeth. And we may observe, that as the adjacent Islands (the Sorelings especially) were * called Bretanick upon the account of their Tynn Mines, when this was known by the name of Albion only, so there was an Island called Silura, lying off of Cornwal, which, I believe, gave the Name to the Silures in South Wales; So that Britannia in general, and the Silures in particular, both took their Names from Bretannick, or Tynn Islands, which we have proved to be first discovered by the Phoenicians.

The Habits of these Western Britains were remarkable for their Length and Colour, the former of which, together with the Staff they used to carry, argues that some Ea∣stern Colonies, and especially the Phoenicians, traded with them, and although by the Black colour of their Hair and Garments, their Swarthy complexions, and their Staves, they seem'd like Furies in Tragedies, yet are they described by the same Au∣thor to be of a gentle and kind Disposition, of a fair and honest Behaviour, simple and sincere in their Conversation, and generally the Britains, by most Authors, are so set out. They have not, saies Diodorus Siculus, the craft and subtilty of other Nations, but are fair Condition'd People, of a plain and upright Dealing.*

They had all things in Common amongst them, and would not admit of any Propri∣ety at all, after the manner of the Germans described by Caesar, from whom in all probability they descended, insomuch that the same Author reports, That ten or * twelve of them agreed together in the promiscuous use of one Woman, Brethren with Brethren, nay Parents with their own Children; The Issue they had by them they nurtured and brought up by a Common-stock, though they were reputed his in a more especial manner, who married the Mother in her Virginity.

This incestuous Custome was frequent among the Athenians before Cecrops daies, as Mr. Selden notes, and I conjecture was only used by the wilder sort of Britains, and continued it was a long while after the Romans had subdued this Island; For we * read that Julia the Empress of Severus, twitted the Wife of Argentocorus with it, who replied in this manner, We, British Women, do truly differ herein from you Roman La∣dies, for we satisfie our selves with the accompanying with the Worthiest men openly, but you with every Base fellow in a corner.

These are the most memorable Customes used by the Britains, in which they agreed sometimes with the Gauls, sometimes with the Germans, according as they were deri∣ved from either, and some Customes we have shewn they had particular to themselves, of which no account can be given, and others also which could have no other Origi∣nal but from the Phoenicians or Graecians, which Originals (besides the congruity the Britains had with no other Western Nation, their Neighbours) is evidently shewn out of the very Names of the Customes themselves. Certainly, it would take up a Volume, if any one better skill'd in the Phoenician, Greek, and British Tongues, and in the customes of these three Nations, would sit himself down, seriously and fully to compare their respective waies and manner of Living, their Habits, Coyns, Laws, and other Circumstances; In all which, as likewise in their manner of Warring, there seems such an apparent similitude between the aforesaid Nations, that they seem rather Neighbours than to be so far disjoyned as they are; But it will suffice, if by this small account given of them, a way may be opened to an ingenious Undertaker, to search deeper into the matter, and so I shall pass on to their Customes in War.

Page  119

CHAP. VIII. The Custome of the BRITAINS in their Wars, and Manner of Fighting.

BRITAIN, at the first entrance of it by Julius Caesar, was divided into a great many petty States and Governments, insomuch that the different Interest of Princes was the cause of continual Wars and Dissensions among them.

Sometimes Ambition, only to encrease their Rule and Sove∣raignty, prompted some to make Incursions on their Neigh∣bours, so that they who had the greatest desire to sit quiet, were obliged to stand in a posture of Defence, and to be alwaies ready against such Invasions, whose greatest strength and force lay in their being swift and sudden; Sometimes the Druid Interest en∣gaged the Secular Power in its Quarrels, every Prince desiring to advance a Creature of his own to the Primacy and Superintendency over the whole Island; The whole Nation being alwaies in a Warlike posture, it is no wonder to hear what some ancient Authors write of them;

That every one delighted in picking Quarrels; that it was their daily exercise and pleasure to be Skirmishing; that they were continually going out in Parties, Fortisying, and Intrenching, many times rather out of delight, than any ne∣cessity.

For being constrained to keep standing Forces, it was absolutely requisite they should be kept in Exercise, for it was impossible, in the circumstances this Coun∣try was then in, for any Prince (though desirous of Peace) to keep his Souldiers in Order and Discipline, unless they were sometimes let loose, and afforded those liberties and advantages which other men of Fortune had, under more Ambitious and turbulent Governours.

But the greatest bone of Contention among them, which never suffered these Dissensions to heal and close up, was the eternal fewd, as I suppose, between the Inland Britains, the first Possessours of the Island, and those that came over from Gaul and Belgium.

These drave all the Ancient Inhabitants from all the Sea-Coasts, seizing their Estates, and securing the Trade of the Island into their own hands.

And although, in process of time, these different forts of People might mix very much in their Allyances, Language, Customes and Religions, yet the first Injuries of the Invaders was, no doubt, upon occasion, very often, severely resented by the Inlanders, and I believe, in their common Union, against Caesar and the Ro∣mans, never heartily forgotten.

This being the condition of Affairs in Britain at that time, it is no wonder that Caesar, at his Arrival, was much deceived in his expectations, for by the small pre∣parations he made at his first Invasion, we may guess what a low opinion he had of the Temper, Courage and Conduct of the Britains; and at his second Attempt, by the increase of his Levies, and number of Ships, being in all Eight hundred, we may on the other side judge, what warm entertainment he received the first time from them; So that the Courage of the Britains, and their skill in War, is not to be questioned, in respect they lived among themselves in the continual exercise of it.

It remains only, that their Manner of Fighting, with the several Customes they used, differing from other Nations their Neighbours, be described and ex∣plained.

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The first and most memorable thing that occurs, is their Fighting in Chariots, after the manner of the Ancient Greeks (as Diodorus Siculus expresses) at the *Trojan War. Of this Custome of theirs I have treated in the Chapter of the Greeks, and I doubt not (since it was peculiar to the Britains, and a few ad∣jacent parts in Gaul, that Coesar relates it for a wonder, in the Western parts) but that will be thought to proceed either immediately from that Nation, or else from the Phoenicians.

As for the Names of the Charriots they fought in, are clearly Phoenician, as Benna, Carrus or Carrum, Covinus, Essedum, Rheda, and so it is but reason to think, primitively were introduced by them; The Gracians added and altered them according to the Custome of their Country, for one sort they called Petori∣tum, from its four Wheels, and of the ordinary Rheda they made their Epireda, I suppose with two stories in it to carry the more Men.

The Waggons and Chariots they thus fought in, were exceedingly well Harnassed and Armed, for at both ends of the Axeltrees they fastned Hooks and Scyths, so that driving furiously into the Enemies battle, they made whole Lanes of slaugh∣tered Men, the Scyths cutting them off in the middle who did not give speedy way, and such as escaped them were caught up with the Hooks, which were placed for that purpose, so that hanging upon them they were miserable Spectacles, and suffering intollerable pains and torments, were constrained to write upon the Tri∣umphs of their Conquerours, being drag'd along before and behind their Chariot Wheels.

These sort of Chariots were called Covini, and in the British Tongue at this day, Cowain, signifies to carry in a Wagon.

Lucan calls it constratus Covinus, being possibly of an evener and broader make, more open than their other sorts of Chariots, and probably it carried no men at * all, but only him that guided it; For we read in Tacitus, that Covinarius is as * much as to say, Auriga; And this they did that the Chariot might be more expedit, and the Horses with more ease might draw the Scyths and Hooks through any oppo∣sition.

The Essedum, called by the Phoenicians, Dassedan, by the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was another sort of Chariots, which, I believe, carried no Scyths or Hooks, in which * were only Armed men.

How the Britains used these we read in Caesar; The Charioteers, called Essedarii, ride through all the parts of the Battle, and bestowed their Darts, with the terrible appearance of their Horses, and the noise of their Wheels, usually break their Ranks; And when they have wrought themselves into the Enemies Horse, they fling themselves from their Chariots and fight on foot, the Chariot Guiders in the mean time withdraw a little way out of the Battle, and place themselves so, that if their Party were over-powered with the number of Enemies, they might retreat with more ease and security.

By this means, in their fighting, they perform the nimbleness of Horse, and the steadiness of Foot; By daily use and exercise they arrived to that perfection, that in the steepest descent of a Hill they could hold their Horses to a full Careere, stop of a sudden, turn short, run upon the Spire-pole and Beam of the Chariot, stand upright on the Yoak and Harness of their Steeds, and immediately again whip into their Cha∣riots.

This exceeding nimbleness and dexterity in the management of their Esseds, often∣times foiled Caesar and his heavy Legions. Sometimes they would feign themselves to flie, by that means to draw his light Souldiers to follow them, and immediately turning again, and skipping off their Chariots, they often gave them notable Repulses, driving them to their main Body, where they were forced to shelter themselves. Upon this very account they never fought thick or in clusters, but dispersed themselves into diverse and distant stations, which before hand was, for the most part, agreed upon; re∣lieving one another as they saw occasion, and retiring when weary, so came on again as they had refresht or relieved their Horses.

By this their scattered way of Fighting, the Romans knew not which way to bend their main strength, besides hindered on all sides to make Excursions, were obliged Page  121 to close Marches, not able to forrage in parts, a thing very destructive to them in a strange Country, so that by the conduct of Cassibelan their General, the Roman Legi∣ons were in a manner made useless, serving only as a Refuge for the Horse, who were often beaten upon them.

It is very difficult to distinguish among so many Names they had of their Wagons and Charriots, to what proper and particular uses they put them.

Their Carri or Carra, from whence our word Cart proceeds, were made use of in carrying of their Arms and Baggage, and seem not to be engaged with the Enemy, but were alwaies secured by a Trench and Rampier, insomuch the Britains, upon any Rout given to them, retired, and taking out their fresh Horses left their wearied ones to recruit.

The Benna, called by the Germans at this day Benne, and the French, Banneau, seems to be the same with Petoritum, both receiving their names from their Wheels, one from the Greeks, the other from the Phoenicians, but whether these were used for their pleasure only, or in War, is uncertain; that they differed from all the rest in the numbers and make of their Wheels, is unquestiona∣ble.

The Covinus was the Chariot with the Scyths and Hooks, as Pomponius Mela wit∣nesseth, and their Esseda were not Armed Chariots, but carried Men only in them, as * may be understood out of Caesars words, where he saies, That the ratling noise of*the Wheels, and terrible appearance of the Horses, put his Men into dis-array, making no mention of their Scyths, which certainly he would have done if in these Esseda there had been any.

It is very probable, in their first Skirmishes with Caesar, they would not be brought to a set Battle, as they used these Esseda only, and reserved their Covini for other occasions, as they should be offered.

Their Rheda, from whence proceeds Rhediad, a Course, Rheder, to Run, Rhedec∣fd, a Race, in the British.

If we look to the Original, being Rheda in the Phoenician Dialect, as it is used in the Chaldee Paraphrase upon Exod. 14. 25. where mention is made of Charriots of AEgypt, then we may conclude it was a Charriot of War, but whether with Scyths, or * without, is uncertain, although the former be more probable, seeing that the Eastern Countries, as likewise AEgypt and Africa, where many Colonies of the Phoenicians had seated themselves, used the like. But that it might be made and used without Scyths, and was the Charriot wherewith they ran Races, and at publick Games exer∣cised themselves, as it cannot be denied: So Eporeda, a City of the Salassians, seems to testifie, which received its Name, according to Pliny, from Horse-breakers, and possibly might be called Hipporedia from them. Add to this Rheda the Epitheda, with a Greek addition to a Phoenician name, and we have all the sorts of Charriots which were ever mentioned, or may be gathered of the Gauls, or Bri∣tains.

And we are to observe, that Tacitus writes concerning the management of these Charriots, that the greater Personage guided them, and that his waiters and followers * fought out of the same, which is not taken notice of by Caesar, and may not be used in his daies; For we find in him, that the Charriot Drivers often retired out of the Battle, and there waited the success of those he had carried in, that he might bring them off again, which office can very hardly be supposed to be executed by their Princes and Leaders.

The Horses the Britains used in their Chariots (according to Dio Nicaeus) were * small and swift, but whether their breed was generally so, or whether they chose them such, as easier to be managed, and fitter to climb Hills and endure Labour, is not resolved me by any.

The Harness they put on them, may be gathered to be not only substantial, but cu∣riously wrought and engraven upon, out of the words of Propertius,

Esseda caelatis siste Britanna jugis.*

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Because this their way of Fighting may be better described and set out to the eye, than painted out in words, I have thought good to expose to view their three sorts of Chariots, the Covinus, Essedum and Epireda, which seem to have the greatest difference one from another, as may be seen in: this following Figure.

The Battles
the Covinus or Cythed Chariot;
the Essedum;
the Epireda.

The Britains fought in Bodies called Caterva, now Caturfa, as the Romans had their Legions, and the Macedonians their Phalanx, and this Caterva we have shewn to be of Phoenician Derivation, and to this word Mr. Cambden re∣duces Cad, signifying War in the British Tongue, and Kaderue, a Le∣gion.

Their strong Holds and Towns (according to Caesar and Strabo) were nothing else * but a round spot of Ground, fenced about with Trees fell'd down for that purpose, and secured on all sides with a Ditch, and Rampire, and this served them in their Re∣treats, and this is all that can be learnt of their general way of Fighting.

We will proceed now to particulars.

The Britains were very swift in Running, neither did they burthen themselves with any Armour, which they could not at their pleasure fling from them. They had a Shield and short Spear, in the nether part whereof hung a Bell, by the shaking of which they thought to affright and amaze their Enemies; They used Daggers also, Page  123 those that went Naked, girded their Swords by their sides by an Iron Chain.

There is no mention made of Authors, by what Names the British Arms were cal∣led. The Gaulish Weapons are Spatha, Gessum, Lancea, Sparum, Cateia, Matara or Mataris, Thyreos, and Cetrum or Cetra.

This Cetra is attributed to the Old Britains, by Tacitus, and we have shewn it to be the Phoenicians Cetera; Many others of them are reduced, by Mr. Cambden, to the *British Tongue, and are supposed by him to be (in his making the Gauls and Britains the same Nations) used promiscuously; by both those words cited by him, I have proved to be Phoenician, and by all probability brought by the Phoenicians into Gaul and Britain; It will not be amiss to shew, seeing the other Weapons might be in use here in Britain, that they are also of Phoenician Derivation, for seeing that the Phoe∣nicians Traded into the Bretanick Islands, it would be unreasonable to imagine, that the Britains did not learn the use of the same Weapons from them, as the Gauls may be proved to do, setting aside, that it is very probable that the Gauls, as they sent their Children to be Instructed in this Island in Arts, Sciences, and Religion, so might they learn of them also many things very conducible in their Wars.

The first sort of Weapon (for we omit those we have spoken of in the Chapter of the Phoenicians) is the Spatha, the Italians Spada, and the Spaniards Espada, Isidore calls it Spata, and saies it was a two edged Sword, with which they cut and did not * thrust, for Polybius and Livy saies, it had no point. The Britains wore Daggers* which served to thrust with; some have derived it from the Chaldee word, Sphud or Spud, signifying a Spit, which the Italians call Spedo, the Dutch, Spett, we our selves call Spit, and the Germans, Spissz, but the Derivation cannot hold with the de∣scription of the Spata, which was nothing like a Spit, and was not for thrusting but hewing and slashing. It is more probably derived from Spatin in the same Dialect, which being a plural word, and signifying only Staves, yet by adding the word Biszel, or Iron, they are general interpreted words.

Sparum, another Weapon used in Gaul, Festus derives from Spargendo, but probably it may be supposed to be called Sparon by the Phoenicians, from the Root Sapar,* from whence comes Sophron, signifying an Iron Edge.

Cataia, according to Isidore, is a Weapon made of the softest Mettal, which, by reason of its weight, did not fly far, but with great force brake through wherever * it lit; and why may not this come from Catat, signifying to break in pieces, and scatter the Enemies Forces. Bochartus thinks these Cataia are meant, those Ingentes Clavae, made mention of by Ammianus, which were set on fire, and which, he saies, * the Barbarians flung on their Enemies, and with which, together with their Swords, they brake through their Left wing, but I never read of any Fire ever made use of by the Britains in their Fights, but only when the Romans invaded Anglesey, and whether they were these Cataiae which Tacitus calls Fire-brands, it is hard to judge.

Lancea comes, according to Festus, from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and perhaps was brought immediately by the Graecians into Britain, for it is very difficult to bring * it from Romcha, changing R into L, although there wants not several Examples of that nature, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Lilium,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Clibanus Pereginus, the Gaulish Peterin.

Matara, another Weapon, which I suppose was their Darts they flung out of their Charriots, it is also called Mataris and Materis, but by Hesychius, Madaris.*Strabo saies, it is of the kind of Weapons called Palta; And Pollux saith, Paltum was a Medish Dart, so that we may gather it had its Original in the Eastern Coun∣tries, in whose Dialect Matara signifies to dart.

To these names of their Weapons, I will only add two more of their Instruments in War; The first Manga, Mangana, and Mangonale, an Engine to fling Stones with; the French call it Mangoneaux, by the Greeks,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but whether brought by them or the Phoenicians into these Parts, is doubt worthy, but in the Phoenician Dia∣lect Manganon signifieth the same Engine.

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Add to this Carnon, a Trumpet in the same Language, in the Arabian Dialect is called Carnon, in the Syrian, Carno or Carna, so that this also proceeds from the Phoenicians; And now, this shall suffice to have been spoken of the Armour used by our Britains.

The Britains, before they undertook any War, are reported (according to the Customes of other Nations) to have enquired into the Entrals of Beasts, yea, and of Men also, and, I suppose had the same methods of judging, whether Success was portended or no.

They fought under the Conduct of Women, discoloured their Faces, and shaped their Bodies into divers figures; they used Superstitious and Magical Exclamations in the beginning of their Battles, with many other Rites and Usages, which will more properly be shewn in the course of the History, seeing they relate to the Bri∣tains, after they were subdued by the Romans, and are not of so Ancient a date as to be placed here, where nothing was designed to be spoke of but what was almost of equal standing with the first Plantation of this Island it self.

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CHAP. IX. The BRITISH Idolatry; their several GODS, and superstitious Rites and Ceremonies of Worship.

IT is certain, by the Testimony of Caesar and other approved Authors, that the Britains had the same GODS with the Gauls,* and agreed with them in their manner of Worship, using the same religious Rites and superstitious Ceremonies they did; Neither indeed could it be otherwise, if we do but consider what care the Druids took (who were the common Priests of both Nations) to preserve the unity of Religion, and the exact observancies of their Order; For besides the yearly Synods held in the Isle of Anglesey or Man, under a President (who had Jurisdiction over all Britain, and great part of Gallia) they had a solemn and general Sessions in the Mar∣ches of the Carnutes about Charters, a Country held to be in the middle of all France.

To this great Assembly resorted the Druids from all Parts to hear Causes, and to consult about the affairs of Religion, in which Consultation the British Druids carried the most eminent Authority; having learned their general Discipline in a Country where it was first begun, and more exactly taught, and to whose Schools the Druids of France resorted to be more fully instructed in the more hidden and more abstruse Mysteries of their Religion.

This consent of both Nations in the uniformity of Worship, does not argue them to be of the same Original, but is to be attributed to a Druid Interest, who, notwithstanding the continual Animosities arising between petty Princes, and the great Heart burnings between the Inland Britains, and the Gauls, that had invaded them; Nevertheless they kept up their Authority and Interest on all hands, partly by the Holiness of life, and partly by the assistance of the Secular Power, thereby so brought it about that they were the only Interpreters of Divine Mysteries, that no Sacrifice, either publick or private, could be performed without their assistance, or solemn Feasts proclaimed without their consent, and upon this their pre∣tenoe it past currant, as necessary for the maintaining of any Religious Worship.

Moreover, it is to be supposed, that in their publik Assemblies they agreed upon the number of their Gods, and the particul Honours due to them; they also Instituted publick Feasts, and set Sacrifices, upon set times of the Moon, that the day might be celebrated uniformly through all their Jurisdictions.

And seeing the GODS of the Gauls, as Apollo, Minerva, Jupiter, Mars, Mer∣cury, &c. were Greek Gods, and Idolized by the Britains, with the same Rites and Ceremonies as in Greece, and had the same Offices ascribed to them, it is manifest they were introduced by the Druids, and so worshipped in Britain before Gaul, and from thence translated into that Nation; So that considering the Original of the British and Gaulish Gods, proceeded from the same Authors of their Religion, and considering likewise the great care the Druids used in preserving Uniformity, least they should break out and divide into Factions among themselves, it is not to be que∣stioned (the Authority of Caesar also bearing witness) but that the Gods of the Gauls* were also worshipped in Britain. And although in many particular places, the People might have private and Tutelar Gods, whose Denominations extended not beyond a Hill, River, Fountain or Spring (as shall be shewn in the sequel) and which Gildas numbers amongst the British Idolatry, yet as to those Gods called (by the Latins) Dii*majorum gentium, of the highest rank, and whose Power was universal, they were equal∣ly common to both Nations; These Gods, I will endeavour to set down their Names, Originals, and Offices, from what Countries they were derived, and by whose means they were brought into Britain and Gaul, by which Circumstances it will more evi∣dently appear, the great Confinity and Alliance once made between these Nations, and the Phoenicians and Greeks.

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JUPITER was worshipped under the name of Taramis, or the Thunderer,* and Caran, or Caram, signifies at this day in the British Tongue Thunder, as Donder in the German, and Thor in the old Swedish Tongue, from whence the Germans called Jupiters day Donders-dagh, the Swedes, Thors-dag, and we Thursday.

Adam Bremensis of the Swedes, writes, that they held Thor to rule and govern the * Air, and that from him proceeded Thunder and Lightning, Winds and Storms, likewise that the gave sair Weather, and brought forth the Fruits of the Earth; likewise in a∣nother place, that he was made holding a Scepter in his hand, and was esteemed the same as Jupiter, the King of the Gods, in which sense he was called in the Phoenician Tongue, Moloch. It is observable, that as the Canaanites (of which Country Phoe∣nicia was a part) offered humane Sacrifices to that God, making their Children to pass through the Fire, so likewise did the Gauls and Britains to this TARAMIS, or Thunderer, whose very Name, in another place, we have shewn to be the Phoenician Carem, in their Tongue signifying Thunder. Of this God Lucan thus writes,

Et Taramis Scythicae non mitior ara Dianae.

Upon the Altars erected in Honour of this Jupiter, the British Blood was often * poured out in great abundance, but perhaps more in Gaul, by reason that that Coun∣try is more infested with sudden Thunders and violent Storms, that they ostner attoan'd that Power under whose hand they lay, than the Britains, who enjoyed a more tem∣perate and evener Weather. And although to this God, as likewise to some others, they offered for the most part heynous and notorious Malefactors, yet oftentimes the Innocent Natives suffered, and men, for their health in some dangerous sickness, or upon some great necessities and streights in War, often vowed to sacrifice Humane Off-springs, which Vows they were obliged to performat their recovery or deliverance.

This Custome, together with the Name of this God TARAMIS, was brought in by the Phoenicians, who are described by Havillan the Poet, writing of their Race in Cornwal, That their Spectacula, or Publick Games, in Honour of their Gods, were * the slaughter of Men, and not only so, but they drank their Blood. Neither did the Druids (who were otherwise men of civil and upright Conversation) alter these bloody Ceremonies, because it is to be supposed that they came out of Greece in those early daies, when the sacrificing of Men and Women was also useful in that Nation.

Another God they had named TUTATES, and him they had in especial Honour * above all the rest. He was esteemed the God of Travelling, and by the Britains may be supposed to be called Diw Caith, the God of Journeys, and the great Honour they gave him above all other Deities, is conjectured by some to be a sign of the Bri∣tains Peregrination from far Countries, and upon that account they so particularly honoured him as their Guide and Leader.

By Livy he is called Mercurius Tutates, where he writes, That Scipio turned up to a*Mount called Mercurius Tutates, by this it appears that the Britains and Gauls did cast up Mounts, and consecrated them to his Honour, especially where many waies met. Upon these ascents of Ground there was frequently erected a Statue of Mercury, which pointed out the different Waies, or if there was no Statue, yet the place was called a Mercury from the Advantage of ground, which gave them opportunity to discern out and discry to what parts the different waies would lead them. These places they called Mercuries sometimes with an addition of some other of his Names, and often∣times of a Town or Village, Hill or River, adjoyning. But seeing in Livy the name Tutates is added to Mercury or Hermes (for so he was called without doubt by the Druids) I am induced to believe that Tutates hath some other Original than Diw taith, or the God of Travelling, because it seems a kind of tautology to put two Names to∣gether of the same signification; This Tutates therefore is to be referred to the Phoe∣nician Ca-autus, according to Sanchoniathon, the most Ancient Phoenician, cited by *Philo Biblius. Ta-autus, saith he, was the Son of Misor, he was the first Inventer of Letters.

The AEgyptians called him Thoot, the Alexandrians, Thouth, the Greeks, Hermes or Mercury. Plato calls him Theut, a God or Divine person, and in his Phoedrus, the Father of Letters. Tully, Thoyth or Theuth; Lactantius, Theutus, and Thot. And this Theut or Mercury was the God of Eloquence, called also Monimus; But as to this par∣ticular we shall have occasion to speak of him under BELINUS the British God, otherwise called the Sun, to whom he was made an Assistant and Coadjutor.

Page  129

In the Greek Epigram we find, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 So that we see here is two Inventions assigned to him, besides his office of Directing of Travellers, namely, the Invention of Letters and the Sickle. And seeing he was esteemed above all the rest of the Druids Gods, and had in more especial veneration and Honour, I am apt to believe it was rather upon these latter accounts than the former; For we find, that the first Inventers of useful Arts and Sciences (though they may seem never so mean and Mechanical) had their Names recorded to all Posterity, in grateful remembrance of the usefulness of the things they Invented, when the swelling Actions of Ambitious men, although they might seem great, and fill the World with more noise, are buried in the dust; and in perpetual oblivion.

The Scripture it self takes notice of Tubal-Cain for his excellent skill and his first experiments upon Iron, and this Tubal is Recorded for his Invention of Musical In∣struments, when the Founders of great Kingdoms, and builders of famous Cities, were not so much as once mentioned.

We read also, that when men have arrived to the greatest Empire, and have encou∣raged Altars to be raised, and Sacrifices to be offered to themselves, although an Age or two, perhaps, in obsequious Flattery to them and their Successors, has performed it, yet we seldome read that they lasted above three or four Generations, when as the Inventers of Arts and Sciences have been Deified throughout all Ages, and their Altars extended as far as the Inventers themselves: Upon this, it seems to me more reasonable to ground the Name of TEUTATES, and the Honours performed to him in Gaul and Britain, upon the account of his Invention of Letters, and the use of the Sickle, than upon the supposition of Diw Caith, the God of Travelling.

The Phoenicians who taught the Greeks the use of Letters, which they acknow∣ledged to have learnt of this Theut, whom they delivered to them as a God or Divine Person, might also bring his Name into Britain to be worshipped; And this, I think, is the true Original of Teutates.

As for those who would have this Teutates to be the same with the German Tuisco; or Mars, mentioned by Tacitus, from whence we call Mars his Day, Tuesday.* But if we consider how, by Livy, he is called Mercury, they have no other ground for their Opinion, but only the like founding of part of the first syllable, and so they may easily be convinced.

To this God MERCURY, there is no mention made what Sacrifices were offered to him.

Caesar writes, that there were a great number of Statues erected in his Honour, and * that the Invention of all Arts and Sciences were attributed to him. That he was the Leader in all Journies, and Guide in all waies, and that he had moreover a wonderful efficacy for the promoting gain in Mony, or any Merchandize, a power no doubt highly esteemed of by the Phoenicians.

MARS was worshipped by the Gauls and Britains under the Name of Hesus, and this Hesus we have proved to be of Phoenician Derivation, in another place, *viz. Hizzus, by which Name the Phoenicians as well as Britains called their Mars, so that there is no doubt to be made, from whence, and from whom this God pro∣ceeded.

Caesar saies, the Gauls attributed to this God the government of War; He was like∣wise * called Camolus or Camulus, signifying in the Phoenician Tongue a Lord or Governour. In an old Coyn of Cunobelinus, Mr. Cambden reports he saw the * portraiture of an Head stamped, with an Helmet on it, also with a Spear, and these Letters, CAMU.

From this Camulus came Camalodunum, or Mars. Hill, now Maldon in Essex; And methinks the very name of Mars, and Dunum a Hill, are yet preserved in its Name.

This Hesus, Mars or Camulus, I conjecture, was not only worshipped as the God of War but of Peace also: We find one Coyn with an Ear of Corn upon it, with these Letters CAMU, likewise a Tree, with I know not what Beast lying by it, with the same Inscription, and these both Cunobelins's Coyn, Prince of Camolodu∣num; Besides, there was a little Altar cast out among Rubbish-stones, near Rible∣chester in Lancashire, with this Roman Inscription;

Page  128

And is thus interpreted; To Mars, the bringer of Peace, ELEGAURBA Dedi∣cated this out of his own Vow.

But how favourable he was in time of Peace to the Britains, I know not, but cer∣tain it is, that to him, as well as Taramis, Men were often sacrificed, as appears by this of Lucan,

Horrensque feris Altaribus Haesus. *


Lactantius calls this God, HEUS, but here it is to be considered, whether by the similitude of Names he does not confound two Deities, for Dues is a known name of Bacchus, and it is very probable that since the Ancients say that Bacchus was born near Phoenicia,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Upon Phoenicia, nigh to AEgypts Banks;*
Page  129

That the Phoenicians might bring this God into Britain, as well as Ceres and Pro∣serpina (as shall be shewn by and by) the name of Bacchus is the Phoenicians Bac∣chus, the Son of Chus, as Damesec is used for Dacmeset, the City Damascus.

This will give some light to what I have in another place written, of the Inscri∣ption found in Zealand, namely,

HERCULES the Lord of the Cusites, viz. those of the Dorienses, that followed him out of Phoenicia into these Western Parts.

But to come to HEUS; This name was given to Bacchus from one of those bar∣barous and loud Exclamations used at his solemn Feasts, namely, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which are all of Phoenician Derivation. hues, as Bochartus thinks, signifies *He is the Fire! Att-es, Thou art the Fire! for at his Orgia the People used, in his Honour, so to call him, for he was esteemed by the Ancients to be the Fire. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or *〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was the term used by the Ancients in Exclamation to any that they found to be Drunk, and Saboi in the same Phoenician Dialect, proceeds from Saba, to be Drunk.

From these different Roots many of Bacchus his Ancient names are derived, but it will be too long here to discourse of them all; It shall therefore suffice, that Heus here mentioned by Lactantius, in all probability was Bacchus, and introduced by his Country-men, the Phoenicians, into this Island.

We find in the Superstitions of the Britains, something very like unto Bacchus his Orgia, although the Name of the God be not put down by Pliny, where he saies, That the Britains dyed themselves like AEthiopians at some solemn Sacrifices, and per∣formed their worship with Men and Women going naked. For this was the Custome of * the ancient Heathens, that at the publick Feast of Bacchus, having drank up a large quantity of Wine, and using many shrill and horrid Out cries, he was esteemed most Religious who could run about the maddest, insomuch as they tore their Cloaths from their backs, and not only so, but the weaker sort were oftentimes endangered in their Limbs. In this manner they ran promiscuously, Men and Women together, cut∣ting and slashing each other till the heat of their Wine was allayed, either by loss of Blood, weariness, or want of sleep.

Now, the reason of the Britains Painting themselves like AEthiopians at these Sa∣crifices, might proceed from the imitation of Bacchus himself, who was feigned by the Ancients, to have maintained long Wars in India and AEthiopia, and was alwaies painted with a swarthy and black Complexion, and drawn with Tygres, Beasts very frequent in those hot Countries.

As for that Heus, named by the Author of Queroli Anubis Latrans, viz. the barking Anubis, for as he was made in the form of a Dog, so he is to be referred to those deformed Spectres of Britain mentioned by Gildas, who exceeded almost in * number those of Egypt, and without doubt were derived from that Country by the Phoenicians; So that it being an AEgyptian Hieroglyphick in the shape of a Dog, might be called Huad, or something like it, Huad signifying in the British Tongue, a Dog, but as for Hesus, the name of Mars, and Hues, of Bacchus, they have no reference at all to it, but were general Gods both to Britain and Gaul, and were the Hizzus and Hues of the Phoenicians, whereas these sorts of deformed Spectres were found only upon the Walls of Cities, according to Gildas, and it may be in some particular places only, and had the Tuition of such Cities and Towns, according to the Superstition of the AEgyptians.

To the God Hues or Bacchus, I suppose those Priests mentioned by Marcellinus,* and called Euuges, or Eubages, are to be referred, for, as the Acclamations from whence Bacchus received that Name, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so we may apprehend that these Priests were called Eubages and Euugaes, and signifie as much as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Persons de∣dicated to Hues.

Eochartus is of opinion, that Marcellinus might read in Timagiues〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for *〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Vates, and he gives two Instances of the like nature, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Theophrastus, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Hesychius; But I cannot imagine how Eubages should proceed from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for I believe by their Name and Employment, a par∣ticular Page  130 Order of Priests is signified, for they are represented as Persons who gave themselves to the study of the mysteries and secrets of Nature, the course of the Heavens, the motions of Coelestial Bodies, to Astronomy, Necromancy and Magick, to the last of which the Britains were strangly addicted. And this I take to be the true Original of the Eubages mentioned by Marcellinus, whose Name being Recorded by no other Author besides, many have thought him to be mistaken in the right denomi∣nation of them, and that there were no such Priests of that Name either in Gaul or Britain.

And because I have taken occasion to speak of their Duad, or Anubis Latrans, it will not be amiss to represent to the eye some of those deformed Spectres wherewith Egypt abounded, which like Locusts were brought over into our Western Seas, and did spread themselves over most parts of the World, by the means of the Phaenicians, who placed them at the Poops and Sterns of their Ships as Tutelar Gods.

The Hyraglyphicks

The next God of the Britains was APOLLO, worshipped under the name of BELENUS, and that Belenus and Apollo may be gathered out of the words of Julius Capitolinus, who writes, That when the God Belinus or Belenus, by his*Priests,*had declared that Maximinus should be overcome, Maximinus his Souldiers afterwards gave out, That Apollo fought against them. He is called Belis by Herodian, and that Apollo and Belenus, or Belis, is one and the same God is manifest, in that the Herb * called by the Latins Apollinaris, by the Gauls was called Belinuntia, and the Spaniards at this day call it Veleno.

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Now, the Phaenicians called Apollo Belus, so that this Belis or Belenus of the Gauls and Britains, from hence received his Original, and we find the Name differs only in Termination, by which both those distant Nations called the Sun in the Laconian Dialect, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the Sun, and in the Gretick,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Hesychius* witnesseth, and both from the Phaenicians.

Sometimes the Phaenicians gave him a Sir-name, as Philo Biblius, out of Sanchonia∣thon* evidenceth, who called him Belsamen, viz. the Lord of the Heavens. We find some Altars erected to him in Britain, with other denominations added to his Name Belis, or Bel, which superadditions I will interpret out of the Phaenician Tongue; And although the Monuments and Inscriptions on them be Roman, yet it makes not against my purpose, seeing that Nation erected Altars to the Gods of those Provinces they conquered.

The first Inscription was dug out of the Ruines of an old Town, near Kirby Thore in Westmoreland.


Thus interpreted: Deo BELATUCADRO liberum Votum fecit Iolus; To the God BELATUCADRUS Iolus has made a free Vow.

The second was an Altar, found, among many others, in Vaults under ground, where formerly had stood some ancient Town, near to Jerby in Cumberland. It was thus made and Inscribed.

V. S. L. M.

Thus interpreted: BELATUCADRO Julius Civilis Optio Votum solvit libens Merito; Unto BELATUCADRUS, Julius Civilis Optio hath paid his Vow right willingly.

Page  132

Another after this manner,


Thus Interpreted: Deo sancto BELATUCADRO Aurelius Diatova Aram ex voto posuit, lubens lubens, merito merito; To the holy God BELATUCADRUS Aurelius Diatova set up this Altar most willingly and most duly.

And since Mr. Cambden, there was a peice of his Statue found near Brougham in Westmoreland, with this Inscription,


By the form of which it was judged to be the Effigies of Belinus or Apollo.

These Magnificent Inscriptions to BELATUCADRUS Deo & Deo sancto, as likewise the distance of places these Altars were found in, proves, that he was not a particular Tutelar God, but rather that he was worshipped over the whole Island, and was that Belinus, or Belis, to which the Britains and Gauls were much devoted, who was the very same with Belus of the Phoenicians, but what the addition of atucadrus may signifie, I will lay down some conjectures.

We must know that Bel, or Belus, was the God of the Assyrians, and from that Country brought into Phoenicia, and there Idolized. Now the Phoenicians, who called Assyria Atur, and the Sun Cares, why may not Belatucadrus be as much as Bel-atur-Cares, signifying, APOLLO the Lord of the Assyrians, for I have shewn before that Bel was Apollo, or the Sun, in those Nations. As for D in the last syllable, it is not much to be regarded, because the mollifying of words is often set before R; Probably Bel-atu-cadrus might be Bel-attir-cares, or Apollo the Ancient Bel, for in reality there were two BELS, the Assyrian and Tyrian. To the latter of which the Phoenicians attributed all the famous Actions of the other, and upon that vanity might call him the Ancient; or perhaps he might be called Belatu∣cadrus from Bel-hoddu-cadar, viz. BEL of the black Indians, for Cadar signifies in that Dialect to be made black by the heat of the Sun, and Hoddu is an Indian, or perhaps it might come from Bel-Atur-Cadar, for the Assyrians were of a Swarthy Complexion, to which Colour also Cadar is referred, and is the same with Hazle in the French, namely Sun-burnt or Tann'd, from which Cadar the Arabians called Kadareni, a Nation of the Saracens had its name.

But I cannot imagine, how this Belatucadrus of the Britains could be a particular God, as some would have him, unless we derive the last part of his Name from Gadir, signifying an Uttermost bound, so that he was placed as Terminus by the Romans, upon the Limits of grounds, and his Office to decide and determine all Controversies arising upon those accounts, as the peculiar Overseer of Land-marks, but I think some of the forementioned Conjectures are more reasonably to be heeded.

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Seeing I have entered so far into the Derivation of BELATUCADRUS, and the last part of it Cadrus, I will take notice of two other Inscriptions, that possibly may have some relation to this God; They were drawn out of the River at Risingham in Northumberland. The first had in it, DEO MOGONTI CAD; the second, DEO MOUNO CAD, and may be seen at large in Mr. Cambden, who reports that the Inhabitants have a Tradition, That a God MAGON made good this place (against a Soldain, or Heathenish Prince) for a long time. The In∣scriptions are Roman, but the God is British, for I have shewn that the Romans worshipt the Gods of the Nations they conquered.

Mr. Cambden makes this a Tutelar God, and interprets CAD, Cadenorum, the Protectour of the Cadeni, but it seems the People were called Gadeni, so that it should be Gad not Gad, but granting time might make this small alteration, yet we find not in other Inscriptions to the Tutelar Genius's of particular places, that the name of the Place is signified in any, neither was it reasonable it should, being that such Altars were made for private use only, and needed no Inscription to signifie what they were.

In my opinion the signification of these Inscriptions are to be sought further. The God Magon or Mogon, to whom these Altars were erected, seems to be brought into Britain by the Phoenicians, and in all probability may be the God of the Canaanites, Baal-Magon, the Lord Magon; For as from Dag, a Fish, they made their Idol Dagon, so this Idol of the Sun, from the melting quality that Planet hath, might from Mag (which signifies to melt) be called Magon, and that this Magon the British God was the Sun, and so consequently of Phoenician Original this addition of Cad seems to verifie.

The Assyrians (from whom the Phoenicians had his name Belus also) called the Sun, according to Macrobius, Cad, and Cadcad, by duplication, and Macrobius* saies, that the interpretation of his name signifies, One or Only, and Cad in the Chaldean and Syrian Tongue signifies One; And this Attribute they gave to him, because (as the same Author reports) he was the greatest and almost the only God, and all the rest accounted but his Assisters and Coadjutors.

In the Inscription,

MOUNO is the same in Greek as CAD in the Phoenician Dialect, viz. the *Only.

Julian the Apostate (after he had revolted from the Christian Religion, and forsaken the only true God) embraced this Cad, viz. the Sun, an only God, so falsly called.

In his Oration of the Sun, he makes Azizus (whom we have proved to be Hesus) that is, MARS, and Monimus (whom we will shew to be Theut or Teutates) that is, MERCURY, to be his Assisters. His words are these, (I intend to speak something of the Phoenician Theology.)

They that inhabit Edessa, a Place consecrated (from all Ages) to the Sun, make Monimus and Azizus, placed, or seated with him.

Jambicus interprets it, that Monimus is MERCURY, and Azizus*MARS.

Mercury who is called Theut, here we find called Monimus, and much upon the same account, for as Theut was the Inventer of Letters, so Monimus was the God of Eloquence, both Attributes of Mercury, the latter of which names is re∣ferred to the Phoenician Minom, an elegant and quaint Speaker, which we have mentioned in this place, because seated with this Belinus or Be∣lus.

In Palmyra, a City of the Phoenicians, there was this Inscription (which because it refers to this God Belinus) I will put down.

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〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

To Agli-Belus, and Malach-Belus, Native or Country Gods, that is, as some interpret * it, To the Winter, and Summer Sun; for upon the Marble on which this Inscription was found, He was both waies represented, but the Britains represented him with a Harp, as may be seen in an Ancient Coyn of Cunobelinus, and without question had all the opinions of him, as the Greeks and Phoenicians had.

That this was a God greatly reverenced in Britain, we may gather from Cunobe∣linus and Cassobelinus, two great Princes who bear his Name; and as in the Eastern Countries it was esteemed a great Honour to be descended of him; so a Poet in the commendation of a Bowl, saies,

— Belus, & omnes
A Belo — —

That it was the Cup of BELUS, and his Race, so undoubtedly many Princes in Britain esteemed it an Honour to be called by his Name.

We will see therefore what is the meaning of CUNO, for it is no more the part of Cunobelinus, than CASSI is of Cassibelinus, who, by Ninnius the Britain, is * called simply Bellinus, and by Dio, Suellan for Vellan, or Mellin, which are all corruptions of Belin, as Mr. Cambden himself confesseth. Cuno therefore being not part of the Name, but in all likelyhood some Honourable Office or Title of this Prince, let us see what it might signifie among the Britains, for seeing this God came from the Phoenicians, why might not this Title of Cuno also be derived from them.

Upon this we may suppose, that Cuno Belinus might be as much as Cohen Be∣linus, the Prince of Belinus, according to that saying

Rex idem Hominum Phoebique Sacerdos;
The Priest-hood in those daies being worn by the greatest Princes, so that Cuno might become (upon that account) an Honorable title, as worn by several Kings, as Cuneglasus, Cunedaglus, Cungetorir, the last signifying a High Priest, as likewise Hanibal, Asdrubal, and Maharbal, of the same signification among the Carthaginians.

But all these Names might have very easie Interpretations relating to this way (were it not too far beyond my purpose) likewise Cuno Belinus, may signifie the Son of Belinus, for Cuno signifies born or begotten. And as the Phoenicians esteemed it their highest Honour and Credit of their Princes to be derived from Bel, why may not the Old Britains desire to initiate them in this, so that all the significations of Cuno, mentioned by Mr. Cambden, may very rationally relate to this Original.

But to return to Belinus or APOLLO, he is called by the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Yellow, and from hence, possibly, Belinus in the British Language might come to signifie that Colour, but that the colour Belinus should give name to this God, as Mr. Camb∣den supposes, is impossible, for these following Reasons.

1. Because he is called Belis as well as Belinus, but the Colour Belinus (in all its corruptions) retains the N, as Belyn, Melyn, Felyn, Villan and Suellan. To speak the truth, Melinus, not Belinus, is the proper name for Yellow, the word of which Colour was also taken from the Romans, and Melinus cannot be imagined to give name to Cuno Belinus, who lived in the daies of Augustus and Tiberius, when Caesar had only visited this Island, and no Roman Colonies had been planted here to change the British Language. And here I will take notice, that Dio calls Cassobelinus, Suellan, which Suellan Mr. Cambden derives from Gweliw, signifying a waterish Colour, not a yellow.

Such confusion hath the Suppositions of divers coloured Paintings, among the Bri∣tains, created.

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2. In all Inscriptions of this God we find him written BEL, not Fel, Vel, or *Mel, which might have happened, had he received his Name from that Colour. Besides, in all the Additions to his name this Colour is absolutely excluded, as he was entituled Belsamen by the Phoenicians, that is, Lord of Heaven; so possibly in Britain, for his Sister the Moon was called Belisama, as much as to say, Queen of Heaven; Not yellow Heaven, or yellow Moon, which is very absurd, but it might happen, that Dio not knowing the Original of this God Belinus, and knowing that Belinus signified Yellow, might mistake, and call Casso Belinus Suellan for Belin, inti∣mating * thereby a Colour.

Thirdly and lastly, As I have shewn before, the Britains did not use so many Colours, but were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the variety of Shapes, not Colours; and * such as have sought for this Invention in the Britains, have made the same Princes of divers Colours. Thus Gildas calls Cuneglasus, a tawny and dark hu'd Butcher, Mr. Cambden makes him blew; but to pass over many great Contradictions, I con∣clude, * that it happened by chance that this colour coincidated with the name of the God Belinus, but concludes no more that he received his name from Yellow, than the God to whom the Inscription DUJ was found in Yorkshire, received his from Black, in the same Tongue; so that Cunobelinus had his Name from the worship of Belinus (as Mr. Cambden in one place grants) and Belinus is derived from Bel of the Phoenicians.

To omit an AEstuarium or Frith in Britain, called Belisama by Ptolomy, possibly * from some Temple of that God, I shall prove it from the Moon worshipt in Gaul under the name of Belisama, as is gathered from an ancient Inscription,


Found on an old Stone in Aquitain, by which some have concluded that Belisama was the Gaulish name of Minerva; But seeing that Belisama is the same as Belsamen, this being the Lord, and that the Lady of Heaven, it is more probable that by this is meant the Moon, or Urania, called by the Canaanites the Queen of Heaven, and once a great Idol of the Israelites.

DIANA, who is the same with the Moon, was much worshipt in those parts, as Poliaenus testifies, Camma (saies he) was a Votress of Diana, whom the Gauls most*especially honoured, but that Diana should be confounded with Minerva is no won∣der, if it be considered how frequent it was for the Ancients to bestow the Attribute of one Deity upon another, as they favoured them in honour and affection.

That Diana was worshipt in Britain is very certain, an Image of hers, Anno 1602, was dug out of the ground in Monmouthshire, being girt about, and short truss'd, bearing a Quiver, but her Head, Hands, and Feet, were broken off. It was found upon a pavement of square Tile in Checker-work, and by an Inscription not far off it was found to be her own Image.

Mr. Cambden gives many Reasons, That where the Reliques of St. Pauls Church standeth, there was formerly a Temple of hers. But because this may proceed from the Romans rather than Britains, I will only mention her name Ardurena and Ar∣doena, being the same in the Gaulish, as Nemorensis in the Latin Tongue, namely, Diana of the Woods or Mountains, for we may suppose Den to have signified in the Ancient British Tongue, a Wood or Mountain (as Den Forrest in England) and not Arden as Mr. Cambden would have it, for Ar signifies Upon in the British Tongue, so that Arden, is, upon a Wood; For although there be a great Wood in France called Arden, yet it is not unlikely but it might first have been called Den, and that the Provinces lying on it, Arden, and afterwards the Wood it self; for it runs out to such a vast extent, and takes up such a quantity of ground, and lies upon so many Countries, that Travellers may be said to be alwaies upon it, but never truly in it, or well out of it.

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But to return to DIANA, the Britains, no doubt, were great admirers of her, for their Habitations were most in the Woods. Hunting was their chiefest Recreation, having most excellent Dogs for that purpose, as Strabo witnesseth, and Mr. Cambden* takes notice; that Dogs called Agasaei by the Greeks, and so much praised and estee∣med by them, were of the British Race, and to this day are called by us Gase∣hounds.

ONVANA, a Goddess of the Gauls is supposed to be MINERVA,* whom Caesar accounts one of them, and very probable it may be so, for Minerva by the Phoenicians was called Onca and Onga, as in Stephanus. Now changing the G into a V, as Walls for Gauls, or wave in English, wage in High and Low Dutch and French, and we have this very Phoenician name of Minerva.

This Minerva was much worshipt in Britain, and where the Cathedral Church of Bath now stands, there was a Temple erected to her Honour, but whether ever worshipt by the name of Onvana I know not, but if that name be allowed to be Phoenician then there is no doubt of it. I dare not be too bold as from her name Onca, to derive the famous Hill Badonicus, as much as to say Bath-Onca, the Temple of Onca, although this Mountain be not far from the City, and alwaies written Ba∣donicus, not Badon or Badonis, which, in my judgment, is an Argument it might be once Badoncus, and corruptedly made an Adjective, but however it be she was the Patroness of the Baths, and upon this account was the City Bath called by the Ancient Britains Caer Palladur, or the City of Pallace or Minerva's Wa∣ter.

Another Goddess the Britains had, called ANDRASTE by Dio, and in * another place of the same Author, Andrate, although corruptly for Andraste or A∣draste, for so by some it is read.

This was the Goddess of Victory, that British Amazon Boodicia called upon, after her great Victories over the Romans, having destroyed 80000 of them; Her words were these, I yeild Thee thanks O Adraste, and being a Woman, I call upon thee O Woman.

Mr. Cambden made great enquiry after her Name in the British Tongue, but could find nothing (which related to her being a Goddess of Victory) but Anaraith, signify∣ing a great Overthrow; but I think this will hardly derive her Name. Let us con∣sider therefore what Goddess she was, that so we may the easier arrive to the under∣standing of it.

She was supposed by many to be VENUS, but then the question will arise, which way she could be the Goddess of Victory?

Pausanias writes, That the Cytheraei (taught by the Phoenicians) worshipt Venus Armed, and esteemed her the Goddess of War, and the Cyprians (taught by the same *Phoenicians) made her with a Spear*; the Lacedaemonians set up her Statue in Ar∣mour; Ausonius,

Armatam vidit Venerem Lacedaemone Pallas.*
The Romans had a Temple of Venus Victrix, or the Conquerour, the same as Victorii of the Britains, and at the Dedication of this Temple twenty Elephants fought in * the Circus.

Now, let us take the Phoenician name of Venus, and we shall find it not to differ much from Adraste of the Britains, viz. Astrate, by which name Cicero also calls * Her.

This Goddess had a Temple at Camalodunum or Maldon in Essex, and before the destruction of that Colony by Boadicia. Tacitus writes thus, That the Statue of*Victory at Camalodunum, of it self fell down and was turned backwards, as if it yielded to the Enemies.

It seems the Goddess favoured the Britains, although forceably detained by the Romans, for in those daies they had a Custome of chayning the Statues of Captive Gods, and so forced them to their Protection.

To this Goddess Nero for a long time was strangly devoted, but it seems, finding her extreamly dull and stupid, upon a sudden humour he made a Pissing-block of her, first profaning Her himself, and then leaving her to all Passengers; to be affronted by his Example.

Page  137

The Britains had Her in great veneration, they sacrificed to her in Temples and in Groves, which were called by her Name the Groves of Andate. Here, in a most savage and horrid manner they sacrificed Prisoners alive, spending the time in Feasts and Banquets.

To this Astrate some refer the Saxon Goddess Eoaster, and there are many Towns in England bearing Her name, as High Easter, Good Easter, and Easter-Ford in the County of Essex, but whether so called by the Britains or Saxons, I am not able to say; But it may not be a wonder that Astarte, a Phoenician Goddess, was wor∣shipped in Germany, seeing that part of the Swedes sacrificed to IRIS, a known Idol of the AEgyptians; but of this I shall have occasion to speak further in treat∣ing of the Saxon Idolatries.

Hitherto I have treated of the chief and general GODS of the Druids, men∣tioned * by Caesar, namely, Mercury, Apollo, Mars, Jupiter and Minerva, to which are added Venus or Adraste, Diana or Belisama.

It is very much to be observed, that the Druids attributed the very same Offices to these Gods, as had been formerly given him in Greece, which will evidently ap∣pear, if we compare the opinions the Greeks had of them, with those of the Druids; The Greeks called Apollo, Alexiacus, because he dispelled Diseases; Minerva, Tala∣ergos, because she was the teacher and performer of curious Works; Jupiter, Olym∣pius, from his governing the Heavens; Mars, Polemistes, by reason he presided in War.

The very same sentiments had the Druids of them; I will put down the words of Caesar. The Druids believe APOLLO the expeller of Diseases; that, MINERVA taught the first rudiments of Arts and curious Works, and although this was attributed to Mercury also, yet he had other Employments; He was the Guide of Waies and Journies, and had great power attributed to him in procuring gain in Mony and Merchandice. MARS was their God of War, and JUPITER had the Empire of Heaven; So that we see all these GODS, Belinus, Onva, Taramis, Hesus, Teutates, though they came into Britain from the Phoenician Original, yet the Greek Druids gave them many and particular Titles of their own Inven∣tion.

I will take notice here of what Strabo writes in his fourth Book, where Artemi∣dorus affirms, That in an Island near Britain, CERES and PROSERPINA* were worshipped with the same Rites and Ceremonies as in Samothrace.

Now I have shewn, that in the daies of Artemidorus, who writ under Ptolemaeus Lathyrus, none of the Greeks had entered this Island; It remains therefore, that Ceres and Proserpina, and the Rites and Ceremonies performed to them were brought hither by the Phoenicians, from whom the Samothracians themselves had learned them; to evidence which, I will shew 1. What these Gods were; 2. What Ceremonies were used in their Worship; and Lastly, What Island this might be; to which I will add and shew, That in all probability they were worshipped in Bri∣tain also, and that in this sence, this Island might be called the Seat of Queen CERES.

The Worship the Samothracians received from the Phoenicians, were the Rites and Ceremonies of the Cabiri, which Cabiri it seems were in a British Island also. The Cabiri (in another place) I have shewn to signifie as much as Powerful Gods. Now what these GODS were I will also shew out of Learned Bochartus, who has proved * them to be of Phoenician Derivation; as first,

1Axieros, CERES, in the Phoenician Tongue Achzi-eres, as much as to say, The Earth is my Possession.

2Axiokersa, PROSERPINA, in the Phoenician, Achzi-cheres, My possession is Death; she being the Queen of Hell.

3Axiokersos, PLUTO, The King of Hell.

4Cadmilus, MERCURY, in the Phoenician Language Cadmel, The Servant of the Gods.

This Mercury I have shewn to have been worshipped in Britain, but under the name of Cadmilus I cannot find him, unless the Inscription, DEO MOUNO CAD, be read, Deo Mouno Cadmilo, and so make it different from Magon Cad, but this I leave to be examined by stronger Judgments than my own.

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And for those Phoenician names of Ceres and Proserpina, time hath quite worn them out in Britain, the names of their Priests only are remaining; Cohen signifies a Priest, and the soeminine Coena, a holy Votary in the Phoenician Tongue, and from this Root proceeds Coies or Coes, a Priest of the Cabiri; from hence came an Heathenish Priest in Britain called Coi-fy, as I have shewn in another place.

To Proserpina Women used in Ancient times to devote their Virginity. Mela* writes, That in Gaul, religious Women attending upon a certain God (for Pro∣serpina and Pluto were promiscuously used) were called Cenae not Lenae, as Mr. Cambden would have it. Without doubt this God or Goddess was Proserpina or Pluto, for their Priests we find to be called Coenae.

The Island mentioned by Strabo, where these Rites were performed to Ceres and Proserpina after the Samothracian or Phoenician Custome, in all probability was the *Sayn lying upon Armorica, anciently called Sena, and possibly from these, Coenae, but the Devotresses themselves were not called Senae, as Mr. Cambden writes, but Coenae.

The worship of the Cabiri was performed in this Island by these Women, being Nine in number, according to Mela, and here was an Oracle according to the same Author.

This is all I can gather of these sort of People about Britain, but it is to be judged, as Proserpina and Pluto, had the same names, so they might very well have the same worship; and seeing they were worshipt here as the Cabiri in Samothra∣cia, it will not be amiss to put down some material particulars of the Ceremo∣nies.

They were called Sacred Mysteries, and I have shewn before, that many Great persons had been initiated in them, accounting the Ceremonies of these Cabiri to be of great Holiness, and wonderful Power to protect them against any Dangers.

The words used at the solemn performance of these Rites were in an unknown Tongue, and mystical Circumlocutions, from whence, I suppose, our word to Gaber, and Gaberish might proceed.

I will add, that the Statues or Effigies of these Gods were made in ridiculous * postures, like to the Statues of Vulcan, which made Cambises, when he entred his Temple at Memphis, instead of being devout, he burst out in laughter at the strange posture he was carved in. And the same Cambises, when he entred the Fa∣num of the Cabiri, to which none but Priests were admitted (in the burning of * their Statues) he would not refrain from Jesting, seeing in what Antick manner they were represented. Hence it proceeded, that the Jews called a Bussoon, or a Ridi∣culous Fellow, Samodracos, as much as one of the Samothracian Gods: That these sorts of Ridiculous Spectres were worshipped in Britain, I have shewn out of Gildas.

The Gauls referred their Original to PLUTO; Caesar calls him Dispater, and *Bochartus thinks him to be Diespiter, or Jupiter. The French to this day when they affirm any thing, say, Ouy Dea, from the Greeks〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which comes from the Phoe∣nician Dai, or God, and the Britains at this day call God Diu.

There was an Altar found at Gretland in Yorkshire with this Inscription, D U J, without any particular name of a God joyned to it, so that whether this might be Pluto or no, I am not able to say, although by a general name calling him God, not particularizing him, they might seem to mean 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or by way of Excellence, that God to whom they owed their Original; Nor will I strain to my purpose, how this Pluto, by the Heathens, was called the black God, from the dark and infernal Re∣gions he lived in, and that in the British Tongue signifies Dark, which word is derived from the Phoenicians, although Mr. Cambden makes use of the Colour Belyn to derive Belinus.

To this Pluto and Proserpina, I suppose the Nocturnal Sacrifices of the Britains were performed, but especially upon the encrease of the Moon, when she was six daies old. In these Night Solemnities, the Heathens committed very strange and horrid Villanies; The Blood of Sacrifices, mixt with Wine and Milk, they poured on the ground to these Infernal Deities, and made Merriments with the Flesh and remaining Wine, provoking one another to horrid Lusts, and unnatural Incests. Page  139 This might be the cause that the Britains, by the frequent use of these Sacrifices, might esteem it at length no crime at all, although Fathers with Sons, and Brothers with Brothers, promiscuously joyned in the use of one Woman, a Custome (by Caesars reports) was very frequent and common among them. *

We find that JANUS was worshipt in Britain, out of a Coyn of Cunobelinus,* wherein he is pictured with two Heads, as likewise Dea Syria or CYBILE, as appears by an Altar erected to her, being in regard these might be brought into Britain by the Romans, and so cannot be proved to be Ancient British Gods, I will here pass them over in silence.

There were Altars erected in Britain with this Inscription DEIS MAT.. BUS, which kind of Inscriptions are not found in any other part the World, so that Mr. Cambden confesseth he knows not what to make of them. Mr. Selden thinks, that * by these Deae Matires, are meant those Greek Goddesses which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so that these Altars were brought by the Greeks into Britain. The Mothers of the Gods among the Heathens, were Berecynthia, Jano, Cybile, Tullus, Ceres; And some of these might be worshipt by the Britains by the Titles of the Mothers of their Gods. These might be those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Mr. Selden thinks, who gave the name to the Semnothei, i. e. Britain, falsly called Samothei.

The Britains had, besides their great Gods, other particular Deities or Genius's, and Tutelar Gods of private Places, as Viterinus, Verbeia, &c. some being called by the names of Springs, others Mountains and Groves, and Rivers, and to all these the Britains used to sacrifice.

No doubt but their Idolatry was as various as other Nations, but I will not treat of any but what may be derived from the Phoenicians or Graecians, and espe∣cially such as do most prove the Antiquity of those Nations in Britain. When the Romans entred this Land, a way was cut open for all the Luxurious Pomp and mul∣titude of the Gods of Rome, as shall be shewn in its proper place.

Considering thus much, I will conclude the British Idolatry with the Life of OGMIUS, or the Phoenician Hercules, who was worshipped in these parts, partly because this Hero or Worthy, has many remarkable things in his story, and partly, because herein will be manifest the Artifice and vanity of the Graecians, in attri∣buting the Actions of Great Men to some of their own Country, but more especially, because hereby will clearly and evidently appear, the first progress of the Phoenician Colonies, which, in time, grew to be of so large an extent, and so exceeding nu∣merous, that there were few Countries of the then known World, to which, by their great skill in Navigation, and wonderful propensity to Trade, they had not an easie and frequent access unto.

In writing his Life, I have curiously avoided on the one hand, least I should con∣found his History with the fabulous Reports of the Graecians, who made forty three Hero's of this name (as Varro reports) and so make him a sharer only in their Actions, On the other side, I have studiously heeded, least I should depress his Honour with the great load of those Actions the Ancients attributed to the same Name, but to different Persons. I am perswaded, that his Credit was so great in the World in these primitive Ages, upon the account of his many Voyages, that there were few who desired not to be called by his Name. The Graecians esteemed it the greatest Honour they could give to their Hero's, if they attributed the Title of HERCU∣LES to them, so that in reading his Life, if we meet with strange and incredible Monsters destroyed, vast Giants and great Nations subdued in a moment by his Prow∣ess, we are to bewail the calamity of those Times, who never thought they advanced the Dignity of them they undertook to praise sufficiently, unless they stretcht their Atchievments beyond a just proportion, and advanced them to the levels of Gods and not Men.

Page  [unnumbered]


Primus ego terras lustrari nauta Britannas
Littus vbi vena divite proestat opes.
Ad Thulen: migrans descendere dicor in Orcum
Sed coelum nobis terra Britanna dedit
Page  141

THE LIFE OF THE Phoenician Hercules, AN HERO.

THIS Hercules was the Son of Demarus King of Tyre, as his Name MELICARTUS signifies, namely, King of the City, for so the *Phoenicians called Tyre. The Amathusians, who descended of the Phoenicians, named him simply MALIGA, The King. He was called by the Greeks Mánners, from the Phoenician Machario, signifying Terrible. From his admirable skill in Navigations the Graecians made him the God of the Sea, but feigned him to be the Grand-son of Cadmus, calling him Palaemon, and having modelled him according to their own Fancies, they gave him a numerous Off-spring. But from Cadmus to the Theban Hercules are numbred Ten Generations, all which time is far inferiour to this Hercules, who, by many, is supposed to be con∣temporary with Moses, and to have flourisht in the daies of Josbuah, when the Israe∣lites expelled the Canaanites from their Land, part of them flying into Boetia, part into Africa and Spain. This is manifest out of two Pillars found in the Kingdom of Tangeir, upon the Streights, with a Phoenician Inscription,


By this it appears, that in those daies the Phoenicians began to frequent those Parts. And although the Greeks do attribute these Voyages to their Hercules, yet the Tem∣ple upon the Streights, dedicated to that God, manifestly proves him to have been a Phoenician, for he was worshipt according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Phoenicians, and not Graecians.

The Temple is said to be built by the Tyrians, and magnificent Sacrifices perfor∣med to him after the manner of that Nation. Strabo is particular upon what ground * it was built, and the occasion which moved the Tyrians to the Work, all which may be read in that Author.

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But to return to HERCULES; Leaving his own Country, and being attended with a multitude, who were forced to the same necessity, he coasted about Spain and *Africa, and by the care and diligence of his Followers he built many Towns and Cities, conquering all Iberia, and those Western Tracts, is said at last to come into Gaul, and there built Alesia and Nemausus.

In a Battle against the Ligurians, and their two Leaders, Bergion and Albion, or as others say, Alebion and Dercynus; when he had no other Weapons left him, they feign'd it rained Stones from Heaven in his favour, and that all the fields were cove∣red with them. The occasion of this Fable is the multitude of Stones lying scatter'd between Arelate and Massilia, which to this day is called La Crau.

He is said also to have passed the Alpes, but this is looked upon by Livy as a Fable also; for the truth is, it is not probable that his occasions would permit him to make too great Inroads into the Continent, but by far likelyer, that he contented himself with possessing the Sea-coasts, the Ports and Havens of those Countries to which he arrived. In Liguria there is a Haven that bore his Name, at this day it is known by the name of Monaco, and was anciently called Herculis Monaeci Portus, the Haven of Hercules Monaecus.

At his first Landing the Ligurians opposed him, and of this Fight not only the Poets and Historians make mention, but the Astronomers also, and they do not only mention it, but add, that the Remembrance of it is placed in the Heavens, in the Sign which Firmicus calls Ingeniculum, or the bending of the Knee, for by weariness in the fight Hercules it seems was reduced to that posture, and so placed in the Heavens. *

Hitherto I have attended HERCULES in his Voyages within the Streights, I shall now follow him into the Western Sea, and that upon the Authority of Marcel∣linus,* who recites Timagines for his Author, viz. That the Dorienses followed the Ancient Hercules, to inhabit the Sea-coasts of Gaul, lying upon the Ocean.

Let us see now by what Circumstances Marcellinus writes this Voyage of Her∣cules, that the truth of it may more evidently appear.

First, He complains of all former Writers, Timagines only excepted, namely, that in their Histories of Gaul they had delivered down things by halves only, and so had given the World a very slender, or little or no account of the Original of that Country.

Secondly, He applauds Timagines for his diligence in searching out those things which were unknown to other Authors, and that he did it out of many Records.

Thirdly and lastly, He promises out of Timagines, to report the truth clearly and distinctly.

Now, these Records that this Timagines searcht into were in all probability Phoe∣nician or Syrian, and for that very reason unknown to the Greeks and Latins, for this Timagines (as Bochartus proves) was a Syrian, and so understood their Language, and *Plutarch reports, that he wrote a History of Gaul.

By the Authority therefore of this Timagines, we find that this Hercules, with his Dorienses', possest the Sea-coast of that Nation that lies upon this Western Ocean. That this Hercules was the Phoenician no doubt is to be made, seeing he is called the Ancient, and that the Dorienses, his Attendants, received their name from him (as I have in another place evidenced) viz. from Dora a City in Phoenicia, and not from the Graecians.

Seeing that Hercules arrived into those Seas, why may he not be supposed to be in Britain also. Pliny writes, that Midacritus first brought Tynn into Greece, now it is certain (as before has been shewn) that Mettal was carried from the Cassiterides* long before any Greek had entered the Western Sea. This very thing induces Bochartus to think that for Midacritus, Melicarthus should be read, and that this Hercules first of all shewed the Phoenicians those Mines, which afterwards proved so profitable to that Nation. As upon the Sea-coast of Belgium there was an Altar inscribed to Hercules, so in Devonshire, a Country abounding in Tynn, there was a Promontory called by his Name, which to this day retains something in two little Towns, Hart∣low or Hertland, alias Herton, as also in the Promontory it self, called Herty-point.

Add to this, the Opinion the Ancients had concerning the Elysian Fields, how they were supposed (as I have writ in another place) to be upon the Coast of Britain, or at least in the Western Ocean, as likewise the story of Isacius Tzetzes, an Author of no small credit with Mr. Cambden, concerning Julius Caesar, which story, though it Page  143 be a Fable, yet it shews the Opinions of the Ancients, namely, That Caesar was carried, by I know not what Spirit, from Gaul into a Western Island inhabited by Ghosts only, and by the same brought back again. We have little reason to doubt, but that Hercules his discent into Hell, might be grounded upon his Navigation into these parts.

After his death, He was worshipt as a God in all Nations; in some places young Youths were sacrificed before him, and no Women admitted into his Temple. His Bones were preserved in his Temple upon the Streights, and Divine Honours per∣formed to them; although the main part of his Worship was Phoenician, yet the Greeks intruded also, hanging up several Trophies of their own inventions.

He was placed upon a Stone Altar, a Hydra on one side, and Diomedes his Horse on the other, in memory of those two Monsters destroyed by him. He was worshipt in Gaul and Britain, under the name of OGMIUS, and possibly from the Phoenician*Og, signifying the Compass of the Sea, and especially the Western Ocean, which Ocean Hercules was the first that discovered it. From this Og the Graecians had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the same thing. Bochartus is of opinion, that he is to be derived * from Agemion, signifying a Stranger and Forreigner, but I scarcely believe the Bri∣tains or Gauls would borrow a Phoenician word to revile one of their own Nation.

This OGMIUS was represented (as may be seen in the foregoing Figure) An Old and decrepid Man, bald Pated, his Hair white, a wrinckled Skin, and Sun-burnt,*after the manner of Old Sea-men, a Globe in one hand, with a Compass in the other, to shew his excellent skill in Geometry and Astronomy.

There is but one place in Britain bearing his Name, and that is Hartlow; many Effigies of him have been dug out in several places, as at the Baths he was found * streyning two Snakes. All Hot Baths (according to Athenaeus) were consecrated to him; Likewise in Northumberland, near Risingham, two Altars were inscribed by * his Name, but these of later date than what I intend here to speak, and so I will pass them over.

He was pictured drawing a multitude of Men after him, with golden Chains pro∣ceeding from his Mouth, and fastned to their Ears, to shew his Eloquence. Likewise he was esteemed the God of Woers, as he gave good success to Lovers, upon which ac∣count he was named (as some think) Diodus, from Dioda, signifying in the Phoenician Tongue Love. But I rather think he might be called so from his wandring life, which word will bear the same Derivation as a Wanderer.

This is a brief account of the true Phoenician Hercules, called OGMIUS, as much as relates to our present purpose. As for his great Labours and Atchievments, I have purposely omitted, because they seem rather Allegories than real Actions, and require rather a skilful Mythologist, than an honest Historian.

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THE NAMES OF THE KINGS Of this Island, FROM SAMOTHES the first Ruler thereof, to the Entrance of the ROMANS.

The Celtick KINGS, under which SAMOTHEA, now BRITAIN, was contained.
SAMOTHES, the Founder of the Celtick Kingdom, A. M. 1910, named this Island SAMOTHEA, and Reigned46 Years.
Magus his Son,51
In his daies came ALBION the Great. 
Bardus the Second,37
Lucus Protector,11
Galathes the Second,48
Phranicus; In his daies King BRUTE is supposed to enter this Island. 

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The British Kings.
BRUTE, after his Arrival Reigned,24 Years.
Brute the Second, Sirnamed Green∣shield.12
Cordeilla, Queen,05
Cunedag and Margan,33
Silvius, whom I derive from the Trojans, not by Brute, but by the Silvii, Kings of Alba and Successors of AEneas, Reigned here in Britain,49
Ferrex and Porrex, the last of the Line of AEneas, whose Reign, and the Heptar∣chy that ensued on their deaths, under
  • Rudaucus, King of Wales,lasted
    Clotenus, King of Cornwal,
    Pinnor, King of Loegria,
    Statorius, King of Albania,
    Yevan, K. of Northumberland,
Belinus and Brennus,22
Silvius the Second, or Sisilius,15
Elanius, or Danius,10
Archigallo, deposed after he had Reign∣ed,01
Elidure his Brother,03
Archigallo restored,10
Elidurus again,01
Vigenius and Peridurus,09
Elidurus again,04
Porrex the Second,05
Dedantius, or Dedacus,05
Bleduus or Bladud,02

In the daies of his Sons, Audrogaeus and Theomantius, when Cassibelan their Unkle, usurped the Kingdom, Julius Caesar enter'd the Island.

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CHAP. X. The Celtick KINGS unto BRUTE.

VARRO divideth the Ages of the World into Three * great Periods;

  • The first, from the Creation to the Flood, * con∣taining MDCLVI, He calls "〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Obscure and Uncertain.
  • The second, from the Flood to the first Olympiad, Anno Mundi MMMCLXXXIX, He names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that * is, Fabulous.
  • The third Age, from the first Olympiad, and before Christ, 774, to the present Age, He terms '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that * is, Historical.

This division of Ages is generally received with such great approbation of Judg∣ment, that it is made use of to the utter overthrowing of all the BRITISH History, as taking its beginning Three hundred and thirty years besore the first Olympiad; But here it is to be considered, that in relation to the Greek and Latin Nations, the division of Fabulous and Historical Ages from those Periods is partly true, although in this also Authors differ.

Pliny makes the Historical Age of Greece not to begin till the One and fiftieth * Olympiad, and all the time before to be Fabulous, upon this account respect must be had to the Nations for which those Periods are designed, Had Varro lived, and written among the Jews, it would have obliged him (according to the Custome of that Nation) to have acknowledged every Age Historical, and not to have curtail'd their Histories to the fisty first of Uzziah, or the first of King Jotham, because then Iphitus began the Olympiads.

On the other side there has been Nations so ignorant and barbarous, that could not extend their Historical Ages beyond the daies of their Grandfathers, and all the time preceding was rather absolutely Obscure than Fabulous, so that respect must be had to the Learning of every Nation, their several waies and methods of Re∣cording the Actions of their Ancestors, and the advantages some People might have above others. For this very cause, the measuring of the British Histories are not so strictly to be examined by the Standards of other Nations, neither can they abso∣lutely be rejected upon that account, without manifest Injustice done to them.

It is certain the Britains had their Bards and Druids, and Traded very early with two Learned Nations, the Phoenicians and Graecians; Their Priests had peculiar Me∣thods of composing and rehearsing the Lives of Famous persons, and so continued their Memories to Posterity by mystical Rythms and Numbers. Neither can it be gathered out of Caesar, that any Law or Superstitious usage of the Druids, obliged the Britains not to transmit to Posterity the memorable Actions of their Ancestors. All that was forbidden, was the divulging in writing the mysterious Doctrines and Ceremonies of their Religion, but in most matters else, both private and publick, a∣mongst which History is one; the Greek Tongue was allowed them, neither could the same Policy which restrained them in Religious matters, have any weight as to move them to keep the People in ignörance and darkness, as touching the knowledge of Times and Ages.

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So, that although in the British Histories there are many things altogether impos∣sible, others very improbable and fabulous (as indeed, what Histories are free from such Vices?) yet because there may be a great many Truths couched under those Fables, I have thought it not amiss to give an account of them, partly upon that very Rea∣son, and partly, because many Judicious Persons do not utterly reject them.

In the progress of the History, I shall make some reflections upon the most ob∣servable Circumstances, as they carry either the appearance of Truth, or the marks of Falshood and Forgery, contenting my self that this Chronicle be divided (as the Ages of the World since the Flood) into Fabulous and Historical, following rather the Ancient Custome, in yielding something to the Zeal of Antiquity, whereby the Original of Nations is made more venerable, than by erring on the other hand, to bring the Antiquity of a Nation lower than its just proportion.

Yet, in following of the Judgment of Varro, I have ventured to bring down the Genealogy of SILVIUS, or Sisillius, who is supposed to Reign in Britain about * the first Olympiad, in another Method than hitherto hath been done; And if the Progeny of AEneas must needs be granted to govern this Island, I shall shew that it is far more probable to suppose him the First rather than BRUTE, whose Name was never known in Alba or Rome, till the first Consul, by a feigned stupidity, had contracted it, so that it is not likely that the name of Brutus could be given as a disgrace to the Consul, which before had been an Honourable Title of one of their Princes Sons.

But referring the disquisition of this matter to its proper place, I will begin with the most Fabulous part, namely, the GELTICK Kings, as they are deli∣vered by Berosus, or, as Mr. Selden saith, Fathered upon him by Annius I'iterbiensis,* and thrust into the World under the specious name of a Chaldaean Priest, to which I will add the Succession from Bardus out of Count Palatine, not yet extant in the English Tongue. We must understand therefore, that

NOAH divided the Earth into three Parts, according to the number of his Sons, giving SHEM the possession of that part now called Asia, to HAM or *CHAM, Africa, and to his Eldest Son JAPHET, Europe, and all the Islands appertaining to it, of which BRITAIN was the Chief.

JAPHET divided Europe among his Sons; Mesech for his Lot, received all * the Countries lying between the River Rhyne, and the Pyraenean Mountains; He is supposed to be called SAMOTHES, and DIS, and is made the founder of the Celtick Kingdom. Others make these Parts to have been Peopled first by Gomer, and asterwards driven out of their Seats by Samothes.

It would be endless to trace all the Absurdities and Contradictions herein con∣tained, seeing that MESECH, the Son of Japhet, is supposed upon better grounds, to be the Father of the Moschi, and GOMER not of the Gauls but *Phrygians, his latter Mistake arising from not distinguishing that People in Gallia, their Ancient Possession, and in Phrygia, their after Conquests.

Now, as in all Forgeries there must be some marks of Truth to carry it out, so this Samothes must be called Dis, because Caesar writes that the Gauls derived their * Original from Dis Pater, or Father Dis.

His name Samothes is given him, because he must be made the Father of a Sect falsly called (as Mr. Selden proves) Samothei for Semnothei.

H. Stephanus, quoted by Mr. Selden, gives the Original of their Name two waies, * either because they had alwaies in their mouths 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or because they seem'd like venerable Deities, the former opinion Stephanus follows, and Mr. Selden the latter.

The Custome of the Gauls and Britains, in measuring their Time by Nights and not Daies (as is reported by Caesar) is fathered upon this Prince by Basingstoak, a * Count Palatine. He is reported also to excel in the knowledge of Coelestial Bo∣dies, the course and motion of the Stars, and the nature of Inferiour Creatures, with all the Sciences Moral and Politick, and to have delivered the same in Phoenician Characters.

From Him this Island is feigned to be called SAMOTHEA. He began his * Reign, Anno Mundi MDCCCCX, according to Basingstoak, and so reigned six and forty years.

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MAGUS his Son succeeded him, a Prince no doubt, by his Name, excellently skill'd in the Art of Magick, and so we find him named the Founder of the Magi in Persia, and this is grounded upon that Hyperbolical saying in Pliny, namely, That the *Britains were so addicted to the Art of Magick, that the Persians might seem to have learnt it from them. And this is ground enough for a bold and confident Writer to say no worse of Annius, to create this Prince Magus, who being granted to Reign in these Parts, we have a Founder of those many Cities ending in Magus or Magum, both in Britain and Gaul, as Sitomagus, Neomagus, &c.

This King first reduced Men into distinct Tribes and Cities, whereas before they lived dispersed in Woods and Mountains; He first brought in Propriety, and set out bounds and limits of Grounds, all which he performed by his wonderful Eloquence, perswading the Barbarous People to the conveniencies of such distinctions.

He is supposed to have begun his Reign Anno Mundi MDCCCCLVI, and to have Reigned fifty one years, leaving his Kindgom to his Sou

SARRON, the third King of the Britains and Celts. He was not famous for any new Laws (as Stephanus Forcatulus, quoted by Mr. Selden, witnesseth) but for esta∣blishing * the Constitutions of his Father and Grand-father, under severe Penalties, to which purpose he is said to have reduced them into one Volume, and to have erected Publick places for Students.

He is seigned to be the Founder of the Sect of the Sarronides, when indeed the Sarronides were but another name for the Druids, as appeareth by the derivation of their Name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Oak, as likewise by the de∣scription *Diodorus gives of them, namely, that without the Sarronides, no Sacrifice either publick or private, could be rightly performed, which is the very same Caesar writes of the Druids, so that we see this King and the following Druids should be the same Person.

The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from whence the name Druid is derived, proceeded from the Oaks that grew in the Plain of *Mamre, under which, in times past, those Religious Men called Druids, to whom the office of Priesthood was committed, lived most devoutly. That it was a holy place we read in Genesis, that blessed Abraham dwelt among the Oaks of Mamre, where he pitched his Tent, and built a Tabernacle and Altar unto the Lord, in which he offered Rams, Geats, Calves, &c. in Sacrifice, and moreover that he performed there all other Sacerdotal Rites and Ceremonies appertaining to his Priestly-office in those daies; From these Oaks of Mamre (which some call otherwise Palm Trees) sprang the Original Sect of Druids, which reached up as high as Abrahams time, and it is positively recorded by some Authentick Authors, that the Druid Colledges flourished also very eminently in the daies of Hermio, a German Prince, which happened not long after Abrahams death; This I esteem to be very much assisting to a clearer proof and evidence of the Antiquity of that Sect, whom I do make appear were Ancient Priests and Governours in Ecclesiastical and Civil matters in this Nation; And by Reason Abraham lived under those Oaks of Mamre so piously, the Druids in Example thereof (although degenerating from the true sub∣stance and intent of so good an Example) chose Groves of Oaks under which they performed all the invented Rites and Ceremonies belonging to their Religion.

To speak further, we must confidently (according to the Rule and Method of the British History) believe Sarron to have Reigned as a British King, from Anno Mundi MMVII, to MMLXVIII, when being Ambitious to extend his Empire, he ended his life and kingdom, and now we hear of Druis his Son.

DRUIS the Son of Sarron, or as Basing stochius writes, his Grand-son, by his Son Namnes who died before him, succeeded in the Kingdom. He is made the Au∣thor of the Druids, a famous Sect of Philosophers, he began his Reign Anno Mundi MMLXVIII, and held the Government but fourteen years. Then

BARDUS the Son of Druis, next entered upon the Kingdom. This is the King of Poets. Musicians and Heralds called from him Bardi, they were very much given to composing of Genealogies, and rehearsing them in publick Assemblies, but notwithstanding their great skill in this matter, we see they have the mis∣fortune to be put after the Druids in Succession, whereas, in the fore-going An∣tiquities, it is probably made out, they were an Ancienter Order than they in Bri∣tain.

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This Bardus began his Reign Anno Mundi MMLXXXII, and possest the Scepter seventy five years.

Now, who would not have thought BRITAIN, or SAMOTHEA, an happy Island, having so many Philosophers for their Kings, but see the mischief of it. Let Samothes, Magus, Sarron and Druis, teach never so Divinely, and Bardus Sing or Pipe never so sweetly, yet the People will be Adders still, there is no re∣claiming of the Multitude; No wonder therefore, that giving themselves to a loose and luxurious life, and not keeping up to the strict Rules that had been prescribed to them, they were the sooner conquered and subdued by the Giant Albion, so that Samothea was wrested from the Celts, the Line of Japhet, and brought in subjection to the Progeny of Ham.

Now it is that stories complain of the miserable Thraldom of this Island by the Sons of Neptune, and the delivery of it in part by the death of Albion, slain by Hercules, though long after it was molested by Giants until the Arrival of Brutus, all which Circumstances I will pass over, not because they are more Fabulous than the rest, but because they seem (if they were well timed and cleared of all the Ignorant Rubbish, that by age and malice of Writers has over-burthened them) to carry some foot-steps of the Phoenicians in this Island, who were Men of exceeding proportion, and of the Linage of Ham, and early Traders into these Parts.

Likewise the story of Dioclesian, or, as Mr. Hollinshead corrects it, Danaus his * Daughter, I will omit, as too tedious a Fable, and so proceed to the succession of the Celtick Kingdom, of which Britain is feigned a part. This I do not for Truths sake, but Convenience; It follows therefore out of Basin∣stoak:*

LONGHO, the Son of Bardus, succeeded him in the Kindom of the Celtae.

He made War upon Scandia, and gave name to the Longo Bards, who afterwards proceeded from that Country. I pass over, how ridiculously and against all Geo∣graphy, Scandia, by Basinstochius, is placed about the Coasts of Britain, and made an Island.

These are small faults; He begun his Reign Anno Mundi MMCLVII, and reigned twenty eight years.

BARDUS the Second succeeded him; He carried Musick into Germany, which had been first taught in Celtica by his Grand-father. He Reigned seven and thirty years, and left a young Son called Celtes, who being not ripe enough to Ad∣minister the Kingdom,

LUCUS was elected King, who Reigned but Eleven years, and then,

CELTES assumed the Crown; From this Prince the Celtae took their Deno∣mination. His Mother was called Galathea, in honour of whose Memory he gave that name to his Daughter, and afterwards married her to Hercules, by whom she had a Son named Galathes, from whom the Galli are derived. He reigned but thirteen years, and then

HERCULES and GALATHEA succeeded. This Hercules built Alexia, and passing the Alpes, he gave his younger Son Tuscus the Kingdom of Italy, and his elder Son Galathes the Celtick Dominion. The first Prince reigned nineteen years; Galathes held the Kingdom of the Celts forty nine years, and then left it to his Son

NARBON, the Son of Galathes, during his Fathers life had the Island of Sa∣mothea intrusted to his Government, but after the death of his Father he passed into Gallia, and there built a City after his own Name, he reigned eighteen years.

LUGDUS his Son succeeded him; he built Lugdunum and reigned fifty one years.

BELIGIUS followed, who gave name to the Belgae, formerly called Beligici, he died without Issue after he had reigned twenty years, and the Kingdom of the Celts devolved on

JASIUS. This Prince was of the Line of Hercules, and the year before was crea∣ted King of Italy, so that the two Kingdoms of Celtica and Italy were conjoyned in Page  151 one Man, Anno Mundi MMCCCLXXXIV. This raised Envy in his Brother Dardanus, who began a Civil-War, but not being able to prevail by force of Arms, he had re∣course unto Policy, so that feigning Reconciliation with his Brother, he takes all his Goods, and Shipping them, enters into his Brothers Palace, and there Murthers him as he was Bathing, this being effected, he flies into Samothrace, afterwards into Phrygia. Jasius had a Son named

CORYBANTUS, he succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of Italy, but not of the Caeltes. Jasius reigned fifty years.

ALLOBROX, of the line of Hercules, obtained the Kingdom of the Celti, he Reigned sixty eight years, and

ROMUS his Son succeeded him, he Governed twenty nine years.

PARIS the Son of Romus Ruled thirty nine years.

LEMANES the Son of Paris Reigned sixty seven years.

OLBIUS the Son of Lemanes Reigned five years. From this Olbius, Basinsto∣chius derives Albion, the Name of this Island.

GALATHES the Second succeeded him, and Reigned eight and forty years.

NAMNES followed and Governed forty four years, and being about to end his daies he bequeathed the Kingdom to his Son Remus.

REMUS the Son of Namnes Reigned forty years. He left only a Daughter, which he had married before to Phranicus, a Prince of the Blood of Hector.

PHRANICUS held the Scepter in right of his Wife, but leaving Samothea to be Governed by the Druids, he betook himself to the Continent called by his Name, France, so that the Britains readily received King BRUTUS at his Arrival into this Island, as is pretended by those who desired to claim an honourable Title from that Race of the Trojans.

This is the account of the Celtick Kings before BRUTE, according to Berosus and Basinstochius; Who can but wonder at the exact and punctual Chronology in * things of so vast a distance, the Religious care of the Historiographers, lest the mi∣nutest Circumstances should be omitted? Who can but admire at their ingenious Con∣trivances, least the Reigns of these things should want some diverting Circumstances, and their Governments run dully without the usual rubs of Ambition and Usurpation. If we seriously consider these matters, we may easily find that the Government of these Princes began not many hundred years ago. The Opinion of Isacius Tzetzes,* concerning imaginary Regions in the British Seas was never more true, then when we consider these Aiery Princes, and their phantastical Governments, so that hitherto we find rather an History of Utopia than Britain.

From Samothes his Reign, beginning An. Mundi MDCCCCX, which is 254 years after the Flood, to the end of Phranicus his Reign, are 945 years, so that the Entrance of Brute into this Island, according to this account, is in the year of the World MMDCCCLV, and after the Flood 1199 years; But, as if there were some great truth in this matter that required wonderful Exactness, we find much variance in Authors.

Berosus makes Samothes's Kingdom about 152 years after the Flood, and that it continued 335 years in his Posterity. Mr. Hollinshead saies, 310, and then Albion* Arrived, but from Samothes to the end of Bardus his Reign, is but 247 years, so that here a vast Inter-regnum is made between Bardus and Albion; Besides, the diffe∣rences between 254 and 152 years, in which Samothes is said to begin his Kingdom, cuts short the seventy five years of Bardus his Reign, which are assigned him by the Count Palatine.

The Entrance of Brute, according to this Computation, differs something from * that which is generally received, namely, That he arrived at this Island in the year of the World 2887, and after the Flood 1231, in the Eighteenth year of Eli his Priesthood, and before Christ 1059. And here Mr. Speed comes upon Brutes Hi∣story with his Scripture Chronology, like a Goliah, Let us see to what purpose. Brute (saith he) is the fourth discent from AEneas, namely thus, AEneas, Ascanius, Silvius, Brutus. Now allowing, favourably, according to Herodotus (and I add according * to the Britains) Thirty years for a Generation, we shall find (that if Brute entred this Isle Anno Mundi 2887) that the Trojan War in the daies of AEneas, happened Anno Mundi 2768, in the Eight and thirtieth year of Gideons Government.

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But this cannot be saies Mr. Speed; why not? Because (saies he) Clemens Alexan∣drinus *alleadged out of Pergamenus and Letus, placeth the Trojan War fully Two hun∣dred and thirty years after, namely, in the Reign of King Solomon, so that Brute en∣tred not this Island in Ely's Priesthood, but in the Usurpation of Juda's Kingdom by Athaliah, in the year of the World 3118. and so we see Brutes Antiquity cut off Two hundred and thirty years. O wonderful exactness in Chronology! will any one hence∣forth be able to defend Brutes History? no certainly, especially if they consider the deadly blow that is coming. Josephus (saies he) confidently affirms, he is able to prove by Phoenician Records, that the City Carthage was built by Dido, Sister to Pig∣maleon, 155 years after the Reign of King Hiram, which was Solomons Friend, and 143 years and eight months after the building of his most beautiful Temple.

Now Dido and AEneas, according to Virgil, were contemporary. By this compu∣tation * we find Troys destruction fell out about the twentieth year of Joash his Reign over Judah, which was in the year of the Worlds Creation 3143, to which if we add One hundred and twenty years for the Four discents from AEneas to Brute, then will Brutes Conquest of this Island fall with the twelfth of Jothams Reign, in Anno Mundi 3263, and thus we see Brute hath miserably lost again 375 years of his An∣tiquity.

The greatest loss is to follow, and here it is that Mr. Speed saies, that he has made a deep breach into Brute's History. Manethon (saies he) the Historian, Priest of* Egyt, in his second Book cited by Josephus, affirmeth, that the Israelites departure from AEgypt was almost 1000 years before the Wars of Troy, and this, Mr. Speed saith, Josephus* seems to allow; By this measure Brute is lessened 752 years, but I would fain know why he thinks Josephus allows this Computation, when as before Josephus is brought in confidently maintaining another Account, and that out of the Phoenician Annals. Josephus might allow this Computation of Manethon the Egyptian perhaps according to the Egyptian manner of Years, which consisted of three Months, and so the 1000 years will (in reality) be but 250, effectually.

But what makes all this against Brute, whose time depends upon the timing of the Trojan War, for can any one be so mad or simple, as by any Scripture Computation to bring down the War of Troy below the daies of Alexander, and almost equalling it with the Punick. Clemens Alexandrinus might erre in this Chronology, and Virgil is generally reproved for making AEneas and Dido contemporary. The Trojan War it self is so disputable, that who can expect an exact timing of it. If the Author that Jeffery of Monmouth pretends to have translated, did place the Entrance of Brute under the Priesthood of Ely, it was a fancy grounded upon some Computation of his own, which whether it be true or false, concerns not the question of Brutes Arrival, who knew not, and consequently, could not deliver down his Entrance in the Priest∣hood of Ely?

There are too many Circumstances that condemn the story of Brute, and it is vain to confute an Author in a small matter, whereas greater things may be laid to his charge, like him, who declaiming against Nero, insisted most in his defects in Musick; so if there were nothing to be said against Brutes and Samothes's stories but the ill harmony of Time, possibly they may be found as perfect in those points as most Hi∣stories. But the destroying of Brute by any Computation, is, as if one would by the same Weapons prove there was never a Trojan Horse, or Minerva's fatal Statue, and so I proceed to Brutes History.

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CHAP. XI. The History of BRUTE.

BRUTUS, Brito, or as the *Count Palatine calls him Brotus, is on all hands agreed to be the Off-spring of AEneas, but whe∣ther by his Wife Creusa, or Lavinia, there is great variance manifested in Authors.

To clear this Controversie, that the Reader may better judge of the whole matter, I will set down the Progeny of AEnaeas by both his Wives;


AEnaeas dying, he left his Kingdom to, Ascanius, whom he had by his first Wife Creusae. Lavinia his second Wife surviving and finding her self big with Child, be∣gan to dread the power of Ascanius, least the odious name of a Step-mother, and the jealousie of an half Brother, and Competitor in the Kingdom, might carry him on to some violence against her Person; Upon this she fled into the Woods, and was de∣livered of a Son, whom she named Silvius Posthumus, from the place of his Birth, and by reason he was born after the decease of his Father.

But, it seems (the People ill resenting the flight of Lavinia) Ascanius was obliged to re-call her, and giving to her and her Son the City Lavinium, he built Albae Longa, where he Reigned. At his death he bequeathed his Kingdom to his Son Iulus, between whom and Silvius, Controversies arose concerning the Right of Govern∣ment; at last it was found that the People inclined rather to Silvius, as being de∣scended of Lavinia the Daughter of Latinus, and inheriting the blood of the Tro∣jans and Latins, the whole Kingdom devolved on him. By this, Iulus was constrai∣ned to take up with the Priest-hood.

There is great uncertainty in Roman Authors concerning the Line of AEnaeas, and Livy doubts whether Iulus was the Son of AEneas by Creusa or Lavinia, but * this seemeth to be the clearest Genealogy.

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To this Genealogy, gathered out of Roman Authors, John of Weathamstead, Abbot * of St. Albaens, a right Judicious Man, had respect in his Censures long ago upon Brutes History, where he saith, That Ascanius begat no such Son as had for his pro∣per name SILVIUS, but left Issue an only Son Iulus, from whom the Family of the IULII afterwards proceeded, and that Silvius Posthumus (whom perhaps Jeoffery of Monmouth meaneth) was the Son of AEneas by his Wife Lavinia, who begat AE∣naeas Silvius, and in the Eight and thirtieth year of his Reign, ended his life by a Natural death. How therefore could he be slain by his Son Brute? or if any such thing had happened, how came so memorable an Accident to be omitted? This argues the story to be Poetical (as he saith) rather than Historical, and that Jeoffery, or whoever compiled it, was altogether ignorant of the Genealogy of AEnaeas, which will appear more evidently by the sequel. Let us see therefore to which Line our supposed Brute, can with most reason be referred.

The Author of the Book, which Jeoffery of Monmouth pretends to have translated, makes AEnaeas his Genealogy thus;


In this he seems to confound Silvius with Iulus, making them the same Persons, who indeed were but Competitors in the same Kingdom, so that Silvius in the Line of Lavinia, is brought into the Line of Creusa.

Others, to mend the matter, make Brute descend of AEnaeas and Lavinia, but then they bring Ascanius of the Line of Creusa in to the Line of Lavinia, and so make him the same with Silvius Posthumus, by that to have begotten Iulus the Father of Brute, whereas Silvius Posthumus begat Silvius AEnaeas, and was the Father of those many Silvii who succeeded in the Kingdom of Alba.

Hitherto we see Brute the Grandfather of AEnaeas by a mixt Genealogy, but Gyo∣nan Villani, cited by Mr. Hollinshead, brings his Line absolutely from AEnaeas and *Lavinia, and seems to make him the Grand-child of AEnaeas, by his Son Silvius Po∣sthumus, who (marrying the Neece of his Mother Lavinia) had Issue BRUTE so called because she died in Travail of him. I suppose he means Brotus, but how ridiculously 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is made to signifie any such thing, I leave it to the Judicious to determine.

But how comes it to pass, that he should flie his Country, fearing (as is said) his Grandfather Silvius Posthumus, when as there is no mention made in Gyonan Villani of another Silvius (in this Line) the Son of Silvius Posthumus, and the Father of Brute. However it comes to pass, Brute must be the Off-spring of AEneas, and we must not be too busie in asking questions, for if one demand, how the name of Brute, (which was afterwards given to the first Consul for his feigned Stupidity) to be a name of the Princes Son in the same Kingdom, it will be answered he was called Brotus, not Brutus, because his Mother died in Child-bed of him.

If it be asked, why he sted for the accidental killing his Father? the Count Pa∣latine saies, it is a mistake, for it was only a Rumour spread of him and the truth was rather by other discontents that he was moved to flight. If enquiry be made, how it comes to pass that the Latin Writers (who reckon up the Progeny of AEneas) and the Silvii, make not the least mention of him, and Gildas the Ancient Britain hath *Altum silentium in this point? The Reply is easie, That it is not the business of every Author to mention every particular, for the Romans contented themselves with what related to their own Nation, and Gildas made no mention of it, being a thing beyond dispute.

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For the present we will attend this BRUTE, the supposed Son of Silvius, with the same care and diligence we have done the Celtick Kings.

Being of the Age of fifteen he left his Country, and arriving at Greece, he found a number of the scattered Trojans, who lived under the Dommion of Pandrasus.* Finding them a discontented Party, he managed his Interest wisely with them (often inculcating the Nobility of their Ancestors, and the slavery of their present condi∣tion) he offered himself to be their Head and Leader, and so encouraged them to stand upon honourable Terms; They willingly embraced this motion, and many of them being in Authority under Pandrasus, revolted, and so brought over great Par∣ties with them.

BRUTE being thus strengthened, great numbers continually flockt to him, with encouragements to execute his designs; securing himself in Woods, and making sure to him many considerable Forts and strong Holds, but first writes a smart Let∣ter to Pandrasus, wherein he demands the liberty of his Trojans.

The King amazed at his sudden Imperiousness, but considering with calmer thoughts the Paucity of the Rebels, resolved (by force of Arms) to chastise their Arrogance, by reducing them to Obedience; In all haste he levies a considerable Power, and marching against him with greater heat than conduct, and supposing his Enemies to be hid in the Woods, near a Town called Sparatinum, he is set upon by Brute, who had three thousand of his well appointed Trojans in Ambuscado for that Expedition, so that Pandrasus his Army marching loosely, and without order or discipline (as if they had not expected an Enemy so near them) were quickly routed and put to flight.

Brute pursues his Victory to the River Akalon, in which many of the Graecians mise∣rably perished; Neither could the Courage of Antigonus, Brother to Pandrasus, pre∣vail, although he often, from small Parties, rallyed and made Head against the Ene∣my; for by the general Consternation of his Men he was defeated and taken Pri∣soner.

After this success, Brute entred Sparatinum, and placing a Garrison in it of six hundred Men, he returns with the rest of his Body into the Woods, bringing them the joyful News of his eminent Victories.

Pandrasus being overcome (with shame and sorrow, for the loss of his Brother and this unexpected Defeat) resolves at last, with a greater Power, and more care and circumspection, to renew the War. To this end, he gathers up his dispersed Soul∣diers, and with fresh supplies from all parts of his Kingdom, laies Siege to Sparati∣num, wherein he thought Brute in Person resided.

This Opinion made him carry on the Siege with more violence, storming it at several places at once, but finding greater resistance than he expected, altered his resolution, hoping to reduce them by want of Provisions, so that beleaguring the Town on all sides, with great impatience, expected a surrender.

The Garrison (by a private Messenger) signifying their mind to Brute, by way of Requests, for speedy Assistance, not being able to answer them with Forces, had recourse to Policy, swearing Anacletus, whom he had taken Prisoner, to be faithful to him; By the means of this Guide he marched by Night, and in the dark sets upon Pandrasus in his Trenches, which Enterprize took such good effect, that the King himself was made his Captive.

The excellent luck of this our HERO was attended with an honourable Peace, the Conditions of which are very observable, in that they were advantagious for Brute only, as I find no Consideration for the Kings satisfaction; The Articles were these.

That Brute should marry Innogen the Kings Daughter, and in consideration of her Dower, should have a Fleet given him, with liberty to transport all such as would be willing to follow his Fortunes, without the least let or molestation from the Graecians.

It is no wonder that we find not Antigonus included in these Articles, because it may be supposed he desired not Liberty, for who would not desire to follow so Happy a man as Brute, the Darling of Fortune, who could make those Terms with a Prince, and yet (as Mr. Hollinshead saith) never toucht the Prerogative of his * Kingdom.

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BRUTE, with his Wife Innogen embarks, and after two daies and one nights sail, arrived at an Island called Leogetia, or Lergetia, for Authors differ. Where this Island should be, let Geography it self speak, I am ignorant, but here it was that Brute first learnt to bend his Knee, and prostrating himself before the Oracle of Diana, he desired her to assign him some place for a fixt Habitation, in these words.

Diva Potens nemorum, terrestria jura resolve,
Dic certam sedem, quâ te Venerabor in avum.
Goddess of Woods, Terrestrial Rights foretel,
Assign some place, where I may happy dwell.

The GODDESS Answer,

BRUTE, sub occasum solis trans Gallica Regna,
Insula in Oceano est, habitata Gigantibus olim,
Ilanc pete, namque tibi sedes erit illa Perennis.
Hic de Prole tuâ, Reges nascentur: & ipsis
Totius terrae subditus Orbis erit.
BRUTE, in the West, beyond the Gallick Land,
An Isle of Old by Giants held, doth lie.
Go seek this out, for to thy Trojan Band
This is the place design'd, by Destiny.
Here from thy Loyns shall Kings proceed, and they
Over all Nations shall their Scepter sway.

This was delivered to him in a Dream, and I doubt for no other will it be taken, but, hoysing up his Sails, passes the Streights of Gibraltar, and Coasting on the Right hand, see the luck of it, he met with another Company of Trojans led thither by Antenor, lying upon the Tyrrhen Sea.

Mr. Hollinshead corrects this mistake in the British History, and will needs have it * the Pyraenean Sea; But, what had Antenor to do in the Ocean in the West of Spain? We read in History, that he brought his Colony to the Tyrrhen, but never to the Pyraenean Sea, so that here we find the late fortunate